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Her colleagues are depending on her — “we don’t want to put our pregnant coworkers or those who live with elderly people at risk,” she added — but the preparation is less intense than she expected, considering the risk involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/multimedia/video/2020/03/california-coronavirus-response-cases-test-kits/\">California’s coronavirus strategy\u003c/a> has moved from containment to mitigation, the health care workers on the first line of response to the epidemic are also finding themselves on the front line of potential infection. From internal conversations to calls for action from their unions, nurses, first responders and hospital staffers have sounded the alarm, raising questions about the safety protocols and spotlighting flaws and lags in response, in this state and nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nurses are eager to take care of patients and make sure that our communities are safe, but we need the right staffing, equipment, supplies, communication and training to do this safely,” Deborah Burger, president of the National Nurses United, which represents about 150,000 nurses around the country, said during a public health roundtable earlier this week. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Put simply if we are not protected, our patients are at risk,” Burger said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union has asked the state to notify nurses when patients sickened by the virus are sent to their health care facilities. They are also petitioning the state to release a full account of the protective gear in stock statewide, including respirators and information about where these respirators are stored, citing concerns over a shortage of respirators and other personal protective equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Deborah Burger, National Nurses United\"]'Nurses are eager to take care of patients and make sure that our communities are safe, but we need the right staffing, equipment, supplies, communication and training to do this safely.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nurses, who are staging a day of protest throughout California on Wednesday, say that some of the workplace safety guidelines for states recommended by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention are not rigorous enough to sufficiently protect health care workers and their patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the union released a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nationalnursesunited.org/press/survey-nations-frontline-registered-nurses-shows-hospitals-unprepared-covid-19\">nationwide survey\u003c/a> of 6,500 nurses in which only 29% said their hospitals had a plan in place to isolate potential coronavirus patients, and only 44% said they had gotten information from their employers about how to recognize and handle the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As sick people turn up in emergency rooms, community clinics and school nurses’ offices, the workers who initially treat them run a high risk of infection. After a Vacaville hospital reported the first U.S. instance of community transmission and the patient was transferred to UC Davis Medical Center in Sacramento, for example, health care workers’ unions reported 124 workers were placed under quarantine. (UC Davis Medical Center later said that number was inaccurate but did not provide an estimate.) Concerns have also been raised about health care workers inadvertently spreading the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Sonia Angell, director of the California Department of Public Health said her department is collaborating with all groups involved in response and checking regularly with hospitals and health care facilities to learn where their needs are. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom said Tuesday that the collaboration has extended to health care workers’ unions. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We certainly can strengthen those lines of communication but they are open lines of communication, very directly with the governor himself,” Newsom said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SEIU-United Healthcare Workers West, which represents nearly 150,000 workers across California, is also asking the state to help increase access to coronavirus testing for both workers and the general public. Spokesman Sean Wherley said the union also wants hospitals to make it easier to track workers sent home for possible exposure to the virus, and to provide clearer follow-up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were sent home as a precaution, but not all of them were tested before they were sent home, so what about the risk posed to their families?” Wherley said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='coronavirus']In California and nationally, testing has been an ongoing issue. Though thousands of Californians are self-monitoring and self-quarantining, only 1,075 people have been tested in the state, with a backlog of about 200 tests, Newsom said Tuesday. Commercial labs are supposed to help relieve some of that load. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workforce shortage is also a concern. “If each positive patient results in five to 10 workers being sent home, how many times can that happen before you have a staffing crisis?” Wherley said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Hospital Association said health care staffing hasn’t become an issue at this point, “but it is certainly something everybody has to be cognizant of,” said Jan Emerson-Shea, spokesperson for the group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The discussion has moved from containment to accepting the fact that this virus is here, so there is certainly some concern about how it will affect staff and the ability to continue operating,” she said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/03/04/governor-newsom-declares-state-of-emergency-to-help-state-prepare-for-broader-spread-of-covid-19/\">emergency declaration\u003c/a> earlier this month on coronavirus allows health care workers to come from out of state to fill any gaps should California experience a crisis in staffing. Still, state lawmakers — the majority of whom, like Newsom, were elected with the support of organized labor — have been sensitive to health care workplace concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Making sure we protect health care workers is extremely critical because we depend on these very same health care workers to take care of the patients who may end up in the hospital,” said state Sen. Richard Pan, chair of the Senate Health Committee. “If there are any resources [state public health officials] need, the Legislature would want to make sure they have those resources.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Health care has become a high-risk job in the wake of the coronavirus, and workers are nervous. In California, unions are rallying to the cause.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When the novel coronavirus hit California, Jamille Cabacungan, a registered nurse at UCSF Medical Center, rushed to sign up as a volunteer to treat infected patients. She hesitated to answer, however, when asked recently about her preparation for that job. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hospital is providing the necessary gear, she said, and more heightened training for some nurses. But not for all, and much of her training is coming from videos forwarded to her by the hospital, as opposed to hands-on learning-by-doing. Her colleagues are depending on her — “we don’t want to put our pregnant coworkers or those who live with elderly people at risk,” she added — but the preparation is less intense than she expected, considering the risk involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/multimedia/video/2020/03/california-coronavirus-response-cases-test-kits/\">California’s coronavirus strategy\u003c/a> has moved from containment to mitigation, the health care workers on the first line of response to the epidemic are also finding themselves on the front line of potential infection. From internal conversations to calls for action from their unions, nurses, first responders and hospital staffers have sounded the alarm, raising questions about the safety protocols and spotlighting flaws and lags in response, in this state and nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nurses are eager to take care of patients and make sure that our communities are safe, but we need the right staffing, equipment, supplies, communication and training to do this safely,” Deborah Burger, president of the National Nurses United, which represents about 150,000 nurses around the country, said during a public health roundtable earlier this week. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Put simply if we are not protected, our patients are at risk,” Burger said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union has asked the state to notify nurses when patients sickened by the virus are sent to their health care facilities. They are also petitioning the state to release a full account of the protective gear in stock statewide, including respirators and information about where these respirators are stored, citing concerns over a shortage of respirators and other personal protective equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nurses, who are staging a day of protest throughout California on Wednesday, say that some of the workplace safety guidelines for states recommended by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention are not rigorous enough to sufficiently protect health care workers and their patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the union released a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nationalnursesunited.org/press/survey-nations-frontline-registered-nurses-shows-hospitals-unprepared-covid-19\">nationwide survey\u003c/a> of 6,500 nurses in which only 29% said their hospitals had a plan in place to isolate potential coronavirus patients, and only 44% said they had gotten information from their employers about how to recognize and handle the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As sick people turn up in emergency rooms, community clinics and school nurses’ offices, the workers who initially treat them run a high risk of infection. After a Vacaville hospital reported the first U.S. instance of community transmission and the patient was transferred to UC Davis Medical Center in Sacramento, for example, health care workers’ unions reported 124 workers were placed under quarantine. (UC Davis Medical Center later said that number was inaccurate but did not provide an estimate.) Concerns have also been raised about health care workers inadvertently spreading the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Sonia Angell, director of the California Department of Public Health said her department is collaborating with all groups involved in response and checking regularly with hospitals and health care facilities to learn where their needs are. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom said Tuesday that the collaboration has extended to health care workers’ unions. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We certainly can strengthen those lines of communication but they are open lines of communication, very directly with the governor himself,” Newsom said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SEIU-United Healthcare Workers West, which represents nearly 150,000 workers across California, is also asking the state to help increase access to coronavirus testing for both workers and the general public. Spokesman Sean Wherley said the union also wants hospitals to make it easier to track workers sent home for possible exposure to the virus, and to provide clearer follow-up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were sent home as a precaution, but not all of them were tested before they were sent home, so what about the risk posed to their families?” Wherley said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In California and nationally, testing has been an ongoing issue. Though thousands of Californians are self-monitoring and self-quarantining, only 1,075 people have been tested in the state, with a backlog of about 200 tests, Newsom said Tuesday. Commercial labs are supposed to help relieve some of that load. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workforce shortage is also a concern. “If each positive patient results in five to 10 workers being sent home, how many times can that happen before you have a staffing crisis?” Wherley said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Hospital Association said health care staffing hasn’t become an issue at this point, “but it is certainly something everybody has to be cognizant of,” said Jan Emerson-Shea, spokesperson for the group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The discussion has moved from containment to accepting the fact that this virus is here, so there is certainly some concern about how it will affect staff and the ability to continue operating,” she said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/03/04/governor-newsom-declares-state-of-emergency-to-help-state-prepare-for-broader-spread-of-covid-19/\">emergency declaration\u003c/a> earlier this month on coronavirus allows health care workers to come from out of state to fill any gaps should California experience a crisis in staffing. Still, state lawmakers — the majority of whom, like Newsom, were elected with the support of organized labor — have been sensitive to health care workplace concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Making sure we protect health care workers is extremely critical because we depend on these very same health care workers to take care of the patients who may end up in the hospital,” said state Sen. Richard Pan, chair of the Senate Health Committee. “If there are any resources [state public health officials] need, the Legislature would want to make sure they have those resources.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Los Angeles County Eliminates Criminal Fees. Will California Follow?",
"title": "Los Angeles County Eliminates Criminal Fees. Will California Follow?",
"headTitle": "CALmatters | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Los Angeles County will stop billing people millions of dollars a year for the costs of their incarceration in an effort to lighten the financial burden on former inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors voted unanimously Tuesday to \u003ca href=\"http://file.lacounty.gov/SDSInter/bos/supdocs/144092.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">eliminate all criminal administrative fees\u003c/a> over which the county has discretion after hearing testimony from dozens of formerly incarcerated residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county is the fourth in California to eliminate the fees. If a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB144\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">bill\u003c/a> introduced in the state Senate is approved, the rest of California could soon follow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most of the people who have contact with the criminal justice system are already struggling to make ends meet,” said Supervisor Hilda Solis, who co-wrote the measure. “It’s most definitely not the purpose of the justice system to punish poor people for their poverty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the fees that Los Angeles will no longer collect are a monthly $155 charge for probation supervision, $769 for a pre-sentence report, $50 for alcohol testing and legal counsel fees that can reach hundreds of dollars, according to a\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/sites/default/files/aclu_socal_costs_of_injustice.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> November report\u003c/a> from a coalition of criminal justice reform advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just never-ending. It’s a revolving door of fees and stipulations,” Cynthia Blake told the supervisors. A mother of seven, Blake said she was homeless when she was assessed more than $5,000 in probation fees nearly a decade ago. Unable to pay, she “ducked and dodged” the probation department, ultimately ending up in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote followed a \u003ca href=\"http://file.lacounty.gov/SDSInter/bos/bc/1065611_121319.B101299.FinesandFees.bm.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">December report\u003c/a> from the county’s Chief Executive Office finding that the county assessed an average of $121 million in fines and fees each year since 2014, but collected about $11.4 million annually, or 9%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Including all fees, fines and restitution, Los Angeles still has over $1.8 billion in outstanding debt on the books, dating back 50 years. The measure doesn’t touch restitution or fees and fines required by state law, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county’s \u003ca href=\"https://ceo.lacounty.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/2019-20-Final-Adopted-Budget-Charts.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2019-2020 budget\u003c/a> for public protection — which includes the Sheriff’s Department, which operates county jails, probation and the courts — is $8.9 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles follows the lead of San Francisco, Alameda and Contra Costa counties, which have passed similar measures in the past two years. More than 30% of California’s nearly 73,000 jailed inmates and 356,000 probationers reside in the four counties that have eliminated fees, according to data from the \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/profile/kstevens#!/vizhome/ACJROctober2013/About\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Board of State and Community Corrections\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/profile/oconnellresearch#!/vizhome/ChiefProbationOfficersofCaliforniaAnnualDataSurvey_0/CPOCProbationSurvey\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Chief Probation Officers of California\u003c/a>. Another 127,000 inmates are in state prisons and 45,000 are on state-run parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803106\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-large wp-image-11803106\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-2-1020x765.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-2-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-2-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-2-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-2-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-2-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Angeles County Supervisor Hilda Solis (right) authored the measure to eliminate the fees. \u003ccite>(Jackie Botts/CalMatter)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The supervisors also resolved to write Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislators in support of Senate Bill 144, which would eliminate several of the most common and costly criminal administrative fees charged by counties and the state prison system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are further hampering an already fragile family or community economically,” said state Sen. Holly Mitchell, a Los Angeles Democrat who authored the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is opposed by counties and law enforcement groups, which say that eliminating fees would leave gaping funding holes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the problems is that the Legislature passes laws that have to be paid for ... When they didn’t want to use general funds, they allowed it to be done as a fine or fee,” said Darby Kernan, deputy executive director of the California State Association of Counties. “That’s what holds the system together, and minus those dollars, the system will collapse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kernan pointed to a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB1046\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2016 state law that required\u003c/a> people convicted of driving under the influence to install in their cars an interlock device — a breathalyzer that must be passed to turn on the ignition — and pay an administrative fee to cover the cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Mitchell urged the governor to recognize that criminal fees are a “self-defeating, anemic source of revenue,” in a statement Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If LA can afford it, California can to,” Mitchell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles’ move may bode well for Mitchell’s bill, if history is an indication. The county was a trendsetter when it \u003ca href=\"http://file.lacounty.gov/SDSInter/bos/supdocs/48284.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">stopped charging fees to parents\u003c/a> for their kids’ time in the juvenile justice system in 2009. Three Bay Area counties followed, Mitchell introduced a bill to do so statewide and in 2018, California became the first state in the nation to abolish juvenile fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that law didn’t do away with preexisting debt from the juvenile fees. While most counties, including Los Angeles, stopped collecting the old fees from parents, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-counties-still-collecting-juvenile-justice-fee-debt-from-parents/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">22 counties haven’t\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both the Los Angeles ordinance and Mitchell’s proposal make old administrative fees uncollectible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803107\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-large wp-image-11803107\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-3-1020x764.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"479\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-3-1020x764.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-3-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-3-800x599.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-3-1920x1439.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-3-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-3-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-3-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-3-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-3-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marquies Nunez has struggled to pay off his county criminal justice fees. \u003ccite>(Jackie Botts/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That could make a big difference for Marquies Nunez. When the 28 year old finished a 13-year sentence four months ago, he received a new bill for $1,000 from Los Angeles County. That was on top of the $12,000 he already owed in restitution fees, $2,000 of which he had paid off by working for 30 to 60 cents per hour while imprisoned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was actually devastated and hurt ... knowing that I worked so hard while I was in jail to pay off my restitution and now here it is, I got bumped up an extra $1,000,” Nunez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Los Angeles’ vote, Nunez is optimistic about spreading the wave of reform to the rest of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We’re going in the right direction. We got a good governor, we got good people outside here voting for these laws, good people in the Senate,” Nunez said. “We’ve got a bright future ahead of us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Jackie Botts is a reporter with CalMatters. This article is part of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/divide/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The California Divide\u003c/a>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Los Angeles County will stop billing people millions of dollars a year for the costs of their incarceration in an effort to lighten the financial burden on former inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors voted unanimously Tuesday to \u003ca href=\"http://file.lacounty.gov/SDSInter/bos/supdocs/144092.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">eliminate all criminal administrative fees\u003c/a> over which the county has discretion after hearing testimony from dozens of formerly incarcerated residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county is the fourth in California to eliminate the fees. If a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB144\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">bill\u003c/a> introduced in the state Senate is approved, the rest of California could soon follow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most of the people who have contact with the criminal justice system are already struggling to make ends meet,” said Supervisor Hilda Solis, who co-wrote the measure. “It’s most definitely not the purpose of the justice system to punish poor people for their poverty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the fees that Los Angeles will no longer collect are a monthly $155 charge for probation supervision, $769 for a pre-sentence report, $50 for alcohol testing and legal counsel fees that can reach hundreds of dollars, according to a\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/sites/default/files/aclu_socal_costs_of_injustice.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> November report\u003c/a> from a coalition of criminal justice reform advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just never-ending. It’s a revolving door of fees and stipulations,” Cynthia Blake told the supervisors. A mother of seven, Blake said she was homeless when she was assessed more than $5,000 in probation fees nearly a decade ago. Unable to pay, she “ducked and dodged” the probation department, ultimately ending up in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote followed a \u003ca href=\"http://file.lacounty.gov/SDSInter/bos/bc/1065611_121319.B101299.FinesandFees.bm.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">December report\u003c/a> from the county’s Chief Executive Office finding that the county assessed an average of $121 million in fines and fees each year since 2014, but collected about $11.4 million annually, or 9%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Including all fees, fines and restitution, Los Angeles still has over $1.8 billion in outstanding debt on the books, dating back 50 years. The measure doesn’t touch restitution or fees and fines required by state law, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county’s \u003ca href=\"https://ceo.lacounty.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/2019-20-Final-Adopted-Budget-Charts.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2019-2020 budget\u003c/a> for public protection — which includes the Sheriff’s Department, which operates county jails, probation and the courts — is $8.9 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles follows the lead of San Francisco, Alameda and Contra Costa counties, which have passed similar measures in the past two years. More than 30% of California’s nearly 73,000 jailed inmates and 356,000 probationers reside in the four counties that have eliminated fees, according to data from the \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/profile/kstevens#!/vizhome/ACJROctober2013/About\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Board of State and Community Corrections\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/profile/oconnellresearch#!/vizhome/ChiefProbationOfficersofCaliforniaAnnualDataSurvey_0/CPOCProbationSurvey\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Chief Probation Officers of California\u003c/a>. Another 127,000 inmates are in state prisons and 45,000 are on state-run parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803106\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-large wp-image-11803106\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-2-1020x765.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-2-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-2-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-2-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-2-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-2-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Angeles County Supervisor Hilda Solis (right) authored the measure to eliminate the fees. \u003ccite>(Jackie Botts/CalMatter)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The supervisors also resolved to write Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislators in support of Senate Bill 144, which would eliminate several of the most common and costly criminal administrative fees charged by counties and the state prison system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are further hampering an already fragile family or community economically,” said state Sen. Holly Mitchell, a Los Angeles Democrat who authored the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is opposed by counties and law enforcement groups, which say that eliminating fees would leave gaping funding holes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the problems is that the Legislature passes laws that have to be paid for ... When they didn’t want to use general funds, they allowed it to be done as a fine or fee,” said Darby Kernan, deputy executive director of the California State Association of Counties. “That’s what holds the system together, and minus those dollars, the system will collapse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kernan pointed to a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB1046\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2016 state law that required\u003c/a> people convicted of driving under the influence to install in their cars an interlock device — a breathalyzer that must be passed to turn on the ignition — and pay an administrative fee to cover the cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Mitchell urged the governor to recognize that criminal fees are a “self-defeating, anemic source of revenue,” in a statement Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If LA can afford it, California can to,” Mitchell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles’ move may bode well for Mitchell’s bill, if history is an indication. The county was a trendsetter when it \u003ca href=\"http://file.lacounty.gov/SDSInter/bos/supdocs/48284.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">stopped charging fees to parents\u003c/a> for their kids’ time in the juvenile justice system in 2009. Three Bay Area counties followed, Mitchell introduced a bill to do so statewide and in 2018, California became the first state in the nation to abolish juvenile fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that law didn’t do away with preexisting debt from the juvenile fees. While most counties, including Los Angeles, stopped collecting the old fees from parents, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-counties-still-collecting-juvenile-justice-fee-debt-from-parents/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">22 counties haven’t\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both the Los Angeles ordinance and Mitchell’s proposal make old administrative fees uncollectible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803107\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-large wp-image-11803107\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-3-1020x764.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"479\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-3-1020x764.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-3-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-3-800x599.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-3-1920x1439.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-3-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-3-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-3-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-3-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CRIMINAL-FEES-photo-3-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marquies Nunez has struggled to pay off his county criminal justice fees. \u003ccite>(Jackie Botts/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That could make a big difference for Marquies Nunez. When the 28 year old finished a 13-year sentence four months ago, he received a new bill for $1,000 from Los Angeles County. That was on top of the $12,000 he already owed in restitution fees, $2,000 of which he had paid off by working for 30 to 60 cents per hour while imprisoned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was actually devastated and hurt ... knowing that I worked so hard while I was in jail to pay off my restitution and now here it is, I got bumped up an extra $1,000,” Nunez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Los Angeles’ vote, Nunez is optimistic about spreading the wave of reform to the rest of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We’re going in the right direction. We got a good governor, we got good people outside here voting for these laws, good people in the Senate,” Nunez said. “We’ve got a bright future ahead of us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Jackie Botts is a reporter with CalMatters. This article is part of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/divide/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The California Divide\u003c/a>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "California’s Phil Ting Tilts at Windmills — Ban Gas-Powered Cars! — Hoping to Start a Conversation",
"title": "California’s Phil Ting Tilts at Windmills — Ban Gas-Powered Cars! — Hoping to Start a Conversation",
"headTitle": "CALmatters | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Dale Carnegie could have been talking about Phil Ting when the positive-thinking guru said, decades ago, “Most of the important things in the world have been accomplished by people who have kept on trying when there seemed to be no hope at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting is that person. Sometimes he’s the California Assembly’s Don Quixote, chasing seemingly impossible dreams. He has tried to persuade skeptical colleagues to punish companies that do business with the Trump administration and to tell Californians to park their gas-fueled cars forever — even as he performs the more practical task of managing the Assembly’s purse strings as chairman of the powerful budget committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some practitioners, political accomplishment is a zero-sum proposition, with success measured by wins — legislation signed into law — and losses — bills that may die a lonely death in committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Ting doesn’t see his work that way. He’s playing the long game. It’s a win, says Ting — a key figure in California’s fight to slash auto emissions in the battle against climate change and — if his legislation does nothing more than start a conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d much rather raise the issue and have people pay attention,” he says. “Sometimes behavior changes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803067\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11803067 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/TING-photo-2-1-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/TING-photo-2-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/TING-photo-2-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/TING-photo-2-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/TING-photo-2-1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ting confers with fellow San Francisco Democrat David Chiu. \u003ccite>(Robbie Short/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ting is perhaps best known for environmental legislation, but he also has a particular interest in California’s housing crisis. In that arena, he’s opted for an incremental approach, crafting small but consequential solutions. His bills helped make it easier for homeowners to construct backyard “\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB68\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">granny flats\u003c/a>” and made sure \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1486\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">affordable housing projects\u003c/a> get priority when surplus government land becomes available. Both took effect Jan. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 51-year-old San Francisco Democrat is a happy warrior as he works in his cluttered and busy Capitol office. Ting’s distinctive neckwear affords him a place in the Legislature’s Bow Tie Caucus and has the effect of making him appear whimsical. But colleagues have learned he’s a serious lawmaker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any meaningful thing takes time, and it takes persistence and it takes the ability to be strategic,” said Hannah-Beth Jackson, a Democratic senator from Santa Barbara. “Phil is one of those guys.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting worked with Jackson and Assemblyman Adam Gray, D-Merced, for years to establish an \u003ca href=\"https://sd19.senate.ca.gov/news/2018-10-01-governor-signs-jackson-bill-create-first-statewide-industry-funded-drug-needles-take\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">industry-funded program\u003c/a> to provide safe disposal sites for pharmaceutical drugs and medical needles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Ting-fostered conversation may take a year or two, or three, but no matter. Peruse Ting’s website, and it’s possible to find the same \u003ca href=\"https://a19.asmdc.org/legislation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">proposals\u003c/a>, reframed and reintroduced, over and over again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every time we do legislation, we hope to change the world,” Ting said. “That’s what we are always after. But for me it’s about the end result ... . I’m a realist. I know that we can get small ideas done in a year. Big ideas or major changes will take longer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting has a secret weapon: his Bay Area constituents, who have sent him to Sacramento four times with overwhelming electoral wins. In his 2018 race, he received \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/sov/2018-general/sov/68-state-assemblymember.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">nearly 84% of the vote\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That support gives him a wide ledge to balance on when his proposals, even the extreme, face significant obstacles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take, for example, his 2018 \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1745\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Clean Cars 2040 Act\u003c/a>, which would have required that all new passenger cars registered in the state after Jan. 1, 2040, be zero-emission vehicles — cars that don’t run on gasoline. The Western States Petroleum Association, an oil-industry group, dismissed the proposal as “crude and overly simplistic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignleft size-full wp-image-11803068\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-1-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"802\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-1-2.jpg 550w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-1-2-160x233.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taking on powerful oil interests would send some lawmakers fleeing. But Ting is undeterred; he hopes to maintain robust state rebates for buyers of electric vehicles and expand the network of charging stations for zero-emission cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very clear we have to reduce our dependence on fossil fuel in transportation,” he said. “There are billions of dollars at stake in the fossil-fuel industry; they are fighting for survival. (But) for me, it’s absolutely clear, this is what we need to do; it’s what is right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He points out that forward-gazing former Gov. Jerry Brown was once called Governor Moonbeam, mocked for radical ideas that are now mainstream. “All those things he talked about became reality” later, Ting said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t have your whole legislative package so forward-thinking that it’s way too far ahead of its time,” he said. “But to have none of your bills do that is a travesty for the pulpit that we have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting used that legislative platform to offer a “\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2355\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">border wall resistance\u003c/a>” measure in 2018 that would have barred companies from claiming tax credits and other California exemptions if they contracted to build President Trump’s wall along the southern border. But lacking sufficient support, Ting withdrew the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m fortunate I come from a district that allows me to do more of the shooting-for-the-moon bills than other places, because those reflect my constituents’ values. I don’t go home and get yelled at for doing those bills. They wonder why they didn’t pass: What is everyone else thinking?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting is an ardent supporter of electric vehicles (yes, he drives one). He has been tenacious in helping build California’s electric-vehicle charging network and wrote a law that \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2127\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">requested a state analysis\u003c/a> of how to increase adoption of electric cars. But his legislation directing air authorities to create a strategy for phasing out polluting cars failed, as did a move to punish automobile manufacturers that don’t conform to California’s tailpipe-emissions standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bill Magavern, policy director for the advocacy group \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccair.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Coalition for Clean Air\u003c/a>, has lobbied Ting in support of zero-emission vehicles and has observed the lawmaker’s penchant for swinging for the fences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11803069 aligncenter\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-2-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"725\" height=\"963\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-2-1.jpg 725w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-2-1-160x213.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 725px) 100vw, 725px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s shown he’s willing to push big ideas and think about the long term,” Magavern said, “in a building where a lot of people are only focused on the next election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting did not start out toward a life of public service. His parents fled political instability in their native Taiwan, arriving in California and starting a family. They wished for their son nothing less than a quiet, prosperous, safe life below the world’s radar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He grew up in the Southern California beach town of Torrance, where he could be easily overlooked in a sea of white faces. He said he rarely saw other Chinese Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until he arrived at UC Berkeley and merged with the Bay Area’s populous Asian community that he experienced what he describes as a cultural awakening. Ting took Asian Studies classes and read about the historical and social contributions of people who looked like him, discovering a rich ethnic history that until then, he said, had been “a blind spot for me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“College is a time when many people find their identity,” Ting said. “My awakening was that I could make change happen. It gave me a purpose.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After graduating from Berkeley, Ting attended Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government. He spent a summer organizing renters, advocating for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Returning to California, Ting was appointed assessor-recorder of San Francisco in 2005 by a young mayor he didn’t know, Gavin Newsom. The two coalesced over a shared interest in the environment and transformed San Francisco from a city with dormant participation in solar-power generation to one of the nation’s clean-energy leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Capitol, from his position at the helm of the budget committee, Ting is able to collect political chits, a stockpile he can go to in search of supporters for new proposals on homelessness, the state’s recycling programs and new forms of energy storage, not all of which are in bill form at this point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='climate' label='Related Coverage']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jay Obernolte will likely oppose many of those proposals. The Republican Assemblyman from Big Bear, who is vice chair of the budget committee, sits at the opposite end of California’s political spectrum. But he said he appreciates Ting’s collegial approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s a progressive liberal from the Bay Area; I’m a pretty conservative Republican from rural California. He’s got one of the biggest districts, and I represent one of the smallest,” Obernolte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the pair worked together on legislation that would have allowed cyclists in bike lanes to yield rather than come to a full halt at stop signs, a common practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that we are able to have constructive discussions about the issues is a testament to the power of a bipartisan approach,” Obernolte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill proved unpopular — opponents said it was dangerous — and in the end the authors pulled it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was not a defeat, Ting said, but the start of a conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org\">CalMatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Ting may sometimes be the California Assembly’s Don Quixote, chasing seemingly impossible ideas. But he’s playing the long game. It’s a win, the lawmaker says, if he simply gets people talking.\r\n",
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"description": "Ting may sometimes be the California Assembly’s Don Quixote, chasing seemingly impossible ideas. But he’s playing the long game. It’s a win, the lawmaker says, if he simply gets people talking.\r\n",
"title": "California’s Phil Ting Tilts at Windmills — Ban Gas-Powered Cars! — Hoping to Start a Conversation | KQED",
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"headline": "California’s Phil Ting Tilts at Windmills — Ban Gas-Powered Cars! — Hoping to Start a Conversation",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Dale Carnegie could have been talking about Phil Ting when the positive-thinking guru said, decades ago, “Most of the important things in the world have been accomplished by people who have kept on trying when there seemed to be no hope at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting is that person. Sometimes he’s the California Assembly’s Don Quixote, chasing seemingly impossible dreams. He has tried to persuade skeptical colleagues to punish companies that do business with the Trump administration and to tell Californians to park their gas-fueled cars forever — even as he performs the more practical task of managing the Assembly’s purse strings as chairman of the powerful budget committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some practitioners, political accomplishment is a zero-sum proposition, with success measured by wins — legislation signed into law — and losses — bills that may die a lonely death in committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Ting doesn’t see his work that way. He’s playing the long game. It’s a win, says Ting — a key figure in California’s fight to slash auto emissions in the battle against climate change and — if his legislation does nothing more than start a conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d much rather raise the issue and have people pay attention,” he says. “Sometimes behavior changes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803067\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11803067 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/TING-photo-2-1-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/TING-photo-2-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/TING-photo-2-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/TING-photo-2-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/TING-photo-2-1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ting confers with fellow San Francisco Democrat David Chiu. \u003ccite>(Robbie Short/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ting is perhaps best known for environmental legislation, but he also has a particular interest in California’s housing crisis. In that arena, he’s opted for an incremental approach, crafting small but consequential solutions. His bills helped make it easier for homeowners to construct backyard “\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB68\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">granny flats\u003c/a>” and made sure \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1486\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">affordable housing projects\u003c/a> get priority when surplus government land becomes available. Both took effect Jan. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 51-year-old San Francisco Democrat is a happy warrior as he works in his cluttered and busy Capitol office. Ting’s distinctive neckwear affords him a place in the Legislature’s Bow Tie Caucus and has the effect of making him appear whimsical. But colleagues have learned he’s a serious lawmaker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any meaningful thing takes time, and it takes persistence and it takes the ability to be strategic,” said Hannah-Beth Jackson, a Democratic senator from Santa Barbara. “Phil is one of those guys.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting worked with Jackson and Assemblyman Adam Gray, D-Merced, for years to establish an \u003ca href=\"https://sd19.senate.ca.gov/news/2018-10-01-governor-signs-jackson-bill-create-first-statewide-industry-funded-drug-needles-take\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">industry-funded program\u003c/a> to provide safe disposal sites for pharmaceutical drugs and medical needles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Ting-fostered conversation may take a year or two, or three, but no matter. Peruse Ting’s website, and it’s possible to find the same \u003ca href=\"https://a19.asmdc.org/legislation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">proposals\u003c/a>, reframed and reintroduced, over and over again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every time we do legislation, we hope to change the world,” Ting said. “That’s what we are always after. But for me it’s about the end result ... . I’m a realist. I know that we can get small ideas done in a year. Big ideas or major changes will take longer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting has a secret weapon: his Bay Area constituents, who have sent him to Sacramento four times with overwhelming electoral wins. In his 2018 race, he received \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/sov/2018-general/sov/68-state-assemblymember.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">nearly 84% of the vote\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That support gives him a wide ledge to balance on when his proposals, even the extreme, face significant obstacles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take, for example, his 2018 \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1745\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Clean Cars 2040 Act\u003c/a>, which would have required that all new passenger cars registered in the state after Jan. 1, 2040, be zero-emission vehicles — cars that don’t run on gasoline. The Western States Petroleum Association, an oil-industry group, dismissed the proposal as “crude and overly simplistic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignleft size-full wp-image-11803068\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-1-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"802\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-1-2.jpg 550w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-1-2-160x233.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taking on powerful oil interests would send some lawmakers fleeing. But Ting is undeterred; he hopes to maintain robust state rebates for buyers of electric vehicles and expand the network of charging stations for zero-emission cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very clear we have to reduce our dependence on fossil fuel in transportation,” he said. “There are billions of dollars at stake in the fossil-fuel industry; they are fighting for survival. (But) for me, it’s absolutely clear, this is what we need to do; it’s what is right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He points out that forward-gazing former Gov. Jerry Brown was once called Governor Moonbeam, mocked for radical ideas that are now mainstream. “All those things he talked about became reality” later, Ting said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t have your whole legislative package so forward-thinking that it’s way too far ahead of its time,” he said. “But to have none of your bills do that is a travesty for the pulpit that we have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting used that legislative platform to offer a “\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2355\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">border wall resistance\u003c/a>” measure in 2018 that would have barred companies from claiming tax credits and other California exemptions if they contracted to build President Trump’s wall along the southern border. But lacking sufficient support, Ting withdrew the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m fortunate I come from a district that allows me to do more of the shooting-for-the-moon bills than other places, because those reflect my constituents’ values. I don’t go home and get yelled at for doing those bills. They wonder why they didn’t pass: What is everyone else thinking?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting is an ardent supporter of electric vehicles (yes, he drives one). He has been tenacious in helping build California’s electric-vehicle charging network and wrote a law that \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2127\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">requested a state analysis\u003c/a> of how to increase adoption of electric cars. But his legislation directing air authorities to create a strategy for phasing out polluting cars failed, as did a move to punish automobile manufacturers that don’t conform to California’s tailpipe-emissions standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bill Magavern, policy director for the advocacy group \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccair.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Coalition for Clean Air\u003c/a>, has lobbied Ting in support of zero-emission vehicles and has observed the lawmaker’s penchant for swinging for the fences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11803069 aligncenter\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-2-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"725\" height=\"963\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-2-1.jpg 725w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-2-1-160x213.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 725px) 100vw, 725px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s shown he’s willing to push big ideas and think about the long term,” Magavern said, “in a building where a lot of people are only focused on the next election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting did not start out toward a life of public service. His parents fled political instability in their native Taiwan, arriving in California and starting a family. They wished for their son nothing less than a quiet, prosperous, safe life below the world’s radar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He grew up in the Southern California beach town of Torrance, where he could be easily overlooked in a sea of white faces. He said he rarely saw other Chinese Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until he arrived at UC Berkeley and merged with the Bay Area’s populous Asian community that he experienced what he describes as a cultural awakening. Ting took Asian Studies classes and read about the historical and social contributions of people who looked like him, discovering a rich ethnic history that until then, he said, had been “a blind spot for me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“College is a time when many people find their identity,” Ting said. “My awakening was that I could make change happen. It gave me a purpose.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After graduating from Berkeley, Ting attended Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government. He spent a summer organizing renters, advocating for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Returning to California, Ting was appointed assessor-recorder of San Francisco in 2005 by a young mayor he didn’t know, Gavin Newsom. The two coalesced over a shared interest in the environment and transformed San Francisco from a city with dormant participation in solar-power generation to one of the nation’s clean-energy leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Capitol, from his position at the helm of the budget committee, Ting is able to collect political chits, a stockpile he can go to in search of supporters for new proposals on homelessness, the state’s recycling programs and new forms of energy storage, not all of which are in bill form at this point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jay Obernolte will likely oppose many of those proposals. The Republican Assemblyman from Big Bear, who is vice chair of the budget committee, sits at the opposite end of California’s political spectrum. But he said he appreciates Ting’s collegial approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s a progressive liberal from the Bay Area; I’m a pretty conservative Republican from rural California. He’s got one of the biggest districts, and I represent one of the smallest,” Obernolte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the pair worked together on legislation that would have allowed cyclists in bike lanes to yield rather than come to a full halt at stop signs, a common practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that we are able to have constructive discussions about the issues is a testament to the power of a bipartisan approach,” Obernolte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill proved unpopular — opponents said it was dangerous — and in the end the authors pulled it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was not a defeat, Ting said, but the start of a conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org\">CalMatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Brace for the Deluge: Special Interests Are Spending Millions to Get the California Legislators They Want",
"title": "Brace for the Deluge: Special Interests Are Spending Millions to Get the California Legislators They Want",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>With two weeks to go before Election Day in California, businesses, labor unions, mega-wealthy political donors and other coalitions of deep-pocketed interests seeking a say in state lawmaking have opened the spigots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adopting benign names like “Coalition to Restore California’s Middle Class,” “Keep California Golden” and “Taxpayers for Ethical Government,” groups are allowed to raise and spend unlimited sums of cash in state elections so long as they don’t coordinate their activities with any candidate. From the beginning of the year through Wednesday, these “independent expenditure” committees have spent $12.5 million to determine who wins seats in the state Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And though California may be known as a bastion of green, progressive policy making, this year’s money wars are dominated by the industries of the old guard: Together, oil and gas producers, Realtors and car dealers are responsible for nearly half of all outside spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the money traces the fault lines of California politics, where the biggest conflicts aren’t Democrat versus Republican, but different shades of blue. The most expensive race so far is not a purple swing seat in coastal Orange County or the burbs of San Diego, but a Democratic lock in east Los Angeles County. The main players: organized labor versus virtually every business interest in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $12.5 million-and-counting on legislative races isn’t much by presidential standards. Last year, White House contenders spent roughly \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-presidential-campaign-donations-data-visualizations-primary-campaign-zip-code/\">eight times that sum in California\u003c/a> — $99.3 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in less publicized contests further down the ballot, where the outcome may hinge on name recognition alone, that kind of money can go a long way, said Doug Morrow, who runs the political research group DSM Analytics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s particularly true if the fire hose of cash is aimed at just a handful of contested seats. Which it is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to campaign finance data published by the state and tabulated by Morrow, seven races — four for the state Senate and three for Assembly seats — have received nearly three-quarters of all the money spent by outside groups so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law caps the amount that anyone can contribute directly to a legislative campaign at $4,700 per election (primary and general contests are considered separate elections). Because independent expenditure committees can spend as much as they can raise, they are the preferred avenue for interest groups hoping to have their say before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morrow said he has never seen so much money pumped into California legislative races this early in the year. Why the mad dash? California’s earlier-than-usual presidential primary and voters’ habit of casting their ballots weeks out from Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They know people are going to put their ballots in the mail,” he said. “You’ve got to make your case and close that deal early on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Picking the right 'brand' of Democrat\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the most heated (and expensive) battles for California legislative seats, the key question for big outside spenders isn’t whether to back a Republican or a Democrat — but which kind of Democrat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a reflection of the Democratic Party’s dominance of state politics in California. For businesses that might have once prioritized the election of Republicans, backing a business-inclined Democrat is now often their best bet for ensuring a friendly vote in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal is to get your particular brand of Democrat to emerge in the run off,” said David Townsend, who directs the Californians for Jobs and a Strong Economy, a committee that backs moderate Democrats. In races where business interests and organized labor pick different candidates, he said, “it’s an arms race. When one side spends more, you have to spend more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv id=\"bp-page-2\" class=\"page\" data-page-number=\"2\" data-loaded=\"true\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"textLayer\">\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignleft wp-image-11803015 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-1-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"1462\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-1-1.jpg 550w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-1-1-160x425.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>As of this week, the most expensive arms race in the state is the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-assembly-elections-2020-voter-guide/#AD57\">contest to replace Assemblyman Ian Calderon\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Whittier in southeast Los Angeles County. The outside money tally so far: more than $2 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two dynastic names have attracted all the outside spending. Lisa Calderon, the incumbent’s stepmother, has the backing of labor groups like the Service Employees International Union, while Sylvia Rubio, the sister of two state lawmakers, has financial supporters that include oil and gas producers, credit unions and charter school advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s a crowded field. Calderon and Rubio are running against six other Democrats and one Republican. In state and congressional races in California, only the top two candidates move on to the November general election. And though registered Democrats outnumber Republicans in the district by more than two-to-one, the sheer number of Democrats in the field may sufficiently dice up the Democratic vote to give Delphine Martinez, the lone GOP candidate, one of those two spots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thus, the race is on to pump campaign cash into the district now, while the contest is still up for grabs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Morrow’s “independent expenditure” tabulations, more than $1.1 million has been spent to boost Rubio, making her the biggest beneficiary of outside spending in any legislative race in California this year. More than $218,000 has been spent opposing her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor groups have spent some $615,000 to help Calderon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a race like that, where fewer than 100,000 people are going to vote, that’s a lot of money,” said Townsend, whose PAC is backing Rubio.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Oil is king\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Nevermind California’s green cred; the petroleum industry has been the state’s biggest source of independent campaign spending this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Independent Petroleum Association’s two major committees (somewhat duplicatively called the “Coalition to Restore California’s Middle Class” and the “Restore California’s Middle Class Coalition,” respectively) have spent more than $3.7 million on state legislative races. That’s 29% of all independent spending in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignleft wp-image-11803016 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"788\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-2.jpg 550w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-2-160x229.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Julie Roberts, a spokesperson for Coalition to Restore California’s Middle Class, declined a request for an interview, but said in a written statement that the committee “supports leaders who have protected California jobs and the middle class and share our commitment to policies that help businesses thrive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even that number may understate the oil and gas industry’s financial footprint. Many of the state’s largest political action committees are not sponsored by a single industry, but are joint ventures that pool the political spending of like-minded businesses. Townsend’s committee, for example, has been the eighth biggest independent election spender this year. Over the last two campaign cycles, its largest contributor has been Chevron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The industry probably can’t count on a wholesale reversal of state climate policy through their legislative spending. But in an era of Democratic supremacy in Sacramento, moderate Democrats have been a vital bulwark for oil and petroleum producers to check more progressive lawmakers’ most aggressively green impulses — for example, a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2020/02/california-phil-ting-electric-cars-climate-change/\">proposed ban on gas-powered cars\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together, the industry’s two political action committees have focused their spending on five races. And like their peers in other industries, they are supporting moderate Democrats in four of them: Rubio in Whittier, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-senate-elections-2020-voter-guide/#SD15\">Nora Campos\u003c/a>, who is running to replace a termed-out Sen. Jim Beall in San Jose, and two Stockton-area Democrats: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-senate-elections-2020-voter-guide/#SD05\">Mani Grewal\u003c/a> who is running for Senate and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-assembly-elections-2020-voter-guide/#AD13\">Carlos Villapudua\u003c/a> who is running for Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Spending may not always be what is seems\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When a candidate’s campaign spends its own money in a race, the goal is generally self-evident: to get its contender elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Independent spending can be harder to parse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, a committee sponsored by the industry group representing the state’s landlords dropped nearly $45,000 in support of Jim Ridenour, a little-known Republican candidate for Senate in Modesto who has done next to no public campaigning and has raised only $7,900 on his own. That only adds to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/blogs/california-election-2020/2020/01/stockton-senate-california-top-two-dirty-tricks-sd5/\">ongoing speculation\u003c/a> that support for Ridenour may be a way to split up the Republican vote, ensuring that the moderate Democrat in the race, Mani Grewal, will make it into the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Likewise, the state Association of Realtors’ decision to \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2454597&amendid=0\">spend more than $30,000\u003c/a> to help Simi Valley Democrat Steve Fox, who is hoping to beat vulnerable Republican Assemblyman Tom Lackey. But Fox is saddled with a history of sexual harassment allegations. That prompted an outraged response from Democratic consultant Bill Wong on Twitter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/BillWongLLC/status/1230535710886645762?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1230535710886645762&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fcalmatters.org%2Fblogs%2Fcalifornia-election-2020%2F2020%2F02%2Fcalifornia-legislative-campaigns-outside-spending-soars-oil-realtors-car-dealers%2F\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the California Alliance for Progress and Education, a committee sponsored by the state’s New Car Dealers Association, has spent some $468,000 alternately propping up, or dropping the hammer on, a wide ideological range of candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one race, the car dealers are attacking Andrew Kotyuk, a Republican running against Assemblyman Chad Mayes, who recently \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/12/chad-mayes-leaves-california-gop-defection-former-party-leader/\">left the GOP\u003c/a> to become a political independent. In northeastern California, they’ve spent 10 times as much against another political independent, Paul Dhanuka, whose entry into the Assembly race there threatens to upend what would otherwise be a typical Democrat versus Republican standoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another beneficiary of the group’s spending: Julie Mobley, a little-known Republican running a longshot race against Sen. Steve Glazer. Mobley is being backed by the car dealers, along with committees representing oil and gas producers and other major business interests, to the tune of about $155,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thanks to California’s top two election system, improving Mobley’s chances of getting first or second place could end up helping the incumbent senator, who hopes to ward off a challenge from the left from progressive activist Marisol Rubio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California New Car Dealers Association wouldn’t say whether that was the group’s intent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are going to decline to comment and let the campaign filings speak for themselves,” said spokesperson Jenny Dudikoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes the filings really do speak for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, a committee sponsored by Lyft spent more than $34,000 on a mailer attacking Republican Assemblyman Tyler Diep in Orange County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyft did not respond to a request for comment, but it isn’t hard to read between the lines. Last year, Diep was the lone Republican to vote for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2019/09/whos-in-whos-out-of-ab-5/\">a bill\u003c/a> that makes it harder for the ride-hailing service to designate its drivers as independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A few tycoons are spending big\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Diep’s electoral fight for reelection was already bound to be an expensive one before Lyft weighed in. That’s thanks in part to Kieu Hoang, a Vietnamese immigrant who became a California pharmaceutical, nutritional supplement and wine magnate with a penchant for “\u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2017/03/03/whos-that-rich-vietnamese-guy-in-snazzy-pants-who-gave-5-million-to-san-jose-flood-victims/\">snazzy pants\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Independent expenditure committees typically give businesses, labor groups or other organized groups with political interests the chance to pool their resources and influence elections. But nowhere in California law does it say that a single wealthy individual with a particular electoral vision can’t do the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beginning in January, two independent expenditure committees popped up to oppose Diep and to fund his conservative challenger, former state Sen. Janet Nguyen, a fellow Republican. Together, the two groups have spent more than $197,000. According to campaign finance filings, all but $8,000 has come from Hoang.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This isn’t Hoang’s only political venture. He has also contributed $100,000 to a Super PAC committed to reelecting President Trump and is currently \u003ca href=\"https://voiceofoc.org/2020/01/eleven-candidates-hope-to-replace-three-westminster-council-members-in-special-recall-election/\">funding the recall\u003c/a> efforts of local elected officials in Westminster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unlike my opponent, I don’t have a billionaire from China funding my campaign,” said Diep. He’s referring to Hoang, who lives in California but whose company, RAAS Blood Products, is based in Shanghai. “I am proud that my reelection effort is being lifted by small businesses, healthcare providers and working people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, two committees have spent some $240,000 defending Diep. The largest donors to these committees are industry groups representing the state’s doctors, dentists and landlords, as well as Chevron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoang is not the only person to plow some of his personal fortune into a competitive legislative race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Silicon Valley senate race to replace outgoing Sen. Jerry Hill, a committee funded by venture capitalist Reid Hoffman has spent $366,000 to boost the candidacy of Josh Becker, a Democrat. And in the same race, Michael Brownrigg, a Burlingame city councilman and also a Democrat benefited from $457,400 in spending from a source that is “independent” only in the strictest legal sense: his mother, Linda Brownrigg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked about the maternal support at a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.paloaltoonline.com/news/2020/02/05/senate-candidates-clash-over-housing-policies-and-pges-future-at-palo-alto-forum\">town hall forum\u003c/a> co-sponsored by CalMatters, Brownrigg said it was better to be funded by a parent than a special interest group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You guys can all be sure that the most my mom will ask of me is that come visit more often.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Get ready to cast your California ballot with our \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/voter-guide-2020-california-primary/\">insightful primary voter\u003c/a> guide. You’ll find our coverage of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-assembly-elections-2020-voter-guide/\">hot state Assembly races here\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-senate-elections-2020-voter-guide/\">hot state Senate races here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org\">CalMatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Nearly half of all unlimited outside spending comes from old-guard industries — oil and gas, realtors, car dealers. Also some very rich folks.",
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"title": "Brace for the Deluge: Special Interests Are Spending Millions to Get the California Legislators They Want | KQED",
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"headline": "Brace for the Deluge: Special Interests Are Spending Millions to Get the California Legislators They Want",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With two weeks to go before Election Day in California, businesses, labor unions, mega-wealthy political donors and other coalitions of deep-pocketed interests seeking a say in state lawmaking have opened the spigots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adopting benign names like “Coalition to Restore California’s Middle Class,” “Keep California Golden” and “Taxpayers for Ethical Government,” groups are allowed to raise and spend unlimited sums of cash in state elections so long as they don’t coordinate their activities with any candidate. From the beginning of the year through Wednesday, these “independent expenditure” committees have spent $12.5 million to determine who wins seats in the state Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And though California may be known as a bastion of green, progressive policy making, this year’s money wars are dominated by the industries of the old guard: Together, oil and gas producers, Realtors and car dealers are responsible for nearly half of all outside spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the money traces the fault lines of California politics, where the biggest conflicts aren’t Democrat versus Republican, but different shades of blue. The most expensive race so far is not a purple swing seat in coastal Orange County or the burbs of San Diego, but a Democratic lock in east Los Angeles County. The main players: organized labor versus virtually every business interest in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $12.5 million-and-counting on legislative races isn’t much by presidential standards. Last year, White House contenders spent roughly \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-presidential-campaign-donations-data-visualizations-primary-campaign-zip-code/\">eight times that sum in California\u003c/a> — $99.3 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in less publicized contests further down the ballot, where the outcome may hinge on name recognition alone, that kind of money can go a long way, said Doug Morrow, who runs the political research group DSM Analytics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s particularly true if the fire hose of cash is aimed at just a handful of contested seats. Which it is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to campaign finance data published by the state and tabulated by Morrow, seven races — four for the state Senate and three for Assembly seats — have received nearly three-quarters of all the money spent by outside groups so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law caps the amount that anyone can contribute directly to a legislative campaign at $4,700 per election (primary and general contests are considered separate elections). Because independent expenditure committees can spend as much as they can raise, they are the preferred avenue for interest groups hoping to have their say before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morrow said he has never seen so much money pumped into California legislative races this early in the year. Why the mad dash? California’s earlier-than-usual presidential primary and voters’ habit of casting their ballots weeks out from Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They know people are going to put their ballots in the mail,” he said. “You’ve got to make your case and close that deal early on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Picking the right 'brand' of Democrat\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the most heated (and expensive) battles for California legislative seats, the key question for big outside spenders isn’t whether to back a Republican or a Democrat — but which kind of Democrat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a reflection of the Democratic Party’s dominance of state politics in California. For businesses that might have once prioritized the election of Republicans, backing a business-inclined Democrat is now often their best bet for ensuring a friendly vote in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal is to get your particular brand of Democrat to emerge in the run off,” said David Townsend, who directs the Californians for Jobs and a Strong Economy, a committee that backs moderate Democrats. In races where business interests and organized labor pick different candidates, he said, “it’s an arms race. When one side spends more, you have to spend more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv id=\"bp-page-2\" class=\"page\" data-page-number=\"2\" data-loaded=\"true\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"textLayer\">\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignleft wp-image-11803015 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-1-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"1462\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-1-1.jpg 550w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-1-1-160x425.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>As of this week, the most expensive arms race in the state is the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-assembly-elections-2020-voter-guide/#AD57\">contest to replace Assemblyman Ian Calderon\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Whittier in southeast Los Angeles County. The outside money tally so far: more than $2 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two dynastic names have attracted all the outside spending. Lisa Calderon, the incumbent’s stepmother, has the backing of labor groups like the Service Employees International Union, while Sylvia Rubio, the sister of two state lawmakers, has financial supporters that include oil and gas producers, credit unions and charter school advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s a crowded field. Calderon and Rubio are running against six other Democrats and one Republican. In state and congressional races in California, only the top two candidates move on to the November general election. And though registered Democrats outnumber Republicans in the district by more than two-to-one, the sheer number of Democrats in the field may sufficiently dice up the Democratic vote to give Delphine Martinez, the lone GOP candidate, one of those two spots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thus, the race is on to pump campaign cash into the district now, while the contest is still up for grabs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Morrow’s “independent expenditure” tabulations, more than $1.1 million has been spent to boost Rubio, making her the biggest beneficiary of outside spending in any legislative race in California this year. More than $218,000 has been spent opposing her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor groups have spent some $615,000 to help Calderon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a race like that, where fewer than 100,000 people are going to vote, that’s a lot of money,” said Townsend, whose PAC is backing Rubio.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Oil is king\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Nevermind California’s green cred; the petroleum industry has been the state’s biggest source of independent campaign spending this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Independent Petroleum Association’s two major committees (somewhat duplicatively called the “Coalition to Restore California’s Middle Class” and the “Restore California’s Middle Class Coalition,” respectively) have spent more than $3.7 million on state legislative races. That’s 29% of all independent spending in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignleft wp-image-11803016 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"788\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-2.jpg 550w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Graphic-2-160x229.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Julie Roberts, a spokesperson for Coalition to Restore California’s Middle Class, declined a request for an interview, but said in a written statement that the committee “supports leaders who have protected California jobs and the middle class and share our commitment to policies that help businesses thrive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even that number may understate the oil and gas industry’s financial footprint. Many of the state’s largest political action committees are not sponsored by a single industry, but are joint ventures that pool the political spending of like-minded businesses. Townsend’s committee, for example, has been the eighth biggest independent election spender this year. Over the last two campaign cycles, its largest contributor has been Chevron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The industry probably can’t count on a wholesale reversal of state climate policy through their legislative spending. But in an era of Democratic supremacy in Sacramento, moderate Democrats have been a vital bulwark for oil and petroleum producers to check more progressive lawmakers’ most aggressively green impulses — for example, a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2020/02/california-phil-ting-electric-cars-climate-change/\">proposed ban on gas-powered cars\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together, the industry’s two political action committees have focused their spending on five races. And like their peers in other industries, they are supporting moderate Democrats in four of them: Rubio in Whittier, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-senate-elections-2020-voter-guide/#SD15\">Nora Campos\u003c/a>, who is running to replace a termed-out Sen. Jim Beall in San Jose, and two Stockton-area Democrats: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-senate-elections-2020-voter-guide/#SD05\">Mani Grewal\u003c/a> who is running for Senate and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-assembly-elections-2020-voter-guide/#AD13\">Carlos Villapudua\u003c/a> who is running for Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Spending may not always be what is seems\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When a candidate’s campaign spends its own money in a race, the goal is generally self-evident: to get its contender elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Independent spending can be harder to parse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, a committee sponsored by the industry group representing the state’s landlords dropped nearly $45,000 in support of Jim Ridenour, a little-known Republican candidate for Senate in Modesto who has done next to no public campaigning and has raised only $7,900 on his own. That only adds to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/blogs/california-election-2020/2020/01/stockton-senate-california-top-two-dirty-tricks-sd5/\">ongoing speculation\u003c/a> that support for Ridenour may be a way to split up the Republican vote, ensuring that the moderate Democrat in the race, Mani Grewal, will make it into the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Likewise, the state Association of Realtors’ decision to \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2454597&amendid=0\">spend more than $30,000\u003c/a> to help Simi Valley Democrat Steve Fox, who is hoping to beat vulnerable Republican Assemblyman Tom Lackey. But Fox is saddled with a history of sexual harassment allegations. That prompted an outraged response from Democratic consultant Bill Wong on Twitter.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>And the California Alliance for Progress and Education, a committee sponsored by the state’s New Car Dealers Association, has spent some $468,000 alternately propping up, or dropping the hammer on, a wide ideological range of candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one race, the car dealers are attacking Andrew Kotyuk, a Republican running against Assemblyman Chad Mayes, who recently \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/12/chad-mayes-leaves-california-gop-defection-former-party-leader/\">left the GOP\u003c/a> to become a political independent. In northeastern California, they’ve spent 10 times as much against another political independent, Paul Dhanuka, whose entry into the Assembly race there threatens to upend what would otherwise be a typical Democrat versus Republican standoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another beneficiary of the group’s spending: Julie Mobley, a little-known Republican running a longshot race against Sen. Steve Glazer. Mobley is being backed by the car dealers, along with committees representing oil and gas producers and other major business interests, to the tune of about $155,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thanks to California’s top two election system, improving Mobley’s chances of getting first or second place could end up helping the incumbent senator, who hopes to ward off a challenge from the left from progressive activist Marisol Rubio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California New Car Dealers Association wouldn’t say whether that was the group’s intent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are going to decline to comment and let the campaign filings speak for themselves,” said spokesperson Jenny Dudikoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes the filings really do speak for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, a committee sponsored by Lyft spent more than $34,000 on a mailer attacking Republican Assemblyman Tyler Diep in Orange County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyft did not respond to a request for comment, but it isn’t hard to read between the lines. Last year, Diep was the lone Republican to vote for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2019/09/whos-in-whos-out-of-ab-5/\">a bill\u003c/a> that makes it harder for the ride-hailing service to designate its drivers as independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A few tycoons are spending big\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Diep’s electoral fight for reelection was already bound to be an expensive one before Lyft weighed in. That’s thanks in part to Kieu Hoang, a Vietnamese immigrant who became a California pharmaceutical, nutritional supplement and wine magnate with a penchant for “\u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2017/03/03/whos-that-rich-vietnamese-guy-in-snazzy-pants-who-gave-5-million-to-san-jose-flood-victims/\">snazzy pants\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Independent expenditure committees typically give businesses, labor groups or other organized groups with political interests the chance to pool their resources and influence elections. But nowhere in California law does it say that a single wealthy individual with a particular electoral vision can’t do the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beginning in January, two independent expenditure committees popped up to oppose Diep and to fund his conservative challenger, former state Sen. Janet Nguyen, a fellow Republican. Together, the two groups have spent more than $197,000. According to campaign finance filings, all but $8,000 has come from Hoang.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This isn’t Hoang’s only political venture. He has also contributed $100,000 to a Super PAC committed to reelecting President Trump and is currently \u003ca href=\"https://voiceofoc.org/2020/01/eleven-candidates-hope-to-replace-three-westminster-council-members-in-special-recall-election/\">funding the recall\u003c/a> efforts of local elected officials in Westminster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unlike my opponent, I don’t have a billionaire from China funding my campaign,” said Diep. He’s referring to Hoang, who lives in California but whose company, RAAS Blood Products, is based in Shanghai. “I am proud that my reelection effort is being lifted by small businesses, healthcare providers and working people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, two committees have spent some $240,000 defending Diep. The largest donors to these committees are industry groups representing the state’s doctors, dentists and landlords, as well as Chevron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoang is not the only person to plow some of his personal fortune into a competitive legislative race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Silicon Valley senate race to replace outgoing Sen. Jerry Hill, a committee funded by venture capitalist Reid Hoffman has spent $366,000 to boost the candidacy of Josh Becker, a Democrat. And in the same race, Michael Brownrigg, a Burlingame city councilman and also a Democrat benefited from $457,400 in spending from a source that is “independent” only in the strictest legal sense: his mother, Linda Brownrigg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked about the maternal support at a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.paloaltoonline.com/news/2020/02/05/senate-candidates-clash-over-housing-policies-and-pges-future-at-palo-alto-forum\">town hall forum\u003c/a> co-sponsored by CalMatters, Brownrigg said it was better to be funded by a parent than a special interest group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You guys can all be sure that the most my mom will ask of me is that come visit more often.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Get ready to cast your California ballot with our \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/voter-guide-2020-california-primary/\">insightful primary voter\u003c/a> guide. You’ll find our coverage of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-assembly-elections-2020-voter-guide/\">hot state Assembly races here\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-senate-elections-2020-voter-guide/\">hot state Senate races here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org\">CalMatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "newsom-offers-vacant-land-for-homeless-shelters-but-local-officials-worry-who-will-pay",
"title": "Newsom Offers Vacant Land for Homeless Shelters, but Local Officials Worry: Who Will Pay?",
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"headTitle": "Newsom Offers Vacant Land for Homeless Shelters, but Local Officials Worry: Who Will Pay? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>It was two hours after dusk in Santa Ana, and the temperature had dropped 10 degrees since sundown. A line of men and women bundled against the chill curled past the National Guard Armory’s entrance, around the side of the building and into the parking lot, about 150 in all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside, the layout looked like something provided to evacuees after a disaster: row after row of black sleeping pads, lined up edge to edge. But for the people staying here, this is not temporary shelter: Each year for the last decade, from mid-December until the funding runs out in April or May, the same group calls the concrete floor and five bathrooms home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is Orange County’s answer to its growing, highly concentrated homeless population. On this day in January, the elderly, people with disabilities and a family were let in early and picked out their sleeping mats first. A trio of men, lined up at least an hour before the shelter doors opened, trickled in with camping gear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every December, when the shelter opens, “I’m always amazed. It’s like the first day of school,” said Larry Haynes, executive director of Mercy House, the nonprofit that operates the 10,000-square foot armory shelter. “Everyone says hello like they’re old friends.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This shelter — on state land, run by a nonprofit agency — should serve as the basic model of what Gov. Gavin Newsom has called for across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Jan. 8, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/EO-N-23-20-Homelessness-Crisis-01.08.2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Newsom issued an executive order\u003c/a> that tasked state agencies with evaluating excess land for use as possible emergency homeless shelters. A state \u003ca href=\"https://cadgs.maps.arcgis.com/apps/webappviewer/index.html?id=392e5e687e9041bb8f20e3acc5b211c7\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">map \u003c/a>created last year shows more than 1,000 parcels, ranging from a quarter-acre near a San Diego freeway to 70 acres next to a minimum-security prison in Chino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Santa Ana armory has become a harbinger of the problems that mayors and county executives foresee with new emergency shelters in their backyards.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Pushback from Local Leaders\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Last summer, a federal judge lauded Orange County for a cooperative plan to avoid arresting homeless people while directing them toward county housing and health services. The judge called the agreement between the county and homeless activists a model for the rest of the state, if not the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The peace barely lasted into the new year. Santa Ana, the county’s poorest city, \u003ca href=\"https://local.nixle.com/alert/7760866/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">filed suit in January,\u003c/a> alleging that three other Orange County cities are dropping off their homeless population at the armory in a community that already has a disproportionate amount of shelters. The county has a 400-bed shelter in downtown Santa Ana, with plans to expand it, and the city has a 200-bed shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In recent years, the city of Santa Ana has been compelled to spend millions of dollars from its general fund to address health and safety concerns attributable to the homeless population now living here,” the city said in the lawsuit. “That money would otherwise have been spent on providing core services to residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In several cities and counties contacted by CalMatters, local leaders expressed concern about the governor’s plan to open land for shelters in their jurisdictions. Some see it as ineffective and unfair — offering state land but not paying for the costs associated with a shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Richmond Mayor Tom Butt\"]‘The governor’s task force on homelessness decided that cities and counties should be responsible for this. I think that’s just wrong.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The elected leaders say they’ve received little information about how the shelters will operate or who will operate them. They don’t know how people will get to and from the sites. They don’t know how neighbors might react. And they’re still unclear who will pay for it all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unlikely the governor is going to come to the city of Oceanside and say, here’s several million dollars to go build a new sobering center, or a new shelter. Just because the governor orders something doesn’t mean anything’s going to happen,” said Peter Weiss, mayor of Oceanside, in northern San Diego County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s goals may run into the same not-in-my-backyard resistance that faces nearly every local plan for homeless shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caltrans identified a small piece of excess land in the Bay Area city of Richmond, next to Interstate 80, that could be an emergency shelter. But Richmond Mayor Tom Butt said he’s “not optimistic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor’s task force on homelessness decided that cities and counties should be responsible for this,” Butt said. “I think that’s just wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state expects to make 100 parcels available this year to governments that apply to use the sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801334\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11801334\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41320_STATE-SHELTERS-photo-1-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Will, who provided his first name only, sits on the sidewalk across the street from LAC+USC Medical Center to panhandle for money until he has enough to go to McDonalds down the block. Will has been homeless since he arrived in Los Angeles from Chicago in 1982. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1364\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41320_STATE-SHELTERS-photo-1-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41320_STATE-SHELTERS-photo-1-qut-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41320_STATE-SHELTERS-photo-1-qut-800x568.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41320_STATE-SHELTERS-photo-1-qut-1020x725.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Will, who provided his first name only, sits on the sidewalk across the street from LAC+USC Medical Center to panhandle for money until he has enough to go to McDonalds down the block. Will has been homeless since he arrived in Los Angeles from Chicago in 1982. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>State Land, Local Burden\u003c/strong>:\u003cstrong> Each Shelter Costs Millions\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Nothing can compel a city or county to use the state land as a shelter; they would have to apply for permission to use the land. But if they do, the burden of operating it falls on their own shoulders. That includes food, bedding and transportation, liability arising from fire or violence and the cost of administrators and security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom administration says the excess land plan will help offset shelter costs for cities and counties — at least, those willing to seek the help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Local government has a responsibility to put their hands up and be part of the solution,” said Jason Elliott, Newsom’s senior counselor on housing and homelessness. “A good number at the county and city level are answering the call by leaning forward and embracing solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some state funding is available to local governments, and more is on the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jason Elliott, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s senior counselor on housing and homelessness\"]‘The governor has made available a historic amount of resources, in addition to the money that naturally goes to cities and counties for homelessness and mental health resources.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Newsom pledged $650 million to cities, counties and regional associations called Continuums of Care to fight homelessness. Of that, Newsom has made \u003ca href=\"https://www.bcsh.ca.gov/hcfc/documents/hhap_allocations.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$500 million\u003c/a> available; the other $150 million will be disbursed once the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development certifies the 2019 “point in time” count of homeless people. Newsom is asking the Legislature for another $750 million in this year’s budget, some of which would go to shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor has made available a historic amount of resources, in addition to the money that naturally goes to cities and counties for homelessness and mental health resources,” Elliott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But opening and running a homeless shelter for even just a short time can cost millions. A\u003ca href=\"https://www.modbee.com/news/local/article235394812.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> tent shelter underneath a bridge\u003c/a> for 420 people cost Modesto $1.6 million during the 10 months it was open. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/local/article230135694.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">A shelter in Sacramento\u003c/a> with services focused on finding temporary or permanent housing cost the city $5 million in public and private money over 17 months, raising hackles on the City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeless advocates say that the shelters will reduce the cost of jails, emergency room visits and other services that would result from people living outdoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got to bring people indoors,” said Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg, who is co-chair of the governor’s council on homelessness. “I view this as all new opportunity. Land is costly, and if the state’s willing to partner with us and provide land, I only have two words: thank you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But reducing homelessness and its associated issues, including mental health, are big challenges, said Weiss, mayor of Oceanside. Many residents have negative perceptions of homeless people because of crime, litter and frequent calls for police, so they may oppose a shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weiss said he would welcome a new shelter — but not the associated costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caltrans identified a 17-acre parcel of excess land south of State Route 76 in Oceanside, but Weiss said he doesn’t know how the city or county would pay for a shelter there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://cchealth.org/h3/coc/pdf/2015-CoC-Application.pdf\">Richmond and Contra Costa County homeless coalition\u003c/a> will be allocated one-time funding of up to $2.7 million in emergency homeless aid from the state, along with another $2.5 million that’s available directly to the county as part of the state’s $650 million going directly to cities, counties and regional care associations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Richmond’s mayor says that’s not nearly enough when counts show his city alone has at least 400 unsheltered people at any point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re either gonna continue to put Band-Aids on it and push these people into shelters and Tuff Sheds and that, or the state is going to pay up. California’s rich enough to afford it, the United States is rich enough to afford it,” Butt said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I read this thing that the problem’s gonna get pushed down to cities and counties, that’s just crazy and it makes no sense. We’re either gonna solve it or we’re gonna keep pushing it down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Whatever-It-Takes Mode\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Steinberg, Sacramento’s mayor, said the counties and regions could work together to solve the homeless crisis, but they haven’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one would ask the counties or cities to do what they can’t do, but we are in whatever-it-takes mode,” Steinberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Gore, a Sonoma County supervisor and first vice president of the California State Association of Counties, said there could be electoral consequences for officials that push forward with shelter plans. “Diving into homelessness and affordable housing is a good way for elected officials to get voted out of office in a world run by NIMBYs (Not In My Back Yard),” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, Gore said the governor’s shelter plan is urgently necessary, especially since local efforts haven’t been effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would look at my colleagues who are criticizing the governor and say the time for criticism is over. There was local control, and there haven’t been results,” he said. “For cities and counties that think they don’t have enough money, they have a reckoning coming.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the problem, Steinberg said, is how Californians think about the word “shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Shelter has been and in many ways continues to be a pejorative term,” Steinberg said. “It implies to people who are skeptics that the only kind of shelter is a long-term, dusty, mis-run facility where people are helpless without the ability to get long-term housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a stereotype and it may have been an accurate stereotype at one point. But now, when we say shelter, we’re talking about navigation centers, where the point is to gain stability to get off the streets permanently.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801333\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11801333\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41319_STATE-SHELTERS-photo-2-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Esteban Gonzalez keeps watch over a dozen shopping carts full of personal items belonging to a group of homeless individuals across the street from Los Angeles City Hall on August 7, 2019. According to Gonzalez, someone must stay with the shopping carts at all times to avoid having their items taken away by authorities so he and the other participants take turns throughout the day never leaving the carts unattended. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1393\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41319_STATE-SHELTERS-photo-2-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41319_STATE-SHELTERS-photo-2-qut-160x116.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41319_STATE-SHELTERS-photo-2-qut-800x580.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41319_STATE-SHELTERS-photo-2-qut-1020x740.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Esteban Gonzalez keeps watch over a dozen shopping carts full of personal items belonging to a group of homeless individuals across the street from Los Angeles City Hall on Aug. 7, 2019. According to Gonzalez, someone must stay with the shopping carts at all times to avoid having their items taken away by authorities so he and the other participants take turns throughout the day never leaving the carts unattended. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear what kind of shelters would be built on excess state land. The governor’s office has mandated that they all have “service provisions” such as housing assistance and medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nothing yet compels cities and counties to work together to resolve their homelessness crises, but the Steinberg-led governor’s coalition wants to change that. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/01/gavin-newsom-homelessness-task-force/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Under a coalition proposal,\u003c/a> the state could sue cities and counties that fail to house the majority of their homeless population. The Legislature would have to design the plan, and it would have to go before voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Newsom is pushing even further with the idea of turning government land into shelter space. On Jan. 21, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/amp/Newsom-asks-to-have-surplus-federal-land-used-for-14995834.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the governor asked \u003c/a>U.S. Housing and Urban Development Secretary Ben Carson to “match our commitment by similarly providing surplus federal land to local governments across the state so they can build housing for the homeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Shelter 1.0: A Roof and a Bathroom\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Haynes, who runs the National Guard Armory shelter in Santa Ana, describes it as a “shelter 1.0,” which are deliberately temporary. “Here’s a roof, here’s a door, here’s a bathroom, do the best you can,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"homelessness\" label=\"related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the armories are used by the Guard during the day, everything has to be picked up — and cleaned to military standards — by 8 a.m. daily. That means a predawn wake-up call for the people laid out elbow-to-elbow on the floor of the building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is it difficult to get them up? It’s \u003cem>awful\u003c/em>,” Haynes said. “But that’s not our call. It’s got to be mopped, broomed, like no one was ever here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s time for this model [of shelter] to sunset. There are a lot of options out there. I think there’s a growing frustration with the lack of space, the lack of privacy, and as someone who operates this shelter, I can say, I get it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelters of more recent vintage, or in more permanent locations, afford better privileges. Some have bunk beds instead of mats. People have a designated spot so they don’t have to line up before the shelter opens. Some have housing assistance programs and a medical clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haynes gazed around at the 150 people inside the armory, shuffling from dinner — that day it was chicken noodle soup, bread and a salad — to the tightly packed mats on the concrete floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the end of the day, whether there’s going to be legal persuasion or not, at some point in time a policymaker — whether it’s a councilmember, a board of [supervisors] member, a governor, whatever — is going to have to take the heat for making the decision to have a shelter sited.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Nigel Duara is a reporter at CalMatters. This article is part of\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/divide/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> The California Divide\u003c/a>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Newsom Offers Vacant Land for Homeless Shelters, but Local Officials Worry: Who Will Pay? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It was two hours after dusk in Santa Ana, and the temperature had dropped 10 degrees since sundown. A line of men and women bundled against the chill curled past the National Guard Armory’s entrance, around the side of the building and into the parking lot, about 150 in all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside, the layout looked like something provided to evacuees after a disaster: row after row of black sleeping pads, lined up edge to edge. But for the people staying here, this is not temporary shelter: Each year for the last decade, from mid-December until the funding runs out in April or May, the same group calls the concrete floor and five bathrooms home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is Orange County’s answer to its growing, highly concentrated homeless population. On this day in January, the elderly, people with disabilities and a family were let in early and picked out their sleeping mats first. A trio of men, lined up at least an hour before the shelter doors opened, trickled in with camping gear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every December, when the shelter opens, “I’m always amazed. It’s like the first day of school,” said Larry Haynes, executive director of Mercy House, the nonprofit that operates the 10,000-square foot armory shelter. “Everyone says hello like they’re old friends.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This shelter — on state land, run by a nonprofit agency — should serve as the basic model of what Gov. Gavin Newsom has called for across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Jan. 8, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/EO-N-23-20-Homelessness-Crisis-01.08.2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Newsom issued an executive order\u003c/a> that tasked state agencies with evaluating excess land for use as possible emergency homeless shelters. A state \u003ca href=\"https://cadgs.maps.arcgis.com/apps/webappviewer/index.html?id=392e5e687e9041bb8f20e3acc5b211c7\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">map \u003c/a>created last year shows more than 1,000 parcels, ranging from a quarter-acre near a San Diego freeway to 70 acres next to a minimum-security prison in Chino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Santa Ana armory has become a harbinger of the problems that mayors and county executives foresee with new emergency shelters in their backyards.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Pushback from Local Leaders\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Last summer, a federal judge lauded Orange County for a cooperative plan to avoid arresting homeless people while directing them toward county housing and health services. The judge called the agreement between the county and homeless activists a model for the rest of the state, if not the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The peace barely lasted into the new year. Santa Ana, the county’s poorest city, \u003ca href=\"https://local.nixle.com/alert/7760866/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">filed suit in January,\u003c/a> alleging that three other Orange County cities are dropping off their homeless population at the armory in a community that already has a disproportionate amount of shelters. The county has a 400-bed shelter in downtown Santa Ana, with plans to expand it, and the city has a 200-bed shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In recent years, the city of Santa Ana has been compelled to spend millions of dollars from its general fund to address health and safety concerns attributable to the homeless population now living here,” the city said in the lawsuit. “That money would otherwise have been spent on providing core services to residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In several cities and counties contacted by CalMatters, local leaders expressed concern about the governor’s plan to open land for shelters in their jurisdictions. Some see it as ineffective and unfair — offering state land but not paying for the costs associated with a shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The governor’s task force on homelessness decided that cities and counties should be responsible for this. I think that’s just wrong.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The elected leaders say they’ve received little information about how the shelters will operate or who will operate them. They don’t know how people will get to and from the sites. They don’t know how neighbors might react. And they’re still unclear who will pay for it all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unlikely the governor is going to come to the city of Oceanside and say, here’s several million dollars to go build a new sobering center, or a new shelter. Just because the governor orders something doesn’t mean anything’s going to happen,” said Peter Weiss, mayor of Oceanside, in northern San Diego County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s goals may run into the same not-in-my-backyard resistance that faces nearly every local plan for homeless shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caltrans identified a small piece of excess land in the Bay Area city of Richmond, next to Interstate 80, that could be an emergency shelter. But Richmond Mayor Tom Butt said he’s “not optimistic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor’s task force on homelessness decided that cities and counties should be responsible for this,” Butt said. “I think that’s just wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state expects to make 100 parcels available this year to governments that apply to use the sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801334\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11801334\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41320_STATE-SHELTERS-photo-1-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Will, who provided his first name only, sits on the sidewalk across the street from LAC+USC Medical Center to panhandle for money until he has enough to go to McDonalds down the block. Will has been homeless since he arrived in Los Angeles from Chicago in 1982. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1364\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41320_STATE-SHELTERS-photo-1-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41320_STATE-SHELTERS-photo-1-qut-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41320_STATE-SHELTERS-photo-1-qut-800x568.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41320_STATE-SHELTERS-photo-1-qut-1020x725.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Will, who provided his first name only, sits on the sidewalk across the street from LAC+USC Medical Center to panhandle for money until he has enough to go to McDonalds down the block. Will has been homeless since he arrived in Los Angeles from Chicago in 1982. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>State Land, Local Burden\u003c/strong>:\u003cstrong> Each Shelter Costs Millions\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Nothing can compel a city or county to use the state land as a shelter; they would have to apply for permission to use the land. But if they do, the burden of operating it falls on their own shoulders. That includes food, bedding and transportation, liability arising from fire or violence and the cost of administrators and security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom administration says the excess land plan will help offset shelter costs for cities and counties — at least, those willing to seek the help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Local government has a responsibility to put their hands up and be part of the solution,” said Jason Elliott, Newsom’s senior counselor on housing and homelessness. “A good number at the county and city level are answering the call by leaning forward and embracing solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some state funding is available to local governments, and more is on the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The governor has made available a historic amount of resources, in addition to the money that naturally goes to cities and counties for homelessness and mental health resources.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Newsom pledged $650 million to cities, counties and regional associations called Continuums of Care to fight homelessness. Of that, Newsom has made \u003ca href=\"https://www.bcsh.ca.gov/hcfc/documents/hhap_allocations.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$500 million\u003c/a> available; the other $150 million will be disbursed once the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development certifies the 2019 “point in time” count of homeless people. Newsom is asking the Legislature for another $750 million in this year’s budget, some of which would go to shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor has made available a historic amount of resources, in addition to the money that naturally goes to cities and counties for homelessness and mental health resources,” Elliott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But opening and running a homeless shelter for even just a short time can cost millions. A\u003ca href=\"https://www.modbee.com/news/local/article235394812.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> tent shelter underneath a bridge\u003c/a> for 420 people cost Modesto $1.6 million during the 10 months it was open. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/local/article230135694.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">A shelter in Sacramento\u003c/a> with services focused on finding temporary or permanent housing cost the city $5 million in public and private money over 17 months, raising hackles on the City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeless advocates say that the shelters will reduce the cost of jails, emergency room visits and other services that would result from people living outdoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got to bring people indoors,” said Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg, who is co-chair of the governor’s council on homelessness. “I view this as all new opportunity. Land is costly, and if the state’s willing to partner with us and provide land, I only have two words: thank you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But reducing homelessness and its associated issues, including mental health, are big challenges, said Weiss, mayor of Oceanside. Many residents have negative perceptions of homeless people because of crime, litter and frequent calls for police, so they may oppose a shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weiss said he would welcome a new shelter — but not the associated costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caltrans identified a 17-acre parcel of excess land south of State Route 76 in Oceanside, but Weiss said he doesn’t know how the city or county would pay for a shelter there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://cchealth.org/h3/coc/pdf/2015-CoC-Application.pdf\">Richmond and Contra Costa County homeless coalition\u003c/a> will be allocated one-time funding of up to $2.7 million in emergency homeless aid from the state, along with another $2.5 million that’s available directly to the county as part of the state’s $650 million going directly to cities, counties and regional care associations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Richmond’s mayor says that’s not nearly enough when counts show his city alone has at least 400 unsheltered people at any point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re either gonna continue to put Band-Aids on it and push these people into shelters and Tuff Sheds and that, or the state is going to pay up. California’s rich enough to afford it, the United States is rich enough to afford it,” Butt said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I read this thing that the problem’s gonna get pushed down to cities and counties, that’s just crazy and it makes no sense. We’re either gonna solve it or we’re gonna keep pushing it down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Whatever-It-Takes Mode\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Steinberg, Sacramento’s mayor, said the counties and regions could work together to solve the homeless crisis, but they haven’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one would ask the counties or cities to do what they can’t do, but we are in whatever-it-takes mode,” Steinberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Gore, a Sonoma County supervisor and first vice president of the California State Association of Counties, said there could be electoral consequences for officials that push forward with shelter plans. “Diving into homelessness and affordable housing is a good way for elected officials to get voted out of office in a world run by NIMBYs (Not In My Back Yard),” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, Gore said the governor’s shelter plan is urgently necessary, especially since local efforts haven’t been effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would look at my colleagues who are criticizing the governor and say the time for criticism is over. There was local control, and there haven’t been results,” he said. “For cities and counties that think they don’t have enough money, they have a reckoning coming.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the problem, Steinberg said, is how Californians think about the word “shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Shelter has been and in many ways continues to be a pejorative term,” Steinberg said. “It implies to people who are skeptics that the only kind of shelter is a long-term, dusty, mis-run facility where people are helpless without the ability to get long-term housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a stereotype and it may have been an accurate stereotype at one point. But now, when we say shelter, we’re talking about navigation centers, where the point is to gain stability to get off the streets permanently.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801333\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11801333\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41319_STATE-SHELTERS-photo-2-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Esteban Gonzalez keeps watch over a dozen shopping carts full of personal items belonging to a group of homeless individuals across the street from Los Angeles City Hall on August 7, 2019. According to Gonzalez, someone must stay with the shopping carts at all times to avoid having their items taken away by authorities so he and the other participants take turns throughout the day never leaving the carts unattended. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1393\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41319_STATE-SHELTERS-photo-2-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41319_STATE-SHELTERS-photo-2-qut-160x116.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41319_STATE-SHELTERS-photo-2-qut-800x580.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41319_STATE-SHELTERS-photo-2-qut-1020x740.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Esteban Gonzalez keeps watch over a dozen shopping carts full of personal items belonging to a group of homeless individuals across the street from Los Angeles City Hall on Aug. 7, 2019. According to Gonzalez, someone must stay with the shopping carts at all times to avoid having their items taken away by authorities so he and the other participants take turns throughout the day never leaving the carts unattended. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear what kind of shelters would be built on excess state land. The governor’s office has mandated that they all have “service provisions” such as housing assistance and medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nothing yet compels cities and counties to work together to resolve their homelessness crises, but the Steinberg-led governor’s coalition wants to change that. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/01/gavin-newsom-homelessness-task-force/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Under a coalition proposal,\u003c/a> the state could sue cities and counties that fail to house the majority of their homeless population. The Legislature would have to design the plan, and it would have to go before voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Newsom is pushing even further with the idea of turning government land into shelter space. On Jan. 21, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/amp/Newsom-asks-to-have-surplus-federal-land-used-for-14995834.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the governor asked \u003c/a>U.S. Housing and Urban Development Secretary Ben Carson to “match our commitment by similarly providing surplus federal land to local governments across the state so they can build housing for the homeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Shelter 1.0: A Roof and a Bathroom\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Haynes, who runs the National Guard Armory shelter in Santa Ana, describes it as a “shelter 1.0,” which are deliberately temporary. “Here’s a roof, here’s a door, here’s a bathroom, do the best you can,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the armories are used by the Guard during the day, everything has to be picked up — and cleaned to military standards — by 8 a.m. daily. That means a predawn wake-up call for the people laid out elbow-to-elbow on the floor of the building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is it difficult to get them up? It’s \u003cem>awful\u003c/em>,” Haynes said. “But that’s not our call. It’s got to be mopped, broomed, like no one was ever here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s time for this model [of shelter] to sunset. There are a lot of options out there. I think there’s a growing frustration with the lack of space, the lack of privacy, and as someone who operates this shelter, I can say, I get it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelters of more recent vintage, or in more permanent locations, afford better privileges. Some have bunk beds instead of mats. People have a designated spot so they don’t have to line up before the shelter opens. Some have housing assistance programs and a medical clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haynes gazed around at the 150 people inside the armory, shuffling from dinner — that day it was chicken noodle soup, bread and a salad — to the tightly packed mats on the concrete floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the end of the day, whether there’s going to be legal persuasion or not, at some point in time a policymaker — whether it’s a councilmember, a board of [supervisors] member, a governor, whatever — is going to have to take the heat for making the decision to have a shelter sited.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Nigel Duara is a reporter at CalMatters. This article is part of\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/divide/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> The California Divide\u003c/a>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "California Lawmakers Have Refused to Restrict Flavored Vaping — Is That About to Change?",
"title": "California Lawmakers Have Refused to Restrict Flavored Vaping — Is That About to Change?",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Milk and waters in kids’ meals. Smaller “Big Gulps.” No teens on tanning beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials here pride themselves as national leaders in protecting the health of Californians — so much so that conservatives deride it as the “nanny-state.” And that’s particularly true when it comes to its youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet California is behind some other states and the Trump administration when it comes to cracking down on flavored tobacco and e-cigarette use — nor has it moved to block the sale of flavored vape products containing cannabis. San Francisco-based Juul Labs Inc., maker of vape pens and nicotine pods, poured hundreds of thousands into lobbying and political campaigns — and until now successfully quashed bills to ban flavored tobacco in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year could change that. The skyrocketing use of flavored vape products among kids, a rash of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/tobacco/basic_information/e-cigarettes/severe-lung-disease.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">vape-related\u003c/a> hospitalizations and deaths, and the governor’s public support for a ban on flavors could turn the tide. So could a market shift at Juul, which amid \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2019/10/191028075943.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">evidence\u003c/a> that flavors entice teen users, has stopped U.S. sales of flavored pods including mango and mint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jim Knox, director of government relations for the American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network\"]'Politics gets down to money. The tobacco industry has been for decades, and remains, a very substantial power at the state Capitol.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year eight other states, temporarily at least, \u003ca href=\"https://www.tobaccofreekids.org/assets/factsheets/0398.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">banned\u003c/a> flavored e-cigarettes, prompting legal challenges. Several states similarly \u003ca href=\"https://mjbizdaily.com/oregon-bans-flavored-marijuana-vaping-products-for-six-months/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">prohibited\u003c/a> the sale of flavored cannabis products. So far in 2020, of at least 184 vaping bills in 20 state legislatures, 47 include flavor restrictions, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least 60 California \u003ca href=\"https://www.tobaccofreekids.org/assets/factsheets/0398.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">cities and counties\u003c/a> have taken matters into their own hands by banning flavors or restricting the sale of e-cigarettes. In San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/business/article/SF-vape-shops-scramble-with-ban-taking-effect-15006119.php#\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the first e-cigarette sales ban in the nation\u003c/a> went into effect in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Politics gets down to money,” said Jim Knox, director of government relations for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fightcancer.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network\u003c/a>. “The tobacco industry has been for decades, and remains, a very substantial power at the state Capitol.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Tempting Flavors Attract Younger Users\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When e-cigarettes hit the U.S. market \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5020143/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">in 2007\u003c/a>, there was little regulation of sales, advertising or use. They were typically touted as a tar-free alternative to smoking, a way to reduce cigarette consumption. But they also surged in popularity among new, younger users. As of last year, 1 in 10 middle-schoolers and a quarter of high-schoolers reported using e-cigarettes in 2019,\u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/tobacco/data_statistics/fact_sheets/youth_data/tobacco_use/index.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> according\u003c/a> to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11800898 alignright\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/VAPING-graphic-1-1-e1581367337462.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"400\" height=\"749\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among recent users in middle school, 49% said they used a flavored product in 2018. Among high school tobacco users that number was 67%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That led some California legislators to try to regulate vaping — triggering fierce opposition from tobacco companies and the vape industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year in the Assembly, a bill to ban the sale of flavored tobacco products was killed without even a hearing in the Assembly’s Government Organization Committee, chaired by Merced Democrat Adam Gray.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee is “the main vise the legislative leadership has used to deliver for big tobacco,” said Stanton Glantz, UC San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://tobacco.ucsf.edu/people/stanton-glantz-phd\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">professor\u003c/a> of medicine and director of its Center for Tobacco Control Research and Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of all the tobacco control policies that are out there,” Glantz continued, “the one they are most desperate to stop is flavor bans. Because that goes to the key of how they get all of these kids addicted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar 2019 flavor ban proposal in the California Senate grew so weakened by amendments that its author abandoned the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then reports of vaping tragedies nationwide began mounting — as of last week, vaping had caused 2,600 hospitalizations and 60 deaths nationwide. The majority of those who became sick were vaping tetrahydrocannabinol, or THC, a cannabis product, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/tobacco/basic_information/e-cigarettes/severe-lung-disease.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according\u003c/a> to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, which identified the culprit as the additive vitamin E acetate. But the mounting health toll heightened awareness of the rising trend of teens vaping cannabis and tobacco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump initially called in September for a ban on all flavored e-cigarette products, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/11/17/health/trump-vaping-ban.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">then backpedaled\u003c/a>. Instead, in January his administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.fda.gov/news-events/press-announcements/fda-finalizes-enforcement-policy-unauthorized-flavored-cartridge-based-e-cigarettes-appeal-children\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">issued\u003c/a> a more limited mandate that manufacturers stop selling certain products, such as prefilled flavor pods. Exempted are menthol cartridges and also tank-based systems that allow users to refill vape pens with their choice of flavored liquid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few days after Trump’s September announcement, Gov. Gavin Newsom issued an executive order directing various California agencies to crack down on the vaping black market, research new ways to tax vape products and develop a $20 million awareness campaign about the risks of vaping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor also has said he supports a new flavor-ban bill sponsored by the same senator whose bill was stymied last year — and like last year’s, the new state bill would bar more types of flavored products than the Trump administration has restricted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"San Mateo Democratic Sen. Jerry Hill\"]'This is affecting our youth. The gateway is the flavored product, and we can’t leave it to the industry to police themselves, because they failed to do that.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo Democratic Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://sd13.senate.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Jerry Hill’s\u003c/a> pending \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB793\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Senate Bill 793\u003c/a> would prohibit the sale of all flavored tobacco products — not just pods for vape pens in flavors such as mint, fruit, cotton candy, but also tank-based systems, menthol cigarettes, chewing tobacco, cigars and hookah tobacco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is affecting our youth,” Hill said. “The gateway is the flavored product, and we can’t leave it to the industry to police themselves, because they failed to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are going to do more than the federal government did on the flavors,” Newsom said when he released his proposed budget earlier this month. “And I just want to thank Jerry Hill and everybody else upstairs for their leadership on this. I’m all in on what they are doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A Costly Industry Fight\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Hill’s bill faces opposition from some quarters of the tobacco and vaping industries, and millions of smokers or vapers who oppose any restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The unintended consequences of policies like these could be more young people smoking cigarettes or switching to illicit THC cartridges,” said Gregory Conley, president of the American Vaping Association, in a statement. “Prohibitionist groups can complain all day long but the reality is that flavored vaping products do help adult smokers quit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Juul Labs Inc.\"]'Our customer base is the world’s 1 billion adult smokers and we do not intend to attract underage users.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juul spokesman Ted Kwong said Juul does not have a position on the proposed flavor ban. The\u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.juul.com/juul-labs-stops-the-sale-of-mint-juulpods-in-the-united-states/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> company\u003c/a> stopped its U.S. sales of mint-flavored pods in November and had previously ended sales of other flavors including mango. Only its menthol products would be directly affected by Hill’s flavor-ban bill, although critics note that teens who start vaping flavored pods made by other companies could eventually “outgrow” sweet flavors and switch to Juul’s products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Juul said, “We remain focused on resetting the vapor category in the U.S. and earning the trust of society by working cooperatively with lawmakers, regulators, public health officials, and other stakeholders to combat underage use and convert adult smokers from combustible cigarettes ... Our customer base is the world’s 1 billion adult smokers and we do not intend to attract underage users.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, last year Juul spent more than $600,000 on political donations and lobbying activities in California, including $20,000 it gave to the Los Angeles Democratic Party, according to state records. At a state Democratic Party \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11752126/a-california-democratic-convention-brought-to-you-by-e-cigarettes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">convention\u003c/a> last summer, logos identifying Juul as a sponsor flashed on big screens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The tobacco industry will make every conceivable effort to curry favor, and that makes them a very formidable adversary,” said Knox. “They have untold amounts of money and they are spending it on lobbying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11800901 alignright\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/VAPING-graphic-2-e1581368110861.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"400\" height=\"625\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Partial reports for last year indicate that Juul gave Assemblyman Gray’s Valley Solutions ballot committee $4,700. The year before, Gray received $8,000 and the committee received $25,000. In total, since 2014, Gray has received more than $200,000 from Juul, RJ Reynolds and other companies. On the American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network’s \u003ca href=\"http://action.fightcancer.org/site/PageNavigator/CA_tobacco_money_challenge_rejected.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tracker\u003c/a> of elected officials who take tobacco money, Gray is at the top of the list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Clearly we have a chair who is friendly to the tobacco industry,” Knox said. “And that’s not new, he carries on a tradition that has been going on for decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gray’s office said that his positions arise from him balancing the issues of adult choice, government interference and the rising risk of teens using tobacco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email statement, he said, “If you want to support my agenda, my voting record, and the things I stand for, I’m happy to receive that support. But it has zero role in how I represent my district or how I make decisions on public policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pending \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1639\">bill\u003c/a> by Gray would treat vape products more like alcohol — with restrictions on ads and signs, and stronger penalties for retailers who sell to minors. It originally would have restricted candy and fruit flavors but not mint or menthol, but those provisions were struck from the bill in previous committees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Gray intends to amend the bill to include a tax on pods of nicotine used in e-cigarettes to match how packs of cigarettes are taxed, at about $2.87 a box, according to his legislative director, Adam Capper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Shifting Attention to Cannabis Vaping\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Gray has argued for focusing attention on what he has characterized as a critical but under-emphasized problem: cannabis vaping. In a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/vaping-health/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">commentary\u003c/a> for CalMatters last September, he stressed that vaping hospitalizations and deaths have primarily occurred after the person vaped marijuana products. Capper said his boss is considering options to regulate flavored cannabis vape products by including it in his existing bill or doing so through another vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thus far, the Legislature hasn’t considered any bills to restrict flavored cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flavored vape cartridges and liquids made with THC are used in vape pens and sold in legal vape shops, and illicitly. Like nicotine, they also come in a variety of fruit and candy flavors including grape, pineapple, sherbet and gelato.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how many Californians are vaping cannabis, but nationally, in five states including California where marijuana is legal, vapes made up nearly a quarter of the share of sales of cannabis in the first three quarters of 2019, according to BDS Analytics, a global cannabinoid market research and analytics company based in Colorado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"vaping\" label=\"related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The research links the vape-related lung illness outbreak last year to a drop in cannabis vape sales. The industry saw the monthly sales of cannabis vape products, including flavors, drop from a high of $160 million in August to $119 million in October, BDS Analytics reported for the states of California, Arizona, Colorado, Nevada and Oregon. And in California, cannabis vape sales dropped 20% between August and September, when sales totaled $66 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those figures do not include the sales of illicit cannabis vaping products, which the federal government says are mainly to blame for the vape-related lung illness. In California, experts estimate that market is still larger than the legal market because of the challenges to enter the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, none of the cases in California of vaping illness have been linked to legal marijuana shops, according to the state Bureau of Cannabis Control. There have been 204 cases of the illness and four deaths in California, according to the state Department of Public Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bureau of Cannabis Control has been \u003ca href=\"https://bcc.ca.gov/about_us/documents/media_20200127.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">conducting\u003c/a> seizures at unlicensed marijuana shops, and in December confiscated more than 10,000 illegal vape pens in Los Angeles. Those products were tested and the state found they contained undisclosed additives and also had less THC than they claimed to have. To help consumers ensure they are buying from a legitimate cannabis retailer, the state has launched a campaign to get users to scan a QR code linking to the state’s online license database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://CalMatters.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CalMatters\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Milk and waters in kids’ meals. Smaller “Big Gulps.” No teens on tanning beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials here pride themselves as national leaders in protecting the health of Californians — so much so that conservatives deride it as the “nanny-state.” And that’s particularly true when it comes to its youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet California is behind some other states and the Trump administration when it comes to cracking down on flavored tobacco and e-cigarette use — nor has it moved to block the sale of flavored vape products containing cannabis. San Francisco-based Juul Labs Inc., maker of vape pens and nicotine pods, poured hundreds of thousands into lobbying and political campaigns — and until now successfully quashed bills to ban flavored tobacco in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year could change that. The skyrocketing use of flavored vape products among kids, a rash of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/tobacco/basic_information/e-cigarettes/severe-lung-disease.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">vape-related\u003c/a> hospitalizations and deaths, and the governor’s public support for a ban on flavors could turn the tide. So could a market shift at Juul, which amid \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2019/10/191028075943.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">evidence\u003c/a> that flavors entice teen users, has stopped U.S. sales of flavored pods including mango and mint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year eight other states, temporarily at least, \u003ca href=\"https://www.tobaccofreekids.org/assets/factsheets/0398.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">banned\u003c/a> flavored e-cigarettes, prompting legal challenges. Several states similarly \u003ca href=\"https://mjbizdaily.com/oregon-bans-flavored-marijuana-vaping-products-for-six-months/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">prohibited\u003c/a> the sale of flavored cannabis products. So far in 2020, of at least 184 vaping bills in 20 state legislatures, 47 include flavor restrictions, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least 60 California \u003ca href=\"https://www.tobaccofreekids.org/assets/factsheets/0398.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">cities and counties\u003c/a> have taken matters into their own hands by banning flavors or restricting the sale of e-cigarettes. In San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/business/article/SF-vape-shops-scramble-with-ban-taking-effect-15006119.php#\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the first e-cigarette sales ban in the nation\u003c/a> went into effect in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Politics gets down to money,” said Jim Knox, director of government relations for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fightcancer.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network\u003c/a>. “The tobacco industry has been for decades, and remains, a very substantial power at the state Capitol.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Tempting Flavors Attract Younger Users\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When e-cigarettes hit the U.S. market \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5020143/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">in 2007\u003c/a>, there was little regulation of sales, advertising or use. They were typically touted as a tar-free alternative to smoking, a way to reduce cigarette consumption. But they also surged in popularity among new, younger users. As of last year, 1 in 10 middle-schoolers and a quarter of high-schoolers reported using e-cigarettes in 2019,\u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/tobacco/data_statistics/fact_sheets/youth_data/tobacco_use/index.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> according\u003c/a> to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11800898 alignright\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/VAPING-graphic-1-1-e1581367337462.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"400\" height=\"749\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among recent users in middle school, 49% said they used a flavored product in 2018. Among high school tobacco users that number was 67%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That led some California legislators to try to regulate vaping — triggering fierce opposition from tobacco companies and the vape industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year in the Assembly, a bill to ban the sale of flavored tobacco products was killed without even a hearing in the Assembly’s Government Organization Committee, chaired by Merced Democrat Adam Gray.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee is “the main vise the legislative leadership has used to deliver for big tobacco,” said Stanton Glantz, UC San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://tobacco.ucsf.edu/people/stanton-glantz-phd\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">professor\u003c/a> of medicine and director of its Center for Tobacco Control Research and Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of all the tobacco control policies that are out there,” Glantz continued, “the one they are most desperate to stop is flavor bans. Because that goes to the key of how they get all of these kids addicted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar 2019 flavor ban proposal in the California Senate grew so weakened by amendments that its author abandoned the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then reports of vaping tragedies nationwide began mounting — as of last week, vaping had caused 2,600 hospitalizations and 60 deaths nationwide. The majority of those who became sick were vaping tetrahydrocannabinol, or THC, a cannabis product, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/tobacco/basic_information/e-cigarettes/severe-lung-disease.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according\u003c/a> to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, which identified the culprit as the additive vitamin E acetate. But the mounting health toll heightened awareness of the rising trend of teens vaping cannabis and tobacco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump initially called in September for a ban on all flavored e-cigarette products, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/11/17/health/trump-vaping-ban.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">then backpedaled\u003c/a>. Instead, in January his administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.fda.gov/news-events/press-announcements/fda-finalizes-enforcement-policy-unauthorized-flavored-cartridge-based-e-cigarettes-appeal-children\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">issued\u003c/a> a more limited mandate that manufacturers stop selling certain products, such as prefilled flavor pods. Exempted are menthol cartridges and also tank-based systems that allow users to refill vape pens with their choice of flavored liquid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few days after Trump’s September announcement, Gov. Gavin Newsom issued an executive order directing various California agencies to crack down on the vaping black market, research new ways to tax vape products and develop a $20 million awareness campaign about the risks of vaping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor also has said he supports a new flavor-ban bill sponsored by the same senator whose bill was stymied last year — and like last year’s, the new state bill would bar more types of flavored products than the Trump administration has restricted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'This is affecting our youth. The gateway is the flavored product, and we can’t leave it to the industry to police themselves, because they failed to do that.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo Democratic Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://sd13.senate.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Jerry Hill’s\u003c/a> pending \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB793\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Senate Bill 793\u003c/a> would prohibit the sale of all flavored tobacco products — not just pods for vape pens in flavors such as mint, fruit, cotton candy, but also tank-based systems, menthol cigarettes, chewing tobacco, cigars and hookah tobacco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is affecting our youth,” Hill said. “The gateway is the flavored product, and we can’t leave it to the industry to police themselves, because they failed to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are going to do more than the federal government did on the flavors,” Newsom said when he released his proposed budget earlier this month. “And I just want to thank Jerry Hill and everybody else upstairs for their leadership on this. I’m all in on what they are doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A Costly Industry Fight\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Hill’s bill faces opposition from some quarters of the tobacco and vaping industries, and millions of smokers or vapers who oppose any restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The unintended consequences of policies like these could be more young people smoking cigarettes or switching to illicit THC cartridges,” said Gregory Conley, president of the American Vaping Association, in a statement. “Prohibitionist groups can complain all day long but the reality is that flavored vaping products do help adult smokers quit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'Our customer base is the world’s 1 billion adult smokers and we do not intend to attract underage users.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juul spokesman Ted Kwong said Juul does not have a position on the proposed flavor ban. The\u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.juul.com/juul-labs-stops-the-sale-of-mint-juulpods-in-the-united-states/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> company\u003c/a> stopped its U.S. sales of mint-flavored pods in November and had previously ended sales of other flavors including mango. Only its menthol products would be directly affected by Hill’s flavor-ban bill, although critics note that teens who start vaping flavored pods made by other companies could eventually “outgrow” sweet flavors and switch to Juul’s products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Juul said, “We remain focused on resetting the vapor category in the U.S. and earning the trust of society by working cooperatively with lawmakers, regulators, public health officials, and other stakeholders to combat underage use and convert adult smokers from combustible cigarettes ... Our customer base is the world’s 1 billion adult smokers and we do not intend to attract underage users.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, last year Juul spent more than $600,000 on political donations and lobbying activities in California, including $20,000 it gave to the Los Angeles Democratic Party, according to state records. At a state Democratic Party \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11752126/a-california-democratic-convention-brought-to-you-by-e-cigarettes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">convention\u003c/a> last summer, logos identifying Juul as a sponsor flashed on big screens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The tobacco industry will make every conceivable effort to curry favor, and that makes them a very formidable adversary,” said Knox. “They have untold amounts of money and they are spending it on lobbying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11800901 alignright\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/VAPING-graphic-2-e1581368110861.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"400\" height=\"625\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Partial reports for last year indicate that Juul gave Assemblyman Gray’s Valley Solutions ballot committee $4,700. The year before, Gray received $8,000 and the committee received $25,000. In total, since 2014, Gray has received more than $200,000 from Juul, RJ Reynolds and other companies. On the American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network’s \u003ca href=\"http://action.fightcancer.org/site/PageNavigator/CA_tobacco_money_challenge_rejected.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tracker\u003c/a> of elected officials who take tobacco money, Gray is at the top of the list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Clearly we have a chair who is friendly to the tobacco industry,” Knox said. “And that’s not new, he carries on a tradition that has been going on for decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gray’s office said that his positions arise from him balancing the issues of adult choice, government interference and the rising risk of teens using tobacco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email statement, he said, “If you want to support my agenda, my voting record, and the things I stand for, I’m happy to receive that support. But it has zero role in how I represent my district or how I make decisions on public policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pending \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1639\">bill\u003c/a> by Gray would treat vape products more like alcohol — with restrictions on ads and signs, and stronger penalties for retailers who sell to minors. It originally would have restricted candy and fruit flavors but not mint or menthol, but those provisions were struck from the bill in previous committees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Gray intends to amend the bill to include a tax on pods of nicotine used in e-cigarettes to match how packs of cigarettes are taxed, at about $2.87 a box, according to his legislative director, Adam Capper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Shifting Attention to Cannabis Vaping\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Gray has argued for focusing attention on what he has characterized as a critical but under-emphasized problem: cannabis vaping. In a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/vaping-health/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">commentary\u003c/a> for CalMatters last September, he stressed that vaping hospitalizations and deaths have primarily occurred after the person vaped marijuana products. Capper said his boss is considering options to regulate flavored cannabis vape products by including it in his existing bill or doing so through another vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thus far, the Legislature hasn’t considered any bills to restrict flavored cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flavored vape cartridges and liquids made with THC are used in vape pens and sold in legal vape shops, and illicitly. Like nicotine, they also come in a variety of fruit and candy flavors including grape, pineapple, sherbet and gelato.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how many Californians are vaping cannabis, but nationally, in five states including California where marijuana is legal, vapes made up nearly a quarter of the share of sales of cannabis in the first three quarters of 2019, according to BDS Analytics, a global cannabinoid market research and analytics company based in Colorado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The research links the vape-related lung illness outbreak last year to a drop in cannabis vape sales. The industry saw the monthly sales of cannabis vape products, including flavors, drop from a high of $160 million in August to $119 million in October, BDS Analytics reported for the states of California, Arizona, Colorado, Nevada and Oregon. And in California, cannabis vape sales dropped 20% between August and September, when sales totaled $66 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those figures do not include the sales of illicit cannabis vaping products, which the federal government says are mainly to blame for the vape-related lung illness. In California, experts estimate that market is still larger than the legal market because of the challenges to enter the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, none of the cases in California of vaping illness have been linked to legal marijuana shops, according to the state Bureau of Cannabis Control. There have been 204 cases of the illness and four deaths in California, according to the state Department of Public Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bureau of Cannabis Control has been \u003ca href=\"https://bcc.ca.gov/about_us/documents/media_20200127.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">conducting\u003c/a> seizures at unlicensed marijuana shops, and in December confiscated more than 10,000 illegal vape pens in Los Angeles. Those products were tested and the state found they contained undisclosed additives and also had less THC than they claimed to have. To help consumers ensure they are buying from a legitimate cannabis retailer, the state has launched a campaign to get users to scan a QR code linking to the state’s online license database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://CalMatters.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CalMatters\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "It's Official: Bay Area Has Highest Income Inequality in California",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s official: The gap between the Bay Area’s haves and have-nots is wider than anywhere else in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Top income earners in the Bay Area make 12.2 times as much as those at the bottom of the economic ladder, according to new research from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>, which analyzed 2018 U.S. Census Bureau data, the most recent available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area residents in the 90th percentile of incomes earned $384,000 a year, compared to just $32,000 for those in the bottom 10th percentile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Sarah E. Bohn, vice president of research at PPIC\"]'It’s clear that low-income families don’t seem to be able to make as much economic progress as we would like.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the Bay Area, the income gap was widest in the Sacramento region, PPIC found, with the 90th percentile there earning $232,000 and the 10th percentile earning just $19,000. It was narrowest in the Inland Empire region, which includes Imperial, Riverside and San Bernardino counties. There, the 10th percentile earns $20,000 and the 90th makes $190,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The divisions have made California one of the most economically unequal states in the country. Nationally, just five other states — the District of Columbia, Missouri, New Mexico, New York and Louisiana — have higher levels of income inequality, according to PPIC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, I was looking for more of a story of improvement than we see in this data,” said Sarah E. Bohn, vice president of research at PPIC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite California’s strong economy, low- and middle-income earners have seen fewer gains than those in the top bracket in recent decades. Incomes for families in the 90th percentile have increased 60% since 1980, PPIC found, while incomes for the 10th percentile increased by just 20% during the same time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s clear that low-income families don’t seem to be able to make as much economic progress as we would like,\" Bohn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"income-inequality\" label=\"More on income inequality\"]A September analysis of census data from the California Budget and Policy Center found a similar gulf between the state’s rich and poor, but worsening economic outcomes for those at the bottom. Between 2006 and 2018, that report found income for the top 5% of households grew by 18.6%. For households in the bottom 20%, it fell 20%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PPIC’s analysis did not include figures from individual counties, but 2018 census data shows the widest income disparities in the Bay Area are in San Francisco County, where the top 5% of households makes an average of $808,105 annually, compared with $16,184 for the lowest 20%. San Mateo County had the second-highest income gap in the region, with the richest earning $810,917 per year while the bottom fifth made $25,039.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Economists think there are incentives to move up the economic ladder, but when the disparities are so large, does that incentive fade away because it’s not possible to make that leap, to invest in the things that move you up?” Bohn asked. “That’s the bigger concern that I have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Erica Hellerstein is a journalist with the Mercury News. This article is part of\u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/california-divide/\">\u003cem> The California Divide\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s official: The gap between the Bay Area’s haves and have-nots is wider than anywhere else in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Top income earners in the Bay Area make 12.2 times as much as those at the bottom of the economic ladder, according to new research from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>, which analyzed 2018 U.S. Census Bureau data, the most recent available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area residents in the 90th percentile of incomes earned $384,000 a year, compared to just $32,000 for those in the bottom 10th percentile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the Bay Area, the income gap was widest in the Sacramento region, PPIC found, with the 90th percentile there earning $232,000 and the 10th percentile earning just $19,000. It was narrowest in the Inland Empire region, which includes Imperial, Riverside and San Bernardino counties. There, the 10th percentile earns $20,000 and the 90th makes $190,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The divisions have made California one of the most economically unequal states in the country. Nationally, just five other states — the District of Columbia, Missouri, New Mexico, New York and Louisiana — have higher levels of income inequality, according to PPIC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, I was looking for more of a story of improvement than we see in this data,” said Sarah E. Bohn, vice president of research at PPIC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite California’s strong economy, low- and middle-income earners have seen fewer gains than those in the top bracket in recent decades. Incomes for families in the 90th percentile have increased 60% since 1980, PPIC found, while incomes for the 10th percentile increased by just 20% during the same time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s clear that low-income families don’t seem to be able to make as much economic progress as we would like,\" Bohn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A September analysis of census data from the California Budget and Policy Center found a similar gulf between the state’s rich and poor, but worsening economic outcomes for those at the bottom. Between 2006 and 2018, that report found income for the top 5% of households grew by 18.6%. For households in the bottom 20%, it fell 20%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PPIC’s analysis did not include figures from individual counties, but 2018 census data shows the widest income disparities in the Bay Area are in San Francisco County, where the top 5% of households makes an average of $808,105 annually, compared with $16,184 for the lowest 20%. San Mateo County had the second-highest income gap in the region, with the richest earning $810,917 per year while the bottom fifth made $25,039.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Economists think there are incentives to move up the economic ladder, but when the disparities are so large, does that incentive fade away because it’s not possible to make that leap, to invest in the things that move you up?” Bohn asked. “That’s the bigger concern that I have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Erica Hellerstein is a journalist with the Mercury News. This article is part of\u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/california-divide/\">\u003cem> The California Divide\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Aspiring Democratic presidential candidates, welcome to California. You’re not in Iowa anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although a calendar packed with county fairs, barbecues and house parties might be enough to carry you through the early states that will vote and caucus in February, California — boasting the largest reserve of candidate-electing party delegates — is a different game.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our electorate is diverse. Our election procedures, complex. Our population, enormous; our costs of campaigning, even more so. And now that California’s primary has been boosted to March 3, just after the first contests in Iowa, New Hampshire, Nevada and South Carolina, the qualities that make California politics unique might actually matter this time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So consider this your primer. We spoke to five experts — two Democratic political consultants, a political data guru, a veteran campaign operator-turned-academic and a California elections researcher — to learn more about the dos and don’ts of California presidential campaigning.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Tip #1: Every vote matters — but early votes may matter more\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>On Feb. 3, hundreds of thousands of Iowans will head to their first-in-the-nation caucuses — and multiples more will start getting their ballots in the mail in California, where any registered voter can cast an absentee ballot for any reason. Campaigns have three reasons to get those vote-by-mail supporters to cast their ballots as early as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, early voters are campaign money-savers. Every California supporter who casts a vote in February is one fewer voter to target with expensive ads, phone calls and door knockers in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Second, early votes are locked in. Every passing day in February holds the possibility of a new attack ad, a new gaffe, a fresh primary defeat or something else that might give a fair-weather voter second thoughts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s a third, distinctly Californian reason to get voters to turn out early, said Paul Mitchell of Political Data Inc: Early votes are usually the first ballots to be counted — other votes can take days and days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Veteran California election watchers are accustomed to waiting weeks for county election officials to publish their final vote counts. A lot can (and frequently does) change as the tally continues. Margins dwindle or cleave open, presumed winners go down in last-minute defeat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ballots mailed or turned in before Election Day make up the bulk of the initial count that officials announce on election night. That doesn’t matter for the final outcome — every valid ballot is counted eventually. But it does matter for the story that candidates can tell voters in other states, said Mitchell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The media narrative is going to be driven by who wins in that first 24 hours of the election,” he said. “If one of the presidential candidates is more heavily tilted toward the late portion of the electorate, they could see the impact of that vote weakened because it’s simply not reported in time to affect Florida and New York and the other coming primaries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798084\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11798084 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201928781.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"701\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201928781.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201928781-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201928781-800x548.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201928781-1020x698.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic presidential candidate former South Bend, Indiana Mayor Pete Buttigieg speaks to Iowa voters while campaigning during a town hall event on Jan. 25 in Fort Dodge, Iowa. \u003ccite>(Win McNamee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Tip #2: California is less than half as white as Iowa\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If California Latinos turn out at the same rate they did in 2016, they will make up more than 1-in-5 voters this primary, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://ccep.usc.edu/fact-sheets\">analysis\u003c/a> by Mindy Romero, director of the California Civic Engagement Project at the University of Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A candidate that wants to win a lot of the delegates in California can’t do it unless they pay significant attention to the Latino vote,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that means pitching Latino Californias and other irregular voters on voting itself. Latino and Asian American citizens are much less likely to be registered to vote than non-Latino white Californias. The fact that the state now allows any eligible voter to register on Election Day could make it easier to turn out underrepresented segments of the potential electorate. That could work to the advantage of, say, Bernie Sanders, whose base is disproportionately made up of young and Latino Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course in a state as diverse as California, appealing to demographic slices can be tricky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are media markets within markets,” said Romero. “Take Los Angeles. There’s the whole world of non-English radio and other forms of media. As a campaign, you have to identify them, know that they’re there, know which outlets are most influential and impactful, and then make connections. Just buying an ad, especially if you don’t understand the political leadership in that community, isn’t going to work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And advertising to non-native English speakers can be a pricey proposition, said Rose Kapolczynski, a Democratic strategist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you buy Spanish language radio,” she said, “you’re reaching voters, non-voters, non-citizens, and a lot of people who are under 18, because the Latino community trends young.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means the cost per voter reached is high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A cheaper alternative: Take advantage of the fact that California data vendors collect more data about individual voters here (whether they’re registered, how they vote, where they live, what they do and buy and browse online) than virtually any other state. That allows for much more precise online advertising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can target voters not only by the language they set their browser to, but with this rich data, match information,” Kapolczynski said. For example, campaigns can find out which language a voter has requested for their ballot and bombard them with ads accordingly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798085\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11798085\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1202108897-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1202108897-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1202108897-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1202108897-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1202108897-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic presidential candidate Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) speaks to guests during a campaign stop at Sudlow Middle School on Jan. 26 in Davenport, Iowa. \u003ccite>(Scott Olson/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Tip #3: Think local\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In most electoral contests, the math is simple: The candidate with the most votes wins. But in California’s Democratic presidential primary, votes are translated into delegates — party members who will convene at the national party convention in July to formally elect a nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the conversion from popular vote to electoral outcome is a\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-2020-presidential-primary-voting-rules-register-democrat-republican-independent/\"> \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-2020-presidential-primary-voting-rules-register-democrat-republican-independent/\">little more complicated\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s partly because more than half of the state’s delegates are awarded based not on the statewide vote, but on each candidate’s performance in the state’s 53 congressional districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So even smaller campaigns with little hope of competing everywhere in the state can still make a California congressional district into their own private Iowa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re (Andrew) Yang and you want to ensure that you’re on that CNN big board on election night,” said Mitchell, “the easiest thing to do is go spend three days in (a single district in the Bay Area) and cobble together support from the Asian community, from across Silicon Valley and from other highly educated voters there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even better if you can find a district outside the large metro areas and make a splash inland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Los Angeles, you never know when there’s going to be a car chase or a wildfire or the mayor is doing a press conference, and that’s going to bump you off the news,” said Kapolczynski. Not so in Fresno. “It’s a red part of the state but there are still delegates there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet targeting a district with pinpoint precision isn’t always easy — or cheap. Many suburban and exurban districts still exist within the broadcast media market of their closest big city. Democratic strategist Garry South pointed to the western Riverside County district represented by GOP Rep. Ken Calvert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s crazy to buy (ads on) a very expensive radio station in the LA media market to try to beam signals in Congressional District 42,” he said. “You might think you can just cherry-pick a district here or a district there, but it just doesn’t work that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798086\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11798086\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201971516-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic presidential candidate former Vice President Joe Biden speaks during a campaign event inside the John Deere Exhibition Hall at the FFA Enrichment Center on Jan. 25 in Ankeny, Iowa. \u003ccite>(Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Tip #4: Remember the crossovers\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Registered voters who don’t belong to a political party in California are allowed to vote in the Democratic primary —\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-2020-presidential-primary-voting-rules-register-democrat-republican-independent/\"> \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-2020-presidential-primary-voting-rules-register-democrat-republican-independent/\">but only if they ask for the right ballot\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For candidates whose appeal extends outside the partisan tent, the existence of “crossover voters” creates both the opportunity to grab more voters and the challenge of having to educate millions of people about the minutiae of California election procedure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Targeting young voters and Californians of color (particularly Latinos) has been an\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/17/podcasts/the-daily/bernie-sanders-latino.html\"> \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/17/podcasts/the-daily/bernie-sanders-latino.html\">integral\u003c/a> part of the Sanders campaign’s strategy across the state. These are also voting blocs that are disproportionately likely not to belong to any party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sanders didn’t win in California last time potentially because his campaign wasn’t as adept at some of the nuances of the election system,” said Mitchell. “In a way, by being able to take a second bite at the apple, now the Sanders campaign is so much better armed to deal with these issues than they were in 2016.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California independents span the ideological spectrum. They include, said Kapolczynski, voters turned off by President Trump but without loyalties to either party — “moderates who don’t want a revolution or big structural change,” as promised by Sanders and Elizabeth Warren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think independents are a natural target for (Joe) Biden, (Michael) Bloomberg, (Amy) Klobuchar and (Pete) Buttigieg,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Older, more conservative Central Valley voters might like Biden or Buttigieg,” added Mitchell. “Higher-income white women in suburban areas might want to vote for Warren…Every campaign has someplace to gain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Tip #5: If all else fails, plan on having a boatload of money…or hope all goes well in Iowa\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The sheer size of California means the hand-shaking, baby-kissing retail politics that defines the campaign trail from Des Moines to Manchester doesn’t get you very far out here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have more registered voters than there are people living in 47 of the 49 other states — and they’re dispersed across a state almost a thousand miles long,” said South. “You couldn’t go to enough house parties in 20 years to make an impact here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, candidates rely more on (really expensive) advertising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On TV alone, which doesn’t include digital or mail or field campaigns, it can cost more than $3 million per week for one ad statewide,” said Kapolczynski. That’s prohibitively expensive for some campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are you going to spend a major portion of your resources in California and risk losing in the early states?” she said. “For some candidates, like Amy Klobuchar, she just doesn’t have the money to do both. and is hoping for a better than expected finish in those early states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A better-than-expected finish in the early states can go a long way in California, said Bob Shrum, a former political operative now at the University of Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It all depends on what happens in Iowa or New Hampshire. If any candidate wins in both — especially Biden — California might be in the position its always been in since 1972: It becomes a ratifying state rather than a deciding state,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a jumble of results in the first four states with no clear frontrunner would give California voters a bit more sway. Bloomberg, who isn’t even competing in the early states is counting on exactly that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He either needs a mess in the early states,” Shrum said, “or he needs Sanders to emerge early on and he can become the moderate alternative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the candidates not named Bloomberg or Tom Steyer, the two billionaires in the race, said Kapolczynski: “The best way to win California is to win the first four states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem> \u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Aspiring Democratic presidential candidates, welcome to California. You’re not in Iowa anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although a calendar packed with county fairs, barbecues and house parties might be enough to carry you through the early states that will vote and caucus in February, California — boasting the largest reserve of candidate-electing party delegates — is a different game.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our electorate is diverse. Our election procedures, complex. Our population, enormous; our costs of campaigning, even more so. And now that California’s primary has been boosted to March 3, just after the first contests in Iowa, New Hampshire, Nevada and South Carolina, the qualities that make California politics unique might actually matter this time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So consider this your primer. We spoke to five experts — two Democratic political consultants, a political data guru, a veteran campaign operator-turned-academic and a California elections researcher — to learn more about the dos and don’ts of California presidential campaigning.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Tip #1: Every vote matters — but early votes may matter more\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>On Feb. 3, hundreds of thousands of Iowans will head to their first-in-the-nation caucuses — and multiples more will start getting their ballots in the mail in California, where any registered voter can cast an absentee ballot for any reason. Campaigns have three reasons to get those vote-by-mail supporters to cast their ballots as early as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, early voters are campaign money-savers. Every California supporter who casts a vote in February is one fewer voter to target with expensive ads, phone calls and door knockers in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Second, early votes are locked in. Every passing day in February holds the possibility of a new attack ad, a new gaffe, a fresh primary defeat or something else that might give a fair-weather voter second thoughts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s a third, distinctly Californian reason to get voters to turn out early, said Paul Mitchell of Political Data Inc: Early votes are usually the first ballots to be counted — other votes can take days and days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Veteran California election watchers are accustomed to waiting weeks for county election officials to publish their final vote counts. A lot can (and frequently does) change as the tally continues. Margins dwindle or cleave open, presumed winners go down in last-minute defeat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ballots mailed or turned in before Election Day make up the bulk of the initial count that officials announce on election night. That doesn’t matter for the final outcome — every valid ballot is counted eventually. But it does matter for the story that candidates can tell voters in other states, said Mitchell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The media narrative is going to be driven by who wins in that first 24 hours of the election,” he said. “If one of the presidential candidates is more heavily tilted toward the late portion of the electorate, they could see the impact of that vote weakened because it’s simply not reported in time to affect Florida and New York and the other coming primaries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798084\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11798084 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201928781.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"701\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201928781.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201928781-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201928781-800x548.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201928781-1020x698.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic presidential candidate former South Bend, Indiana Mayor Pete Buttigieg speaks to Iowa voters while campaigning during a town hall event on Jan. 25 in Fort Dodge, Iowa. \u003ccite>(Win McNamee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Tip #2: California is less than half as white as Iowa\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If California Latinos turn out at the same rate they did in 2016, they will make up more than 1-in-5 voters this primary, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://ccep.usc.edu/fact-sheets\">analysis\u003c/a> by Mindy Romero, director of the California Civic Engagement Project at the University of Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A candidate that wants to win a lot of the delegates in California can’t do it unless they pay significant attention to the Latino vote,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that means pitching Latino Californias and other irregular voters on voting itself. Latino and Asian American citizens are much less likely to be registered to vote than non-Latino white Californias. The fact that the state now allows any eligible voter to register on Election Day could make it easier to turn out underrepresented segments of the potential electorate. That could work to the advantage of, say, Bernie Sanders, whose base is disproportionately made up of young and Latino Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course in a state as diverse as California, appealing to demographic slices can be tricky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are media markets within markets,” said Romero. “Take Los Angeles. There’s the whole world of non-English radio and other forms of media. As a campaign, you have to identify them, know that they’re there, know which outlets are most influential and impactful, and then make connections. Just buying an ad, especially if you don’t understand the political leadership in that community, isn’t going to work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And advertising to non-native English speakers can be a pricey proposition, said Rose Kapolczynski, a Democratic strategist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you buy Spanish language radio,” she said, “you’re reaching voters, non-voters, non-citizens, and a lot of people who are under 18, because the Latino community trends young.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means the cost per voter reached is high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A cheaper alternative: Take advantage of the fact that California data vendors collect more data about individual voters here (whether they’re registered, how they vote, where they live, what they do and buy and browse online) than virtually any other state. That allows for much more precise online advertising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can target voters not only by the language they set their browser to, but with this rich data, match information,” Kapolczynski said. For example, campaigns can find out which language a voter has requested for their ballot and bombard them with ads accordingly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798085\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11798085\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1202108897-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1202108897-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1202108897-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1202108897-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1202108897-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic presidential candidate Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) speaks to guests during a campaign stop at Sudlow Middle School on Jan. 26 in Davenport, Iowa. \u003ccite>(Scott Olson/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Tip #3: Think local\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In most electoral contests, the math is simple: The candidate with the most votes wins. But in California’s Democratic presidential primary, votes are translated into delegates — party members who will convene at the national party convention in July to formally elect a nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the conversion from popular vote to electoral outcome is a\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-2020-presidential-primary-voting-rules-register-democrat-republican-independent/\"> \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-2020-presidential-primary-voting-rules-register-democrat-republican-independent/\">little more complicated\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s partly because more than half of the state’s delegates are awarded based not on the statewide vote, but on each candidate’s performance in the state’s 53 congressional districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So even smaller campaigns with little hope of competing everywhere in the state can still make a California congressional district into their own private Iowa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re (Andrew) Yang and you want to ensure that you’re on that CNN big board on election night,” said Mitchell, “the easiest thing to do is go spend three days in (a single district in the Bay Area) and cobble together support from the Asian community, from across Silicon Valley and from other highly educated voters there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even better if you can find a district outside the large metro areas and make a splash inland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Los Angeles, you never know when there’s going to be a car chase or a wildfire or the mayor is doing a press conference, and that’s going to bump you off the news,” said Kapolczynski. Not so in Fresno. “It’s a red part of the state but there are still delegates there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet targeting a district with pinpoint precision isn’t always easy — or cheap. Many suburban and exurban districts still exist within the broadcast media market of their closest big city. Democratic strategist Garry South pointed to the western Riverside County district represented by GOP Rep. Ken Calvert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s crazy to buy (ads on) a very expensive radio station in the LA media market to try to beam signals in Congressional District 42,” he said. “You might think you can just cherry-pick a district here or a district there, but it just doesn’t work that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798086\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11798086\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201971516-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic presidential candidate former Vice President Joe Biden speaks during a campaign event inside the John Deere Exhibition Hall at the FFA Enrichment Center on Jan. 25 in Ankeny, Iowa. \u003ccite>(Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Tip #4: Remember the crossovers\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Registered voters who don’t belong to a political party in California are allowed to vote in the Democratic primary —\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-2020-presidential-primary-voting-rules-register-democrat-republican-independent/\"> \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-2020-presidential-primary-voting-rules-register-democrat-republican-independent/\">but only if they ask for the right ballot\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For candidates whose appeal extends outside the partisan tent, the existence of “crossover voters” creates both the opportunity to grab more voters and the challenge of having to educate millions of people about the minutiae of California election procedure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Targeting young voters and Californians of color (particularly Latinos) has been an\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/17/podcasts/the-daily/bernie-sanders-latino.html\"> \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/17/podcasts/the-daily/bernie-sanders-latino.html\">integral\u003c/a> part of the Sanders campaign’s strategy across the state. These are also voting blocs that are disproportionately likely not to belong to any party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sanders didn’t win in California last time potentially because his campaign wasn’t as adept at some of the nuances of the election system,” said Mitchell. “In a way, by being able to take a second bite at the apple, now the Sanders campaign is so much better armed to deal with these issues than they were in 2016.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California independents span the ideological spectrum. They include, said Kapolczynski, voters turned off by President Trump but without loyalties to either party — “moderates who don’t want a revolution or big structural change,” as promised by Sanders and Elizabeth Warren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think independents are a natural target for (Joe) Biden, (Michael) Bloomberg, (Amy) Klobuchar and (Pete) Buttigieg,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Older, more conservative Central Valley voters might like Biden or Buttigieg,” added Mitchell. “Higher-income white women in suburban areas might want to vote for Warren…Every campaign has someplace to gain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Tip #5: If all else fails, plan on having a boatload of money…or hope all goes well in Iowa\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The sheer size of California means the hand-shaking, baby-kissing retail politics that defines the campaign trail from Des Moines to Manchester doesn’t get you very far out here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have more registered voters than there are people living in 47 of the 49 other states — and they’re dispersed across a state almost a thousand miles long,” said South. “You couldn’t go to enough house parties in 20 years to make an impact here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, candidates rely more on (really expensive) advertising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On TV alone, which doesn’t include digital or mail or field campaigns, it can cost more than $3 million per week for one ad statewide,” said Kapolczynski. That’s prohibitively expensive for some campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are you going to spend a major portion of your resources in California and risk losing in the early states?” she said. “For some candidates, like Amy Klobuchar, she just doesn’t have the money to do both. and is hoping for a better than expected finish in those early states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A better-than-expected finish in the early states can go a long way in California, said Bob Shrum, a former political operative now at the University of Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It all depends on what happens in Iowa or New Hampshire. If any candidate wins in both — especially Biden — California might be in the position its always been in since 1972: It becomes a ratifying state rather than a deciding state,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a jumble of results in the first four states with no clear frontrunner would give California voters a bit more sway. Bloomberg, who isn’t even competing in the early states is counting on exactly that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He either needs a mess in the early states,” Shrum said, “or he needs Sanders to emerge early on and he can become the moderate alternative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the candidates not named Bloomberg or Tom Steyer, the two billionaires in the race, said Kapolczynski: “The best way to win California is to win the first four states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem> \u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Make up School Time Lost to Climate Disasters, Fire Country Lawmaker Says",
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"content": "\u003cp>As climate-fueled natural disasters and power shutoffs have eroded the school year in an unprecedented swath of California, a lawmaker in wildfire country is proposing making up the lost instructional time for the most severely impacted students by funding “disaster relief” summer schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Formally dubbed the “Disaster Relief Instructional Recovery Program,” Senate Bill 884 by Democratic Sen. Bill Dodd of Napa would give schools the funding to make up instructional days lost to fires, natural disasters and attendant blackouts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School districts would not be required to participate in the program, and neither students or teachers would be required to participate in disaster relief summer school if their school district opts into the program. District and charter schools would be eligible to participate if they lost five or more instructional days to disasters in one school year or, cumulatively, “at least 10 instructional days in two out of three consecutive school years,” according to the bill’s text.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation, introduced Thursday, follows reporting and data \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/school-closures-california-wildfire-outage-flood-water-electricity-guns-snow-days-disaster/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">published last year by CalMatters\u003c/a> that detailed the \u003ca href=\"https://disasterdays.calmatters.org/california-school-closures\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">heavy toll\u003c/a> that climate-driven fires –and the power shutoffs aimed at preventing them –have taken on students, teachers and public schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This school year alone, fires and utility power shutoffs forced emergency closures in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-wildfires-school-closures-disaster-days-power-outages-blackouts-local-control/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more than 1,500 public schools\u003c/a> across 34 counties that affected more than 800,000 kids, according to school-closure data gathered by CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though it isn’t required by state law, school districts can voluntarily budget emergency days into their academic calendars —a strategy the state Department of Education advised in the wake of this year’s widespread disruptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside tag='wildfires' label='Related Coverage']\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But local officials overseeing schools most affected by disasters say they don’t have the finances to make up the days — and sometimes weeks — of lost instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a phone interview, Dodd said his bill would help alleviate the negative academic impact on students who miss school because of fires, disasters and power shutoffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is something that I think does impact students adversely and we have to provide some sort of framework,” Dodd said. Though he does not yet have a cost estimate, he said the state needs to step up support for schools and students whose education, in some cases, is now being annually disrupted “through no fault of their own.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the fall of the current 2019-20 school year, more than 360 schools closed for five school days or longer, with some students in Sonoma County losing as many as 15 instructional days –equivalent to three weeks of class time –due to mandatory wildfire evacuations and power shutoffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters identified at least 480 California public schools that have lost 10 or more instructional days for fire-related issues since the 2017-18 term, and thus would be eligible for disaster relief summer school under the bill’s provisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[pullquote size='large' align='right' citation='Sonoma County Office of Education Superintendent Steve Herrington']'Students need to have educational opportunities, and if we’re to produce a student population that’s competitive in this environment, we need to provide them a minimum of 180 days of instruction.'[/pullquote]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, school districts can apply for attendance waivers through the state Department of Education that protect them from financial penalty for having to shut down schools in the wake of disasters. However, while these waivers excuse schools for not meeting the state’s 180-day instructional requirement, the state does not require districts to make up those lost days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to creating a protocol and funding for make-up classes, Dodd’s proposal would add public safety power shutoffs to the list of disaster-related emergencies that let districts close schools without being financially penalized by the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools in some counties routinely have closed for fire-related issues in recent years, from mandatory evacuations to poor air quality and, more recently, utility power shutoffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some schools in Sonoma County, for instance, have lost nearly 40 cumulative instructional days due to fires, disasters and outages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And some schools in Lake County have lost instructional time every school year since 2015 —the year of the devastating Valley Fire —due to fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve Herrington, superintendent of the Sonoma County Office of Education and a proponent of SB 884, said these disruptions have set students back academically and have created lingering traumatic effects for those who lost homes or evacuated during the 2017 Tubbs Fire and last year’s Kincade Fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My issue is equity,” Herrington said Thursday. “Students need to have educational opportunities, and if we’re to produce a student population that’s competitive in this environment, we need to provide them a minimum of 180 days of instruction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dodd said CalMatters’ data on emergency school closures highlighted “how big of a problem it was” for schools across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is state legislation. We’re always willing to run local bills that protect people in our district, but knowing and understanding the gravity of the situation and how these problems were statewide, that really drove our discussion and interest of it in our office,” Dodd said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As climate-fueled natural disasters and power shutoffs have eroded the school year in an unprecedented swath of California, a lawmaker in wildfire country is proposing making up the lost instructional time for the most severely impacted students by funding “disaster relief” summer schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Formally dubbed the “Disaster Relief Instructional Recovery Program,” Senate Bill 884 by Democratic Sen. Bill Dodd of Napa would give schools the funding to make up instructional days lost to fires, natural disasters and attendant blackouts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School districts would not be required to participate in the program, and neither students or teachers would be required to participate in disaster relief summer school if their school district opts into the program. District and charter schools would be eligible to participate if they lost five or more instructional days to disasters in one school year or, cumulatively, “at least 10 instructional days in two out of three consecutive school years,” according to the bill’s text.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation, introduced Thursday, follows reporting and data \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/school-closures-california-wildfire-outage-flood-water-electricity-guns-snow-days-disaster/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">published last year by CalMatters\u003c/a> that detailed the \u003ca href=\"https://disasterdays.calmatters.org/california-school-closures\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">heavy toll\u003c/a> that climate-driven fires –and the power shutoffs aimed at preventing them –have taken on students, teachers and public schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This school year alone, fires and utility power shutoffs forced emergency closures in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-wildfires-school-closures-disaster-days-power-outages-blackouts-local-control/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more than 1,500 public schools\u003c/a> across 34 counties that affected more than 800,000 kids, according to school-closure data gathered by CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though it isn’t required by state law, school districts can voluntarily budget emergency days into their academic calendars —a strategy the state Department of Education advised in the wake of this year’s widespread disruptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But local officials overseeing schools most affected by disasters say they don’t have the finances to make up the days — and sometimes weeks — of lost instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a phone interview, Dodd said his bill would help alleviate the negative academic impact on students who miss school because of fires, disasters and power shutoffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is something that I think does impact students adversely and we have to provide some sort of framework,” Dodd said. Though he does not yet have a cost estimate, he said the state needs to step up support for schools and students whose education, in some cases, is now being annually disrupted “through no fault of their own.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the fall of the current 2019-20 school year, more than 360 schools closed for five school days or longer, with some students in Sonoma County losing as many as 15 instructional days –equivalent to three weeks of class time –due to mandatory wildfire evacuations and power shutoffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters identified at least 480 California public schools that have lost 10 or more instructional days for fire-related issues since the 2017-18 term, and thus would be eligible for disaster relief summer school under the bill’s provisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, school districts can apply for attendance waivers through the state Department of Education that protect them from financial penalty for having to shut down schools in the wake of disasters. However, while these waivers excuse schools for not meeting the state’s 180-day instructional requirement, the state does not require districts to make up those lost days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to creating a protocol and funding for make-up classes, Dodd’s proposal would add public safety power shutoffs to the list of disaster-related emergencies that let districts close schools without being financially penalized by the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools in some counties routinely have closed for fire-related issues in recent years, from mandatory evacuations to poor air quality and, more recently, utility power shutoffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some schools in Sonoma County, for instance, have lost nearly 40 cumulative instructional days due to fires, disasters and outages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And some schools in Lake County have lost instructional time every school year since 2015 —the year of the devastating Valley Fire —due to fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve Herrington, superintendent of the Sonoma County Office of Education and a proponent of SB 884, said these disruptions have set students back academically and have created lingering traumatic effects for those who lost homes or evacuated during the 2017 Tubbs Fire and last year’s Kincade Fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My issue is equity,” Herrington said Thursday. “Students need to have educational opportunities, and if we’re to produce a student population that’s competitive in this environment, we need to provide them a minimum of 180 days of instruction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dodd said CalMatters’ data on emergency school closures highlighted “how big of a problem it was” for schools across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is state legislation. We’re always willing to run local bills that protect people in our district, but knowing and understanding the gravity of the situation and how these problems were statewide, that really drove our discussion and interest of it in our office,” Dodd said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Fourteen states, including California, \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/2020-01-16%20Complaint%20-%20SNAP%20-%20Filed.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">filed suit\u003c/a> Thursday against the Trump administration to block a rule that would eliminate food stamps for an estimated 688,000 Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one should have to choose between a hot meal and paying their rent,” California Attorney General Xavier Becerra said in a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-joins-multistate-lawsuit-challenging-federal-rule\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">statement\u003c/a>. “Yet again, the Trump Administration has failed to offer any legitimate evidence to justify decisions that have real consequences for the health and well-being of our residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The states plus Washington, D.C., and New York City are claiming that the Trump administration failed to follow the steps required to enact such a far-sweeping rule. It’s the latest in a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2018/03/becerra-v-trump-california-using-courts-fight-administration/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">record 65 lawsuits\u003c/a> that Becerra has brought against the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new rule, scheduled to go into effect on April 1, requires that adults without children must work at least 20 hours per week to consistently receive food stamps. In California, that will initially affect about 400,000 Californians, or 11% of people currently getting food stamps, according to the state Department of Social Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The social services agency and county welfare departments are scrambling to prepare people who might lose their monthly grocery money from the federal Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, known as CalFresh here. Meanwhile, state lawmakers are floating possible work-arounds that could blunt the edge of the federal cuts.\u003cbr>\nHere’s what you need to know about the federal food stamp cuts, the lawsuit and how California is preparing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/3451afa1-8943-46f2-8ed7-eba91aab4cc3?src=embed\" title=\"calfresh_trump_cuts\" width=\"550\" height=\"968\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Exactly Does the Rule Do?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Under current federal law, able-bodied adults under the age of 50 with no dependent children must either be working at least 20 hours a week or in vocational training to get food stamps consistently. Otherwise, they can only receive three months of the benefit every three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\" U.S. Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue \"]We need to encourage people by giving them a helping hand but not allowing it to become an indefinitely giving hand.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a decade, states and counties have gotten that limit waived by demonstrating that the local labor market made it hard for people to find jobs. All but six California counties—Alameda, Contra Costa, Marin, San Francisco, Santa Clara and San Mateo—have waivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new federal rule makes that waiver much more elusive in most of the state. A city or county must have an unemployment rate of at least 6% to qualify. California closed 2019 with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.edd.ca.gov/newsroom/unemployment-december-2019.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">statewide unemployment rate\u003c/a> of just under 4%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An estimated 40 California counties would be subject to the 20-hour work requirement starting April 1, while 18 central and northern counties would be spared initially due to their higher unemployment rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Why Did the Trump Administration Do it?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When he announced the rule in December, U.S. Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue said it will restore the original intent of food stamps: “self-sufficiency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to encourage people by giving them a helping hand but not allowing it to become an indefinitely giving hand,” Perdue said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But anti-poverty advocates reject the claim that limiting food stamps will encourage people to work more, citing \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1fyVWIkJIl4Ub2R8k8wV-YbncNTJ9sDB-/view\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">evidence\u003c/a> that food stamp work requirements have failed in other places. The initial proposal spurred more \u003ca href=\"https://www.regulations.gov/docketBrowser?rpp=50&so=DESC&sb=postedDate&po=0&dct=PS&D=FNS-2018-0004\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">than 140,000 public comments\u003c/a>, with many calling the policy outdated and cruel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration says the rule would shave $5.5 billion off the federal budget over 5 years. Critics counter that each food stamp dollar translates to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ers.usda.gov/amber-waves/2019/july/quantifying-the-impact-of-snap-benefits-on-the-us-economy-and-jobs/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$1.54 in economic activity\u003c/a>, according to U.S. Department of Agriculture calculations.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Why Do the States Say it’s Illegal?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The attorneys general say the rule violates the Administrative Procedure Act, a federal law that lays out steps, including notification of the public and comment periods, required to make new rules. The Trump administration did not adequately assess the impact of the rule, or how to mitigate its effects, the suit claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plus, the states argue that the rule defies long-standing policy and the original intent of the work requirement law by eliminating the states’ ability to decide whether childless adults must work given local labor markets conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Rule unequivocally runs afoul of Congress’s intent to ensure food security for low-income individuals and to permit States, who have a better understanding of their labor markets and economic conditions, to apply for waivers and use exemptions where local or individual circumstances warrant relief,” the lawsuit states.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who Would be Most Affected?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the first year, more than 55,000 Californians are expected to lose the benefit, according to Becerra’s office, which amounts to more than $100 million in lost benefits. The lawsuit claims that women and people of color would be most affected because they face higher barriers to employment.\u003cbr>\n[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\" Angela Shing, Deputy Director of Santa Clara County Social Services Agency\"]‘I want people to make sure that if they’re in need that they’re coming to the agency and that we are here to serve. And I fear that many of these new rules and changes that are coming out are negatively impacting our ability to do that.’[/pullquote]\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/data/#/?subject=underemp&r=*\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">National underemployment data\u003c/a> reveals who might be at risk. Black adults are nearly twice as likely as their white counterparts to be out of a job or working part-time even though they’d prefer a full-time schedule. Hispanics, people without a high school degree and adults under 24 also face high rates of underemployment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other groups at risk of losing their food stamps include people experiencing homelessness, veterans, people recently out of jail or prison and former foster youth, according to Jessica Bartholow, a policy advocate at the Western Center on Law and Poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some, having to provide proof of working 20 hours per week may become a roadblock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They will have to go through a lot of hurdles to verify eligibility,” Bartholow said. “A lot of people don’t work in places that regularly provide a printed time-sheet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What About Other Food Stamp Cuts?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>This is the first of three Trump proposals to cut food stamps. All are part of a broader set of policies aimed at reducing the country’s social safety net.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another food stamp proposal would restrict the ability of states to raise the eligibility limit on income and assets, as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/poverty/2019/07/california-trump-food-stamp-cuts-poverty-income-inequality/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California has done\u003c/a>. The other would set a national standard for deducting utility costs from a household budget to determine food stamp eligibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If all three rules go into effect, an estimated 3.7 million Americans, including about 625,700 Californians, would lose food stamps, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/101368/estimated_effect_of_recent_proposed_changes_to_snap_regulations.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Urban Institute study\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How is the State Getting Ready for the Rule?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>State and county officials are reaching out to all recipients subject to the new requirements, alerting them of the change and getting as many as possible into local employment and training programs. Through those programs, affected adults can keep their CalFresh benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County got a head start. Though it lost its waiver in late 2018, the Social Services Agency used banked exemptions to avoid having to cut anyone off food stamps. In the meantime, the agency has enrolled hundreds in employment programs. But the work ahead is still daunting: More than 600 residents could lose CalFresh this year if they don’t start working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Director Angela Shing says she worries that the various federal proposals to cut food stamps are causing people to lose faith in her agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want people to make sure that if they’re in need that they’re coming to the agency and that we are here to serve,” said Shing. “And I fear that many of these new rules and changes that are coming out are negatively impacting our ability to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Else Could the State Do?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers and advisors to the governor are exploring ways that the state could provide a bandaid if the rule survives the courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"food-stamps\" label=\"related coverage\"]\u003cbr>\nFor the first few months, the state plans to shield people from the new requirements using a backlog of month-long exemptions to the work requirement that the state has been banking. Under the new rule, those exemptions will disappear in the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One solution is to use state funds to provide food stamps. That’s the idea behind a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1022\">bill\u003c/a> introduced last year by Assemblywoman Buffy Wicks, a Democrat from Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That could be pricey. The state estimates it could lose as much as $400 million in federal funding for CalFresh if all three of the proposed food stamp rules go into effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state is not in a position to backfill directly the federal contributions by writing a $400 million check,” Governor Gavin Newsom said last week. But, he added, his administration is looking at ways “to significantly minimize” that cost. He said he had put $20 million for food banks in his proposed budget as a “placeholder.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What’s Next?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>All eyes will be on the courts. What are the odds that the states’ lawsuit pauses the food stamp cuts? Hard to say, but it’s been done before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October, the Trump administration’s “public charge” rule was halted just days before it would have gone into effect, after California and other states sued on similar grounds. That rule, which is still winding its way through the courts, would make it harder for legal immigrants to get green cards if they use, or are deemed likely to use, public assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Jackie Botts is a reporter at CalMatters. This article is part of\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/divide/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> The California Divide\u003c/a>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CalMatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Fourteen states, including California, \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/2020-01-16%20Complaint%20-%20SNAP%20-%20Filed.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">filed suit\u003c/a> Thursday against the Trump administration to block a rule that would eliminate food stamps for an estimated 688,000 Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one should have to choose between a hot meal and paying their rent,” California Attorney General Xavier Becerra said in a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-joins-multistate-lawsuit-challenging-federal-rule\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">statement\u003c/a>. “Yet again, the Trump Administration has failed to offer any legitimate evidence to justify decisions that have real consequences for the health and well-being of our residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The states plus Washington, D.C., and New York City are claiming that the Trump administration failed to follow the steps required to enact such a far-sweeping rule. It’s the latest in a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2018/03/becerra-v-trump-california-using-courts-fight-administration/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">record 65 lawsuits\u003c/a> that Becerra has brought against the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new rule, scheduled to go into effect on April 1, requires that adults without children must work at least 20 hours per week to consistently receive food stamps. In California, that will initially affect about 400,000 Californians, or 11% of people currently getting food stamps, according to the state Department of Social Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The social services agency and county welfare departments are scrambling to prepare people who might lose their monthly grocery money from the federal Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, known as CalFresh here. Meanwhile, state lawmakers are floating possible work-arounds that could blunt the edge of the federal cuts.\u003cbr>\nHere’s what you need to know about the federal food stamp cuts, the lawsuit and how California is preparing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/3451afa1-8943-46f2-8ed7-eba91aab4cc3?src=embed\" title=\"calfresh_trump_cuts\" width=\"550\" height=\"968\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Exactly Does the Rule Do?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Under current federal law, able-bodied adults under the age of 50 with no dependent children must either be working at least 20 hours a week or in vocational training to get food stamps consistently. Otherwise, they can only receive three months of the benefit every three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a decade, states and counties have gotten that limit waived by demonstrating that the local labor market made it hard for people to find jobs. All but six California counties—Alameda, Contra Costa, Marin, San Francisco, Santa Clara and San Mateo—have waivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new federal rule makes that waiver much more elusive in most of the state. A city or county must have an unemployment rate of at least 6% to qualify. California closed 2019 with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.edd.ca.gov/newsroom/unemployment-december-2019.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">statewide unemployment rate\u003c/a> of just under 4%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An estimated 40 California counties would be subject to the 20-hour work requirement starting April 1, while 18 central and northern counties would be spared initially due to their higher unemployment rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Why Did the Trump Administration Do it?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When he announced the rule in December, U.S. Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue said it will restore the original intent of food stamps: “self-sufficiency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to encourage people by giving them a helping hand but not allowing it to become an indefinitely giving hand,” Perdue said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But anti-poverty advocates reject the claim that limiting food stamps will encourage people to work more, citing \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1fyVWIkJIl4Ub2R8k8wV-YbncNTJ9sDB-/view\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">evidence\u003c/a> that food stamp work requirements have failed in other places. The initial proposal spurred more \u003ca href=\"https://www.regulations.gov/docketBrowser?rpp=50&so=DESC&sb=postedDate&po=0&dct=PS&D=FNS-2018-0004\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">than 140,000 public comments\u003c/a>, with many calling the policy outdated and cruel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration says the rule would shave $5.5 billion off the federal budget over 5 years. Critics counter that each food stamp dollar translates to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ers.usda.gov/amber-waves/2019/july/quantifying-the-impact-of-snap-benefits-on-the-us-economy-and-jobs/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$1.54 in economic activity\u003c/a>, according to U.S. Department of Agriculture calculations.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Why Do the States Say it’s Illegal?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The attorneys general say the rule violates the Administrative Procedure Act, a federal law that lays out steps, including notification of the public and comment periods, required to make new rules. The Trump administration did not adequately assess the impact of the rule, or how to mitigate its effects, the suit claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plus, the states argue that the rule defies long-standing policy and the original intent of the work requirement law by eliminating the states’ ability to decide whether childless adults must work given local labor markets conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Rule unequivocally runs afoul of Congress’s intent to ensure food security for low-income individuals and to permit States, who have a better understanding of their labor markets and economic conditions, to apply for waivers and use exemptions where local or individual circumstances warrant relief,” the lawsuit states.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who Would be Most Affected?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the first year, more than 55,000 Californians are expected to lose the benefit, according to Becerra’s office, which amounts to more than $100 million in lost benefits. The lawsuit claims that women and people of color would be most affected because they face higher barriers to employment.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/data/#/?subject=underemp&r=*\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">National underemployment data\u003c/a> reveals who might be at risk. Black adults are nearly twice as likely as their white counterparts to be out of a job or working part-time even though they’d prefer a full-time schedule. Hispanics, people without a high school degree and adults under 24 also face high rates of underemployment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other groups at risk of losing their food stamps include people experiencing homelessness, veterans, people recently out of jail or prison and former foster youth, according to Jessica Bartholow, a policy advocate at the Western Center on Law and Poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some, having to provide proof of working 20 hours per week may become a roadblock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They will have to go through a lot of hurdles to verify eligibility,” Bartholow said. “A lot of people don’t work in places that regularly provide a printed time-sheet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What About Other Food Stamp Cuts?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>This is the first of three Trump proposals to cut food stamps. All are part of a broader set of policies aimed at reducing the country’s social safety net.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another food stamp proposal would restrict the ability of states to raise the eligibility limit on income and assets, as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/poverty/2019/07/california-trump-food-stamp-cuts-poverty-income-inequality/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California has done\u003c/a>. The other would set a national standard for deducting utility costs from a household budget to determine food stamp eligibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If all three rules go into effect, an estimated 3.7 million Americans, including about 625,700 Californians, would lose food stamps, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/101368/estimated_effect_of_recent_proposed_changes_to_snap_regulations.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Urban Institute study\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How is the State Getting Ready for the Rule?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>State and county officials are reaching out to all recipients subject to the new requirements, alerting them of the change and getting as many as possible into local employment and training programs. Through those programs, affected adults can keep their CalFresh benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County got a head start. Though it lost its waiver in late 2018, the Social Services Agency used banked exemptions to avoid having to cut anyone off food stamps. In the meantime, the agency has enrolled hundreds in employment programs. But the work ahead is still daunting: More than 600 residents could lose CalFresh this year if they don’t start working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Director Angela Shing says she worries that the various federal proposals to cut food stamps are causing people to lose faith in her agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want people to make sure that if they’re in need that they’re coming to the agency and that we are here to serve,” said Shing. “And I fear that many of these new rules and changes that are coming out are negatively impacting our ability to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Else Could the State Do?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers and advisors to the governor are exploring ways that the state could provide a bandaid if the rule survives the courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nFor the first few months, the state plans to shield people from the new requirements using a backlog of month-long exemptions to the work requirement that the state has been banking. Under the new rule, those exemptions will disappear in the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One solution is to use state funds to provide food stamps. That’s the idea behind a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1022\">bill\u003c/a> introduced last year by Assemblywoman Buffy Wicks, a Democrat from Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That could be pricey. The state estimates it could lose as much as $400 million in federal funding for CalFresh if all three of the proposed food stamp rules go into effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state is not in a position to backfill directly the federal contributions by writing a $400 million check,” Governor Gavin Newsom said last week. But, he added, his administration is looking at ways “to significantly minimize” that cost. He said he had put $20 million for food banks in his proposed budget as a “placeholder.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What’s Next?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>All eyes will be on the courts. What are the odds that the states’ lawsuit pauses the food stamp cuts? Hard to say, but it’s been done before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October, the Trump administration’s “public charge” rule was halted just days before it would have gone into effect, after California and other states sued on similar grounds. That rule, which is still winding its way through the courts, would make it harder for legal immigrants to get green cards if they use, or are deemed likely to use, public assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Jackie Botts is a reporter at CalMatters. This article is part of\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/divide/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> The California Divide\u003c/a>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CalMatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California’s Homelessness Crisis — and Possible Solutions — Explained",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s most vexing issue is also its most shameful: the large and rising number of residents who lack a safe place to call home. In a state with vast amounts of wealth, more than 150,000 of its residents sleep in shelters, cars or on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/rapporteur-United-Nations-San-Francisco-homeless-13351509.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">United Nations\u003c/a> compared the tent encampments of San Francisco to the slums of New Delhi and Mexico City. \u003ca href=\"http://www.ladowntownnews.com/news/number-of-homeless-people-on-skid-row-spikes-by/article_aa32fbda-bafb-11e9-849f-ab047fa8951a.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Nearly 5,000 people\u003c/a> live in the half square mile of Los Angeles’ Skid Row. And while the problem is most acute in California’s urban centers, homelessness is now a common fixture in many of the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/news/article/California-s-homelessness-crisis-moves-to-the-12182026.php#\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">suburbs and rural towns\u003c/a>. State and local officials have pledged billions in recent years to help, but voters remain frustrated by a lack of visible progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump has wielded the state’s homelessness woes as a political weapon, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/09/17/us/politics/trump-california-homeless.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">excoriating\u003c/a> Gov. Gavin Newsom and the state’s progressive policies for allowing the country’s “best highways, our best streets, our best entrances to buildings” to be blockaded by people without homes. In a Christmas Day \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1209964406324510720\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tweet\u003c/a>, Trump repeated his threats of federal intervention if the state fails to fix the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what you need to know about California’s homelessness crisis — including possible solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">How Many People Are Homeless?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>At \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/press/press_releases_media_advisories/HUD_No_19_177\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">last official count\u003c/a> 151,278 individuals are homeless in California, according to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. That’s the highest number since at least 2007, and represents a nearly 17% uptick since 2018. The number of unsheltered Californians — living on the streets or in cars — has surged the past year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/738a2c29-86c2-48b4-a641-c9e37d2db962?src=embed\" title=\"California homelessness over time\" width=\"600\" height=\"718\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Official homelessness statistics mostly come from “one night counts” — a volunteer-led snapshot of the number of people experiencing homelessness one night in January. Experts say this method \u003ca href=\"https://www.citylab.com/equity/2019/03/homeless-crisis-oakland-california-hud-point-in-time-data/584023/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">likely underestimates\u003c/a> the unsheltered, and doesn’t capture the total number of people who fall into homelessness over the course of a year, which could be \u003ca href=\"https://www.politifact.com/california/statements/2018/mar/27/travis-allen/has-californias-homeless-population-skyrocketed-an/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">two or three times higher\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"homelessness\" label=\"related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not surprising that California, the largest state, has the biggest homeless population in the country. But while about 1 in 9 Americans lives in California, roughly 1 in 4 homeless Americans lives here. New York and Hawaii have slightly higher per capita rates of homelessness, but California has the largest proportion of people living without shelter. That means the state’s homeless population is far more visible than in other places, and more vulnerable to the illness, violence \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-homeless-hypothermia-20190217-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">and death\u003c/a> that accompany living on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And although states such as Texas and New York have seen a slight uptick in their homeless counts since last year, California saw the largest proportional swell of any state besides New Mexico. The Trump administration is quick to point out that the country would have seen an overall decline in homelessness if California and Oregon were excluded from the count.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">Who Are They?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Governments and services providers tend to focus their efforts on the chronically homeless — an individual with a disability who has lived without consistent shelter for a year, or has had multiple recent bouts of homelessness. About 26% of Californians experiencing homelessness fit that definition, or some 34,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>African-Americans are disproportionately found on California’s streets — roughly 30% of the state’s unhoused population is Black or African-American, according to HUD. Several Bay Area regions, including San Francisco and Marin County, have some of the highest rates of Black homelessness in the country. A legacy of racial discrimination in rental housing, higher rates of poverty among Black families, and overrepresentation in the state’s incarceration and child welfare systems \u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/news?article=514-groundbreaking-report-on-black-people-and-homelessness-released\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">all contribute\u003c/a> to the high numbers of African-Americans experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/525f355e-1ab3-401f-ab62-763890e38702?src=embed\" title=\"Demographics_homeless\" width=\"550\" height=\"855\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A person experiencing homelessness is about twice as likely to be male than female, and significantly more likely to be LGBTQ than in the population at large. A growing proportion are seniors, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Aging-onto-the-street-Nearly-half-of-older-13668900.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">new research\u003c/a> indicating nearly half fall of seniors on the street fall into homelessness after age 50.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">Are They Local, or Are They Coming From Somewhere Else?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>One of the more enduring myths about California’s homeless population is that the vast majority have traveled here from other states, seeking generous government assistance and weather more hospitable to living outdoors. It’s a baseless claim perpetuated by both sides of the aisle — Gov. Newsom has made it \u003ca href=\"https://www.politifact.com/california/statements/2019/aug/14/gavin-newsom/gavin-newsoms-ridiculous-claim-texas-responsible-s/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">repeatedly\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While comprehensive statewide data is lacking, local surveys indicate people living on the streets are typically from the surrounding neighborhood. Example: 70% of San Francisco’s homeless people were housed somewhere in the city when they lost housing; only 8% came from out of state. \u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/documents?id=3437-2019-greater-los-angeles-homeless-count-presentation.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Three quarters\u003c/a> of Los Angeles County’s homeless population lived in the region before becoming homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/373989ba-1c3c-439c-95e8-22df331d8a9f?src=embed\" title=\"Homelessness origin\" width=\"600\" height=\"872\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s little evidence to suggest undocumented immigrants constitute a large share of California’s homeless population. But those that are unhoused are particularly difficult to help. Crucial safety net resources such as Social Security, Section 8 housing vouchers and food stamps are unavailable to the undocumented, who \u003ca href=\"https://latino.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/FINAL-DRAFT-02_08_19-Stemming-the-Rise-of-Homelessness.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">often resist engagement\u003c/a> with homeless services providers because of deportation fears. Language and cultural barriers also complicate re-housing efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">A Welcome Decrease in Veteran and Family Homelessness\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Military veterans, at higher risk of mental illness and substance abuse issues, make up a disproportionate share of the country’s homeless population. Roughly 11,000 veterans experience homelessness in California on any given night, about 8% of the state’s total homeless population. Most vets experiencing homelessness are over age 50, and often have significant disabilities and medical conditions that are exacerbated by precarious housing situations. Military members who experienced an episode of sexual trauma during their service are at especially high risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote]Infancy is the age at which a person in the United States is most likely to be found in a homeless shelter.[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The good news is that the number of vets living on the streets has declined significantly over the past decade, both nationally and in California. Experts credit initiatives from the Obama administration incentivizing a “housing-first” approach — where permanent housing is provided without preconditions for addiction or mental health treatment — to help homeless vets. The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2018/05/the-only-city-in-california-to-solve-veteran-homelessness-is-on-a-mission-to-go-bigger/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">city of Riverside\u003c/a> succeeded in housing all 89 of its homeless veterans after adopting that approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/f0725372-d44f-4af4-b92f-ceb481dbfa56?src=embed\" title=\"Vets homelessness\" width=\"550\" height=\"796\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11787061,news_11680975,news_11667527 \" label=\"Vets Experiencing Homelessness\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness among families is also down over the last decade. Still, about 6,000 families and 12,000 children were homeless in California last year, according to point-in-time estimates. Unlike households without children, those with at least one child are far more likely to utilize emergency shelter or transitional housing. One striking statistic: Infancy is the age at which a person in the United States is most likely to be found in a homeless shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.acf.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/opre/opre_homefam_brief3_hhs_children_02_24_2017_b508.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Several studies\u003c/a> have found strong correlations between early childhood housing instability and behavioral and learning difficulties later in school.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">High Rents Drive Up Homelessness\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Mental health problems, addiction, childhood trauma, interaction with the criminal justice system and poverty all play significant roles in whether someone becomes homeless. But the primary reason? They can no longer afford rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 1.3 million California renter households are considered “extremely low income,” making less than $25,000 a year, according to the California Housing Partnership, a nonprofit organization the state created to advise affordable housing builders. Predictably, these financially strapped households can barely afford the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.rentcafe.com/blog/rental-market/market-snapshots/renting-america-housing-changed-past-decade/#pricegrowth\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">escalating rents\u003c/a>, and are most at risk of falling into homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/8ba98878-b59c-40e0-81f2-f5b5229f19c6?src=embed\" title=\"rent vs wage\" width=\"550\" height=\"860\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fueled by decades of underproduction, California’s stock of “naturally occurring” affordable housing is dwindling, as shoddy, older apartments that used to house lower-income families are increasingly taken by higher-income tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Government-subsidized housing has not filled the gap. That’s partly because doing so would be insanely expensive. The nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office estimates that building new housing for every low-income Californian who needs it would cost \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/publications/report/3345\">$15 to $30 billion annually.\u003c/a> That’s what the state currently spends on Medi-Cal, its massive program to provide health care to the poor, which covers a third of the state’s residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"explainer-card-title\">What About Mental Illness and Addiction?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Advocates for homeless people are leery of casting too much blame for the state’s crisis on mental health and substance abuse issues. They argue that plenty of low-income residents in other states struggle with drug addiction and debilitating psychological conditions. They simply manage to remain off the streets because the rent is cheaper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But recent data suggests these issues are more prevalent among people experiencing homelessness than previously reported, especially for those living on the street. About half of the unsheltered nationally report that mental health and/or substance abuse contributed to their loss of housing. A Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-10-07/homeless-population-mental-illness-disability\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">investigation\u003c/a> found two-thirds of L.A. County’s residents living on the streets suffer from a psychological or substance abuse disorder, far more than what’s been reported in official statistics that exclude mental disorders that aren’t “long-term.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/eeb1eed6-df15-40ae-b5ab-6464f6b300d0?src=embed\" title=\"Mental health \" width=\"550\" height=\"879\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Methamphetamine use is \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2019/05/01/716404677/as-meth-use-surges-first-responders-struggle-to-help-those-in-crisis\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">up across the West Coast\u003c/a>, and is often to blame for some of the most visible episodes of homelessness seen on California streets. Unfortunately, physicians say meth addiction is \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Meth-devilishly-hard-to-kick-for-addicts-No-14563881.php#\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">confoundingly difficult to treat\u003c/a>. While methadone is available to wean heroin addicts off of opioids, no such replacement medication exists for meth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"forum_11778887,news_11772258,news_11742865\" label=\"Related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Worse still, meth can exacerbate existing mental illnesses. Addiction and psychological conditions are often inextricably intertwined, and present a complex case for outreach workers or (more often) law enforcement to confront. A disconcerting number of California \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/board-and-care-homes-closing-in-california-mental-health-crisis/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">board-and-care facilities\u003c/a>, which have traditionally housed low-income patients with schizophrenia and other severe conditions, have shuttered in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many have also blamed California’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/breakdown-californias-mental-health-system-explained/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">conservatorship laws\u003c/a> for making it too difficult to compel treatment for people with mental illness or drug addiction living on the street. Civil libertarians and disability rights groups argue that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/mentally-ill-forced-treatment-conservatorship-california-debate/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">conservatorship\u003c/a> —when a court-appointed official manages another person’s life, including medical decisions — should be used as sparingly as possible, as it risks violating civil liberties and is a hollow remedy given the severe shortage of actual treatment options. Under a 1967 state law known as the Lanterman-Petris-Short Act, Californians can be held for treatment against their will only if they are deemed a danger to themselves or others, or are determined to be gravely disabled. Other states such as New York do not impose such strict requirements. California is experimenting with allowing three counties to take legal power over mentally ill people living on the street, but only in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/in-the-past-homeless-barely-registered-as-a-political-issue-now-its-a-top-concern/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">limited\u003c/a> circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally there is the eternal question of cause and effect: The severe stresses people face when they lose shelter and are forced to live exposed on the streets can also wreak havoc on their mental health and lead to substance abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">Other Factors That Cause Homelessness\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Survivors of domestic violence are among those at high risk of homelessness. One California study found that women reporting an episode of domestic violence were \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/17234488\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">four times more likely\u003c/a> to suffer housing instability than other women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The formerly incarcerated — ineligible for many public housing programs and frequently a target of discrimination in the rental housing market — often take refuge in emergency shelters or on the streets. While comprehensive California data is lacking, \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/housing.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">one study\u003c/a> by a criminal justice reform advocacy group found that people who have been in jail or prison are ten times more likely to experience homelessness than the general public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Youth aging out of the foster care system likely constitute a significant share of the more than 11,000 homeless young adults in California. One study found \u003ca href=\"https://www.chapinhall.org/wp-content/uploads/Midwest-Eval-Outcomes-at-Age-23-and-24.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">30% of former foster care\u003c/a> children in the Midwest were homeless at least once before age 24. Lacking family support networks and often victims of childhood traumas, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aecf.org/m/resourcedoc/california-fosteringyouthtransitions-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">about 25%\u003c/a> of California’s foster youth transitioning into adulthood live in precarious housing situations.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">Emergency Shelters and Permanent Supportive Housing\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp class=\"has-text-align-justify\">California has a patchwork of government-provided housing for people experiencing homelessness. While the nomenclature varies from city to city, the two most prevalent and important categories of housing are emergency shelters and permanent supportive housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"has-text-align-left\">\u003cstrong>Emergency Shelters:\u003c/strong> These are any facilities that provide temporary shelter for people experiencing homelessness. At their most basic they are a barracks-like arrangement of cots, and provide a bed and a meal. Typically they are operated by publicly funded nonprofit and religious organizations. Many shelters bar residents from staying with partners or \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/03/homeless-shelters-pets-california-bill/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">pets\u003c/a>, and are often viewed by homeless people as dangerous and dirty, even compared to sleeping on the streets. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2018/05/09/82908/rats-roaches-bedbugs-mold-why-thousands-of-las-hom/?_ga=2.128451404.1980297995.1577657887-661267234.1574806772\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">KPCC investigatio\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"http://a%20kpcc%20investigation%20found%20reports%20of%20bedbugs%2C%20rats%2C%20foul%20odors%2C%20poor%20lighting%2C%20harassment%2C/\">n\u003c/a> of Los Angeles area shelters last year found reports of rats, bedbugs, foul odors and harassment rampant at several shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"has-text-align-left\">But while shelter beds frequently go unused in \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/2018/07/05/there_are_empty_beds_heres_whats_keeping_homeless_people_out_of_shelters.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Los Angeles County\u003c/a>, where transportation is also a complicating factor, overall the state has a major shortage. Federal funding has shifted away from emergency shelters over the last decade, causing the Bay Area, for example, to lose \u003ca href=\"http://www.bayareaeconomy.org/files/pdf/BayAreaHomelessnessReport.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">1,700 shelter beds\u003c/a> since 2011, according to the Bay Area Council Economic Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"has-text-align-left\">\u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/services/emergencyshelter/navigation-centers/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco\u003c/a> and Los Angeles have tried to reinvent emergency shelters, equipping them with health and social service providers who can help guide residents to more stable housing outcomes. According to city officials\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/SF-s-homeless-navigation-centers-seem-to-be-13025012.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> more than 50%\u003c/a> of the short-term residents of San Francisco’s “navigation centers,” which are tailored to high-needs clients, are ultimately placed in housing. Emergency shelters are generally much cheaper to build than permanent supportive housing, but new projects often run into stringent community opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/b80bd03e-8fa8-4743-9c44-cb30d72fa68b?src=embed\" title=\"Costs of different types of homeless housing\" width=\"550\" height=\"814\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Permanent Supportive Housing:\u003c/strong> Homelessness experts agree that emergency shelters are mostly just a Band-Aid — permanent supportive housing is the long-term solution. Usually targeted at the chronically homeless, this offers a highly subsidized apartment paired with support services including psychological counseling, substance abuse rehab and job training. Permanent supportive housing is a pillar of the “housing first” model of ending homelessness: Individuals don’t need to quit drugs or agree to participate in any program to get a permanent roof over their head. \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/blog/2018/01/housing-for-health-los-angeles-countys-department-of.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Studies show\u003c/a> that once placed in permanent supportive housing, residents tend to stay off the streets and out of the hospital and jail, saving taxpayers considerable expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One problem: Permanent supportive housing is really expensive to build. In Los Angeles, a recent estimate from the\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/2019/10/08/prop_hhh_homeless_housing_audit.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> city auditor\u003c/a> put the median cost of building one unit at more than $530,000. A new project coming on line in San Jose is estimated to pencil out at roughly $470,000 per unit. The outrageous price tags aren’t just driven by land costs — a shortage of construction labor and prolonged city approval processes are also to blame. Cities including Oakland have recently begun buying and converting single-room occupancy hotels to sidestep prohibitively high new construction costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">Preventing Homelessness\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Many California cities have made significant strides in moving people from streets and shelters into safe, stable housing. The Los Angeles Housing Services Authority, buoyed by fresh state and local funds approved by voters, estimated that it was able to place \u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/documents?id=3437-2019-greater-los-angeles-homeless-count-presentation.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more than 20,000 people\u003c/a> experiencing homelessness into housing last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why did L.A. County’s homeless population still grow 12% between 2018 and 2019? Because an estimated 55,000 residents simultaneously lost a place to live, according to the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority (another \u003ca href=\"https://www.capolicylab.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/Predicting_and_Preventing_Homelessness_in_Los_Angeles.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">source\u003c/a> puts the number closer to 34,000). San Francisco officials say for every homeless person they house, another three fall into homelessness. Much to the chagrin of local politicians trying to prove taxpayer money is being spent effectively, new shelters and supportive housing will have trouble making a dent in visible homelessness unless the spigot is plugged in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>States and local governments across the country (including California) are devoting a rising share of homelessness resources to prevention strategies. These include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Eviction counseling and defense: \u003c/strong>Being evicted — forcibly removed from an apartment — can lead to devastating family housing instability. An eviction record also makes it exceedingly difficult to find rental housing. The Newsom administration bulked up legal services in last year’s budget for low-income tenants facing evictions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Emergency rental assistance:\u003c/strong> New York and Chicago have seen\u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2019/12/06/90541/can-california-reduce-homelessness-through-better/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> early successes\u003c/a> with programs that provide small cash assistance and landlord mediation services to renters struggling to make ends meet. Many California cities have versions of these programs. But targeting emergency aid to those most at risk of homelessness can be difficult. \u003ca href=\"https://www.capolicylab.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/Predicting_and_Preventing_Homelessness_in_Los_Angeles.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">A pilot project\u003c/a> from Los Angeles County, UCLA and the University of Chicago hopes to use big data and predictive analytics to better target emergency services to stem homelessness.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Diversion and rapid re-housing: \u003c/strong>Quickly connecting individuals who just lost their home with a new one is one of the most cost effective ways of preventing long-term homelessness. In \u003ca href=\"https://endhomelessness.org/rapid-re-housing-works/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">rapid re-housing programs,\u003c/a> people teetering on the verge of homelessness or new to a shelter are often provided a security deposit, first month’s rent (or more), and connected to a landlord with an immediate vacancy.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">Law Enforcement’s Role\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Is it legal for someone to sleep on the sidewalk or other public property?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A landmark federal court decision says yes — if there aren’t shelter beds available. Allowed to stand by the Supreme Court in late 2019, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals’ ruling in \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/appellate-courts/ca9/15-35845/15-35845-2019-04-01.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Martin vs City of Boise\u003c/a> held that ticketing, arresting or otherwise criminalizing people living outside violates constitutional protections against cruel and unusual punishment. Several California cities and counties filed amicus briefs urging the Supreme Court to reverse the decision, arguing it would hamstring efforts to clear homeless encampments that posed serious public health and safety risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The impact of the Boise decision remains unclear. Police departments and sheriffs still can enforce various “quality of life” ordinances, as well as bans against public defecation and drug use. Many advocates say issuing citations against these behaviors is counterproductive, because people experiencing homelessness have few resources to pay off city fines, and brief incarceration episodes only add to housing instability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness puts enormous financial and resource strains on California police and sheriff departments. A recent audit of how Los Angeles spends homelessness dollars found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-homeless-cost-police-20150417-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">over 50% went to law enforcement\u003c/a>. Several police departments have created units dedicated to interacting with homeless populations, often pairing cops with social workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sweeps also take a toll on unsheltered people, who can lose what little belongings they still have — including sleeping bags, family photographs and medicine.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">What is the State Doing About Homelessness?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>As homelessness has soared in California, so has state spending on programs to address it, especially in the last two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, then-Gov. Jerry Brown directed $500 million to emergency homelessness funding in response to a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/9fc4b636ece646ff9578a84e8514027d\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">plea for help\u003c/a> from mayors of the state’s 11 largest cities. That same year, voters passed \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-1-affordable-housing-bond/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Prop. 1\u003c/a>, a $4 billion bond that funds affordable housing construction. They also passed \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-2-mental-health-money-for-housing/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Prop. 2\u003c/a>, a $2 billion bond to fund supportive housing for people with mental illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his first year, Gov. Gavin Newsom upped the ante on homelessness spending. He designated a record \u003ca href=\"http://www.ebudget.ca.gov/2019-20/pdf/Enacted/BudgetSummary/Homelessness.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$1 billion\u003c/a> of his 2019-2020 budget to one-time investments combating homelessness, on top of $1.75 billion to expand California’s affordable housing stock. The budget includes funding to increase welfare grants for low-income families with children, to house mentally ill patients who are homeless or at-risk, and to rapidly rehouse college students who become homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The largest chunk, $650 million, went to emergency aid for California’s cities and counties to build more emergency shelters, medium- and long-term housing and motel conversions. But that money didn’t start flowing immediately: Cities and counties couldn’t apply for the funds until \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Trump-administration-holding-up-California-14882297.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">early December.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to get local governments to cooperate with his homelessness agenda, Newsom also signed a suite of \u003ca href=\"http://a%20suite%20of%20new%20california%20laws%20also%20take%20stab%20at%20the%20state%27s%20severe%20shortage%20of%20emergency%20shelter%20beds%20by%20removing%20regulatory%20barriers%20for%20cities%20and%20counties%20to%20build%20more.bhttps//apnews.com/d3943138ee224eaa84db9c957e9d3963\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\" aria-label=\"bills (opens in a new tab)\">bills\u003c/a> that remove regulatory barriers to building more housing for homeless people. Two of the new laws allow developers to bypass certain requirements of the California Environmental Quality Act, which neighborhood groups have tried to use to block new housing developments such as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11757452/opponents-of-s-f-navigation-center-to-sue-city-over-controversial-development\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">homeless shelter\u003c/a> on San Francisco’s Embarcadero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A task force on homelessness Newsom assembled in May is expected to release its recommendations soon. Those will shape how Newsom tackles homelessness in 2020 on a range of issues, from whether he’ll push a legal \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-07-21/homeless-right-to-shelter-housing-law-california-new-york\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">“right to shelter”\u003c/a> to how much money he’ll budget to try to fix the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/f090d5c8-bd27-4453-a375-e7ac8f311c71?src=embed\" title=\"2019-2020 California spending homelessness\" width=\"550\" height=\"1012\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties and cities also shell out significant funds to address homelessness. For example, the \u003ca href=\"http://cao.lacity.org/budget/summary/2019-20BudgetSummaryBooklet.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Los Angeles city budget for 2018-2019\u003c/a> included $426 million for homeless outreach and services, largely financed by \u003ca href=\"https://www.lamayor.org/summary-supportive-housing-pipeline\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Prop HHH\u003c/a>, a $1.2 billion bond measure passed by voters in 2016 to fund 10,000 new units of supportive housing over ten years. But there’s no comprehensive statewide accounting of local spending on the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though California spends big on homelessness, failing to house the growing number of people living on the streets may cost much more. A \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2772270\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2016 study\u003c/a> found Santa Clara County spent $520 million a year on the county’s homeless population of 104,206 residents between 2007 and 2012, including the costs of health care, jail and public benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">What Are Trump and the Feds Doing?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>According to data from the \u003ca href=\"https://datalab.usaspending.gov/homelessness-analysis.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">U.S. Treasury Department\u003c/a>, California communities received nearly half a billion in federal grant money to fight homelessness in 2018. California couldn’t come close to providing its current levels of emergency shelter, housing vouchers, health services for the indigent and permanent supportive housing without significant assistance from Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the Obama administration, federal resources were steered toward a “housing first” model that prioritized permanent supportive housing and allowing people to access housing without preconditions such as sobriety or job training. While the Trump administration has yet to officially deviate from that bipartisan approach, \u003ca href=\"https://www.citylab.com/equity/2019/12/trump-homeless-shelter-agency-robert-g-marbut-texas-housing/603280/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">recent personnel decisions\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.citylab.com/equity/2019/09/california-homeless-crisis-trump-intervention-los-angeles/597790/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">public comments\u003c/a> from the president have California homeless advocates and housing officials fearful that a federal “crackdown” on homelessness is looming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1209964406324510720?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1209964406324510720&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fcalmatters.org%2Fexplainers%2Fcalifornias-homelessness-crisis-explained%2F\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What exactly a “crackdown” would entail remains an object of fear, loathing and uncertainty for the Newsom administration. \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/The-State-of-Homelessness-in-America.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">A 2019 report\u003c/a> from the White House Council of Economic Advisers blamed California’s homelessness woes on regulatory barriers to building new housing and lax enforcement of laws against loitering and public nuisance. The report also cast doubt on the efficacy of permanent supportive housing, prompting a homelessness expert at the University of California San Francisco to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/multimedia/podcasts/gimme-shelter/2019/09/california-housing-crisis-gimme-shelter-podcast-event/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">compare\u003c/a> the White House’s findings to climate change denial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some fear the Trump administration intends to try to force homeless people living on California’s streets to move to former federal armories and other converted federal buildings. While experts says the legal and practical obstacles to such widespread sweeps are considerable, officials at the federal department of Housing and Urban Development have \u003ca href=\"https://www.citylab.com/equity/2019/12/trump-policy-homeless-executive-order-city-services-shelters/603670/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">reportedly\u003c/a> scouted and inquired about properties across the West Coast. Trump could also issue an \u003ca href=\"https://www.citylab.com/equity/2019/12/trump-policy-homeless-executive-order-city-services-shelters/603670/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">executive order\u003c/a> that strips funding from cities that tolerate public encampments, beefs up law enforcement resources to deal with homelessness, and directs funding to shelters and away from permanent supportive housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">What Are Other Places Doing Successfully?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Some U.S. cities, counties and states have made enviable progress in reducing homelessness, revealing possible solutions for California. Four communities have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.usich.gov/communities-that-have-ended-homelessness/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">recognized\u003c/a> by the U.S. Interagency Council on Homelessness for effectively ending chronic homelessness, meaning that any homeless person with a disability is immediately provided shelter and is able to land permanent housing within 90 days if he or she wants. Three states and 78 communities have ended veteran homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Houston has reduced homelessness by over half, from a peak of around 8,500 in 2011 to around 4,000 in 2019, according to federal point-in-time data. The city began by bringing together more than 100 agencies, including the city of Houston, the counties, nonprofit agencies, businesses and the federal HUD. Coalition members continually update a \u003ca href=\"http://www.homelesshouston.org/hmis/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">data dashboard\u003c/a> that tracks homeless people as they interact with shelters and services. During regular meetings, they match a list of homeless people seeking permanent supportive housing with spots. A sobriety center provides a safe place for people who are publicly intoxicated to sober up — and avoid an arrest record. Federal funding has been key to bringing thousands of new supportive housing units online: HUD nearly doubled its funding for Houston homelessness programs between 2008 and 2018, to \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2019/07/02/why-homelessness-going-down-houston-dallas/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$38.2 million\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/c5832fa8-1e0d-49be-9c09-b23ffc55e734?src=embed\" title=\"Homelessness in Houston\" width=\"550\" height=\"796\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Atlanta, a city similar in population to Sacramento or Long Beach, the homeless population has also more than halved since 2010, even as rents have raced upwards. Like Houston, Atlanta has embraced the “housing first” approach, investing \u003ca href=\"https://www.wbur.org/hereandnow/2019/02/22/atlanta-reduce-homelessness\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">public and private dollars\u003c/a> in a growing stock of low-barrier shelter beds, rapid rehousing units and permanent supportive housing. One innovative solution: A \u003ca href=\"https://weinspirit.org/blog/2019/4/16/inspiritus-launches-program-serving-youth-experiencing-homelessness\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">host-family program\u003c/a> that pairs homeless LGBTQ young adults with supportive households.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">What About Outside-the-Box Solutions?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Desperate shortages of affordable housing have led some cities to consider desperate measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take for example, a recent proposal out of Oakland, where homelessness grew 47% from 2017 to 2019. City Council President Rebecca Kaplan floated a plan to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Councilwoman-says-a-cruise-ship-at-Oakland-s-14897717.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">house up to 1,000 homeless residents on a cruise ship\u003c/a> in the city’s port. Though not a novel idea — cruise ships offered emergency shelter during Hurricane Katrina — the Port of Oakland instantly dismissed the proposal as “untenable,” while Twitter users pointed out the \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/travel/2019/12/13/oakland-is-considering-housing-its-homeless-cruise-ships-could-it-actually-happen/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">irony\u003c/a> of housing people in boats rather than actual homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11677912\" label=\"Cabin communities\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland is also home to another controversial solution: move the homeless out of street encampments and into metal structures more often used as tool sheds. The city currently operates four “cabin communities,” which include electricity, security guards and supportive services. About \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Are-Oakland-s-cabins-a-success-Homeless-14477680.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">two-thirds of residents\u003c/a> who have been through the program have found more permanent shelter — a statistic the city calls a success. Supporters of the sheds — including Riverside Mayor Rusty Bailey, who has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.pe.com/2019/12/14/why-riversides-mayor-is-sleeping-in-an-8-by-8-metal-shed-to-help-the-homeless/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">sleeping in one himself to garner local support\u003c/a> for the strategy — say that they are warmer, safer, and more humane than sleeping in tents on cement. Detractors argue that the cramped structures are a poor substitute for permanent supportive housing or building affordable apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities around the country have jumped on the tiny house craze, building \u003ca href=\"https://www.curbed.com/maps/tiny-houses-for-the-homeless-villages\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">villages\u003c/a> of the pint-sized dwellings for the homeless. Los Angeles has piloted a \u003ca href=\"http://planning.lacounty.gov/secondunitpilot\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">program\u003c/a> to pay homeowners to host homeless people in backyard “granny flats.” Other cities have turned to \u003ca href=\"https://newatlas.com/architecture/3d-printed-low-cost-housing-texas/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">3D-printed homes\u003c/a> that can be turned out in 48 hours to lower the cost of building extremely-affordable units.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "More than 150,000 of California residents sleep in shelters, cars or on the street. Here’s what you need to know about the homelessness crisis — including possible solutions.",
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"title": "California’s Homelessness Crisis — and Possible Solutions — Explained | KQED",
"description": "More than 150,000 of California residents sleep in shelters, cars or on the street. Here’s what you need to know about the homelessness crisis — including possible solutions.",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/matt-levin/\"> Matt Levin \u003ca /> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/jackie-botts/\"> Jackie Botts \u003ca />",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s most vexing issue is also its most shameful: the large and rising number of residents who lack a safe place to call home. In a state with vast amounts of wealth, more than 150,000 of its residents sleep in shelters, cars or on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/rapporteur-United-Nations-San-Francisco-homeless-13351509.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">United Nations\u003c/a> compared the tent encampments of San Francisco to the slums of New Delhi and Mexico City. \u003ca href=\"http://www.ladowntownnews.com/news/number-of-homeless-people-on-skid-row-spikes-by/article_aa32fbda-bafb-11e9-849f-ab047fa8951a.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Nearly 5,000 people\u003c/a> live in the half square mile of Los Angeles’ Skid Row. And while the problem is most acute in California’s urban centers, homelessness is now a common fixture in many of the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/news/article/California-s-homelessness-crisis-moves-to-the-12182026.php#\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">suburbs and rural towns\u003c/a>. State and local officials have pledged billions in recent years to help, but voters remain frustrated by a lack of visible progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump has wielded the state’s homelessness woes as a political weapon, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/09/17/us/politics/trump-california-homeless.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">excoriating\u003c/a> Gov. Gavin Newsom and the state’s progressive policies for allowing the country’s “best highways, our best streets, our best entrances to buildings” to be blockaded by people without homes. In a Christmas Day \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1209964406324510720\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tweet\u003c/a>, Trump repeated his threats of federal intervention if the state fails to fix the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what you need to know about California’s homelessness crisis — including possible solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">How Many People Are Homeless?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>At \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/press/press_releases_media_advisories/HUD_No_19_177\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">last official count\u003c/a> 151,278 individuals are homeless in California, according to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. That’s the highest number since at least 2007, and represents a nearly 17% uptick since 2018. The number of unsheltered Californians — living on the streets or in cars — has surged the past year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/738a2c29-86c2-48b4-a641-c9e37d2db962?src=embed\" title=\"California homelessness over time\" width=\"600\" height=\"718\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Official homelessness statistics mostly come from “one night counts” — a volunteer-led snapshot of the number of people experiencing homelessness one night in January. Experts say this method \u003ca href=\"https://www.citylab.com/equity/2019/03/homeless-crisis-oakland-california-hud-point-in-time-data/584023/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">likely underestimates\u003c/a> the unsheltered, and doesn’t capture the total number of people who fall into homelessness over the course of a year, which could be \u003ca href=\"https://www.politifact.com/california/statements/2018/mar/27/travis-allen/has-californias-homeless-population-skyrocketed-an/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">two or three times higher\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not surprising that California, the largest state, has the biggest homeless population in the country. But while about 1 in 9 Americans lives in California, roughly 1 in 4 homeless Americans lives here. New York and Hawaii have slightly higher per capita rates of homelessness, but California has the largest proportion of people living without shelter. That means the state’s homeless population is far more visible than in other places, and more vulnerable to the illness, violence \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-homeless-hypothermia-20190217-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">and death\u003c/a> that accompany living on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And although states such as Texas and New York have seen a slight uptick in their homeless counts since last year, California saw the largest proportional swell of any state besides New Mexico. The Trump administration is quick to point out that the country would have seen an overall decline in homelessness if California and Oregon were excluded from the count.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">Who Are They?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Governments and services providers tend to focus their efforts on the chronically homeless — an individual with a disability who has lived without consistent shelter for a year, or has had multiple recent bouts of homelessness. About 26% of Californians experiencing homelessness fit that definition, or some 34,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>African-Americans are disproportionately found on California’s streets — roughly 30% of the state’s unhoused population is Black or African-American, according to HUD. Several Bay Area regions, including San Francisco and Marin County, have some of the highest rates of Black homelessness in the country. A legacy of racial discrimination in rental housing, higher rates of poverty among Black families, and overrepresentation in the state’s incarceration and child welfare systems \u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/news?article=514-groundbreaking-report-on-black-people-and-homelessness-released\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">all contribute\u003c/a> to the high numbers of African-Americans experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/525f355e-1ab3-401f-ab62-763890e38702?src=embed\" title=\"Demographics_homeless\" width=\"550\" height=\"855\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A person experiencing homelessness is about twice as likely to be male than female, and significantly more likely to be LGBTQ than in the population at large. A growing proportion are seniors, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Aging-onto-the-street-Nearly-half-of-older-13668900.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">new research\u003c/a> indicating nearly half fall of seniors on the street fall into homelessness after age 50.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">Are They Local, or Are They Coming From Somewhere Else?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>One of the more enduring myths about California’s homeless population is that the vast majority have traveled here from other states, seeking generous government assistance and weather more hospitable to living outdoors. It’s a baseless claim perpetuated by both sides of the aisle — Gov. Newsom has made it \u003ca href=\"https://www.politifact.com/california/statements/2019/aug/14/gavin-newsom/gavin-newsoms-ridiculous-claim-texas-responsible-s/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">repeatedly\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While comprehensive statewide data is lacking, local surveys indicate people living on the streets are typically from the surrounding neighborhood. Example: 70% of San Francisco’s homeless people were housed somewhere in the city when they lost housing; only 8% came from out of state. \u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/documents?id=3437-2019-greater-los-angeles-homeless-count-presentation.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Three quarters\u003c/a> of Los Angeles County’s homeless population lived in the region before becoming homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/373989ba-1c3c-439c-95e8-22df331d8a9f?src=embed\" title=\"Homelessness origin\" width=\"600\" height=\"872\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s little evidence to suggest undocumented immigrants constitute a large share of California’s homeless population. But those that are unhoused are particularly difficult to help. Crucial safety net resources such as Social Security, Section 8 housing vouchers and food stamps are unavailable to the undocumented, who \u003ca href=\"https://latino.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/FINAL-DRAFT-02_08_19-Stemming-the-Rise-of-Homelessness.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">often resist engagement\u003c/a> with homeless services providers because of deportation fears. Language and cultural barriers also complicate re-housing efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">A Welcome Decrease in Veteran and Family Homelessness\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Military veterans, at higher risk of mental illness and substance abuse issues, make up a disproportionate share of the country’s homeless population. Roughly 11,000 veterans experience homelessness in California on any given night, about 8% of the state’s total homeless population. Most vets experiencing homelessness are over age 50, and often have significant disabilities and medical conditions that are exacerbated by precarious housing situations. Military members who experienced an episode of sexual trauma during their service are at especially high risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "Infancy is the age at which a person in the United States is most likely to be found in a homeless shelter.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The good news is that the number of vets living on the streets has declined significantly over the past decade, both nationally and in California. Experts credit initiatives from the Obama administration incentivizing a “housing-first” approach — where permanent housing is provided without preconditions for addiction or mental health treatment — to help homeless vets. The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2018/05/the-only-city-in-california-to-solve-veteran-homelessness-is-on-a-mission-to-go-bigger/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">city of Riverside\u003c/a> succeeded in housing all 89 of its homeless veterans after adopting that approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/f0725372-d44f-4af4-b92f-ceb481dbfa56?src=embed\" title=\"Vets homelessness\" width=\"550\" height=\"796\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness among families is also down over the last decade. Still, about 6,000 families and 12,000 children were homeless in California last year, according to point-in-time estimates. Unlike households without children, those with at least one child are far more likely to utilize emergency shelter or transitional housing. One striking statistic: Infancy is the age at which a person in the United States is most likely to be found in a homeless shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.acf.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/opre/opre_homefam_brief3_hhs_children_02_24_2017_b508.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Several studies\u003c/a> have found strong correlations between early childhood housing instability and behavioral and learning difficulties later in school.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">High Rents Drive Up Homelessness\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Mental health problems, addiction, childhood trauma, interaction with the criminal justice system and poverty all play significant roles in whether someone becomes homeless. But the primary reason? They can no longer afford rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 1.3 million California renter households are considered “extremely low income,” making less than $25,000 a year, according to the California Housing Partnership, a nonprofit organization the state created to advise affordable housing builders. Predictably, these financially strapped households can barely afford the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.rentcafe.com/blog/rental-market/market-snapshots/renting-america-housing-changed-past-decade/#pricegrowth\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">escalating rents\u003c/a>, and are most at risk of falling into homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/8ba98878-b59c-40e0-81f2-f5b5229f19c6?src=embed\" title=\"rent vs wage\" width=\"550\" height=\"860\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fueled by decades of underproduction, California’s stock of “naturally occurring” affordable housing is dwindling, as shoddy, older apartments that used to house lower-income families are increasingly taken by higher-income tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Government-subsidized housing has not filled the gap. That’s partly because doing so would be insanely expensive. The nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office estimates that building new housing for every low-income Californian who needs it would cost \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/publications/report/3345\">$15 to $30 billion annually.\u003c/a> That’s what the state currently spends on Medi-Cal, its massive program to provide health care to the poor, which covers a third of the state’s residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"explainer-card-title\">What About Mental Illness and Addiction?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Advocates for homeless people are leery of casting too much blame for the state’s crisis on mental health and substance abuse issues. They argue that plenty of low-income residents in other states struggle with drug addiction and debilitating psychological conditions. They simply manage to remain off the streets because the rent is cheaper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But recent data suggests these issues are more prevalent among people experiencing homelessness than previously reported, especially for those living on the street. About half of the unsheltered nationally report that mental health and/or substance abuse contributed to their loss of housing. A Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-10-07/homeless-population-mental-illness-disability\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">investigation\u003c/a> found two-thirds of L.A. County’s residents living on the streets suffer from a psychological or substance abuse disorder, far more than what’s been reported in official statistics that exclude mental disorders that aren’t “long-term.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/eeb1eed6-df15-40ae-b5ab-6464f6b300d0?src=embed\" title=\"Mental health \" width=\"550\" height=\"879\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Methamphetamine use is \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2019/05/01/716404677/as-meth-use-surges-first-responders-struggle-to-help-those-in-crisis\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">up across the West Coast\u003c/a>, and is often to blame for some of the most visible episodes of homelessness seen on California streets. Unfortunately, physicians say meth addiction is \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Meth-devilishly-hard-to-kick-for-addicts-No-14563881.php#\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">confoundingly difficult to treat\u003c/a>. While methadone is available to wean heroin addicts off of opioids, no such replacement medication exists for meth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Worse still, meth can exacerbate existing mental illnesses. Addiction and psychological conditions are often inextricably intertwined, and present a complex case for outreach workers or (more often) law enforcement to confront. A disconcerting number of California \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/board-and-care-homes-closing-in-california-mental-health-crisis/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">board-and-care facilities\u003c/a>, which have traditionally housed low-income patients with schizophrenia and other severe conditions, have shuttered in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many have also blamed California’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/breakdown-californias-mental-health-system-explained/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">conservatorship laws\u003c/a> for making it too difficult to compel treatment for people with mental illness or drug addiction living on the street. Civil libertarians and disability rights groups argue that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/mentally-ill-forced-treatment-conservatorship-california-debate/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">conservatorship\u003c/a> —when a court-appointed official manages another person’s life, including medical decisions — should be used as sparingly as possible, as it risks violating civil liberties and is a hollow remedy given the severe shortage of actual treatment options. Under a 1967 state law known as the Lanterman-Petris-Short Act, Californians can be held for treatment against their will only if they are deemed a danger to themselves or others, or are determined to be gravely disabled. Other states such as New York do not impose such strict requirements. California is experimenting with allowing three counties to take legal power over mentally ill people living on the street, but only in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/in-the-past-homeless-barely-registered-as-a-political-issue-now-its-a-top-concern/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">limited\u003c/a> circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally there is the eternal question of cause and effect: The severe stresses people face when they lose shelter and are forced to live exposed on the streets can also wreak havoc on their mental health and lead to substance abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">Other Factors That Cause Homelessness\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Survivors of domestic violence are among those at high risk of homelessness. One California study found that women reporting an episode of domestic violence were \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/17234488\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">four times more likely\u003c/a> to suffer housing instability than other women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The formerly incarcerated — ineligible for many public housing programs and frequently a target of discrimination in the rental housing market — often take refuge in emergency shelters or on the streets. While comprehensive California data is lacking, \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/housing.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">one study\u003c/a> by a criminal justice reform advocacy group found that people who have been in jail or prison are ten times more likely to experience homelessness than the general public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Youth aging out of the foster care system likely constitute a significant share of the more than 11,000 homeless young adults in California. One study found \u003ca href=\"https://www.chapinhall.org/wp-content/uploads/Midwest-Eval-Outcomes-at-Age-23-and-24.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">30% of former foster care\u003c/a> children in the Midwest were homeless at least once before age 24. Lacking family support networks and often victims of childhood traumas, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aecf.org/m/resourcedoc/california-fosteringyouthtransitions-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">about 25%\u003c/a> of California’s foster youth transitioning into adulthood live in precarious housing situations.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">Emergency Shelters and Permanent Supportive Housing\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp class=\"has-text-align-justify\">California has a patchwork of government-provided housing for people experiencing homelessness. While the nomenclature varies from city to city, the two most prevalent and important categories of housing are emergency shelters and permanent supportive housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"has-text-align-left\">\u003cstrong>Emergency Shelters:\u003c/strong> These are any facilities that provide temporary shelter for people experiencing homelessness. At their most basic they are a barracks-like arrangement of cots, and provide a bed and a meal. Typically they are operated by publicly funded nonprofit and religious organizations. Many shelters bar residents from staying with partners or \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/03/homeless-shelters-pets-california-bill/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">pets\u003c/a>, and are often viewed by homeless people as dangerous and dirty, even compared to sleeping on the streets. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2018/05/09/82908/rats-roaches-bedbugs-mold-why-thousands-of-las-hom/?_ga=2.128451404.1980297995.1577657887-661267234.1574806772\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">KPCC investigatio\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"http://a%20kpcc%20investigation%20found%20reports%20of%20bedbugs%2C%20rats%2C%20foul%20odors%2C%20poor%20lighting%2C%20harassment%2C/\">n\u003c/a> of Los Angeles area shelters last year found reports of rats, bedbugs, foul odors and harassment rampant at several shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"has-text-align-left\">But while shelter beds frequently go unused in \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/2018/07/05/there_are_empty_beds_heres_whats_keeping_homeless_people_out_of_shelters.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Los Angeles County\u003c/a>, where transportation is also a complicating factor, overall the state has a major shortage. Federal funding has shifted away from emergency shelters over the last decade, causing the Bay Area, for example, to lose \u003ca href=\"http://www.bayareaeconomy.org/files/pdf/BayAreaHomelessnessReport.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">1,700 shelter beds\u003c/a> since 2011, according to the Bay Area Council Economic Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"has-text-align-left\">\u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/services/emergencyshelter/navigation-centers/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco\u003c/a> and Los Angeles have tried to reinvent emergency shelters, equipping them with health and social service providers who can help guide residents to more stable housing outcomes. According to city officials\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/SF-s-homeless-navigation-centers-seem-to-be-13025012.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> more than 50%\u003c/a> of the short-term residents of San Francisco’s “navigation centers,” which are tailored to high-needs clients, are ultimately placed in housing. Emergency shelters are generally much cheaper to build than permanent supportive housing, but new projects often run into stringent community opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/b80bd03e-8fa8-4743-9c44-cb30d72fa68b?src=embed\" title=\"Costs of different types of homeless housing\" width=\"550\" height=\"814\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Permanent Supportive Housing:\u003c/strong> Homelessness experts agree that emergency shelters are mostly just a Band-Aid — permanent supportive housing is the long-term solution. Usually targeted at the chronically homeless, this offers a highly subsidized apartment paired with support services including psychological counseling, substance abuse rehab and job training. Permanent supportive housing is a pillar of the “housing first” model of ending homelessness: Individuals don’t need to quit drugs or agree to participate in any program to get a permanent roof over their head. \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/blog/2018/01/housing-for-health-los-angeles-countys-department-of.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Studies show\u003c/a> that once placed in permanent supportive housing, residents tend to stay off the streets and out of the hospital and jail, saving taxpayers considerable expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One problem: Permanent supportive housing is really expensive to build. In Los Angeles, a recent estimate from the\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/2019/10/08/prop_hhh_homeless_housing_audit.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> city auditor\u003c/a> put the median cost of building one unit at more than $530,000. A new project coming on line in San Jose is estimated to pencil out at roughly $470,000 per unit. The outrageous price tags aren’t just driven by land costs — a shortage of construction labor and prolonged city approval processes are also to blame. Cities including Oakland have recently begun buying and converting single-room occupancy hotels to sidestep prohibitively high new construction costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">Preventing Homelessness\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Many California cities have made significant strides in moving people from streets and shelters into safe, stable housing. The Los Angeles Housing Services Authority, buoyed by fresh state and local funds approved by voters, estimated that it was able to place \u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/documents?id=3437-2019-greater-los-angeles-homeless-count-presentation.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more than 20,000 people\u003c/a> experiencing homelessness into housing last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why did L.A. County’s homeless population still grow 12% between 2018 and 2019? Because an estimated 55,000 residents simultaneously lost a place to live, according to the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority (another \u003ca href=\"https://www.capolicylab.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/Predicting_and_Preventing_Homelessness_in_Los_Angeles.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">source\u003c/a> puts the number closer to 34,000). San Francisco officials say for every homeless person they house, another three fall into homelessness. Much to the chagrin of local politicians trying to prove taxpayer money is being spent effectively, new shelters and supportive housing will have trouble making a dent in visible homelessness unless the spigot is plugged in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>States and local governments across the country (including California) are devoting a rising share of homelessness resources to prevention strategies. These include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Eviction counseling and defense: \u003c/strong>Being evicted — forcibly removed from an apartment — can lead to devastating family housing instability. An eviction record also makes it exceedingly difficult to find rental housing. The Newsom administration bulked up legal services in last year’s budget for low-income tenants facing evictions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Emergency rental assistance:\u003c/strong> New York and Chicago have seen\u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2019/12/06/90541/can-california-reduce-homelessness-through-better/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> early successes\u003c/a> with programs that provide small cash assistance and landlord mediation services to renters struggling to make ends meet. Many California cities have versions of these programs. But targeting emergency aid to those most at risk of homelessness can be difficult. \u003ca href=\"https://www.capolicylab.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/Predicting_and_Preventing_Homelessness_in_Los_Angeles.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">A pilot project\u003c/a> from Los Angeles County, UCLA and the University of Chicago hopes to use big data and predictive analytics to better target emergency services to stem homelessness.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Diversion and rapid re-housing: \u003c/strong>Quickly connecting individuals who just lost their home with a new one is one of the most cost effective ways of preventing long-term homelessness. In \u003ca href=\"https://endhomelessness.org/rapid-re-housing-works/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">rapid re-housing programs,\u003c/a> people teetering on the verge of homelessness or new to a shelter are often provided a security deposit, first month’s rent (or more), and connected to a landlord with an immediate vacancy.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">Law Enforcement’s Role\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Is it legal for someone to sleep on the sidewalk or other public property?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A landmark federal court decision says yes — if there aren’t shelter beds available. Allowed to stand by the Supreme Court in late 2019, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals’ ruling in \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/appellate-courts/ca9/15-35845/15-35845-2019-04-01.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Martin vs City of Boise\u003c/a> held that ticketing, arresting or otherwise criminalizing people living outside violates constitutional protections against cruel and unusual punishment. Several California cities and counties filed amicus briefs urging the Supreme Court to reverse the decision, arguing it would hamstring efforts to clear homeless encampments that posed serious public health and safety risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The impact of the Boise decision remains unclear. Police departments and sheriffs still can enforce various “quality of life” ordinances, as well as bans against public defecation and drug use. Many advocates say issuing citations against these behaviors is counterproductive, because people experiencing homelessness have few resources to pay off city fines, and brief incarceration episodes only add to housing instability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness puts enormous financial and resource strains on California police and sheriff departments. A recent audit of how Los Angeles spends homelessness dollars found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-homeless-cost-police-20150417-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">over 50% went to law enforcement\u003c/a>. Several police departments have created units dedicated to interacting with homeless populations, often pairing cops with social workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sweeps also take a toll on unsheltered people, who can lose what little belongings they still have — including sleeping bags, family photographs and medicine.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">What is the State Doing About Homelessness?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>As homelessness has soared in California, so has state spending on programs to address it, especially in the last two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, then-Gov. Jerry Brown directed $500 million to emergency homelessness funding in response to a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/9fc4b636ece646ff9578a84e8514027d\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">plea for help\u003c/a> from mayors of the state’s 11 largest cities. That same year, voters passed \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-1-affordable-housing-bond/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Prop. 1\u003c/a>, a $4 billion bond that funds affordable housing construction. They also passed \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-2-mental-health-money-for-housing/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Prop. 2\u003c/a>, a $2 billion bond to fund supportive housing for people with mental illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his first year, Gov. Gavin Newsom upped the ante on homelessness spending. He designated a record \u003ca href=\"http://www.ebudget.ca.gov/2019-20/pdf/Enacted/BudgetSummary/Homelessness.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$1 billion\u003c/a> of his 2019-2020 budget to one-time investments combating homelessness, on top of $1.75 billion to expand California’s affordable housing stock. The budget includes funding to increase welfare grants for low-income families with children, to house mentally ill patients who are homeless or at-risk, and to rapidly rehouse college students who become homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The largest chunk, $650 million, went to emergency aid for California’s cities and counties to build more emergency shelters, medium- and long-term housing and motel conversions. But that money didn’t start flowing immediately: Cities and counties couldn’t apply for the funds until \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Trump-administration-holding-up-California-14882297.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">early December.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to get local governments to cooperate with his homelessness agenda, Newsom also signed a suite of \u003ca href=\"http://a%20suite%20of%20new%20california%20laws%20also%20take%20stab%20at%20the%20state%27s%20severe%20shortage%20of%20emergency%20shelter%20beds%20by%20removing%20regulatory%20barriers%20for%20cities%20and%20counties%20to%20build%20more.bhttps//apnews.com/d3943138ee224eaa84db9c957e9d3963\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\" aria-label=\"bills (opens in a new tab)\">bills\u003c/a> that remove regulatory barriers to building more housing for homeless people. Two of the new laws allow developers to bypass certain requirements of the California Environmental Quality Act, which neighborhood groups have tried to use to block new housing developments such as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11757452/opponents-of-s-f-navigation-center-to-sue-city-over-controversial-development\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">homeless shelter\u003c/a> on San Francisco’s Embarcadero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A task force on homelessness Newsom assembled in May is expected to release its recommendations soon. Those will shape how Newsom tackles homelessness in 2020 on a range of issues, from whether he’ll push a legal \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-07-21/homeless-right-to-shelter-housing-law-california-new-york\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">“right to shelter”\u003c/a> to how much money he’ll budget to try to fix the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/f090d5c8-bd27-4453-a375-e7ac8f311c71?src=embed\" title=\"2019-2020 California spending homelessness\" width=\"550\" height=\"1012\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties and cities also shell out significant funds to address homelessness. For example, the \u003ca href=\"http://cao.lacity.org/budget/summary/2019-20BudgetSummaryBooklet.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Los Angeles city budget for 2018-2019\u003c/a> included $426 million for homeless outreach and services, largely financed by \u003ca href=\"https://www.lamayor.org/summary-supportive-housing-pipeline\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Prop HHH\u003c/a>, a $1.2 billion bond measure passed by voters in 2016 to fund 10,000 new units of supportive housing over ten years. But there’s no comprehensive statewide accounting of local spending on the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though California spends big on homelessness, failing to house the growing number of people living on the streets may cost much more. A \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2772270\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2016 study\u003c/a> found Santa Clara County spent $520 million a year on the county’s homeless population of 104,206 residents between 2007 and 2012, including the costs of health care, jail and public benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">What Are Trump and the Feds Doing?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>According to data from the \u003ca href=\"https://datalab.usaspending.gov/homelessness-analysis.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">U.S. Treasury Department\u003c/a>, California communities received nearly half a billion in federal grant money to fight homelessness in 2018. California couldn’t come close to providing its current levels of emergency shelter, housing vouchers, health services for the indigent and permanent supportive housing without significant assistance from Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the Obama administration, federal resources were steered toward a “housing first” model that prioritized permanent supportive housing and allowing people to access housing without preconditions such as sobriety or job training. While the Trump administration has yet to officially deviate from that bipartisan approach, \u003ca href=\"https://www.citylab.com/equity/2019/12/trump-homeless-shelter-agency-robert-g-marbut-texas-housing/603280/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">recent personnel decisions\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.citylab.com/equity/2019/09/california-homeless-crisis-trump-intervention-los-angeles/597790/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">public comments\u003c/a> from the president have California homeless advocates and housing officials fearful that a federal “crackdown” on homelessness is looming.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>What exactly a “crackdown” would entail remains an object of fear, loathing and uncertainty for the Newsom administration. \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/The-State-of-Homelessness-in-America.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">A 2019 report\u003c/a> from the White House Council of Economic Advisers blamed California’s homelessness woes on regulatory barriers to building new housing and lax enforcement of laws against loitering and public nuisance. The report also cast doubt on the efficacy of permanent supportive housing, prompting a homelessness expert at the University of California San Francisco to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/multimedia/podcasts/gimme-shelter/2019/09/california-housing-crisis-gimme-shelter-podcast-event/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">compare\u003c/a> the White House’s findings to climate change denial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some fear the Trump administration intends to try to force homeless people living on California’s streets to move to former federal armories and other converted federal buildings. While experts says the legal and practical obstacles to such widespread sweeps are considerable, officials at the federal department of Housing and Urban Development have \u003ca href=\"https://www.citylab.com/equity/2019/12/trump-policy-homeless-executive-order-city-services-shelters/603670/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">reportedly\u003c/a> scouted and inquired about properties across the West Coast. Trump could also issue an \u003ca href=\"https://www.citylab.com/equity/2019/12/trump-policy-homeless-executive-order-city-services-shelters/603670/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">executive order\u003c/a> that strips funding from cities that tolerate public encampments, beefs up law enforcement resources to deal with homelessness, and directs funding to shelters and away from permanent supportive housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">What Are Other Places Doing Successfully?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Some U.S. cities, counties and states have made enviable progress in reducing homelessness, revealing possible solutions for California. Four communities have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.usich.gov/communities-that-have-ended-homelessness/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">recognized\u003c/a> by the U.S. Interagency Council on Homelessness for effectively ending chronic homelessness, meaning that any homeless person with a disability is immediately provided shelter and is able to land permanent housing within 90 days if he or she wants. Three states and 78 communities have ended veteran homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Houston has reduced homelessness by over half, from a peak of around 8,500 in 2011 to around 4,000 in 2019, according to federal point-in-time data. The city began by bringing together more than 100 agencies, including the city of Houston, the counties, nonprofit agencies, businesses and the federal HUD. Coalition members continually update a \u003ca href=\"http://www.homelesshouston.org/hmis/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">data dashboard\u003c/a> that tracks homeless people as they interact with shelters and services. During regular meetings, they match a list of homeless people seeking permanent supportive housing with spots. A sobriety center provides a safe place for people who are publicly intoxicated to sober up — and avoid an arrest record. Federal funding has been key to bringing thousands of new supportive housing units online: HUD nearly doubled its funding for Houston homelessness programs between 2008 and 2018, to \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2019/07/02/why-homelessness-going-down-houston-dallas/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$38.2 million\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/c5832fa8-1e0d-49be-9c09-b23ffc55e734?src=embed\" title=\"Homelessness in Houston\" width=\"550\" height=\"796\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Atlanta, a city similar in population to Sacramento or Long Beach, the homeless population has also more than halved since 2010, even as rents have raced upwards. Like Houston, Atlanta has embraced the “housing first” approach, investing \u003ca href=\"https://www.wbur.org/hereandnow/2019/02/22/atlanta-reduce-homelessness\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">public and private dollars\u003c/a> in a growing stock of low-barrier shelter beds, rapid rehousing units and permanent supportive housing. One innovative solution: A \u003ca href=\"https://weinspirit.org/blog/2019/4/16/inspiritus-launches-program-serving-youth-experiencing-homelessness\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">host-family program\u003c/a> that pairs homeless LGBTQ young adults with supportive households.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"explainer-card-title\">What About Outside-the-Box Solutions?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Desperate shortages of affordable housing have led some cities to consider desperate measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take for example, a recent proposal out of Oakland, where homelessness grew 47% from 2017 to 2019. City Council President Rebecca Kaplan floated a plan to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Councilwoman-says-a-cruise-ship-at-Oakland-s-14897717.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">house up to 1,000 homeless residents on a cruise ship\u003c/a> in the city’s port. Though not a novel idea — cruise ships offered emergency shelter during Hurricane Katrina — the Port of Oakland instantly dismissed the proposal as “untenable,” while Twitter users pointed out the \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/travel/2019/12/13/oakland-is-considering-housing-its-homeless-cruise-ships-could-it-actually-happen/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">irony\u003c/a> of housing people in boats rather than actual homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland is also home to another controversial solution: move the homeless out of street encampments and into metal structures more often used as tool sheds. The city currently operates four “cabin communities,” which include electricity, security guards and supportive services. About \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Are-Oakland-s-cabins-a-success-Homeless-14477680.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">two-thirds of residents\u003c/a> who have been through the program have found more permanent shelter — a statistic the city calls a success. Supporters of the sheds — including Riverside Mayor Rusty Bailey, who has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.pe.com/2019/12/14/why-riversides-mayor-is-sleeping-in-an-8-by-8-metal-shed-to-help-the-homeless/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">sleeping in one himself to garner local support\u003c/a> for the strategy — say that they are warmer, safer, and more humane than sleeping in tents on cement. Detractors argue that the cramped structures are a poor substitute for permanent supportive housing or building affordable apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities around the country have jumped on the tiny house craze, building \u003ca href=\"https://www.curbed.com/maps/tiny-houses-for-the-homeless-villages\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">villages\u003c/a> of the pint-sized dwellings for the homeless. Los Angeles has piloted a \u003ca href=\"http://planning.lacounty.gov/secondunitpilot\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">program\u003c/a> to pay homeowners to host homeless people in backyard “granny flats.” Other cities have turned to \u003ca href=\"https://newatlas.com/architecture/3d-printed-low-cost-housing-texas/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">3D-printed homes\u003c/a> that can be turned out in 48 hours to lower the cost of building extremely-affordable units.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "mental-health-care-outcry-targets-kaiser-and-state-regulators",
"title": "Mental Health Care Outcry Targets Kaiser — and State Regulators",
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"content": "\u003cp>The state is facing mounting pressure to enforce \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-mental-health-care-parity/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">parity laws that are supposed to guarantee equal care for physical and mental health issues\u003c/a>— with a spotlight this week on mental health care problems at health giant Kaiser Permanente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, Kaiser mental health clinicians are on a\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11791527/kaiser-therapists-strike-again-over-long-wait-times\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> five-day strike\u003c/a>, protesting long patient wait times and strenuous working conditions for providers. They say children and adults with serious mental health needs, including schizophrenia, anxiety and severe depression, are often waiting six to eight weeks — sometimes longer — to see a therapist. And they contend that Kaiser’s behavioral health services have in many ways worsened in recent years, despite being under a corrective plan overseen by the state \u003ca href=\"http://www.dmhc.ca.gov/?referral=healthhelp.ca.gov\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Department of Managed Health Care\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Fred Seavey, research director for the National Union of Healthcare Workers\"]‘If these were cardiac catheterization services that were not functioning, if a health plan was screwing those up, (the state) would jump on that and require those to be fixed right away. Meanwhile they’re just sitting on their hands.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Striking clinicians on Thursday plan to march from the Capitol to the state agency to protest what they called “the agency’s failure to enforce parity legislation.” They specifically criticized the agency for not releasing reports from an outside monitor that would show whether Kaiser is meeting mental health access benchmarks outlined in a 2017 settlement agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very disappointed with the DMHC — it’s just stunning,” said Fred Seavey, research director for the National Union of Healthcare Workers, which organized the strike. “It’s just criminal in my mind that they’re not holding Kaiser accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If these were cardiac catheterization services that were not functioning, if a health plan was screwing those up, (the state) would jump on that and require those to be fixed right away,” he said. “Meanwhile they’re just sitting on their hands. We have people who are dying in the course of this failed enforcement by the DMHC.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seavey criticized Kaiser’s “massive influence” with the department, and said the union may call an open-ended strike in early 2020 if Kaiser does not improve mental health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the state’s agreement with Kaiser in 2017, the health plan created a process to ensure that follow-up appointments are available in a timely manner, the state agency said in an emailed statement. Providers who cannot get their patients in for follow-up care are supposed to notify their managers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department fined Kaiser $4 million in 2013, but the plan did not agree to a settlement with corrective actions until 2017. That \u003ca href=\"https://wpso.dmhc.ca.gov/enfactions/docs/2895/1500394196511.pdf\">settlement agreement\u003c/a> is publicly available. But while the state department receives regular updates about the plan’s progress, it says it keeps that information confidential “in compliance with federal and state laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser spokesman Marc Brown called the strikes “disruptive to patient access, operational care and service and…frankly irresponsible.” In an emailed statement, he said this is the union’s sixth strike this year (Seavey said most of these strikes were done at individual clinics, as opposed to statewide).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"arts_13871243,news_11786202,news_11756742\" label=\"Mental Health Care in California\"]“We take any concern raised about our care very seriously, and always investigate and respond thoroughly,” Brown said. “However, it is inappropriate for the union to file multiple, often unwarranted complaints, and attack Kaiser Permanente’s reputation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a dozen complaints the union has filed with the DMHC in the past year — and sought to publicize — decry violations of network adequacy rules, timely access rules and long appointment wait times, among others. One complaint said patients in Pasadena with schizophrenia, serious major depression and bipolar disorder were waiting three or four months for an appointment. Another complaint said therapists in San Francisco were being told to keep alternative paper wait lists — or tell patients to call back later — to hide its failure to see children in a timely manner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/californians-struggle-to-get-mental-health-care/\">Frustration with access to mental health services at Kaiser\u003c/a> extends beyond the HMO as well. According to a\u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/publication/poll-shows-californians-health-priorities-new-governor-legislature/\"> statewide poll\u003c/a> by the Kaiser Family Foundation and the California Health Care Foundation released earlier this year, more than half of those surveyed thought that most people with mental health conditions are unable to get the services they need. A \u003ca href=\"http://www.milliman.com/bowman/\">recent analysis by healthcare consultants Milliman Inc.\u003c/a> showed that California patients were more than five times more likely to have office visits for mental health or addiction problems from providers outside their insurance plan’s network compared with their counterparts seeking medical or surgical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Concerned about these access problems, State Controller Betty Yee, who sits on the board of the California Public Employees’ Retirement System, wrote a letter to its executive officer requesting a series of hearings with its largest plans: Kaiser, Anthem, Blue Shield and United Healthcare. Kaiser, with more than 640,000 enrollees, has by far the highest membership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We negotiate contracts; we have leverage,” Yee said Tuesday, as the CalPERS board was conducting its third hearing on the subject. “To the extent that parity is not guaranteed, we need to make sure that our plans are living up to the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Treasurer Fiona Ma, who also sits on the board, said she’s seen firsthand how her own mother and brother have struggled to get adequate, timely care for depression. She’s been writing letters asking plans to explain the long wait times and high cost of care, and the growing numbers of people suffering from mental illnesses. Plans need to get more creative in finding solutions, she said.\u003cbr>\n[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Cindy Striegel, a vice president at Kaiser\"]‘This is not an issue or an area that we can solve overnight. We can’t just throw more money at it. We can’t throw more effort at it. We’re doing the things that we feel are the most important.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kaiser is out on strike again today,” she said. “Why is that? Is it because everything is going well? No, it’s because things are not going well in the system and patients are getting sicker and sicker.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser and the Department of Managed Health Care both sent representatives to speak at a November meeting of the CalPERS Pension and Benefits Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DMHC director Shelley Rouillard told board members that day that the department takes its responsibility as a consumer protection agency very seriously, and outlined some of its offerings: a consumer help center, independent medical review process, regular monitoring of plans to ensure they have enough providers and enforcement actions against plans that violate timely access requirements. She said Kaiser has met all of the benchmarks of the 2017 settlement agreement so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she also acknowledged that, in some cases, it takes years to correct problems with plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/zDuLZ1oJR8k\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cindy Striegel, a vice president at Kaiser, said it has hired more than 1,200 full-time therapists or clinicians since 2015, an increase of 30 percent. At the same time, she said, membership has grown about 20 percent. Kaiser is continuing to recruit and currently has about 300 positions posted or in the hiring process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not an issue or an area that we can solve overnight,” she said. “We can’t just throw more money at it. We can’t throw more effort at it. We’re doing the things that we feel are the most important. They just take some time to implement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susan Whitney, a psychiatric social worker at the Kern County Kaiser Medical Center in Bakersfield, said she has worked for Kaiser for 15 years. Since the state first cited Kaiser in 2013, she said, “access to care has definitely gotten worse.” She believes that’s because the state has focused its scrutiny on how long it takes to get patients in the door for an initial appointment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People can get in right away to be seen, but then we’re left saying we don’t have a follow-up appointment for them for 6 to 8 or 12 weeks,’” she said. Whitney, who works with children and teenagers, said those delays in follow-up care exist even for children have anxiety so bad they can’t go to school, or show signs of being suicidal. The network of community providers that Kaiser sometimes outsources care to has been “completely overwhelmed,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no therapy treatment model where you see a provider every 6 to 8 weeks,” she said. “Therapy just doesn’t work that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vicki Hoskins, a psychiatric therapist at Kaiser’s Euclid Medical Offices in Anaheim, said last week she spent the day on the phone telling patients in crisis they can’t get an appointment for a therapist until March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s super stressful,” she said. “Everyone’s frustrated. It’s always been bad, but this is the worst it’s ever been.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She attributes the problem, in part, to Kaiser adding members before they build up their base of clinicians, along with greater awareness of suicidality and depression. A reduced stigma around mental illness also has led more people to seek help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When someone finally decides to seek help and then are told they can’t get help for 3 months, it makes them feel worse,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"kaiser-permanente\" label=\"More on Kaiser\"]Des Michel, 27, from Oakland, said they reached out to Kaiser in July of 2018 in crisis, seeking care for gender identity affirming therapy. Michel’s first appointment was at the end of October, at which point they received referrals to Beacon Health Services and then, a few months later to Magellan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was overall, and still is, a very negative experience for my mental health,” Michel said. “It’s been a year and a half. I’m probably just going to suck it up and pay privately, but financially and ethically it wasn’t something I wanted to do because I feel strongly that Kaiser has an obligation to their patients to be providing mental health care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeanette Zollinger, 42, of Thousand Oaks, said she, too, ended up paying out of pocket to see an outside therapist when she was having a “pretty rough breakdown.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was literally life-saving,” she said. “I really didn’t feel like I had an option to go through Kaiser when I really needed help. They just didn’t have the staffing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rouillard at the state Department of Managed Health Care maintains that the state is doing its job, but it is challenging given the shortage of providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Access to behavioral health care services is a very high priority for our governor and for the Secretary of the Health and Human Services Agency,” she said. “The department has been working hard to ensure health plans comply with all requirements regarding timely access to care and federal and state mental health law — parity laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics are unconvinced. Meiram Bendat, a Los Angeles attorney and psychotherapist, won a much-touted case this spring in which a Northern California federal court found that United Behavioral Health had wrongly restricted treatment for patients with mental health and substance abuse disorders in order to cut costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser therapists “have every reason to be fed up with the DMHC, which over the years has created an illusion of public service by fining it a few million dollars – trivial penalties that have no actual deterrent effect,” he said. He said Kaiser could compensate for network inadequacies by covering out-of-network mental health treatment at billed charges\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If DMHC were truly committed to mental health reforms and not just to its public image, it would have insisted on such measures long ago,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Jocelyn Wiener is a CalMatters contributing writer. Her reporting is made possible by a grant from the California Health Care Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://CalMatters.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CalMatters.org \u003c/a>is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Striking clinicians — spotlighting complaints that patients with serious mental illness face long waits and inadequate care — lay blame at the doorstep of the state Department of Managed Health Care.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The state is facing mounting pressure to enforce \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-mental-health-care-parity/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">parity laws that are supposed to guarantee equal care for physical and mental health issues\u003c/a>— with a spotlight this week on mental health care problems at health giant Kaiser Permanente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, Kaiser mental health clinicians are on a\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11791527/kaiser-therapists-strike-again-over-long-wait-times\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> five-day strike\u003c/a>, protesting long patient wait times and strenuous working conditions for providers. They say children and adults with serious mental health needs, including schizophrenia, anxiety and severe depression, are often waiting six to eight weeks — sometimes longer — to see a therapist. And they contend that Kaiser’s behavioral health services have in many ways worsened in recent years, despite being under a corrective plan overseen by the state \u003ca href=\"http://www.dmhc.ca.gov/?referral=healthhelp.ca.gov\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Department of Managed Health Care\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘If these were cardiac catheterization services that were not functioning, if a health plan was screwing those up, (the state) would jump on that and require those to be fixed right away. Meanwhile they’re just sitting on their hands.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Striking clinicians on Thursday plan to march from the Capitol to the state agency to protest what they called “the agency’s failure to enforce parity legislation.” They specifically criticized the agency for not releasing reports from an outside monitor that would show whether Kaiser is meeting mental health access benchmarks outlined in a 2017 settlement agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very disappointed with the DMHC — it’s just stunning,” said Fred Seavey, research director for the National Union of Healthcare Workers, which organized the strike. “It’s just criminal in my mind that they’re not holding Kaiser accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If these were cardiac catheterization services that were not functioning, if a health plan was screwing those up, (the state) would jump on that and require those to be fixed right away,” he said. “Meanwhile they’re just sitting on their hands. We have people who are dying in the course of this failed enforcement by the DMHC.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seavey criticized Kaiser’s “massive influence” with the department, and said the union may call an open-ended strike in early 2020 if Kaiser does not improve mental health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the state’s agreement with Kaiser in 2017, the health plan created a process to ensure that follow-up appointments are available in a timely manner, the state agency said in an emailed statement. Providers who cannot get their patients in for follow-up care are supposed to notify their managers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department fined Kaiser $4 million in 2013, but the plan did not agree to a settlement with corrective actions until 2017. That \u003ca href=\"https://wpso.dmhc.ca.gov/enfactions/docs/2895/1500394196511.pdf\">settlement agreement\u003c/a> is publicly available. But while the state department receives regular updates about the plan’s progress, it says it keeps that information confidential “in compliance with federal and state laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser spokesman Marc Brown called the strikes “disruptive to patient access, operational care and service and…frankly irresponsible.” In an emailed statement, he said this is the union’s sixth strike this year (Seavey said most of these strikes were done at individual clinics, as opposed to statewide).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We take any concern raised about our care very seriously, and always investigate and respond thoroughly,” Brown said. “However, it is inappropriate for the union to file multiple, often unwarranted complaints, and attack Kaiser Permanente’s reputation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a dozen complaints the union has filed with the DMHC in the past year — and sought to publicize — decry violations of network adequacy rules, timely access rules and long appointment wait times, among others. One complaint said patients in Pasadena with schizophrenia, serious major depression and bipolar disorder were waiting three or four months for an appointment. Another complaint said therapists in San Francisco were being told to keep alternative paper wait lists — or tell patients to call back later — to hide its failure to see children in a timely manner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/californians-struggle-to-get-mental-health-care/\">Frustration with access to mental health services at Kaiser\u003c/a> extends beyond the HMO as well. According to a\u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/publication/poll-shows-californians-health-priorities-new-governor-legislature/\"> statewide poll\u003c/a> by the Kaiser Family Foundation and the California Health Care Foundation released earlier this year, more than half of those surveyed thought that most people with mental health conditions are unable to get the services they need. A \u003ca href=\"http://www.milliman.com/bowman/\">recent analysis by healthcare consultants Milliman Inc.\u003c/a> showed that California patients were more than five times more likely to have office visits for mental health or addiction problems from providers outside their insurance plan’s network compared with their counterparts seeking medical or surgical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Concerned about these access problems, State Controller Betty Yee, who sits on the board of the California Public Employees’ Retirement System, wrote a letter to its executive officer requesting a series of hearings with its largest plans: Kaiser, Anthem, Blue Shield and United Healthcare. Kaiser, with more than 640,000 enrollees, has by far the highest membership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We negotiate contracts; we have leverage,” Yee said Tuesday, as the CalPERS board was conducting its third hearing on the subject. “To the extent that parity is not guaranteed, we need to make sure that our plans are living up to the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Treasurer Fiona Ma, who also sits on the board, said she’s seen firsthand how her own mother and brother have struggled to get adequate, timely care for depression. She’s been writing letters asking plans to explain the long wait times and high cost of care, and the growing numbers of people suffering from mental illnesses. Plans need to get more creative in finding solutions, she said.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kaiser is out on strike again today,” she said. “Why is that? Is it because everything is going well? No, it’s because things are not going well in the system and patients are getting sicker and sicker.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser and the Department of Managed Health Care both sent representatives to speak at a November meeting of the CalPERS Pension and Benefits Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DMHC director Shelley Rouillard told board members that day that the department takes its responsibility as a consumer protection agency very seriously, and outlined some of its offerings: a consumer help center, independent medical review process, regular monitoring of plans to ensure they have enough providers and enforcement actions against plans that violate timely access requirements. She said Kaiser has met all of the benchmarks of the 2017 settlement agreement so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she also acknowledged that, in some cases, it takes years to correct problems with plans.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/zDuLZ1oJR8k'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/zDuLZ1oJR8k'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Cindy Striegel, a vice president at Kaiser, said it has hired more than 1,200 full-time therapists or clinicians since 2015, an increase of 30 percent. At the same time, she said, membership has grown about 20 percent. Kaiser is continuing to recruit and currently has about 300 positions posted or in the hiring process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not an issue or an area that we can solve overnight,” she said. “We can’t just throw more money at it. We can’t throw more effort at it. We’re doing the things that we feel are the most important. They just take some time to implement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susan Whitney, a psychiatric social worker at the Kern County Kaiser Medical Center in Bakersfield, said she has worked for Kaiser for 15 years. Since the state first cited Kaiser in 2013, she said, “access to care has definitely gotten worse.” She believes that’s because the state has focused its scrutiny on how long it takes to get patients in the door for an initial appointment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People can get in right away to be seen, but then we’re left saying we don’t have a follow-up appointment for them for 6 to 8 or 12 weeks,’” she said. Whitney, who works with children and teenagers, said those delays in follow-up care exist even for children have anxiety so bad they can’t go to school, or show signs of being suicidal. The network of community providers that Kaiser sometimes outsources care to has been “completely overwhelmed,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no therapy treatment model where you see a provider every 6 to 8 weeks,” she said. “Therapy just doesn’t work that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vicki Hoskins, a psychiatric therapist at Kaiser’s Euclid Medical Offices in Anaheim, said last week she spent the day on the phone telling patients in crisis they can’t get an appointment for a therapist until March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s super stressful,” she said. “Everyone’s frustrated. It’s always been bad, but this is the worst it’s ever been.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She attributes the problem, in part, to Kaiser adding members before they build up their base of clinicians, along with greater awareness of suicidality and depression. A reduced stigma around mental illness also has led more people to seek help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When someone finally decides to seek help and then are told they can’t get help for 3 months, it makes them feel worse,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Des Michel, 27, from Oakland, said they reached out to Kaiser in July of 2018 in crisis, seeking care for gender identity affirming therapy. Michel’s first appointment was at the end of October, at which point they received referrals to Beacon Health Services and then, a few months later to Magellan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was overall, and still is, a very negative experience for my mental health,” Michel said. “It’s been a year and a half. I’m probably just going to suck it up and pay privately, but financially and ethically it wasn’t something I wanted to do because I feel strongly that Kaiser has an obligation to their patients to be providing mental health care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeanette Zollinger, 42, of Thousand Oaks, said she, too, ended up paying out of pocket to see an outside therapist when she was having a “pretty rough breakdown.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was literally life-saving,” she said. “I really didn’t feel like I had an option to go through Kaiser when I really needed help. They just didn’t have the staffing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rouillard at the state Department of Managed Health Care maintains that the state is doing its job, but it is challenging given the shortage of providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Access to behavioral health care services is a very high priority for our governor and for the Secretary of the Health and Human Services Agency,” she said. “The department has been working hard to ensure health plans comply with all requirements regarding timely access to care and federal and state mental health law — parity laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics are unconvinced. Meiram Bendat, a Los Angeles attorney and psychotherapist, won a much-touted case this spring in which a Northern California federal court found that United Behavioral Health had wrongly restricted treatment for patients with mental health and substance abuse disorders in order to cut costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser therapists “have every reason to be fed up with the DMHC, which over the years has created an illusion of public service by fining it a few million dollars – trivial penalties that have no actual deterrent effect,” he said. He said Kaiser could compensate for network inadequacies by covering out-of-network mental health treatment at billed charges\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If DMHC were truly committed to mental health reforms and not just to its public image, it would have insisted on such measures long ago,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Jocelyn Wiener is a CalMatters contributing writer. Her reporting is made possible by a grant from the California Health Care Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://CalMatters.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CalMatters.org \u003c/a>is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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