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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he housing crisis has given rise to acronyms that define the battle over new developments: “Yes in My Backyard” (YIMBYs) vs. “Not In My Backyard” (NIMBYs). And now there’s a new acronym: PHIMBY, as in “Public Housing in My Backyard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of my comrades down in the L.A. chapter of DSA (Democratic Socialists of America) came up with PHIMBY when we were writing a response to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11657578/what-to-know-about-the-housing-bill-that-has-people-freaking-out-from-marin-to-compton\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Senate Bill 827\u003c/a>,” says Shanti Singh, co-chair of the San Francisco chapter of the DSA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, proposed last year by state Sen. Scott Weiner, D-San Francisco, would have allowed for much more densely built housing near transit hubs. It was supported by the YIMBY movement, which began in San Francisco and encourages new housing development as one way to solve the housing shortage in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DSA members worried the bill could speed up gentrification in neighborhoods and didn’t consider low-income residents and communities of color that are most at risk of being pushed out. Instead, they proposed an alternative and gave a new name to an old concept, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dsa-la.org/statement_in_opposition_to_sb_827\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">PHIMBY\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“PHIMBYism calls for renewed investment in public and municipal housing and other mechanisms that aren’t market determined,” Singh said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Singh wants to see housing solutions that will support low-income communities and people of color who are most affected by the housing crisis. This includes better public housing and more of it, as well as strengthening tenant protections and rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, building both affordable and luxury housing units costs hundreds of thousands of dollars. Singh says when developers are profit-driven, there is little incentive to create affordable units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Furthermore, market-rate housing can take years to depreciate enough to become affordable to low-income residents. \u003ca href=\"http://www.urbandisplacement.org/sites/default/files/images/udp_research_brief_052316.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">One study\u003c/a> found that it’s far more effective to build subsidized rental homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, there simply isn’t enough affordable housing to meet demand. In 2017, more than \u003ca href=\"https://sfmohcd.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Reports/2016-17%20Annual%20Progress%20Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">85,000 households\u003c/a> applied for 1,210 units of affordable housing in a lottery through the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[PHIMBYism] is the most direct way to build housing and preserve housing that people actually need to survive and thrive,” says Singh. “We’re not waiting for the market or to be shut out by exclusionary people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Does Public Housing Mean Today?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>According to the federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/topics/rental_assistance/phprog\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Department of Housing and Urban Development\u003c/a> (HUD), public housing is managed and run by municipal housing agencies and funded mainly through the federal government. There are some 3,300 housing agencies in the United States, and about 1.2 million households living in public units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, public housing has gotten a pretty bad reputation. For most people, public housing conjures images from the ’80s and ’90s of neglected high-rise projects with broken elevators and flickering lights in neighborhoods that suffered from disinvestment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11731754\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11731754 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/GettyImages-971721976-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"Public housing stands in Brooklyn on June 11, 2018 in New York City. Investigators claim that water leaks,holes in walls, lead paint, mold, malfunctioning elevators and rats were a part of daily life for the thousands of residents living in public housing.\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Public housing in Brooklyn. Investigators claim that water leaks, holes in walls, lead paint, mold, malfunctioning elevators and rats were a part of daily life for the thousands of residents living in public housing there. \u003ccite>(Spencer Platt/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There’s been a shift in how we think about revitalization of public housing,” says Tomiquia Moss, who worked in the mayor’s office in both San Francisco and Oakland and has headed various housing programs. She is now is the CEO of Hamilton Families, which houses the homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to have a much more integrated community where residents thrive in their neighborhoods, where they have access to opportunity, where there’s jobs and resources and public parks,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, the federal government has made budget cuts to HUD and public housing programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Local jurisdictions have been responsible for taking up the slack of growing income and wealth inequalities in their communities and figuring out how to provide more housing for the people who live in these communities,” says Moss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2005, officials found that San Francisco’s Housing Authority needed to spend at least $267 million to repair and renovate its housing stock. However, HUD was allocating only $16 million to the city for those repairs and renovations. To address the problem, the city turned to public-private partnerships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s public housing was brought under two big programs, HOPE SF and Rental Assistance Demonstration (RAD). HOPE SF replaces distressed public housing with mixed-income communities, and RAD renovated old public housing projects and handed them over to nonprofit management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The public-private partnerships have become more of a tool for how [mayors and civic leaders] address the housing crisis,” says Moss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Singh says that partnerships between cities and nonprofits could be considered PHIMBY, she’d rather see community-oriented and municipally-run public housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The PHIMBY Dream\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Vienna could be seen as a paragon of PHIMBYism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Austrian city allows people making almost twice the average annual income to live in social housing. The housing is desirable and is sought after by sports stars, high-ranking politicians and low-income earners. That said, in 2015 alone, the city spent\u003ca href=\"https://www.pri.org/stories/2015-10-26/why-rich-people-austria-want-live-housing-projects\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> 600 million euros\u003c/a> on social housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Vienna has mixed-income social housing to the point where rich and poor are living under the same roof,” says Singh. “While that might sound like a fantasy, when you create universal social programs that people are universally invested in, like Social Security and Medicare, those tend to be strong programs that are hard to cut and hard to marginalize low-income people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More locally, Singh would love to see a PHIMBY project at the 16th Street Mission BART Station. However, it’s currently the site of a contentious housing project by Maximus Real Estate Partners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The development has been in the planning phase for about six years due to fierce opposition from the community coalition Plaza 16, which has dubbed the Maximus project “\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Developer-of-long-delayed-Monster-in-the-13568130.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Monster in the Mission\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11731582\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11731582 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_4318-1-1-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A rally before the San Francisco Planning Commission hearing to discuss the 1979 Mission Street development that's been dubbed by activists "The Monster in the Mission"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_4318-1-1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_4318-1-1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_4318-1-1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_4318-1-1-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_4318-1-1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_4318-1-1.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A rally before the San Francisco Planning Commission hearing to discuss the 1979 Mission Street development that’s been dubbed by activists “The Monster in the Mission.” \u003ccite>(Jessica Placzek/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Plaza 16 demands that the site be turned into 100 percent affordable housing under a plan they call “The Marvel in the Mission.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a San Francisco Planning Commission hearing on Feb. 7, Maximus unveiled new plans to build about 330 units of mostly market-rate housing above the BART station. To fulfill affordable housing requirements, Plaza 16 suggested a land dedication where Maximus would purchase two other properties in the Mission that would be handed over to the city to turn into affordable housing developments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the hearing, a representative for Maximus called the Plaza 16 plans a fantasy, saying “the land is not for sale.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the plans for the Marvel in the Mission look like a PHIMBY dream, neighborhood organizers say their main goal is for this development to offer affordable housing for people making 30 percent of the area median income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a working-class person of color who’s grown up in San Francisco, our communities have been advocating for affordable housing for years,” says Chirag Bhakta, a Plaza 16 organizer. “We’re glad people are listening, but we also don’t want to be co-opted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Singh agrees that this is just a new name for an old concept. However, PHIMBY could be a new way to see beyond the dialectic of NIMBY and YIMBY, and get people to consider alternative ways to solve the housing crisis beyond private development motivated by profit.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Singh wants to see housing solutions that will support low-income communities and people of color who are most affected by the housing crisis. This includes better public housing and more of it, as well as strengthening tenant protections and rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, building both affordable and luxury housing units costs hundreds of thousands of dollars. Singh says when developers are profit-driven, there is little incentive to create affordable units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Furthermore, market-rate housing can take years to depreciate enough to become affordable to low-income residents. \u003ca href=\"http://www.urbandisplacement.org/sites/default/files/images/udp_research_brief_052316.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">One study\u003c/a> found that it’s far more effective to build subsidized rental homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, there simply isn’t enough affordable housing to meet demand. In 2017, more than \u003ca href=\"https://sfmohcd.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Reports/2016-17%20Annual%20Progress%20Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">85,000 households\u003c/a> applied for 1,210 units of affordable housing in a lottery through the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[PHIMBYism] is the most direct way to build housing and preserve housing that people actually need to survive and thrive,” says Singh. “We’re not waiting for the market or to be shut out by exclusionary people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Does Public Housing Mean Today?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>According to the federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/topics/rental_assistance/phprog\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Department of Housing and Urban Development\u003c/a> (HUD), public housing is managed and run by municipal housing agencies and funded mainly through the federal government. There are some 3,300 housing agencies in the United States, and about 1.2 million households living in public units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, public housing has gotten a pretty bad reputation. For most people, public housing conjures images from the ’80s and ’90s of neglected high-rise projects with broken elevators and flickering lights in neighborhoods that suffered from disinvestment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11731754\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11731754 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/GettyImages-971721976-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"Public housing stands in Brooklyn on June 11, 2018 in New York City. Investigators claim that water leaks,holes in walls, lead paint, mold, malfunctioning elevators and rats were a part of daily life for the thousands of residents living in public housing.\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Public housing in Brooklyn. Investigators claim that water leaks, holes in walls, lead paint, mold, malfunctioning elevators and rats were a part of daily life for the thousands of residents living in public housing there. \u003ccite>(Spencer Platt/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There’s been a shift in how we think about revitalization of public housing,” says Tomiquia Moss, who worked in the mayor’s office in both San Francisco and Oakland and has headed various housing programs. She is now is the CEO of Hamilton Families, which houses the homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to have a much more integrated community where residents thrive in their neighborhoods, where they have access to opportunity, where there’s jobs and resources and public parks,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, the federal government has made budget cuts to HUD and public housing programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Local jurisdictions have been responsible for taking up the slack of growing income and wealth inequalities in their communities and figuring out how to provide more housing for the people who live in these communities,” says Moss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2005, officials found that San Francisco’s Housing Authority needed to spend at least $267 million to repair and renovate its housing stock. However, HUD was allocating only $16 million to the city for those repairs and renovations. To address the problem, the city turned to public-private partnerships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s public housing was brought under two big programs, HOPE SF and Rental Assistance Demonstration (RAD). HOPE SF replaces distressed public housing with mixed-income communities, and RAD renovated old public housing projects and handed them over to nonprofit management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The public-private partnerships have become more of a tool for how [mayors and civic leaders] address the housing crisis,” says Moss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Singh says that partnerships between cities and nonprofits could be considered PHIMBY, she’d rather see community-oriented and municipally-run public housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The PHIMBY Dream\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Vienna could be seen as a paragon of PHIMBYism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Austrian city allows people making almost twice the average annual income to live in social housing. The housing is desirable and is sought after by sports stars, high-ranking politicians and low-income earners. That said, in 2015 alone, the city spent\u003ca href=\"https://www.pri.org/stories/2015-10-26/why-rich-people-austria-want-live-housing-projects\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> 600 million euros\u003c/a> on social housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Vienna has mixed-income social housing to the point where rich and poor are living under the same roof,” says Singh. “While that might sound like a fantasy, when you create universal social programs that people are universally invested in, like Social Security and Medicare, those tend to be strong programs that are hard to cut and hard to marginalize low-income people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More locally, Singh would love to see a PHIMBY project at the 16th Street Mission BART Station. However, it’s currently the site of a contentious housing project by Maximus Real Estate Partners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The development has been in the planning phase for about six years due to fierce opposition from the community coalition Plaza 16, which has dubbed the Maximus project “\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Developer-of-long-delayed-Monster-in-the-13568130.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Monster in the Mission\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11731582\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11731582 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_4318-1-1-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A rally before the San Francisco Planning Commission hearing to discuss the 1979 Mission Street development that's been dubbed by activists "The Monster in the Mission"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_4318-1-1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_4318-1-1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_4318-1-1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_4318-1-1-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_4318-1-1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_4318-1-1.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A rally before the San Francisco Planning Commission hearing to discuss the 1979 Mission Street development that’s been dubbed by activists “The Monster in the Mission.” \u003ccite>(Jessica Placzek/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Plaza 16 demands that the site be turned into 100 percent affordable housing under a plan they call “The Marvel in the Mission.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a San Francisco Planning Commission hearing on Feb. 7, Maximus unveiled new plans to build about 330 units of mostly market-rate housing above the BART station. To fulfill affordable housing requirements, Plaza 16 suggested a land dedication where Maximus would purchase two other properties in the Mission that would be handed over to the city to turn into affordable housing developments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the hearing, a representative for Maximus called the Plaza 16 plans a fantasy, saying “the land is not for sale.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the plans for the Marvel in the Mission look like a PHIMBY dream, neighborhood organizers say their main goal is for this development to offer affordable housing for people making 30 percent of the area median income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a working-class person of color who’s grown up in San Francisco, our communities have been advocating for affordable housing for years,” says Chirag Bhakta, a Plaza 16 organizer. “We’re glad people are listening, but we also don’t want to be co-opted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Singh agrees that this is just a new name for an old concept. However, PHIMBY could be a new way to see beyond the dialectic of NIMBY and YIMBY, and get people to consider alternative ways to solve the housing crisis beyond private development motivated by profit.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>State lawmakers are proposing to create a housing agency for the San Francisco Bay Area, with the ability to impose regional taxes to fund development, local planning and tenant assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation, set to be unveiled on Thursday, would create a new agency to address a problem felt by residents in all of the region’s nine counties. Assembly Bill 1487 is the cornerstone of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11719937/controversial-bay-area-housing-plan-heads-to-state-legislature\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">controversial regional housing agenda\u003c/a> being pursued at the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is central to what we’re trying to do with a regional approach,” said Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco, who authored the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=”right” citation=\"Assemblyman David Chiu\"]‘It would allow tenants from across the region to access services, even if their city doesn’t have tenant services available. It would allow cities across the region to get access to technical assistance that they may not already have.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea for the regional entity — dubbed the Housing Alliance for the Bay Area (HABA) — was birthed from CASA, a committee of elected officials, developers and affordable housing advocates who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11720131/the-bay-areas-biggest-push-for-a-regional-housing-solution\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">drew up a set of ideas\u003c/a> to ease the housing affordability crisis in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ideas included emergency rent and legal assistance to tenants facing eviction, a regional rent cap, streamlined approval for more developments and minimum zoning standards for housing around transit stops. Many of those ideas have already been introduced in the state Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee also drafted a price tag for their list of solutions: $2.5 billion annually over the next 15 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1487 would give state authority to HABA to raise up to $1.5 billion through ballot measures voted on in all nine counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[It] would allow for funding to be raised regionally and spent regionally,” Chiu said. “It would allow tenants from across the region to access services, even if their city doesn’t have tenant services available. It would allow cities across the region to get access to technical assistance that they may not already have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The entity would not have any land use authority, and while it could purchase land for affordable housing, it would not be able to take property through eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1487 proposes that the governing body be split between local mayors, council members and supervisors who serve on the Metropolitan Transportation Commission (MTC) and the Association of Bay Area Governments (ABAG), along with appointees of the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even some supporters of CASA have argued against the creation of a new housing government, particularly one that could include unelected appointees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t personally think having a separate agency is necessary, given that we have ABAG and MTC, which is made up of elected representatives from throughout the region,” said Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguin in January, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11719212/despite-strong-opposition-bay-area-officials-endorse-ambitious-regional-affordable-housing-plan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ABAG reviewed the regional housing ideas\u003c/a>. “I think that’s a role that we can play as the regional planning entity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would be up to the Alliance to determine what tax proposals end up on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"California's Housing Crisis\" tag=\"housing-crisis\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CASA Compact suggested a suite of ideas, including a regionwide parcel tax on property owners, a new fee on developers, increased taxes on businesses, a regionwide sales tax increase and direct contributions from local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say the regional approach to taxes would ease the burden on cities that currently have to go to the ballot individually to raise funds for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They point to measures to fund affordable housing in San Jose and Santa Rosa that failed in the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HABA’s plans for spending the tax money — sending cash and legal assistance to tenants, buying properties to build affordable units, and paying for planners to help cities prepare for development — could be particularly helpful to cities and towns that lack the resources to take on those initiatives now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some jurisdictions have a lot of staff and revenue but there’s a wide range within the region,” said Amie Fishman, executive director of the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California. “So having a regional strategy will also help to generate the local solutions that are needed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate bill in the state Legislature could make it easier to pass a regional housing tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200ACA1\">Assembly Constitutional Amendment 1\u003c/a> would lower the threshold needed to pass a sales tax or parcel tax from two-thirds to 55 percent, if the funds are used for infrastructure or affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>State lawmakers are proposing to create a housing agency for the San Francisco Bay Area, with the ability to impose regional taxes to fund development, local planning and tenant assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation, set to be unveiled on Thursday, would create a new agency to address a problem felt by residents in all of the region’s nine counties. Assembly Bill 1487 is the cornerstone of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11719937/controversial-bay-area-housing-plan-heads-to-state-legislature\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">controversial regional housing agenda\u003c/a> being pursued at the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is central to what we’re trying to do with a regional approach,” said Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco, who authored the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea for the regional entity — dubbed the Housing Alliance for the Bay Area (HABA) — was birthed from CASA, a committee of elected officials, developers and affordable housing advocates who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11720131/the-bay-areas-biggest-push-for-a-regional-housing-solution\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">drew up a set of ideas\u003c/a> to ease the housing affordability crisis in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ideas included emergency rent and legal assistance to tenants facing eviction, a regional rent cap, streamlined approval for more developments and minimum zoning standards for housing around transit stops. Many of those ideas have already been introduced in the state Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee also drafted a price tag for their list of solutions: $2.5 billion annually over the next 15 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1487 would give state authority to HABA to raise up to $1.5 billion through ballot measures voted on in all nine counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[It] would allow for funding to be raised regionally and spent regionally,” Chiu said. “It would allow tenants from across the region to access services, even if their city doesn’t have tenant services available. It would allow cities across the region to get access to technical assistance that they may not already have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The entity would not have any land use authority, and while it could purchase land for affordable housing, it would not be able to take property through eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1487 proposes that the governing body be split between local mayors, council members and supervisors who serve on the Metropolitan Transportation Commission (MTC) and the Association of Bay Area Governments (ABAG), along with appointees of the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even some supporters of CASA have argued against the creation of a new housing government, particularly one that could include unelected appointees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t personally think having a separate agency is necessary, given that we have ABAG and MTC, which is made up of elected representatives from throughout the region,” said Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguin in January, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11719212/despite-strong-opposition-bay-area-officials-endorse-ambitious-regional-affordable-housing-plan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ABAG reviewed the regional housing ideas\u003c/a>. “I think that’s a role that we can play as the regional planning entity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would be up to the Alliance to determine what tax proposals end up on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CASA Compact suggested a suite of ideas, including a regionwide parcel tax on property owners, a new fee on developers, increased taxes on businesses, a regionwide sales tax increase and direct contributions from local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say the regional approach to taxes would ease the burden on cities that currently have to go to the ballot individually to raise funds for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They point to measures to fund affordable housing in San Jose and Santa Rosa that failed in the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HABA’s plans for spending the tax money — sending cash and legal assistance to tenants, buying properties to build affordable units, and paying for planners to help cities prepare for development — could be particularly helpful to cities and towns that lack the resources to take on those initiatives now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some jurisdictions have a lot of staff and revenue but there’s a wide range within the region,” said Amie Fishman, executive director of the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California. “So having a regional strategy will also help to generate the local solutions that are needed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate bill in the state Legislature could make it easier to pass a regional housing tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200ACA1\">Assembly Constitutional Amendment 1\u003c/a> would lower the threshold needed to pass a sales tax or parcel tax from two-thirds to 55 percent, if the funds are used for infrastructure or affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "is-airbnb-gutting-bolinas-local-turns-detective-to-track-vacation-rentals",
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"content": "\u003cp>Steve O’Neal lives with his three kids and wife in Bolinas, on the ocean, just north of San Francisco. It’s his dream location to raise a family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re next to this progressive, urban city,” O’Neal said. “Yet we’re in the middle of a nature park.” But there’s one big problem: all the empty homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Neal’s neighborhood is filled with vacant houses. Out of the roughly 350 homes, he estimates only 20 or 30 have someone living in them on most weekdays.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘It’s like the aliens have come and abducted everybody except for a couple of houses.’\u003ccite>Steve O’Neal\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“It’s like the aliens have come and abducted everybody except for a couple of houses,” O’Neal said. “Stinson has really become a short-term rental community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stinson Beach and Bolinas have always been popular vacation destinations, but O’Neal says now with services like Homeaway, VRBO and Airbnb, there are more short-term vacation rentals than ever before. And he thinks that’s making it even harder for local families to find housing for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Communities around California share O’Neal’s concern that websites like VRBO and Airbnb are allowing landlords to turn long-term housing for locals into short-term vacation rentals for tourists. However, it’s difficult for communities to get a clear picture of the extent and impact of these rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Short-term rental services don’t publicize all of their data, and local governments are not usually given access to the addresses and names of people renting out their homes. San Francisco is an outlier. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11435714/san-francisco-and-airbnb-reach-agreement-to-settle-lawsuit\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">After a four-year legal battle\u003c/a>, the city got the companies to give them a list of hosts. San Francisco has hired staff now to oversee the short-term rentals. Other local governments have turned to outside companies, like Host Compliance, to gather data on the short-term vacation rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Stinson Beach and Bolinas, Steve O’Neal took the job on himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Neal used to live in San Francisco. He made money in real estate and with a telecom business during the dot-com boom. After traveling and living around the world, he and his wife decided Bolinas was the most ideal place to raise his kids. But when he moved here a year ago, he discovered one problem: The number of families was dwindling rapidly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11723646\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2476px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-2.59.34-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11723646 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-2.59.34-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"2476\" height=\"1072\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-2.59.34-PM.png 2476w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-2.59.34-PM-160x69.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-2.59.34-PM-800x346.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-2.59.34-PM-1020x442.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-2.59.34-PM-1200x520.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-2.59.34-PM-1920x831.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2476px) 100vw, 2476px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stinson Beach vacation rentals listed on Airbnb.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There are now just 85 kids in the area’s one K-8 elementary school. As recently as 2000, there was double that number. You can also see the decline in residents at the post office. There used to be a waiting list for P.O. boxes. Now 200 of the 700 boxes are empty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Neal worries the towns are entering death spiral territory, where some families leave not because the school is bad or the housing unaffordable. To quantify the number and effect of short-term rentals, O’Neal had to become a detective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first place he visits is Google Earth. He looks at pictures of houses and tries to match them with online listings. He then confirms the addresses by driving by the places himself. Finally, he checks public records to see if the owners are local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When O’Neal finished gathering all his data, he found that 130 homes were being rented by people who didn’t live in the community. That is substantial he said, considering there’s only 1,000 households in all of Bolinas and Stinson, according to the most recent U.S. census data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Neal said he has no problem with people renting out a room or in-law for extra income. He’d just like to see limits on how many entire houses are rented to vacationers instead of locals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s kind of a failure of society to have all this housing and nobody in it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11723645\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-3.00.30-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11723645\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-3.00.30-PM-800x619.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"619\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-3.00.30-PM-800x619.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-3.00.30-PM-160x124.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-3.00.30-PM.png 842w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A map of available vacation rentals on Airbnb.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Airbnb disputes that it’s having a big impact on local rentals. A spokesperson for the company said, “vacation rentals have been a part of Stinson Beach and Bolinas for decades,” and that “short-term rentals have created supplemental income for families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This kind of detective work is actually being done by private companies in cities and counties across the state and country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Host Compliance works with over 100 local governments and hires dozens of “desk detectives” to gather information on rentals. The private company even helps collect taxes and writes notices on county or city letterhead to send to those who violate local regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ulrik Binzer is the CEO of Host Compliance. He said the company is filling a niche for communities that don’t have the resources to do this oversight themselves. A town or county may not have the money to hire people for an “Office of Short-Term Rentals,” like San Francisco established. With some 4 million short-term rentals across the country, Binzer said there is plenty of oversight work to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around California there’s been controversy over the short-term rental services and regulations to limit them. Both Los Angeles and Del Mar, north of San Diego, have enacted contested regulations. In South Lake Tahoe, voters recently passed an ordinance to ban all short-term rentals outside of a designated tourism zone, but some property owners filed a lawsuit against the ordinance and there is pressure to delay implementation of the new rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when regulations do get passed, enforcing them can be another hurdle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco passed rules in 2014 that did things like put a cap on the number of days a place could be rented out, mandate hosts actually live in the house part-time, and require people to register with the city. But most hosts did not register, which made \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10421814/enforcement-issues-remain-as-san-franciscos-airbnb-law-takes-effect\">enforcing the laws difficult\u003c/a>. Only in 2018, after much litigation, did the websites agree to send the city a list of registered hosts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Neal is a fan of the San Francisco laws, and would like to see similar ones enacted in Bolinas and Stinson. He hopes the data he collected will rally community members behind the idea. But some people who are renting out entires houses for most of the year are worried they’ll see a decline in income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Neal thinks it’s a worthy trade-off if it means more housing for local families. He knows of at least a half-dozen families who are losing their rentals and can’t find another place to live in Bolinas or Stinson Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean it’s paradise here; we just need to get the people back,” O’Neal said. “So we need to open up the housing market to get that to happen.” Living in paradise isn’t worth raising his kids in isolation.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Steve O’Neal lives with his three kids and wife in Bolinas, on the ocean, just north of San Francisco. It’s his dream location to raise a family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re next to this progressive, urban city,” O’Neal said. “Yet we’re in the middle of a nature park.” But there’s one big problem: all the empty homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Neal’s neighborhood is filled with vacant houses. Out of the roughly 350 homes, he estimates only 20 or 30 have someone living in them on most weekdays.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘It’s like the aliens have come and abducted everybody except for a couple of houses.’\u003ccite>Steve O’Neal\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“It’s like the aliens have come and abducted everybody except for a couple of houses,” O’Neal said. “Stinson has really become a short-term rental community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stinson Beach and Bolinas have always been popular vacation destinations, but O’Neal says now with services like Homeaway, VRBO and Airbnb, there are more short-term vacation rentals than ever before. And he thinks that’s making it even harder for local families to find housing for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Communities around California share O’Neal’s concern that websites like VRBO and Airbnb are allowing landlords to turn long-term housing for locals into short-term vacation rentals for tourists. However, it’s difficult for communities to get a clear picture of the extent and impact of these rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Short-term rental services don’t publicize all of their data, and local governments are not usually given access to the addresses and names of people renting out their homes. San Francisco is an outlier. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11435714/san-francisco-and-airbnb-reach-agreement-to-settle-lawsuit\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">After a four-year legal battle\u003c/a>, the city got the companies to give them a list of hosts. San Francisco has hired staff now to oversee the short-term rentals. Other local governments have turned to outside companies, like Host Compliance, to gather data on the short-term vacation rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Stinson Beach and Bolinas, Steve O’Neal took the job on himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Neal used to live in San Francisco. He made money in real estate and with a telecom business during the dot-com boom. After traveling and living around the world, he and his wife decided Bolinas was the most ideal place to raise his kids. But when he moved here a year ago, he discovered one problem: The number of families was dwindling rapidly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11723646\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2476px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-2.59.34-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11723646 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-2.59.34-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"2476\" height=\"1072\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-2.59.34-PM.png 2476w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-2.59.34-PM-160x69.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-2.59.34-PM-800x346.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-2.59.34-PM-1020x442.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-2.59.34-PM-1200x520.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-2.59.34-PM-1920x831.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2476px) 100vw, 2476px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stinson Beach vacation rentals listed on Airbnb.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There are now just 85 kids in the area’s one K-8 elementary school. As recently as 2000, there was double that number. You can also see the decline in residents at the post office. There used to be a waiting list for P.O. boxes. Now 200 of the 700 boxes are empty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Neal worries the towns are entering death spiral territory, where some families leave not because the school is bad or the housing unaffordable. To quantify the number and effect of short-term rentals, O’Neal had to become a detective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first place he visits is Google Earth. He looks at pictures of houses and tries to match them with online listings. He then confirms the addresses by driving by the places himself. Finally, he checks public records to see if the owners are local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When O’Neal finished gathering all his data, he found that 130 homes were being rented by people who didn’t live in the community. That is substantial he said, considering there’s only 1,000 households in all of Bolinas and Stinson, according to the most recent U.S. census data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Neal said he has no problem with people renting out a room or in-law for extra income. He’d just like to see limits on how many entire houses are rented to vacationers instead of locals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s kind of a failure of society to have all this housing and nobody in it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11723645\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-3.00.30-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11723645\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-3.00.30-PM-800x619.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"619\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-3.00.30-PM-800x619.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-3.00.30-PM-160x124.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-05-at-3.00.30-PM.png 842w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A map of available vacation rentals on Airbnb.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Airbnb disputes that it’s having a big impact on local rentals. A spokesperson for the company said, “vacation rentals have been a part of Stinson Beach and Bolinas for decades,” and that “short-term rentals have created supplemental income for families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This kind of detective work is actually being done by private companies in cities and counties across the state and country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Host Compliance works with over 100 local governments and hires dozens of “desk detectives” to gather information on rentals. The private company even helps collect taxes and writes notices on county or city letterhead to send to those who violate local regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ulrik Binzer is the CEO of Host Compliance. He said the company is filling a niche for communities that don’t have the resources to do this oversight themselves. A town or county may not have the money to hire people for an “Office of Short-Term Rentals,” like San Francisco established. With some 4 million short-term rentals across the country, Binzer said there is plenty of oversight work to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around California there’s been controversy over the short-term rental services and regulations to limit them. Both Los Angeles and Del Mar, north of San Diego, have enacted contested regulations. In South Lake Tahoe, voters recently passed an ordinance to ban all short-term rentals outside of a designated tourism zone, but some property owners filed a lawsuit against the ordinance and there is pressure to delay implementation of the new rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when regulations do get passed, enforcing them can be another hurdle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco passed rules in 2014 that did things like put a cap on the number of days a place could be rented out, mandate hosts actually live in the house part-time, and require people to register with the city. But most hosts did not register, which made \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10421814/enforcement-issues-remain-as-san-franciscos-airbnb-law-takes-effect\">enforcing the laws difficult\u003c/a>. Only in 2018, after much litigation, did the websites agree to send the city a list of registered hosts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Neal is a fan of the San Francisco laws, and would like to see similar ones enacted in Bolinas and Stinson. He hopes the data he collected will rally community members behind the idea. But some people who are renting out entires houses for most of the year are worried they’ll see a decline in income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Neal thinks it’s a worthy trade-off if it means more housing for local families. He knows of at least a half-dozen families who are losing their rentals and can’t find another place to live in Bolinas or Stinson Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean it’s paradise here; we just need to get the people back,” O’Neal said. “So we need to open up the housing market to get that to happen.” Living in paradise isn’t worth raising his kids in isolation.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "details-emerge-on-san-joses-100-million-pledge-to-build-more-affordable-housing",
"title": "Details Emerge on San Jose's $100 Million Pledge to Build More Affordable Housing",
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"headTitle": "Details Emerge on San Jose’s $100 Million Pledge to Build More Affordable Housing | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The city of San Jose has \u003ca href=\"https://files.constantcontact.com/7a210436601/3d250fd4-b4e7-4c02-856a-54c63286c524.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">announced details\u003c/a> for how it plans to spend $100 million on affordable housing. Providing that the City Council approves them, 11 proposed developments promise to add 1,144 apartments to San Jose’s housing inventory.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11719212/despite-strong-opposition-bay-area-officials-endorse-ambitious-regional-affordable-housing-plan\">Despite Opposition, Bay Area Officials Endorse Ambitious Affordable Housing Plan\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11719212/despite-strong-opposition-bay-area-officials-endorse-ambitious-regional-affordable-housing-plan\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS9650_9303339141_3f3db8e6d2_o-e1544831315188-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Roughly half of the funding comes from loan repayments from previous affordable housing projects; the other half from inclusionary housing fees that market rate developers are required to pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All those are going to be low-, very low-, or extremely low-income units,” said San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo, who anticipates trying to get voters to pass an affordable housing bond again in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We came very close in the last election to passing a half a billion dollar bond,” he said. \u003ca href=\"https://results.enr.clarityelections.com/CA/Santa_Clara/92418/Web02.222611/#/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Sixty-four percent was close\u003c/a>, but not the two thirds required to pass that bond last November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if all the affordable housing announced today gets built, San Jose will still be just 20 percent of the way to meeting its goal of 10,000 affordable units by 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a very challenging crisis we’re in, and it’s going to take many years to get out of it,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo has talked personally with Gov. Gavin Newsom, who has made housing one of his top priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m thrilled that we’ve got a governor who gets it about the challenge about the magnitude of the crisis and about the need to go big, if we’re going to be able to tackle this problem in a significant way,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teachers, nurses, firefighters — even some tech workers — struggle to find affordable housing in San Jose, despite the fact it has a bigger geographic footprint than most cities in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11723329\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11723329\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35112_IMG_4514-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo, who's still in a body brace after an SUV hit him while he was cycling in the city January 1, 2019. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35112_IMG_4514-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35112_IMG_4514-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35112_IMG_4514-qut-1020x766.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35112_IMG_4514-qut-1200x901.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35112_IMG_4514-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo, who’s still in a body brace after an SUV hit him while he was cycling in the city January 1, 2019. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to the Committee to House the Bay Area, a group promoting a \u003ca title=\"Read the CASA plan\" href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/sites/default/files/CASA_Compact.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\">regional plan\u003c/a> to address the crisis, this region has added 722,000 jobs since 2010, but only created 106,000 new units of housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I’m the first to recognize what we have is a multibillion dollar problem, and $10 million here and there isn’t going to solve it, but every bit helps.’\u003ccite> San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo, \u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Liccardo is also looking to philanthropic and corporate support, like the recent pledge from the \u003ca href=\"https://chanzuckerberg.com/story/a-new-housing-partnership-for-the-bays-future/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Chan Zuckerberg Initiative\u003c/a>. The Partnership for the Bay’s Future — which the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative is starting in conjunction with the \u003ca href=\"https://sff.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco Foundation\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fordfoundation.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Ford Foundation\u003c/a> and other groups — will seek to bolster affordable housing through a new $500 million investment fund. Facebook and Genentech are among the companies making contributions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though some may criticize Silicon Valley tech and biotech companies for only recently starting to spend big to help solve a problem they helped create, Liccardo said, “The more the merrier. I’m the first to recognize what we have is a multibillion dollar problem, and $10 million here and there isn’t going to solve it, but every bit helps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the affordable housing is destined for downtown San Jose along transit corridors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we have today is a testament to many years of very bad planning,” Liccardo said. “We’re now tasked with retrofitting this city that has really been built for automobiles into a city built for people.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "San Jose has added more residents than jobs during the recent economic expansion, and the city is trying to expand affording housing options. ",
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"title": "Details Emerge on San Jose's $100 Million Pledge to Build More Affordable Housing | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The city of San Jose has \u003ca href=\"https://files.constantcontact.com/7a210436601/3d250fd4-b4e7-4c02-856a-54c63286c524.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">announced details\u003c/a> for how it plans to spend $100 million on affordable housing. Providing that the City Council approves them, 11 proposed developments promise to add 1,144 apartments to San Jose’s housing inventory.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11719212/despite-strong-opposition-bay-area-officials-endorse-ambitious-regional-affordable-housing-plan\">Despite Opposition, Bay Area Officials Endorse Ambitious Affordable Housing Plan\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11719212/despite-strong-opposition-bay-area-officials-endorse-ambitious-regional-affordable-housing-plan\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS9650_9303339141_3f3db8e6d2_o-e1544831315188-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Roughly half of the funding comes from loan repayments from previous affordable housing projects; the other half from inclusionary housing fees that market rate developers are required to pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All those are going to be low-, very low-, or extremely low-income units,” said San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo, who anticipates trying to get voters to pass an affordable housing bond again in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We came very close in the last election to passing a half a billion dollar bond,” he said. \u003ca href=\"https://results.enr.clarityelections.com/CA/Santa_Clara/92418/Web02.222611/#/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Sixty-four percent was close\u003c/a>, but not the two thirds required to pass that bond last November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if all the affordable housing announced today gets built, San Jose will still be just 20 percent of the way to meeting its goal of 10,000 affordable units by 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a very challenging crisis we’re in, and it’s going to take many years to get out of it,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo has talked personally with Gov. Gavin Newsom, who has made housing one of his top priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m thrilled that we’ve got a governor who gets it about the challenge about the magnitude of the crisis and about the need to go big, if we’re going to be able to tackle this problem in a significant way,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teachers, nurses, firefighters — even some tech workers — struggle to find affordable housing in San Jose, despite the fact it has a bigger geographic footprint than most cities in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11723329\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11723329\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35112_IMG_4514-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo, who's still in a body brace after an SUV hit him while he was cycling in the city January 1, 2019. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35112_IMG_4514-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35112_IMG_4514-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35112_IMG_4514-qut-1020x766.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35112_IMG_4514-qut-1200x901.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35112_IMG_4514-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo, who’s still in a body brace after an SUV hit him while he was cycling in the city January 1, 2019. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to the Committee to House the Bay Area, a group promoting a \u003ca title=\"Read the CASA plan\" href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/sites/default/files/CASA_Compact.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\">regional plan\u003c/a> to address the crisis, this region has added 722,000 jobs since 2010, but only created 106,000 new units of housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I’m the first to recognize what we have is a multibillion dollar problem, and $10 million here and there isn’t going to solve it, but every bit helps.’\u003ccite> San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo, \u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Liccardo is also looking to philanthropic and corporate support, like the recent pledge from the \u003ca href=\"https://chanzuckerberg.com/story/a-new-housing-partnership-for-the-bays-future/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Chan Zuckerberg Initiative\u003c/a>. The Partnership for the Bay’s Future — which the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative is starting in conjunction with the \u003ca href=\"https://sff.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco Foundation\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fordfoundation.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Ford Foundation\u003c/a> and other groups — will seek to bolster affordable housing through a new $500 million investment fund. Facebook and Genentech are among the companies making contributions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though some may criticize Silicon Valley tech and biotech companies for only recently starting to spend big to help solve a problem they helped create, Liccardo said, “The more the merrier. I’m the first to recognize what we have is a multibillion dollar problem, and $10 million here and there isn’t going to solve it, but every bit helps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the affordable housing is destined for downtown San Jose along transit corridors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we have today is a testament to many years of very bad planning,” Liccardo said. “We’re now tasked with retrofitting this city that has really been built for automobiles into a city built for people.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "why-do-these-4-myths-about-homelessness-persist",
"title": "Why Do These 4 Myths About Homelessness Persist?",
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"content": "\u003cp>This time of year, many California counties are conducting point-in-time counts to figure out who is homeless and why. The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development requires these counts from any community that wants federal funding for housing and other services for the homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if governments and service providers have developed a more data-based understanding of who’s living in shelters, vehicles and on the streets, the rest of us often operate off our gut instincts. Are you willing to check yourself?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Myth #1: They’re not from around here\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Experts say this is one of the most common misconceptions about homelessness, and it is often paired with another idea, explained Mark Shotwell, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"http://rittercenter.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Ritter Center\u003c/a> in Marin County. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve worked in four Bay Area counties, and in all of the counties that I’ve worked in, the belief is that if you create certain kinds of services, it will attract people who are homeless to come from other communities,” Shotwell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Generally, no. Shotwell directs your attention to the last point-in-time survey in Marin County in \u003ca href=\"https://www.marinhhs.org/point-time-count-marin\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2017\u003c/a>, which he said is not substantially different from the survey two years before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11721464\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11721464\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.18.18-PM-800x320.png\" alt=\"Mark Shotwell of the Ritter Center in San Rafael said there are many different reasons why people become homeless in Marin County, but most homeless people are locals.\" width=\"800\" height=\"320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.18.18-PM-800x320.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.18.18-PM-160x64.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.18.18-PM-1020x408.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.18.18-PM.png 1154w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mark Shotwell of the Ritter Center in San Rafael said there are many different reasons why people become homeless in Marin County, but most homeless people are locals. \u003ccite>(Source: Applied Survey Research. (2017). Marin County Homeless Census & Survey. )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shotwell said “a series of unfortunate events” explained each neighbor’s story, though the particulars vary: a lost job, mental or physical disability, addiction, divorce, domestic violence, eviction, etc. The rising cost of housing plays a key role, too. “Losing one paycheck, losing one job, really could result in instability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tempted to insist Marin County is an outlier? Let’s look at a couple more California counties that top the lists in any discussion of homelessness in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11721469\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11721469\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.36.05-PM-800x343.png\" alt=\"In 2017, 69% of respondents reported they were living in San Francisco at the time they most recently became homeless. This is similar to the survey findings in 2015.\" width=\"800\" height=\"343\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.36.05-PM-800x343.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.36.05-PM-160x69.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.36.05-PM-1020x437.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.36.05-PM-1200x515.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.36.05-PM.png 1250w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In 2017, 69% of respondents reported they were living in \u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/2017-SF-Point-in-Time-Count-General-FINAL-6.21.17.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco County\u003c/a> at the time they most recently became homeless. This is similar to the survey findings in 2015. \u003ccite>(Source: Applied Survey Research. (2017). San Francisco County Homeless Count & Survey.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11721470\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11721470\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.42.41-PM-800x297.png\" alt=\""What about the remaining group that wasn't living locally? Where do they come from?"\" width=\"800\" height=\"297\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.42.41-PM-800x297.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.42.41-PM-160x59.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.42.41-PM-1020x378.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.42.41-PM-1200x445.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.42.41-PM.png 1876w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“What about the remaining group that wasn’t living locally? Where do they come from?” \u003ccite>(Source: Applied Survey Research. (2017). San Francisco Homeless Count. )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Of the roughly 30 percent of homeless people surveyed in San Francisco two years ago, the bulk of those not from San Francisco were from California. That may not technically be anybody’s idea of a “neighbor,” but it does suggest a recalibration is in order for those of harboring suspicions “they” came “here” from far away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11721468\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11721468\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.33.05-PM-800x900.png\" alt=\"Los Angeles County has the largest homeless population by far of any county in California.\" width=\"800\" height=\"900\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.33.05-PM-800x900.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.33.05-PM-160x180.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.33.05-PM.png 876w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/documents?id=2059-2018-greater-los-angeles-homeless-count-presentation.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Los Angeles County\u003c/a> has the largest homeless population by far of any county in California. \u003ccite>(Source: Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Myth #2: Homeless people don’t want to be housed\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>One or two personal \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10729141/reaching-out-to-the-homeless-woman-sleeping-on-your-san-francisco-doorstep\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">conversations with individuals\u003c/a> who insist on the freedom of the streets does not necessarily give you an accurate picture of how most homeless people feel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For one thing, social service providers say, the isolation and physical hardships of homelessness can prompt many people to find ways to justify their suffering or at least resign themselves to it, for sheer psychological survival (see Myth #3 for more on that). For another thing, living on the streets brings with it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10761651/a-year-after-the-jungle-san-joses-new-approach-to-homelessness\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">logistical complications\u003c/a> that make it hard to imagine getting off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Summer-Lee Bettencourt used to be homeless herself before social service workers helped her get back on her feet. She was sold to human traffickers as a teenager, and while she eventually managed to escape, she needed help building a new life for herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11721496\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11721496\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34894_IMG_4511-qut-800x540.jpg\" alt='Summer Lee-Bettencourt, outside EHC LifeBuilders James Boccardo Reception Center in San Jose. Once homeless herself, Lee-Bettencourt now helps others get off the streets. \"It’s actually a breath of fresh air being able to give something back that people did for you, you know?\"' width=\"800\" height=\"540\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34894_IMG_4511-qut-800x540.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34894_IMG_4511-qut-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34894_IMG_4511-qut-1020x688.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34894_IMG_4511-qut-1200x809.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34894_IMG_4511-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Summer Lee-Bettencourt, outside EHC LifeBuilders James Boccardo Reception Center in San Jose. Once homeless herself, Lee-Bettencourt now helps others get off the streets. “It’s actually a breath of fresh air being able to give something back that people did for you, you know?” \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She works now for \u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/osh/NeedAssistance/Veterans/Pages/home.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Supportive Services for Veteran Families\u003c/a> in Santa Clara County, and explained that the longer you are homeless, the harder it is to conceptualize what steps are necessary to build, or rebuild, a life in housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people, they don’t know where to go. They don’t know what to do. And they need help being connected to housing first. I mean, how can you go on an interview if you can’t take a shower? If you don’t have clothing? So they feel lost. They just need a lot of support, compassion, understanding,” Lee Bettencourt said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11721526\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11721526\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.20.41-AM-800x333.png\" alt=\"Many of the people surveyed in Santa Clara County in recent years said they were new to homelessness.\" width=\"800\" height=\"333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.20.41-AM-800x333.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.20.41-AM-160x67.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.20.41-AM-1020x425.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.20.41-AM-1200x500.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.20.41-AM.png 1450w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Many of the people surveyed in \u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/osh/ContinuumofCare/ReportsandPublications/Documents/2017%20Santa%20Clara%20County%20Homeless%20Census%20and%20Survey%20Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Santa Clara County\u003c/a> in recent years said they were new to homelessness. \u003ccite>(Source: Applied Survey Research. (2009-2017). Santa Clara County Homeless Census and Survey.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Myth #3: Mentally ill people could pull themselves out of homelessness if they just agreed to take their medications\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Dr. Jeffrey Seal is the medical director for \u003ca href=\"https://www.achch.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Alameda County Healthcare for the Homeless\u003c/a>, and he’s also a psychiatrist who helps manage the Trust Clinic in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every morning, we have a line of patients waiting to be seen here, and you can imagine: schizophrenia, bipolar — and one that commonly gets left out when we’re talking about homeless populations is the trauma related disorders,” Dr. Seal said. “You know, a lot of people who have suffered a significant amount of trauma since early childhood end up out there. If you could possibly think of the environment that would make their symptoms worse, this would be it. Right? Put somebody into a park. Make the situation unpredictable. Put them at risk of violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11721502\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11721502 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-5.27.51-PM-800x265.png\" alt=\"22 percent of those surveyed in Alameda County two years ago said mental health services might have prevented their homelessness.\" width=\"800\" height=\"265\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-5.27.51-PM-800x265.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-5.27.51-PM-160x53.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-5.27.51-PM-1020x337.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-5.27.51-PM-1200x397.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-5.27.51-PM-1920x635.png 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Of those surveyed in \u003ca href=\"http://everyonehome.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/ALAEMDA_7-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Alameda County\u003c/a> two years ago, 22 percent said mental health services might have prevented their homelessness. \u003ccite>(Source: Applied Survey Research. (2017). Alameda County Homeless Census & Survey. )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He added, “Psychiatric medications were tested on people who have stable environments, they’re housed, they’re middle class people who were put into randomized, controlled trials. So [medications] can certainly be helpful, but it’s really a joke to say that psychiatric medications would lift someone out of homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s not arguing against medications, but seeing them as a solution outside the context of other supportive services.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Myth #4: There’s nothing I can do to help\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Think you’ve got nothing to offer other than your spare change? Think again, said Donna Colombo, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.trinitycenterwc.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Trinity Center\u003c/a> in Contra Costa County. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Come talk to me. All homeless service organizations need volunteers to help do a lot of things. All you need to do is show up,” Colombo said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11721492\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11721492\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34893_IMG_0215-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt='81 year-old Horace Crawford volunteers at Trinity Center in Walnut Creek. The retired architectural engineer considers himself and his Ford truck \"on call to help anybody who needs to get someplace, or to move something, or to get some part time day work.\"' width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34893_IMG_0215-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34893_IMG_0215-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34893_IMG_0215-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34893_IMG_0215-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34893_IMG_0215-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">81-year-old Horace Crawford volunteers at Trinity Center in Walnut Creek. The retired architectural engineer considers himself and his Ford truck “on call to help anybody who needs to get someplace, or to move something, or to get some part time day work.” \u003ccite>(Ryan Levi/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Horace Crawford has been showing up for about ten years now. The 81-year-old retired architectural engineer said many people get overwhelmed by the “big picture” and fail to see how they can deliver practical help in all sorts of ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the past few years, Crawford has made himself personally available to homeless individuals in the area, using his truck to help move people’s belongings or drive someone to a medical appointment. He’s also taken it upon himself to coordinate day work for homeless people, building a local network between them and those who want to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He recognizes there can be an intimidation factor to working so closely with homeless people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are a bit afraid of working with a homeless person, but if they know me, and I vouch for someone, they’re OK. Result is, I’ve got a bunch of friends that I’ve never had before!” he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11721530\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11721530\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.36.49-AM-800x389.png\" alt=\"The 2018 Point In Time count identified 627 more individuals experiencing homelessness than the previous year's count.\" width=\"800\" height=\"389\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.36.49-AM-800x389.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.36.49-AM-160x78.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.36.49-AM-1020x496.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.36.49-AM-1200x583.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.36.49-AM.png 1412w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The 2018 Point In Time count identified 627 more individuals experiencing homelessness in \u003ca href=\"https://cchealth.org/h3/coc/pdf/PIT-report-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Contra Costa County\u003c/a> than the previous year’s count. \u003ccite>(Source: Contra Costa Health Housing & Homeless)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n",
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"title": "Why Do These 4 Myths About Homelessness Persist? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>This time of year, many California counties are conducting point-in-time counts to figure out who is homeless and why. The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development requires these counts from any community that wants federal funding for housing and other services for the homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if governments and service providers have developed a more data-based understanding of who’s living in shelters, vehicles and on the streets, the rest of us often operate off our gut instincts. Are you willing to check yourself?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Myth #1: They’re not from around here\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Experts say this is one of the most common misconceptions about homelessness, and it is often paired with another idea, explained Mark Shotwell, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"http://rittercenter.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Ritter Center\u003c/a> in Marin County. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve worked in four Bay Area counties, and in all of the counties that I’ve worked in, the belief is that if you create certain kinds of services, it will attract people who are homeless to come from other communities,” Shotwell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Generally, no. Shotwell directs your attention to the last point-in-time survey in Marin County in \u003ca href=\"https://www.marinhhs.org/point-time-count-marin\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2017\u003c/a>, which he said is not substantially different from the survey two years before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11721464\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11721464\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.18.18-PM-800x320.png\" alt=\"Mark Shotwell of the Ritter Center in San Rafael said there are many different reasons why people become homeless in Marin County, but most homeless people are locals.\" width=\"800\" height=\"320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.18.18-PM-800x320.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.18.18-PM-160x64.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.18.18-PM-1020x408.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.18.18-PM.png 1154w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mark Shotwell of the Ritter Center in San Rafael said there are many different reasons why people become homeless in Marin County, but most homeless people are locals. \u003ccite>(Source: Applied Survey Research. (2017). Marin County Homeless Census & Survey. )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shotwell said “a series of unfortunate events” explained each neighbor’s story, though the particulars vary: a lost job, mental or physical disability, addiction, divorce, domestic violence, eviction, etc. The rising cost of housing plays a key role, too. “Losing one paycheck, losing one job, really could result in instability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tempted to insist Marin County is an outlier? Let’s look at a couple more California counties that top the lists in any discussion of homelessness in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11721469\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11721469\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.36.05-PM-800x343.png\" alt=\"In 2017, 69% of respondents reported they were living in San Francisco at the time they most recently became homeless. This is similar to the survey findings in 2015.\" width=\"800\" height=\"343\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.36.05-PM-800x343.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.36.05-PM-160x69.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.36.05-PM-1020x437.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.36.05-PM-1200x515.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.36.05-PM.png 1250w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In 2017, 69% of respondents reported they were living in \u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/2017-SF-Point-in-Time-Count-General-FINAL-6.21.17.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco County\u003c/a> at the time they most recently became homeless. This is similar to the survey findings in 2015. \u003ccite>(Source: Applied Survey Research. (2017). San Francisco County Homeless Count & Survey.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11721470\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11721470\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.42.41-PM-800x297.png\" alt=\""What about the remaining group that wasn't living locally? Where do they come from?"\" width=\"800\" height=\"297\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.42.41-PM-800x297.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.42.41-PM-160x59.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.42.41-PM-1020x378.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.42.41-PM-1200x445.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.42.41-PM.png 1876w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“What about the remaining group that wasn’t living locally? Where do they come from?” \u003ccite>(Source: Applied Survey Research. (2017). San Francisco Homeless Count. )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Of the roughly 30 percent of homeless people surveyed in San Francisco two years ago, the bulk of those not from San Francisco were from California. That may not technically be anybody’s idea of a “neighbor,” but it does suggest a recalibration is in order for those of harboring suspicions “they” came “here” from far away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11721468\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11721468\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.33.05-PM-800x900.png\" alt=\"Los Angeles County has the largest homeless population by far of any county in California.\" width=\"800\" height=\"900\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.33.05-PM-800x900.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.33.05-PM-160x180.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-3.33.05-PM.png 876w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/documents?id=2059-2018-greater-los-angeles-homeless-count-presentation.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Los Angeles County\u003c/a> has the largest homeless population by far of any county in California. \u003ccite>(Source: Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Myth #2: Homeless people don’t want to be housed\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>One or two personal \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10729141/reaching-out-to-the-homeless-woman-sleeping-on-your-san-francisco-doorstep\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">conversations with individuals\u003c/a> who insist on the freedom of the streets does not necessarily give you an accurate picture of how most homeless people feel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For one thing, social service providers say, the isolation and physical hardships of homelessness can prompt many people to find ways to justify their suffering or at least resign themselves to it, for sheer psychological survival (see Myth #3 for more on that). For another thing, living on the streets brings with it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10761651/a-year-after-the-jungle-san-joses-new-approach-to-homelessness\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">logistical complications\u003c/a> that make it hard to imagine getting off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Summer-Lee Bettencourt used to be homeless herself before social service workers helped her get back on her feet. She was sold to human traffickers as a teenager, and while she eventually managed to escape, she needed help building a new life for herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11721496\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11721496\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34894_IMG_4511-qut-800x540.jpg\" alt='Summer Lee-Bettencourt, outside EHC LifeBuilders James Boccardo Reception Center in San Jose. Once homeless herself, Lee-Bettencourt now helps others get off the streets. \"It’s actually a breath of fresh air being able to give something back that people did for you, you know?\"' width=\"800\" height=\"540\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34894_IMG_4511-qut-800x540.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34894_IMG_4511-qut-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34894_IMG_4511-qut-1020x688.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34894_IMG_4511-qut-1200x809.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34894_IMG_4511-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Summer Lee-Bettencourt, outside EHC LifeBuilders James Boccardo Reception Center in San Jose. Once homeless herself, Lee-Bettencourt now helps others get off the streets. “It’s actually a breath of fresh air being able to give something back that people did for you, you know?” \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She works now for \u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/osh/NeedAssistance/Veterans/Pages/home.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Supportive Services for Veteran Families\u003c/a> in Santa Clara County, and explained that the longer you are homeless, the harder it is to conceptualize what steps are necessary to build, or rebuild, a life in housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people, they don’t know where to go. They don’t know what to do. And they need help being connected to housing first. I mean, how can you go on an interview if you can’t take a shower? If you don’t have clothing? So they feel lost. They just need a lot of support, compassion, understanding,” Lee Bettencourt said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11721526\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11721526\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.20.41-AM-800x333.png\" alt=\"Many of the people surveyed in Santa Clara County in recent years said they were new to homelessness.\" width=\"800\" height=\"333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.20.41-AM-800x333.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.20.41-AM-160x67.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.20.41-AM-1020x425.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.20.41-AM-1200x500.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.20.41-AM.png 1450w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Many of the people surveyed in \u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/osh/ContinuumofCare/ReportsandPublications/Documents/2017%20Santa%20Clara%20County%20Homeless%20Census%20and%20Survey%20Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Santa Clara County\u003c/a> in recent years said they were new to homelessness. \u003ccite>(Source: Applied Survey Research. (2009-2017). Santa Clara County Homeless Census and Survey.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Myth #3: Mentally ill people could pull themselves out of homelessness if they just agreed to take their medications\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Dr. Jeffrey Seal is the medical director for \u003ca href=\"https://www.achch.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Alameda County Healthcare for the Homeless\u003c/a>, and he’s also a psychiatrist who helps manage the Trust Clinic in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every morning, we have a line of patients waiting to be seen here, and you can imagine: schizophrenia, bipolar — and one that commonly gets left out when we’re talking about homeless populations is the trauma related disorders,” Dr. Seal said. “You know, a lot of people who have suffered a significant amount of trauma since early childhood end up out there. If you could possibly think of the environment that would make their symptoms worse, this would be it. Right? Put somebody into a park. Make the situation unpredictable. Put them at risk of violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11721502\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11721502 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-5.27.51-PM-800x265.png\" alt=\"22 percent of those surveyed in Alameda County two years ago said mental health services might have prevented their homelessness.\" width=\"800\" height=\"265\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-5.27.51-PM-800x265.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-5.27.51-PM-160x53.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-5.27.51-PM-1020x337.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-5.27.51-PM-1200x397.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-27-at-5.27.51-PM-1920x635.png 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Of those surveyed in \u003ca href=\"http://everyonehome.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/ALAEMDA_7-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Alameda County\u003c/a> two years ago, 22 percent said mental health services might have prevented their homelessness. \u003ccite>(Source: Applied Survey Research. (2017). Alameda County Homeless Census & Survey. )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He added, “Psychiatric medications were tested on people who have stable environments, they’re housed, they’re middle class people who were put into randomized, controlled trials. So [medications] can certainly be helpful, but it’s really a joke to say that psychiatric medications would lift someone out of homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s not arguing against medications, but seeing them as a solution outside the context of other supportive services.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Myth #4: There’s nothing I can do to help\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Think you’ve got nothing to offer other than your spare change? Think again, said Donna Colombo, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.trinitycenterwc.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Trinity Center\u003c/a> in Contra Costa County. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Come talk to me. All homeless service organizations need volunteers to help do a lot of things. All you need to do is show up,” Colombo said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11721492\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11721492\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34893_IMG_0215-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt='81 year-old Horace Crawford volunteers at Trinity Center in Walnut Creek. The retired architectural engineer considers himself and his Ford truck \"on call to help anybody who needs to get someplace, or to move something, or to get some part time day work.\"' width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34893_IMG_0215-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34893_IMG_0215-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34893_IMG_0215-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34893_IMG_0215-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34893_IMG_0215-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">81-year-old Horace Crawford volunteers at Trinity Center in Walnut Creek. The retired architectural engineer considers himself and his Ford truck “on call to help anybody who needs to get someplace, or to move something, or to get some part time day work.” \u003ccite>(Ryan Levi/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Horace Crawford has been showing up for about ten years now. The 81-year-old retired architectural engineer said many people get overwhelmed by the “big picture” and fail to see how they can deliver practical help in all sorts of ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the past few years, Crawford has made himself personally available to homeless individuals in the area, using his truck to help move people’s belongings or drive someone to a medical appointment. He’s also taken it upon himself to coordinate day work for homeless people, building a local network between them and those who want to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He recognizes there can be an intimidation factor to working so closely with homeless people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are a bit afraid of working with a homeless person, but if they know me, and I vouch for someone, they’re OK. Result is, I’ve got a bunch of friends that I’ve never had before!” he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11721530\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11721530\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.36.49-AM-800x389.png\" alt=\"The 2018 Point In Time count identified 627 more individuals experiencing homelessness than the previous year's count.\" width=\"800\" height=\"389\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.36.49-AM-800x389.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.36.49-AM-160x78.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.36.49-AM-1020x496.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.36.49-AM-1200x583.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/Screen-Shot-2019-01-28-at-8.36.49-AM.png 1412w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The 2018 Point In Time count identified 627 more individuals experiencing homelessness in \u003ca href=\"https://cchealth.org/h3/coc/pdf/PIT-report-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Contra Costa County\u003c/a> than the previous year’s count. \u003ccite>(Source: Contra Costa Health Housing & Homeless)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "state-sues-huntington-beach-over-low-income-housing",
"title": "State Sues Huntington Beach Over Low-Income Housing",
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"headTitle": "State Sues Huntington Beach Over Low-Income Housing | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom used a new law for the first time Friday to try to force a wealthy Southern California coastal city to end its years of opposition to meeting low-income housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s administration sued the Orange County city of Huntington Beach under the law that took effect Jan. 1 after passing in a 2017 package of measures intended to alleviate the state’s severe housing shortage and homelessness problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11656882/in-reversal-orange-county-supervisors-vote-for-more-homeless-shelters\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">In Reversal, Orange County Supervisors Vote for More Homeless Shelters\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11656882/in-reversal-orange-county-supervisors-vote-for-more-homeless-shelters\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/HomelessRiverbedBikes-1180x755.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In March, supervisors voted to set up as many as three new temporary shelters in Irvine, Huntington Beach and Laguna Niguel.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>California has more homeless people than any other state and the nation’s highest poverty rate when soaring housing and rental costs are taken into account. Newsom, who took office this month, has proposed building 3.5 million housing units in the state with nearly 40 million residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit says leaders in Huntington Beach, home to about 200,000 people, have repeatedly refused to amend the city’s housing plan to add state-required low-income housing and are fighting a separate lawsuit by housing advocates. The city says it’s complying with state housing and zoning laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the second major issue facing California that the self-styled “Surf City USA” is battling the state over. Huntington Beach also is challenging the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11695486/judge-huntington-beach-not-bound-by-state-sanctuary-law\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">sanctuary law\u003c/a> that limits cooperation with federal immigration officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is in a traditionally Republican area that has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11379015/despite-pro-trump-rally-is-orange-county-becoming-less-conservative\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">shifting more Democratic\u003c/a> like the rest of California. State officials say housing negotiations began before Huntington Beach challenged the immigration law and the lawsuit isn’t retaliatory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many cities are taking herculean efforts to meet this crisis head on,” the Democratic governor said in a statement. “But some cities are refusing to do their part.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Attorney Michael Gates said it’s following the law, pointing to a victory in a related lawsuit. An appeals court ruled in 2017 that cities like Huntington Beach that have their own charters can approve plans that don’t meet the state’s housing requirements and can eliminate sites zoned for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Gov. Jerry Brown signed a law last year closing what housing advocates described as a legal loophole for charter cities. Huntington Beach’s charter led an Orange County judge to rule that it isn’t bound by the state’s sanctuary law because it has greater autonomy to enforce local laws. The state has appealed that ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gates said the city has approved more than 2,500 new housing units since 2014, including about 100 low-income units, leaving the city about 400 units short of state goals for low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican state Sen. John Moorlach, who represents Huntington Beach, criticized Newsom’s “heavy-handed litigation tactics that will divert the city’s time, energy and resources to respond to obstructive and otherwise frivolous lawsuits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers, including Senate President Pro Tem Toni Atkins of San Diego, praised Newsom for opening what she called “a new chapter for housing in California” against cities that “have flouted their legal and ethical obligations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huntington Beach was deemed out of compliance in 2015, and state officials most recently notified the city in November that it was still breaking state law. California sued in Orange County Superior Court under the new law strengthening its ability to require local governments to meet housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Housing and Community Development sets the number of new housing units that a region is projected to need to provide homes for all income levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department says 90 percent of housing plans statewide are in compliance, while Huntington Beach is one of 51 cities and counties that are not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said high housing costs and rents “are eroding quality of life for families across this state.” He said the problem is “an existential threat to our state’s future and demands an urgent and comprehensive response.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has promised several moves to increase affordable housing, including giving cities more money for housing shelters but taking away transportation money if they fail to meet their goals. The Democratic governor’s budget proposal seeks $1.75 billion to combat homelessness by encouraging new affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Gavin Newsom's administration is using a new law for the first time in an attempt to force Southern California's self-styled \"Surf City USA\" to meet housing goals.",
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"title": "State Sues Huntington Beach Over Low-Income Housing | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom used a new law for the first time Friday to try to force a wealthy Southern California coastal city to end its years of opposition to meeting low-income housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s administration sued the Orange County city of Huntington Beach under the law that took effect Jan. 1 after passing in a 2017 package of measures intended to alleviate the state’s severe housing shortage and homelessness problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11656882/in-reversal-orange-county-supervisors-vote-for-more-homeless-shelters\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">In Reversal, Orange County Supervisors Vote for More Homeless Shelters\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11656882/in-reversal-orange-county-supervisors-vote-for-more-homeless-shelters\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/HomelessRiverbedBikes-1180x755.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In March, supervisors voted to set up as many as three new temporary shelters in Irvine, Huntington Beach and Laguna Niguel.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>California has more homeless people than any other state and the nation’s highest poverty rate when soaring housing and rental costs are taken into account. Newsom, who took office this month, has proposed building 3.5 million housing units in the state with nearly 40 million residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit says leaders in Huntington Beach, home to about 200,000 people, have repeatedly refused to amend the city’s housing plan to add state-required low-income housing and are fighting a separate lawsuit by housing advocates. The city says it’s complying with state housing and zoning laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the second major issue facing California that the self-styled “Surf City USA” is battling the state over. Huntington Beach also is challenging the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11695486/judge-huntington-beach-not-bound-by-state-sanctuary-law\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">sanctuary law\u003c/a> that limits cooperation with federal immigration officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is in a traditionally Republican area that has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11379015/despite-pro-trump-rally-is-orange-county-becoming-less-conservative\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">shifting more Democratic\u003c/a> like the rest of California. State officials say housing negotiations began before Huntington Beach challenged the immigration law and the lawsuit isn’t retaliatory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many cities are taking herculean efforts to meet this crisis head on,” the Democratic governor said in a statement. “But some cities are refusing to do their part.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Attorney Michael Gates said it’s following the law, pointing to a victory in a related lawsuit. An appeals court ruled in 2017 that cities like Huntington Beach that have their own charters can approve plans that don’t meet the state’s housing requirements and can eliminate sites zoned for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Gov. Jerry Brown signed a law last year closing what housing advocates described as a legal loophole for charter cities. Huntington Beach’s charter led an Orange County judge to rule that it isn’t bound by the state’s sanctuary law because it has greater autonomy to enforce local laws. The state has appealed that ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gates said the city has approved more than 2,500 new housing units since 2014, including about 100 low-income units, leaving the city about 400 units short of state goals for low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican state Sen. John Moorlach, who represents Huntington Beach, criticized Newsom’s “heavy-handed litigation tactics that will divert the city’s time, energy and resources to respond to obstructive and otherwise frivolous lawsuits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers, including Senate President Pro Tem Toni Atkins of San Diego, praised Newsom for opening what she called “a new chapter for housing in California” against cities that “have flouted their legal and ethical obligations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huntington Beach was deemed out of compliance in 2015, and state officials most recently notified the city in November that it was still breaking state law. California sued in Orange County Superior Court under the new law strengthening its ability to require local governments to meet housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Housing and Community Development sets the number of new housing units that a region is projected to need to provide homes for all income levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department says 90 percent of housing plans statewide are in compliance, while Huntington Beach is one of 51 cities and counties that are not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said high housing costs and rents “are eroding quality of life for families across this state.” He said the problem is “an existential threat to our state’s future and demands an urgent and comprehensive response.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has promised several moves to increase affordable housing, including giving cities more money for housing shelters but taking away transportation money if they fail to meet their goals. The Democratic governor’s budget proposal seeks $1.75 billion to combat homelessness by encouraging new affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>An ambitious plan to tackle the Bay Area’s housing crisis is making its way to the state Capitol, where lawmakers could advance a wide-ranging set of compromises drafted by a coalition of often divergent local interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeking a nine-county solution to a seemingly intractable problem, a broad coalition of developers, tenant advocates, elected officials, business leaders and labor interests created a 10-point plan to address regional housing affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But making the proposal — known as the \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/sites/default/files/CASA_Compact.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CASA Compact\u003c/a> —a reality will require the approval and deft maneuvering of state lawmakers, who are already hearing opposition to various components of the agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A rising tide?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Supporters of CASA (which looks like an acronym but actually doesn’t stand for anything other than the Spanish word for “house”) argue that the plan is the rising tide that will lift all ships, and that collective action will allow stakeholders with less political clout (read: tenants) to achieve meaningful policy gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we need to have a regional approach,” said Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco, the chair of the Assembly Committee on Housing and Community Development. “We are an economic region, we are a social and a cultural region, and we are a region with the most intense manifestation of the housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CASA Compact includes proposals aimed at both spurring new housing construction and protecting existing tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Developers would be able to tap into streamlined approvals and tax incentives for more housing projects, and minimum zoning standards would be established around transit stops to increase density.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the plan, vulnerable tenants would be aided by a supply of emergency cash and legal assistance, as well as the establishment of a regionwide rent cap and protections against certain kinds of evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the plan’s less controversial proposals push for greater transparency around impact fees charged to developers and encourage the use of surplus public properties for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To raise money for the proposals, the compact suggests the creation of a new Bay Area housing agency, led by elected officials but also including developers and tenant activists, which would levy regional taxes and distribute funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101869236/major-housing-plan-gets-approval-from-mtc-association-of-bay-area-governments\">Forum: Major Housing Plan Gets Approval\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101869236/major-housing-plan-gets-approval-from-mtc-association-of-bay-area-governments\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2017/07/construction-job-1180x664.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Members of the Committee to House the Bay Area, which created the plan, suggest a variety of tax options, including a fee on developers, a tax on businesses, a regionwide sales tax or parcel tax increase, and regional revenue sharing. The goal, they say, is to place a regional tax measure on the November 2020 ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>No shortage of critics\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Critics of the plan question the very idea of a regional approach to the Bay Area’s formidable housing crisis and argue that key constituencies were excluded from the process of drafting the proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susan Kirsch, founder of the group Livable California, which advocates for local control in planning, said the compact was created “without input from those communities that value and cherish the character and quality of life in their small communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that the majority of the cities were excluded, that’s unfair,” Kirsch added. “It’s a stacked deck.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CASA compact received the endorsement of two regional planning agencies, the Metropolitan Transit Commission (MTC) and the Association of Bay Area Governments (ABAG). Both votes, though \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11719212/despite-strong-opposition-bay-area-officials-endorse-ambitious-regional-affordable-housing-plan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">nonbinding, \u003c/a>were preceded by hours of fierce public debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At both hearings, representatives from the region’s smaller cities voiced concern over forfeiting any housing decisions to a regional entity. And speakers from Peninsula towns hinted at the political perils of ceding local control. In Mountain View, Palo Alto and Los Altos, mayors and council members were defeated in November by challengers advocating slower growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am in the growing wave of voter pushback against state mandates to remove local control,” Los Altos City Councilwoman Anita Enander told the MTC. “I defeated our mayor on a platform of listening to residents and keeping land-use decisions in the hands of local officials.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Delicate juggling act\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A key tenet of the compact is that all proposals advance in unison at the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our premise is, if you put them together, they have a better chance of passing,” said Michael Covarrubias, head of TMG Partners, a local developer, who co-chaired the CASA committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that commitment to policy unity is merely aspirational. There’s nothing stopping only certain pieces of the agreement from moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figuring out the appropriate protections for renters could be particularly difficult on the heels of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702293/early-results-show-rent-control-measure-trailing-at-polls\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">defeat of Proposition 10\u003c/a> in November, a measure that sought to expand rent control statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Our premise is, if you put them together, they have a better chance of passing.’\u003ccite>Michael Covarrubias, TMG Partners\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Tenant groups and the California Apartment Association, which represents landlords, both participated in the CASA process, but have distanced themselves from the final proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless the rent control and just-cause eviction elements are removed in their entirety, CAA cannot endorse the proposed CASA Compact and will oppose any related legislation aimed at implementing the rent control and just cause eviction elements,” wrote Joshua Howard, senior vice president of CAA, in a \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/app/uploads/2018/12/CASA-Dec-18-2018_MTC-Letter.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">December letter\u003c/a> to the MTC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement also proposes a regionwide rent cap that would be equal to the Consumer Price Index plus 5 percent. For a tenant paying $1,500 per month, the maximum allowable increase in monthly rent would be roughly $140.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, a regionwide just-cause eviction policy would require landlords to cite specific causes for eviction, and provide relocation assistance for tenants evicted through no fault of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some tenant groups have argued that these protections are too weak to help Bay Area renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paola Laverde, chair of the Berkeley Rent Stabilization Board, said the plan was a great starting point, but called the rent cap a “laughable increase.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As written, these policies will not protect the most vulnerable that need protection,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Nod from Newsom\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are some indications, though, that the plan could get a warmer reception among key leaders in Sacramento. During his budget press conference last week, Gov. Gavin Newsom praised the general idea of the plan, although he offered few specifics about what the next steps would be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love the regional approach. The issues of homelessness and housing have to be looked at from a regional perspective,” he said. “That’s exactly the spirit of what they’re trying to advance. I haven’t looked into the details of any legislative package, but it’s certainly the spirit I’m embracing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chairs of the Legislature’s two housing committees, Chiu and state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, are both eager to advance the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“CASA would have been unthinkable five or ten years ago,” Wiener said. “These recommendations are bold, aggressive and necessary, and the fact that we’ve achieved such broad regional buy-in shows how quickly the politics of housing has shifted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of the compact recommendations have \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB18\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">already been introduced in the Legislature\u003c/a>. Others proposals are expected to be hashed out and unveiled after the Legislature’s Bay Area caucus holds its retreat next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers will also have to figure out what form the recommended regional housing entity will take, or whether the new responsibilities (and the power of the purse) can be folded into an existing regional body like ABAG.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a little bit unclear to me what direction that’s going to go in,” Wiener said. “It may be a great idea, but we haven’t really analyzed it yet.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>An ambitious plan to tackle the Bay Area’s housing crisis is making its way to the state Capitol, where lawmakers could advance a wide-ranging set of compromises drafted by a coalition of often divergent local interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeking a nine-county solution to a seemingly intractable problem, a broad coalition of developers, tenant advocates, elected officials, business leaders and labor interests created a 10-point plan to address regional housing affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But making the proposal — known as the \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/sites/default/files/CASA_Compact.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CASA Compact\u003c/a> —a reality will require the approval and deft maneuvering of state lawmakers, who are already hearing opposition to various components of the agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A rising tide?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Supporters of CASA (which looks like an acronym but actually doesn’t stand for anything other than the Spanish word for “house”) argue that the plan is the rising tide that will lift all ships, and that collective action will allow stakeholders with less political clout (read: tenants) to achieve meaningful policy gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we need to have a regional approach,” said Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco, the chair of the Assembly Committee on Housing and Community Development. “We are an economic region, we are a social and a cultural region, and we are a region with the most intense manifestation of the housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CASA Compact includes proposals aimed at both spurring new housing construction and protecting existing tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Developers would be able to tap into streamlined approvals and tax incentives for more housing projects, and minimum zoning standards would be established around transit stops to increase density.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the plan, vulnerable tenants would be aided by a supply of emergency cash and legal assistance, as well as the establishment of a regionwide rent cap and protections against certain kinds of evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the plan’s less controversial proposals push for greater transparency around impact fees charged to developers and encourage the use of surplus public properties for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To raise money for the proposals, the compact suggests the creation of a new Bay Area housing agency, led by elected officials but also including developers and tenant activists, which would levy regional taxes and distribute funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101869236/major-housing-plan-gets-approval-from-mtc-association-of-bay-area-governments\">Forum: Major Housing Plan Gets Approval\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101869236/major-housing-plan-gets-approval-from-mtc-association-of-bay-area-governments\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2017/07/construction-job-1180x664.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Members of the Committee to House the Bay Area, which created the plan, suggest a variety of tax options, including a fee on developers, a tax on businesses, a regionwide sales tax or parcel tax increase, and regional revenue sharing. The goal, they say, is to place a regional tax measure on the November 2020 ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>No shortage of critics\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Critics of the plan question the very idea of a regional approach to the Bay Area’s formidable housing crisis and argue that key constituencies were excluded from the process of drafting the proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susan Kirsch, founder of the group Livable California, which advocates for local control in planning, said the compact was created “without input from those communities that value and cherish the character and quality of life in their small communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that the majority of the cities were excluded, that’s unfair,” Kirsch added. “It’s a stacked deck.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CASA compact received the endorsement of two regional planning agencies, the Metropolitan Transit Commission (MTC) and the Association of Bay Area Governments (ABAG). Both votes, though \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11719212/despite-strong-opposition-bay-area-officials-endorse-ambitious-regional-affordable-housing-plan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">nonbinding, \u003c/a>were preceded by hours of fierce public debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At both hearings, representatives from the region’s smaller cities voiced concern over forfeiting any housing decisions to a regional entity. And speakers from Peninsula towns hinted at the political perils of ceding local control. In Mountain View, Palo Alto and Los Altos, mayors and council members were defeated in November by challengers advocating slower growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am in the growing wave of voter pushback against state mandates to remove local control,” Los Altos City Councilwoman Anita Enander told the MTC. “I defeated our mayor on a platform of listening to residents and keeping land-use decisions in the hands of local officials.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Delicate juggling act\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A key tenet of the compact is that all proposals advance in unison at the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our premise is, if you put them together, they have a better chance of passing,” said Michael Covarrubias, head of TMG Partners, a local developer, who co-chaired the CASA committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that commitment to policy unity is merely aspirational. There’s nothing stopping only certain pieces of the agreement from moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figuring out the appropriate protections for renters could be particularly difficult on the heels of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702293/early-results-show-rent-control-measure-trailing-at-polls\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">defeat of Proposition 10\u003c/a> in November, a measure that sought to expand rent control statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Our premise is, if you put them together, they have a better chance of passing.’\u003ccite>Michael Covarrubias, TMG Partners\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Tenant groups and the California Apartment Association, which represents landlords, both participated in the CASA process, but have distanced themselves from the final proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless the rent control and just-cause eviction elements are removed in their entirety, CAA cannot endorse the proposed CASA Compact and will oppose any related legislation aimed at implementing the rent control and just cause eviction elements,” wrote Joshua Howard, senior vice president of CAA, in a \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/app/uploads/2018/12/CASA-Dec-18-2018_MTC-Letter.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">December letter\u003c/a> to the MTC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement also proposes a regionwide rent cap that would be equal to the Consumer Price Index plus 5 percent. For a tenant paying $1,500 per month, the maximum allowable increase in monthly rent would be roughly $140.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, a regionwide just-cause eviction policy would require landlords to cite specific causes for eviction, and provide relocation assistance for tenants evicted through no fault of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some tenant groups have argued that these protections are too weak to help Bay Area renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paola Laverde, chair of the Berkeley Rent Stabilization Board, said the plan was a great starting point, but called the rent cap a “laughable increase.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As written, these policies will not protect the most vulnerable that need protection,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Nod from Newsom\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are some indications, though, that the plan could get a warmer reception among key leaders in Sacramento. During his budget press conference last week, Gov. Gavin Newsom praised the general idea of the plan, although he offered few specifics about what the next steps would be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love the regional approach. The issues of homelessness and housing have to be looked at from a regional perspective,” he said. “That’s exactly the spirit of what they’re trying to advance. I haven’t looked into the details of any legislative package, but it’s certainly the spirit I’m embracing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chairs of the Legislature’s two housing committees, Chiu and state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, are both eager to advance the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“CASA would have been unthinkable five or ten years ago,” Wiener said. “These recommendations are bold, aggressive and necessary, and the fact that we’ve achieved such broad regional buy-in shows how quickly the politics of housing has shifted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of the compact recommendations have \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB18\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">already been introduced in the Legislature\u003c/a>. Others proposals are expected to be hashed out and unveiled after the Legislature’s Bay Area caucus holds its retreat next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers will also have to figure out what form the recommended regional housing entity will take, or whether the new responsibilities (and the power of the purse) can be folded into an existing regional body like ABAG.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a little bit unclear to me what direction that’s going to go in,” Wiener said. “It may be a great idea, but we haven’t really analyzed it yet.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>No wonder Gov. Gavin Newsom dropped those hints earlier this week about an upcoming “Marshall Plan” for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sure, he’d made ambitious campaign promises to combat California’s housing crisis: leading the effort to build 3.5 million units over the next seven years (an unprecedented rate), jacking up state subsidies for housing reserved for lower-income Californians, and easing regulations so it would be easier to build all types of new housing. But what would he deliver?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We got the first glimpses of his plans Thursday, as Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11717355/gavin-newsom-looks-to-spend-and-save-in-first-budget-proposal\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">unveiled his first governor’s budget\u003c/a>. And yeah, it’s a big deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those not intimately aware of the chronology of the state’s fiscal planning process (I’m jealous of you), please remember that these are just proposals. The Legislature may tweak, change, expand or kill many of these.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, they give you a good idea of Newsom’s priorities to combat what he has called “the issue when it comes to California poverty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are the key takeaways from Newsom’s first major housing proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Housing’s not taking a back seat to other priorities\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Housing advocates frequently criticized former Gov. Jerry Brown for placing the issue on the back burner while focusing on the state’s fiscal health and other priorities like climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11713988/jerry-browns-two-legacies-on-housing\">Jerry Brown’s ‘Two Legacies’ on Housing\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11713988/jerry-browns-two-legacies-on-housing\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/brown2-e1547245280683.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>No one will accuse Newsom of doing the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From major funding increases for affordable housing, to his threat to take away any city’s transportation dollars if it doesn’t meet its housing quota, Newsom’s plans match the audacious ambitions he outlined in the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not playing small ball with housing,” said Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not that his plan includes everything (more on that later), but collectively Newsom’s proposals reveal that housing and homelessness will be at the forefront of his legislative agenda, and will not take a backseat to other campaign promises such as universal health care or early childhood education. At least not yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>No governor in recent memory has proposed this big a budget boost for housing and homelessness\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It takes a lot of money to build housing reserved for lower-income Californians—roughly $330,000 per unit, by one estimate. Affordable housing and homelessness advocates have been complaining for years that they are receiving nowhere near the level of financial support they need from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s budget proposals include a major infusion of more than $1.7 billion in one-time and ongoing affordable housing cash. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That includes:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$500 million in one-time cash for local governments to combat homelessness—of that $300 million will go towards regional planning, and $200 million as awards for cities that build new shelters or permanent supportive housing\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A quintupling of ongoing cash (from $80 million to $500 million) for the state’s most important low-income housing financing tool, the low-income housing tax credit\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$500 million in one-time cash for “moderate-income” housing production, or the so-called “missing middle” of housing for California’s middle class; Newsom said he has also urged Silicon Valley firms to match this funding\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$25 million to get more homeless Californians on federal disability programs\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“I have never seen this kind of attention paid in the budget to homelessness and affordable housing issues,” said Anya Lawler, a housing policy advocate for the Western Center on Law and Poverty. “Just the page count alone is a little unprecedented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also said he would appoint a new homelessness czar in the next few days to help coordinate state, regional and local initiatives. Included in the budget is a policy tweak that would allow new homeless shelters to avoid prolonged environmental reviews—a regulatory hurdle that often holds up new housing plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affordable housing advocates caution that they’re waiting to see details—especially how much will actually go towards the production of new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Newsom threatened cities that aren’t building enough housing—and cities are nervous\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Cities and the NIMBY homeowners who populate them are often blamed as the biggest obstacle to producing more low-income and market-rate housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To incentivize cities to approve more projects, Newsom has proposed $500 million in awards to cities and counties that meet new, short-term housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The housing quotas assigned to local governments are often laughably flawed. Beverly Hills, for example, met its state-mandate affordable housing target last year with three measly low-income units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom wants to revamp the whole housing-goal setting process. Statewide, the goals are are going to bigger than what they used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That $500 million is the carrot, and most cities are eager to revamp the seemingly senseless way in which they’re assigned housing quotas. But along with that carrot could be a thorny stick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom proposes taking away transportation funding—including revenue generated by the recently enacted gas tax—from cities that fail to meet longer-term housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities are not happy. They say much of housing production is out of their control, and dependent on market conditions and developer proclivities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t set a goal that’s not achievable, and then penalize us with transportation dollars that aren’t there,” said Jason Rhine, assistant legislative director for the League of California Cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Left unmentioned: rent control, zoning reform, and that pesky ‘3.5 million units’ promise\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>One number that didn’t make its way into Newsom’s first budget: 3.5 million. That’s how many new homes he has pledged California will build under his watch—a number that most housing experts say is unrealistic. The Newsom administration did not publicly estimate how many new units his new proposals would generate—perhaps an indication that the new governor is distancing himself from the figure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also missing from the budget or the governor’s comments: any reference to rent control or stronger tenant protections, despite his earlier pledge that he would try to broker a compromise. In fairness, the budget unveiling might not be the appropriate venue to talk about that. But a source briefed on the budget said that while Newsom’s team expressed enthusiasm for legislators to take up rent control, they weren’t leading on the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom may be taking a wait-and-see approach on the most controversial piece of housing legislation he’ll encounter this year: an attempt to force cities to allow apartment buildings to be built around transit stops. San Francisco Democratic state Sen. Scott Wiener’s second attempt at “zoning reform”—which would strip cities of their ability to block denser housing in areas previously reserved for single family homes—will need Newsom’s support to actually become law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about Wiener’s new legislation, Newsom said he hadn’t read it yet—the same response he gave to questions about last year’s bill during the campaign. But he did say he “appreciates the spirit” of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>No wonder Gov. Gavin Newsom dropped those hints earlier this week about an upcoming “Marshall Plan” for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sure, he’d made ambitious campaign promises to combat California’s housing crisis: leading the effort to build 3.5 million units over the next seven years (an unprecedented rate), jacking up state subsidies for housing reserved for lower-income Californians, and easing regulations so it would be easier to build all types of new housing. But what would he deliver?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We got the first glimpses of his plans Thursday, as Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11717355/gavin-newsom-looks-to-spend-and-save-in-first-budget-proposal\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">unveiled his first governor’s budget\u003c/a>. And yeah, it’s a big deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those not intimately aware of the chronology of the state’s fiscal planning process (I’m jealous of you), please remember that these are just proposals. The Legislature may tweak, change, expand or kill many of these.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, they give you a good idea of Newsom’s priorities to combat what he has called “the issue when it comes to California poverty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are the key takeaways from Newsom’s first major housing proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Housing’s not taking a back seat to other priorities\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Housing advocates frequently criticized former Gov. Jerry Brown for placing the issue on the back burner while focusing on the state’s fiscal health and other priorities like climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11713988/jerry-browns-two-legacies-on-housing\">Jerry Brown’s ‘Two Legacies’ on Housing\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11713988/jerry-browns-two-legacies-on-housing\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/brown2-e1547245280683.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>No one will accuse Newsom of doing the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From major funding increases for affordable housing, to his threat to take away any city’s transportation dollars if it doesn’t meet its housing quota, Newsom’s plans match the audacious ambitions he outlined in the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not playing small ball with housing,” said Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not that his plan includes everything (more on that later), but collectively Newsom’s proposals reveal that housing and homelessness will be at the forefront of his legislative agenda, and will not take a backseat to other campaign promises such as universal health care or early childhood education. At least not yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>No governor in recent memory has proposed this big a budget boost for housing and homelessness\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It takes a lot of money to build housing reserved for lower-income Californians—roughly $330,000 per unit, by one estimate. Affordable housing and homelessness advocates have been complaining for years that they are receiving nowhere near the level of financial support they need from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s budget proposals include a major infusion of more than $1.7 billion in one-time and ongoing affordable housing cash. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That includes:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$500 million in one-time cash for local governments to combat homelessness—of that $300 million will go towards regional planning, and $200 million as awards for cities that build new shelters or permanent supportive housing\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A quintupling of ongoing cash (from $80 million to $500 million) for the state’s most important low-income housing financing tool, the low-income housing tax credit\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$500 million in one-time cash for “moderate-income” housing production, or the so-called “missing middle” of housing for California’s middle class; Newsom said he has also urged Silicon Valley firms to match this funding\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$25 million to get more homeless Californians on federal disability programs\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“I have never seen this kind of attention paid in the budget to homelessness and affordable housing issues,” said Anya Lawler, a housing policy advocate for the Western Center on Law and Poverty. “Just the page count alone is a little unprecedented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also said he would appoint a new homelessness czar in the next few days to help coordinate state, regional and local initiatives. Included in the budget is a policy tweak that would allow new homeless shelters to avoid prolonged environmental reviews—a regulatory hurdle that often holds up new housing plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affordable housing advocates caution that they’re waiting to see details—especially how much will actually go towards the production of new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Newsom threatened cities that aren’t building enough housing—and cities are nervous\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Cities and the NIMBY homeowners who populate them are often blamed as the biggest obstacle to producing more low-income and market-rate housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To incentivize cities to approve more projects, Newsom has proposed $500 million in awards to cities and counties that meet new, short-term housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The housing quotas assigned to local governments are often laughably flawed. Beverly Hills, for example, met its state-mandate affordable housing target last year with three measly low-income units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom wants to revamp the whole housing-goal setting process. Statewide, the goals are are going to bigger than what they used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That $500 million is the carrot, and most cities are eager to revamp the seemingly senseless way in which they’re assigned housing quotas. But along with that carrot could be a thorny stick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom proposes taking away transportation funding—including revenue generated by the recently enacted gas tax—from cities that fail to meet longer-term housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities are not happy. They say much of housing production is out of their control, and dependent on market conditions and developer proclivities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t set a goal that’s not achievable, and then penalize us with transportation dollars that aren’t there,” said Jason Rhine, assistant legislative director for the League of California Cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Left unmentioned: rent control, zoning reform, and that pesky ‘3.5 million units’ promise\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>One number that didn’t make its way into Newsom’s first budget: 3.5 million. That’s how many new homes he has pledged California will build under his watch—a number that most housing experts say is unrealistic. The Newsom administration did not publicly estimate how many new units his new proposals would generate—perhaps an indication that the new governor is distancing himself from the figure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also missing from the budget or the governor’s comments: any reference to rent control or stronger tenant protections, despite his earlier pledge that he would try to broker a compromise. In fairness, the budget unveiling might not be the appropriate venue to talk about that. But a source briefed on the budget said that while Newsom’s team expressed enthusiasm for legislators to take up rent control, they weren’t leading on the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom may be taking a wait-and-see approach on the most controversial piece of housing legislation he’ll encounter this year: an attempt to force cities to allow apartment buildings to be built around transit stops. San Francisco Democratic state Sen. Scott Wiener’s second attempt at “zoning reform”—which would strip cities of their ability to block denser housing in areas previously reserved for single family homes—will need Newsom’s support to actually become law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about Wiener’s new legislation, Newsom said he hadn’t read it yet—the same response he gave to questions about last year’s bill during the campaign. But he did say he “appreciates the spirit” of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]D[/dropcap]o you know how much your neighbor’s house cost? How about how much they pay in property taxes? We usually don’t pry into our neighbors’ lives and ask these questions, but as part of our special on California’s Proposition 13, that’s exactly what we did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year marks the 40th anniversary of Proposition 13, which essentially locks in a homeowner’s property tax to the year they bought their home — no matter how much their home increases in value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To get a sense of Proposition 13’s impact on Californians, KQED Education Reporter Vanessa Rancaño looked at her own neighborhood in North Oakland, where she rents a home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711712\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11711712\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">KQED Education Reporter Vanessa Rancaño invited her North Oakland neighbors over to talk about the impact Proposition 13 has had on their lives. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On a rainy day in late November, three of her neighbors and a fellow Oakland resident met in Rancaño’s living room for brunch and a conversation about how Proposition 13 affects each of them differently — even though they live just doors away from each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700683/too-few-homes-is-proposition-13-to-blame-for-californias-housing-shortage\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cstrong>Michelle Krasowski\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711718\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11711718\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Michelle Krasowski is a librarian who rents an apartment in North Oakland.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michelle Krasowski is a librarian who rents an apartment in North Oakland. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California Dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Michelle Krasowski works as the Librarian Specialist in support of Adult Services for the Contra Costa County Library System. She has rented an apartment on the block for two years, and says she spends most of her paycheck on rent. She says she was shocked when she found out how her rent compares to what her landlord is paying in property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“I feel like he’s he’s getting a lot out of this and I’m getting a lot sucked out of me and my life. I’m here to serve the public and my community, I’m invested in improving people’s quality of life — especially for people like me who are government workers. I can’t negotiate a higher salary. I have a salary cap. There is no rent cap, there is no home sales cap. So in this particular climate I’ll never be able to own a home. And that’s really sad to me as somebody who really cares about the people around me.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ken Wilkins\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711749\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11711749\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Ken Wilkens is retired. He bought his house in Oakland in 1976.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ken Wilkins is retired. He bought his house in Oakland in 1976. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 1976 (two years before Proposition 13 passed), Ken Wilkins bought his home for $18,500. That was $2,000 less than he paid for the car he drives now. Now, he pays only $1,800 in property taxes, which helps him stay in the neighborhood as a retired senior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“I think I [voted for Proposition 13], but I really didn’t think it out really well. I think there should have been some other compromise like businesses should not have had that break at all. But I actually am happy to be under Proposition 13. [If Proposition 13 were theoretically repealed], I think I would move to Nebraska!”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700810/similar-homes-different-taxes-is-proposition-13-fair-to-new-homeowners\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cstrong>Jas Johl\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711756\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11711756\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Jas Johl got a job in the tech industry so she could buy her house.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jas Johl got a job in the tech industry so she could buy her house. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jas Johl grew up in Sacramento and got a needs-based scholarship to attend UC Berkeley for college. She chose to work in the tech industry because she wanted to own a home in Oakland. She says she is more willing to pay her hefty property taxes ($13,000), because they go toward funding public education. Still, she says, it doesn’t seem right that so few people have the chance to be homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“My parents were immigrants, I grew up in a family of seven on a $35,000 income. And now I am a family of one with…I don’t know how many times that income. I do think I’m very lucky but I also feel like it shouldn’t be this hard. I like the job I have now. But I mean, would I be a teacher if being a teacher paid the same amount?”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Gardner\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711766\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11711766\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Henry Gardner was Oakland's Assistant City Manager in 1978 when Prop 13 passed.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Henry Gardner was Oakland’s Assistant City Manager in 1978 when Prop 13 passed. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Henry Gardner has lived in Oakland since 1971. He was Assistant City Manager when Proposition 13 passed and became City Manager three years later. He says as a homeowner, he benefits from Proposition 13 — even though he says it has hurt the city “tremendously.” Gardner is a strong advocate of a split roll tax, which would adjust property taxes more frequently. It will be on the ballot in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“[The] California dream is to expose our children to arts, to culture, to music, to have high-quality libraries, to have communities that are safe. Those are all California dreams. It’s not just ownership. It’s an opportunity to advance, and we have lost a lot of that. Not all of it’s due to Proposition 13, but a lot of it is.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "How has the controversial law - which essentially locks in a homeowner's property tax to the year they bought their home - affected four different Oakland residents? Reporter Vanessa Rancaño invited them over to find out.",
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"title": "40 Years on, How Does Proposition 13 Impact the California Dream? | KQED",
"description": "How has the controversial law - which essentially locks in a homeowner's property tax to the year they bought their home - affected four different Oakland residents? Reporter Vanessa Rancaño invited them over to find out.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">D\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>o you know how much your neighbor’s house cost? How about how much they pay in property taxes? We usually don’t pry into our neighbors’ lives and ask these questions, but as part of our special on California’s Proposition 13, that’s exactly what we did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year marks the 40th anniversary of Proposition 13, which essentially locks in a homeowner’s property tax to the year they bought their home — no matter how much their home increases in value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To get a sense of Proposition 13’s impact on Californians, KQED Education Reporter Vanessa Rancaño looked at her own neighborhood in North Oakland, where she rents a home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711712\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11711712\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">KQED Education Reporter Vanessa Rancaño invited her North Oakland neighbors over to talk about the impact Proposition 13 has had on their lives. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On a rainy day in late November, three of her neighbors and a fellow Oakland resident met in Rancaño’s living room for brunch and a conversation about how Proposition 13 affects each of them differently — even though they live just doors away from each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700683/too-few-homes-is-proposition-13-to-blame-for-californias-housing-shortage\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cstrong>Michelle Krasowski\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711718\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11711718\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Michelle Krasowski is a librarian who rents an apartment in North Oakland.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michelle Krasowski is a librarian who rents an apartment in North Oakland. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California Dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Michelle Krasowski works as the Librarian Specialist in support of Adult Services for the Contra Costa County Library System. She has rented an apartment on the block for two years, and says she spends most of her paycheck on rent. She says she was shocked when she found out how her rent compares to what her landlord is paying in property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“I feel like he’s he’s getting a lot out of this and I’m getting a lot sucked out of me and my life. I’m here to serve the public and my community, I’m invested in improving people’s quality of life — especially for people like me who are government workers. I can’t negotiate a higher salary. I have a salary cap. There is no rent cap, there is no home sales cap. So in this particular climate I’ll never be able to own a home. And that’s really sad to me as somebody who really cares about the people around me.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ken Wilkins\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711749\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11711749\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Ken Wilkens is retired. He bought his house in Oakland in 1976.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ken Wilkins is retired. He bought his house in Oakland in 1976. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 1976 (two years before Proposition 13 passed), Ken Wilkins bought his home for $18,500. That was $2,000 less than he paid for the car he drives now. Now, he pays only $1,800 in property taxes, which helps him stay in the neighborhood as a retired senior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“I think I [voted for Proposition 13], but I really didn’t think it out really well. I think there should have been some other compromise like businesses should not have had that break at all. But I actually am happy to be under Proposition 13. [If Proposition 13 were theoretically repealed], I think I would move to Nebraska!”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700810/similar-homes-different-taxes-is-proposition-13-fair-to-new-homeowners\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cstrong>Jas Johl\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711756\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11711756\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Jas Johl got a job in the tech industry so she could buy her house.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jas Johl got a job in the tech industry so she could buy her house. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jas Johl grew up in Sacramento and got a needs-based scholarship to attend UC Berkeley for college. She chose to work in the tech industry because she wanted to own a home in Oakland. She says she is more willing to pay her hefty property taxes ($13,000), because they go toward funding public education. Still, she says, it doesn’t seem right that so few people have the chance to be homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“My parents were immigrants, I grew up in a family of seven on a $35,000 income. And now I am a family of one with…I don’t know how many times that income. I do think I’m very lucky but I also feel like it shouldn’t be this hard. I like the job I have now. But I mean, would I be a teacher if being a teacher paid the same amount?”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Gardner\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711766\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11711766\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Henry Gardner was Oakland's Assistant City Manager in 1978 when Prop 13 passed.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Henry Gardner was Oakland’s Assistant City Manager in 1978 when Prop 13 passed. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Henry Gardner has lived in Oakland since 1971. He was Assistant City Manager when Proposition 13 passed and became City Manager three years later. He says as a homeowner, he benefits from Proposition 13 — even though he says it has hurt the city “tremendously.” Gardner is a strong advocate of a split roll tax, which would adjust property taxes more frequently. It will be on the ballot in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“[The] California dream is to expose our children to arts, to culture, to music, to have high-quality libraries, to have communities that are safe. Those are all California dreams. It’s not just ownership. It’s an opportunity to advance, and we have lost a lot of that. Not all of it’s due to Proposition 13, but a lot of it is.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Most landlords in San Jose don’t take Section 8 housing vouchers. And housing advocates see the vouchers as a proxy for race, or keeping out people of color. As a possible remedy, the San Jose city council wants to tweak the law to encourage more landlords to take the vouchers. The proposal has some holes, though.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guest: \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/emily_deruy?lang=en\">Emily DeRuy\u003c/a>, Mercury News reporter covering San Jose\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Lawmakers in Sacramento kicked off the new legislative session this week with a handful of proposals to help low-income residents avoid homelessness, and help get the tens of thousands of Californians without shelter off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators and advocates are encouraged by the presence of an incoming governor focusing on homelessness and low-income renters, but acknowledge that shelters and supportive and low-income housing will have to compete for state dollars with other top priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the biggest thing is around the budget,” said Sharon Rapport, associate director of the Corporation for Supportive Housing. “We are hoping to get ongoing funding to address the affordable housing crisis and homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, a group of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677958/big-city-mayors-welcome-state-money-for-homeless-services\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">11 big-city mayors\u003c/a> rallied for the inclusion of $1.5 billion in the state budget for emergency housing and homeless services. The final budget included only a third of that amount, which would be sent to local governments and nonprofits on a one-time basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was much more directed towards those who are already homeless,” said state Sen. Nancy Skinner, D-Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while the $500 million was a historic expenditure, advocates are hoping for longer-term funding this year that can help pay for the construction of low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And they see promise in two ideas that incoming governor Gavin Newsom voiced support for on the campaign trail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 10, from Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco, would increase the state’s Low-Income Housing Tax Credit by $500 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another bill from Chiu, Assembly Bill 11, would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11709680/state-lawmakers-eye-redevelopment-2-0-to-build-affordable-housing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bring back redevelopment, \u003c/a>a program formerly used by local governments to capture billions of dollars for low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown ended redevelopment when he took office in 2011, and vetoed a previous proposal to expand the tax credits available for affordable housing developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are coming out of an eight-year period with Jerry Brown where it didn’t seem like he wanted to address this on the investment side,” said Tyrone Buckley, policy director for Housing California, which is sponsoring the tax credit expansion. “We want to take advantage of a new energy in the horseshoe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additional investments in low-income and supportive housing are also on the way with the passage of Propositions 1 and 2 in November, which will launch billions of dollars in construction bonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even before those developments get underway, Skinner said she wants to make it easier to build low-income housing. One idea she has is to suspend minimum parking requirements, which can often add costs and delays to a housing proposal. Another proposal from housing groups includes pushing to ease local energy-efficiency rules, like solar panel mandates, for low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And because supportive and low-income housing construction can take years, some lawmakers are also focusing on prevention: making sure more Californians do not slip into homelessness to begin with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the very important things for us to do is keep people from being displaced,” Skinner said. “The main reason individuals become homeless is they couldn’t pay rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11289268\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"One of the permanent supportive housing complexes in downtown Los Angeles, which rely in part on rental subsides for formerly homeless tenants.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11289268\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of the permanent supportive housing complexes in downtown Los Angeles, which rely in part on rental subsidies for formerly homeless tenants. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>More than half of California renters are \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/californians-parts-state-pay-can-afford-housing/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“rent-burdened,”\u003c/a> meaning they spend more than a third of their income on housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 18, introduced by Skinner, would use state funds to pay for rental and legal assistance for tenants facing eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s still unclear, however, if lawmakers will attempt to take on what is perhaps the most controversial form of eviction protection: rent control. Proposition 10, a statewide ballot measure to expand rent limits, was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702293/early-results-show-rent-control-measure-trailing-at-polls\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">resoundingly defeated\u003c/a> in November, and efforts to repeal the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act failed in the Legislature last session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skinner said she thinks some conversation around eviction protection laws will still happen next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe they are not necessary statewide,” she added. “Maybe they are more targeted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Richard Bloom, D-Santa Monica, who authored last year’s failed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101863343/a-bill-to-repeal-longstanding-rent-control-limits-gets-a-public-hearing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Costa-Hawkins repeal\u003c/a>, has introduced “intent” legislation, which would “stabilize rental prices and increase the availability of affordable rental housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for Bloom said it’s still being determined whether \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB36\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 36\u003c/a> would include proposals to change rent control law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Californians currently living on the street, an ambitious proposal is taking shape to mandate a “right to shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Scott Wiener, author of Senate Bill 48, acknowledges that the proposal is in its early stages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But establishing that right could be a way to expand shelters to areas of the state that currently don’t have them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s important that we not have local communities opting out of providing support to homeless people,” Wiener said. “The state, of course, has to be part of that solution because there are many communities that don’t have the resources to do what they need to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and supportive housing advocates caution that any proposal around a right to shelter must avoid what has happened in New York City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There, a court-ordered shelter obligation has forced the city to continually appropriate millions toward temporary housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is that if you have a right to shelter it means you are spending all your money on shelters,” said Rapport, from the Corporation for Supportive Housing. “We don’t have enough permanent housing, so are you going to prioritize shelters over permanent housing? People are still technically homeless when they are living in a shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposals for homeless and low-income Californians will also have to compete for oxygen with Wiener’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11709817/its-sb-827-take-2-wiener-introduces-revamped-bill-to-require-more-housing-near-transit\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">much-discussed bill\u003c/a> to require denser development, as well as ongoing \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB25\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">discussions about reforms\u003c/a> to the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA), which some blame for impeding construction of housing.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Lawmakers in Sacramento kicked off the new legislative session this week with a handful of proposals to help low-income residents avoid homelessness, and help get the tens of thousands of Californians without shelter off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators and advocates are encouraged by the presence of an incoming governor focusing on homelessness and low-income renters, but acknowledge that shelters and supportive and low-income housing will have to compete for state dollars with other top priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the biggest thing is around the budget,” said Sharon Rapport, associate director of the Corporation for Supportive Housing. “We are hoping to get ongoing funding to address the affordable housing crisis and homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, a group of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677958/big-city-mayors-welcome-state-money-for-homeless-services\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">11 big-city mayors\u003c/a> rallied for the inclusion of $1.5 billion in the state budget for emergency housing and homeless services. The final budget included only a third of that amount, which would be sent to local governments and nonprofits on a one-time basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was much more directed towards those who are already homeless,” said state Sen. Nancy Skinner, D-Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while the $500 million was a historic expenditure, advocates are hoping for longer-term funding this year that can help pay for the construction of low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And they see promise in two ideas that incoming governor Gavin Newsom voiced support for on the campaign trail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 10, from Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco, would increase the state’s Low-Income Housing Tax Credit by $500 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another bill from Chiu, Assembly Bill 11, would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11709680/state-lawmakers-eye-redevelopment-2-0-to-build-affordable-housing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bring back redevelopment, \u003c/a>a program formerly used by local governments to capture billions of dollars for low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown ended redevelopment when he took office in 2011, and vetoed a previous proposal to expand the tax credits available for affordable housing developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are coming out of an eight-year period with Jerry Brown where it didn’t seem like he wanted to address this on the investment side,” said Tyrone Buckley, policy director for Housing California, which is sponsoring the tax credit expansion. “We want to take advantage of a new energy in the horseshoe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additional investments in low-income and supportive housing are also on the way with the passage of Propositions 1 and 2 in November, which will launch billions of dollars in construction bonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even before those developments get underway, Skinner said she wants to make it easier to build low-income housing. One idea she has is to suspend minimum parking requirements, which can often add costs and delays to a housing proposal. Another proposal from housing groups includes pushing to ease local energy-efficiency rules, like solar panel mandates, for low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And because supportive and low-income housing construction can take years, some lawmakers are also focusing on prevention: making sure more Californians do not slip into homelessness to begin with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the very important things for us to do is keep people from being displaced,” Skinner said. “The main reason individuals become homeless is they couldn’t pay rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11289268\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"One of the permanent supportive housing complexes in downtown Los Angeles, which rely in part on rental subsides for formerly homeless tenants.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11289268\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of the permanent supportive housing complexes in downtown Los Angeles, which rely in part on rental subsidies for formerly homeless tenants. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>More than half of California renters are \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/californians-parts-state-pay-can-afford-housing/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“rent-burdened,”\u003c/a> meaning they spend more than a third of their income on housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 18, introduced by Skinner, would use state funds to pay for rental and legal assistance for tenants facing eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s still unclear, however, if lawmakers will attempt to take on what is perhaps the most controversial form of eviction protection: rent control. Proposition 10, a statewide ballot measure to expand rent limits, was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702293/early-results-show-rent-control-measure-trailing-at-polls\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">resoundingly defeated\u003c/a> in November, and efforts to repeal the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act failed in the Legislature last session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skinner said she thinks some conversation around eviction protection laws will still happen next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe they are not necessary statewide,” she added. “Maybe they are more targeted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Richard Bloom, D-Santa Monica, who authored last year’s failed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101863343/a-bill-to-repeal-longstanding-rent-control-limits-gets-a-public-hearing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Costa-Hawkins repeal\u003c/a>, has introduced “intent” legislation, which would “stabilize rental prices and increase the availability of affordable rental housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for Bloom said it’s still being determined whether \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB36\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 36\u003c/a> would include proposals to change rent control law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Californians currently living on the street, an ambitious proposal is taking shape to mandate a “right to shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Scott Wiener, author of Senate Bill 48, acknowledges that the proposal is in its early stages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But establishing that right could be a way to expand shelters to areas of the state that currently don’t have them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s important that we not have local communities opting out of providing support to homeless people,” Wiener said. “The state, of course, has to be part of that solution because there are many communities that don’t have the resources to do what they need to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and supportive housing advocates caution that any proposal around a right to shelter must avoid what has happened in New York City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There, a court-ordered shelter obligation has forced the city to continually appropriate millions toward temporary housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is that if you have a right to shelter it means you are spending all your money on shelters,” said Rapport, from the Corporation for Supportive Housing. “We don’t have enough permanent housing, so are you going to prioritize shelters over permanent housing? People are still technically homeless when they are living in a shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposals for homeless and low-income Californians will also have to compete for oxygen with Wiener’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11709817/its-sb-827-take-2-wiener-introduces-revamped-bill-to-require-more-housing-near-transit\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">much-discussed bill\u003c/a> to require denser development, as well as ongoing \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB25\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">discussions about reforms\u003c/a> to the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA), which some blame for impeding construction of housing.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "State Lawmakers Eye 'Redevelopment 2.0' to Build Affordable Housing",
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"content": "\u003cp>Democrats in the California state Legislature want to revive a controversial community renovation program, and with it, bring back billions of dollars for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program, called redevelopment, was ended in 2011 by Gov. Jerry Brown and a Legislature intent on closing a massive budget hole. Democrats believe their proposal will get a boost next year by the support of the state’s new governor, Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think it is the right time to bring back a new version of redevelopment,” said Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu is introducing legislation on Monday, the first day of the new legislative session, that aims to bring back redevelopment agencies and the roughly $1 billion they \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/126834/brentwood-like-many-towns-in-california-caught-up-in-legal-fight-over-redevelopment-funds\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">provided annually \u003c/a>for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of the [other] funding measures are as robust as the ongoing significant funding that redevelopment provided in the past,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Redevelopment agencies were created in the 1940s to fight neighborhood blight. Under a method called tax-increment financing, the agencies were allowed to keep property taxes within their borders that would have otherwise gone to local governments and schools. At least 20 percent of those funds were dedicated to low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing a $25 billion deficit, one of Brown’s first moves in office was to propose the elimination of redevelopment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Redevelopment funds come directly from local property taxes that would otherwise pay for schools and core city and county services,” Brown told lawmakers in his \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2011/01/31/news16897/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2011 State of the State\u003c/a> address. “So it is a matter of hard choices, and I come down on the side of those who believe that core functions of government must be funded first.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2011 \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/analysis/2011/realignment/redevelopment_020911.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">analysis\u003c/a> of the governor’s proposal to end redevelopment agencies won positive reviews from the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office, which supported Brown’s proposal given “significant policy shortcomings” of redevelopment and the need for the state to close a massive budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as the state’s economy improved, Brown showed little interest in reviving redevelopment. Now, Chiu and other housing-focused Democrats have an ally on redevelopment in the governor’s office. Governor-elect Newsom mentioned the program as a top priority during his campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mayors have perverse disincentives for housing. Cities collect retail sales tax, they don’t collect property tax,” Newsom said in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101867627/cox-newsom-face-off-in-final-california-gubernatorial-debate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED’s gubernatorial debate\u003c/a>. “We would like to have that debate about reallocating that tax base.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That position may not sit well with California’s counties, which cheered the end of redevelopment. When the agencies were dissolved, counties regained that stream of property tax revenue, said Dorothy Johnson, legislative representative for the California State Association of Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When local revenue is diverted for purposes without the consent or the option of that local agency, that’s going to be a consistent problem,” Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While counties would have to participate in the redevelopment process under Chiu’s bill, he said cities would refund counties the tax dollars they stand to lose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taxpayer advocates are wary of the long-term spending that could come from the new legislation. Redevelopment agencies were allowed to bond against the property taxes they captured, in order to fund housing and infrastructure improvements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re talking about borrowing against property tax revenue that in some cases will be on property tax bills for as long as 30 to 40 years,” said David Wolfe, legislative director with the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association. “Local politicians ultimately are not going to have accountability for that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wolfe said any projects requiring those bonds should go directly before voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how much distrust of past redevelopment spending remains in the Legislature. By the time they were eliminated, the earlier agencies had become ripe political targets, with examples emerging of \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2011/02/28/redevelopment-agencies-criticized-for-using-funds-to-pay-for-city-services/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">abuse\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/2010/oct/03/local/me-redevelop-housing-20101003\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">gratuitous spending\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Redevelopment 1.0 had billions of dollars spent on so-called economic development with very little oversight and record-keeping requirements,” Chiu said. “Our bill focuses solely on housing and infrastructure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu’s legislation proposes a yearly audit of the redevelopment agencies, reviewed by the state controller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill introduced by Chiu \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB3037\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">last session\u003c/a> to bring back redevelopment failed to advance out of the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Democrats in the California state Legislature want to revive a controversial community renovation program, and with it, bring back billions of dollars for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program, called redevelopment, was ended in 2011 by Gov. Jerry Brown and a Legislature intent on closing a massive budget hole. Democrats believe their proposal will get a boost next year by the support of the state’s new governor, Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think it is the right time to bring back a new version of redevelopment,” said Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu is introducing legislation on Monday, the first day of the new legislative session, that aims to bring back redevelopment agencies and the roughly $1 billion they \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/126834/brentwood-like-many-towns-in-california-caught-up-in-legal-fight-over-redevelopment-funds\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">provided annually \u003c/a>for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of the [other] funding measures are as robust as the ongoing significant funding that redevelopment provided in the past,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Redevelopment agencies were created in the 1940s to fight neighborhood blight. Under a method called tax-increment financing, the agencies were allowed to keep property taxes within their borders that would have otherwise gone to local governments and schools. At least 20 percent of those funds were dedicated to low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing a $25 billion deficit, one of Brown’s first moves in office was to propose the elimination of redevelopment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Redevelopment funds come directly from local property taxes that would otherwise pay for schools and core city and county services,” Brown told lawmakers in his \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2011/01/31/news16897/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2011 State of the State\u003c/a> address. “So it is a matter of hard choices, and I come down on the side of those who believe that core functions of government must be funded first.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2011 \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/analysis/2011/realignment/redevelopment_020911.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">analysis\u003c/a> of the governor’s proposal to end redevelopment agencies won positive reviews from the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office, which supported Brown’s proposal given “significant policy shortcomings” of redevelopment and the need for the state to close a massive budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as the state’s economy improved, Brown showed little interest in reviving redevelopment. Now, Chiu and other housing-focused Democrats have an ally on redevelopment in the governor’s office. Governor-elect Newsom mentioned the program as a top priority during his campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mayors have perverse disincentives for housing. Cities collect retail sales tax, they don’t collect property tax,” Newsom said in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101867627/cox-newsom-face-off-in-final-california-gubernatorial-debate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED’s gubernatorial debate\u003c/a>. “We would like to have that debate about reallocating that tax base.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That position may not sit well with California’s counties, which cheered the end of redevelopment. When the agencies were dissolved, counties regained that stream of property tax revenue, said Dorothy Johnson, legislative representative for the California State Association of Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When local revenue is diverted for purposes without the consent or the option of that local agency, that’s going to be a consistent problem,” Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While counties would have to participate in the redevelopment process under Chiu’s bill, he said cities would refund counties the tax dollars they stand to lose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taxpayer advocates are wary of the long-term spending that could come from the new legislation. Redevelopment agencies were allowed to bond against the property taxes they captured, in order to fund housing and infrastructure improvements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re talking about borrowing against property tax revenue that in some cases will be on property tax bills for as long as 30 to 40 years,” said David Wolfe, legislative director with the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association. “Local politicians ultimately are not going to have accountability for that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wolfe said any projects requiring those bonds should go directly before voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how much distrust of past redevelopment spending remains in the Legislature. By the time they were eliminated, the earlier agencies had become ripe political targets, with examples emerging of \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2011/02/28/redevelopment-agencies-criticized-for-using-funds-to-pay-for-city-services/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">abuse\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/2010/oct/03/local/me-redevelop-housing-20101003\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">gratuitous spending\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Redevelopment 1.0 had billions of dollars spent on so-called economic development with very little oversight and record-keeping requirements,” Chiu said. “Our bill focuses solely on housing and infrastructure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu’s legislation proposes a yearly audit of the redevelopment agencies, reviewed by the state controller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill introduced by Chiu \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB3037\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">last session\u003c/a> to bring back redevelopment failed to advance out of the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"rss": "https://podcasts.files.bbci.co.uk/p02nq0gn.rss"
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},
"californiareport": {
"id": "californiareport",
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"tagline": "California, day by day",
"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareport",
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"order": 8
},
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},
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"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
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"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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