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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On #GivingTuesday, here is\u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/2PkMB88\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> how you can help\u003c/a> victims of the Camp Fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With over 50,000 people displaced by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1934332/the-largest-deadliest-and-most-destructive-fires-in-california-history\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">deadliest and most destructive wildfire\u003c/a> in California history, there is an increased focus on poverty and the state’s housing shortage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are also\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11707330/a-guide-to-bay-area-food-banks-donating-volunteering\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> plenty of ways\u003c/a> you can help people in the Bay Area’s urban areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "camp-fire-worsens-housing-crises-in-butte-county",
"title": "Camp Fire Worsens Housing Crises in Butte County",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/wildfires/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Follow KQED’s ongoing wildfire coverage.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11705243/california-wildfires-what-you-need-to-know\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Camp Fire\u003c/a> destroyed much of Paradise, Caroline Bolin lived in a low-income Section 8 housing complex in the mountain town. Her rent was $236 a month, a payment she could afford on her $930-a-month disability check.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bolin is still waiting to see what happened to her apartment complex. If it burned to the ground, like so many homes in Paradise, Bolin is afraid that she has run out of housing options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know what kind of home we’re going to have and what can we afford,” Bolin said. “We can’t stay in a hotel all the time. I might be out on the streets with two cats. Oh my God.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unfortunately, Bolin won’t be the only Butte resident facing this dilemma. The Camp Fire destroyed more than 9,800 residences in a region that was already experiencing a housing crunch. Before the wildfire, Butte County’s vacancy rate was 1.5 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In practical terms, that meant the the county was experiencing an extreme housing shortage before the fire, said Ed Mayer, executive director of the Butte County Housing Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been underproducing housing for our citizenry for any number of years,” Mayer said. “So the capacity of California and local communities to absorb such a disaster is very very limited.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paradise sits in the foothills of the Sierra Nevada. It’s known for its natural beauty and for being affordable. With Chico just 15 miles to the east, Paradise was also close to many “big city” services like hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, with Paradise wiped out, where do they go?” Mayer asked. “They’re not going to find many other places in California that offered the same combination of affordability and proximity to services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Camp Fire hasn’t just exacerbated the county’s housing shortage, it could leave many of the thousands of fire victims homeless. As of Friday morning, 9,700 single residences and 144 multiple residences were destroyed in the Camp Fire, and officials estimate there are about 1,000 housing units available in Butte County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayer said the county is considering opening temporary housing at fairgrounds where people can park RVs or live in large walled tents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that is little consolation to Luis Batres, who lived in Magalia, a small town just north of Paradise. The Camp Fire also ravaged most of the town and Batres’s house is probably gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11706503\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11706503\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33961_Image-from-iOS-4-qut-1020x765.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33961_Image-from-iOS-4-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33961_Image-from-iOS-4-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33961_Image-from-iOS-4-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33961_Image-from-iOS-4-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33961_Image-from-iOS-4-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Luis Batres and his daughter stand near a roadblock at the entrance to an evacuation zone that their home is in. They wanted to go up to Magalia to see if their home survived the Camp Fire. \u003ccite>(Sonja Hutson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Right now, I don’t know what I’ve got,” he said while standing in front of a roadblock leading to the evacuation zone. Batres was waiting for the roadblock to open so he could see if his home was still standing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Batres didn’t have a plan if it wasn’t. Would he find a new rental in Chico?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope,” Batres said with a note of hopelessness. “I hope.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Butte County was already experiencing a housing shortage before the Camp Fire. Now it's become worse, and thousands could end up homeless.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/wildfires/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Follow KQED’s ongoing wildfire coverage.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11705243/california-wildfires-what-you-need-to-know\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Camp Fire\u003c/a> destroyed much of Paradise, Caroline Bolin lived in a low-income Section 8 housing complex in the mountain town. Her rent was $236 a month, a payment she could afford on her $930-a-month disability check.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bolin is still waiting to see what happened to her apartment complex. If it burned to the ground, like so many homes in Paradise, Bolin is afraid that she has run out of housing options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know what kind of home we’re going to have and what can we afford,” Bolin said. “We can’t stay in a hotel all the time. I might be out on the streets with two cats. Oh my God.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unfortunately, Bolin won’t be the only Butte resident facing this dilemma. The Camp Fire destroyed more than 9,800 residences in a region that was already experiencing a housing crunch. Before the wildfire, Butte County’s vacancy rate was 1.5 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In practical terms, that meant the the county was experiencing an extreme housing shortage before the fire, said Ed Mayer, executive director of the Butte County Housing Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been underproducing housing for our citizenry for any number of years,” Mayer said. “So the capacity of California and local communities to absorb such a disaster is very very limited.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paradise sits in the foothills of the Sierra Nevada. It’s known for its natural beauty and for being affordable. With Chico just 15 miles to the east, Paradise was also close to many “big city” services like hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, with Paradise wiped out, where do they go?” Mayer asked. “They’re not going to find many other places in California that offered the same combination of affordability and proximity to services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Camp Fire hasn’t just exacerbated the county’s housing shortage, it could leave many of the thousands of fire victims homeless. As of Friday morning, 9,700 single residences and 144 multiple residences were destroyed in the Camp Fire, and officials estimate there are about 1,000 housing units available in Butte County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayer said the county is considering opening temporary housing at fairgrounds where people can park RVs or live in large walled tents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that is little consolation to Luis Batres, who lived in Magalia, a small town just north of Paradise. The Camp Fire also ravaged most of the town and Batres’s house is probably gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11706503\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11706503\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33961_Image-from-iOS-4-qut-1020x765.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33961_Image-from-iOS-4-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33961_Image-from-iOS-4-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33961_Image-from-iOS-4-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33961_Image-from-iOS-4-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33961_Image-from-iOS-4-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Luis Batres and his daughter stand near a roadblock at the entrance to an evacuation zone that their home is in. They wanted to go up to Magalia to see if their home survived the Camp Fire. \u003ccite>(Sonja Hutson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Right now, I don’t know what I’ve got,” he said while standing in front of a roadblock leading to the evacuation zone. Batres was waiting for the roadblock to open so he could see if his home was still standing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Batres didn’t have a plan if it wasn’t. Would he find a new rental in Chico?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope,” Batres said with a note of hopelessness. “I hope.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Similar Homes, Different Taxes: Is Proposition 13 Fair to New Homeowners?",
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"content": "\u003cp>Like so many younger Californians, Jas Johl struggled to buy her first house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a yearlong hunt for something in her budget, she placed bids on about 10 houses in the Bay Area. She was outbid with all-cash offers nearly every time.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I feel like it’s just the price I pay for living here.’\u003ccite>Jas Johl, North Oakland homeowner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Johl, who works for the tech giant Salesforce, finally found a place in a neighborhood in North Oakland in 2016. It was pricey — $850,000 — but she thought it was a pretty good bargain for the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also knew that a hefty property tax bill would accompany the price tag. And because Johl was a new homeowner, she’d be paying a lot more than many of her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was expecting it, but I wasn’t expecting how much it would be, I guess,” says Johl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johl paid nearly $13,000 in property taxes last year. It put a crimp in her budget — she rents out a room to help her afford her mortgage. But she was OK with paying that much because she knew the local schools needed tax dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California Dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I feel like it’s just the price I pay for living here,” says Johl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just around the corner, less than 300 feet from Johl’s house, is a duplex owned by Don Weinger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The properties are about the same square size — Johl’s house is 1,400 square feet, while Weinger’s is 1,600, including the downstairs rental unit. The real estate listing site Zillow estimates both houses are worth around $900,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But because of Proposition 13, Weinger’s property taxes are 40 percent lower than Johl’s — he paid a little over $7,000 last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because Weinger bought his house in 2002, for $365,000. Under Proposition 13, homeowners pay property taxes based on the original purchase price, not the current market value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinger and Johl were unaware that they were paying wildly different property taxes than their neighbors. Weinger, a speech pathologist for the Oakland Unified School District, says he couldn’t really afford to pay property taxes on what his duplex is currently worth. But at the same time, he’s not sure that his discount is fair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I absolutely sympathize,” says Weinger. “I’m happy to benefit from [Proposition 13], but I don’t think it’s good for California as a whole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinger’s property tax bill is by no means an outlier in this neighborhood. One decades-long owner of a 1,300-square-foot home up the street paid only $1,168 in taxes last year. Zillow estimates that house to be worth more than $700,000. Several other longtime homeowners who no longer live in the neighborhood, but instead rent their properties, are paying less than $2,000 in property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700802\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700802\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"don-home\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Because of Proposition 13, Don Weinger pays 40 percent less in property taxes than Johl, even though both of their homes are worth about $900,000 today. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“How strict the assessment limits are is what makes California unique,” says Richard Auxier, a research associate with the Washington, D.C.-based Tax Policy Center. “You could have two neighbors earning the same amount of income, in roughly the same value home. And one is paying exponentially more in taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When voters passed Proposition 13 in 1978, part of the rationale was to protect older homeowners from rising property taxes they couldn’t afford. Defenders of Proposition 13 argue that it’s still an essential tool to preserve neighborhood stability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It allows people to remain in their homes who otherwise might be driven out by taxes,” says David Kline, a spokesman for the California Taxpayers Association. “The low-income homeowner is the most at risk of not being able to afford escalating property taxes. It’s the biggest help to those at risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as California home prices reach staggering new highs, the growing disparity between what newer and older homeowners pay on similarly valued property has renewed a problematic question: Is Proposition 13 fair?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who Benefits From Proposition 13?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Overall, polling suggests Californians like Proposition 13, at least in theory. \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/publication/proposition-13-40-years-later/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">About 57 percent\u003c/a> of Californians say Proposition 13 has been mostly good for the state, according to a Public Policy Institute of California survey conducted in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cem>‘This version of property tax relief is very poorly targeted.’\u003ccite>Richard Auxier, Tax Policy Center\u003c/cite>\u003c/em>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But voters are more conflicted about how Proposition 13 treats newer and older homeowners. Only \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-proposition-13-approval-rating/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">41 percent\u003c/a> of Californians believe someone who recently bought a home should pay higher property taxes than someone who bought an identical home decades ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California isn’t the only place that provides major property tax breaks to longtime homeowners. Many other states limit how much local governments can tax homes, especially for low-income or senior homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But property tax relief in other states is typically more tailored to vulnerable populations than it is here, says Auxier. Proposition 13 provides benefits to anyone fortunate enough to own a home, regardless of their income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This version of property tax relief is very poorly targeted,” says Auxier. “The problem is that it does nothing but reward homeowners who have been in their homes a long time, no matter who those homeowners are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because homeownership is generally correlated with higher incomes, and because Proposition 13 provides more benefits in the long term to more expensive homes, the vast majority of tax relief goes to higher-income households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/publications/report/3497#Do_Proposition_13.2019s_Benefits_for_Property_Owners_Vary_With_Income.3F\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">estimates\u003c/a> that roughly 50 percent of the tax savings provided by Proposition 13 goes to households that make over $120,000. Those estimates don’t take into account any tax benefit landlords may pass on to renters, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defenders of Proposition 13 say that’s the wrong way of looking at who is benefiting most from the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In gentrifying neighborhoods like this one in North Oakland, some of the biggest beneficiaries of Proposition 13 are not higher-income households, but middle-class families who bought decades earlier when houses in the area were much more affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700806\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700806\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"scenes-garages\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The median property value on this North Oakland block was three quarters of a million dollars last year. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s part of the reason why Johl feels mostly OK about paying higher property taxes than some of her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it would be fair to ask a family down the street who bought their house 20 years ago to pay more,” says Johl. “Because how would you know if they could afford it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Auxier concedes that some truly middle-class families from traditionally marginalized communities may benefit from Proposition 13. But he stresses that it’s more an exception to the rule, and to remember the costs associated with that benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are tax dollars that aren’t going to education programs or health care programs that could help other parts of those communities that don’t own incredibly expensive homes,” says Auxier.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Certainty for New Homeowners, at a Cost\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>New homeowners like Johl may be paying way more in property taxes this year than their neighbors. But Proposition 13 provides a great deal of certainty for her going forward. Regardless of how much her home’s value rises, Johl knows her property tax base will not increase more than 2 percent per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 13 provides certainty for every property owner,” says Kline. “So when you buy your property you know exactly what your tax is going to be that year and what it’s going to be for years to come. And you can put those numbers in your budget and know what your bills will be going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say those savings are mitigated by other taxes state and local governments levy to make up for lost property tax revenue. California has some of the highest income and sales taxes in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Proposition 13 Poster Child (Who Loathes It)\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In 1988, Stephanie Nordlinger became a first-time homeowner. She bought a small house in the Los Angeles neighborhood of Baldwin Hills for $170,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘It’s not fair. It’s clearly not fair.’\u003ccite>Stephanie Nordlinger, homeowner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Nordlinger, an attorney, was never a fan of Proposition 13. When it passed, she feared that government services like parks and schools would suffer. But she also thought it was fundamentally wrong that she was paying more in property taxes than richer residents of the city, just because of when she bought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Nordlinger got her first property tax bill, she sued on the grounds that Proposition 13 violated the 14th Amendment: equal protection under the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Someone is paying a lot more than another for getting the same services from government agencies,” says Nordlinger. “It’s not fair. It’s clearly not fair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700805\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700805\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"stephanie\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stephanie Nordlinger’s challenge to Proposition 13 went all the way to the Supreme Court. She’s pictured here in the backyard of her home. \u003ccite>(Adriene Hill/California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/cases/1991/90-1912\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Nordlinger’s case\u003c/a> went all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court. While multiple justices expressed concern that Proposition 13 was unwise policy, Nordlinger lost her case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thirty years later, still at her Baldwin Hills home, Nordlinger is in many ways a poster child for the type of Californian Proposition 13 defenders say the initiative helps the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s a senior citizen on a limited income. Her house is valued around $900,000, but she pays just $3,400 in property taxes. She benefits enormously from Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Nordlinger’s attitude toward the initiative hasn’t changed. She would welcome being taxed at a rate the new homeowners down the street are taxed, if it meant local government services would improve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I was a kid, California was on top,” says Nordlinger. “Some parts of California are perfect, and very nice, and as good as anything in the world. But other parts of California are just not what they should be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1867\" height=\"512\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1867px) 100vw, 1867px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Defenders say the law was intended to protect older homeowners from rising property taxes. But with property values skyrocketing, there's a growing disparity among taxpayers.",
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"title": "Similar Homes, Different Taxes: Is Proposition 13 Fair to New Homeowners? | KQED",
"description": "Defenders say the law was intended to protect older homeowners from rising property taxes. But with property values skyrocketing, there's a growing disparity among taxpayers.",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/matt-levin/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Matt Levin/CALmatters\u003c/a>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Like so many younger Californians, Jas Johl struggled to buy her first house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a yearlong hunt for something in her budget, she placed bids on about 10 houses in the Bay Area. She was outbid with all-cash offers nearly every time.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I feel like it’s just the price I pay for living here.’\u003ccite>Jas Johl, North Oakland homeowner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Johl, who works for the tech giant Salesforce, finally found a place in a neighborhood in North Oakland in 2016. It was pricey — $850,000 — but she thought it was a pretty good bargain for the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also knew that a hefty property tax bill would accompany the price tag. And because Johl was a new homeowner, she’d be paying a lot more than many of her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was expecting it, but I wasn’t expecting how much it would be, I guess,” says Johl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johl paid nearly $13,000 in property taxes last year. It put a crimp in her budget — she rents out a room to help her afford her mortgage. But she was OK with paying that much because she knew the local schools needed tax dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California Dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I feel like it’s just the price I pay for living here,” says Johl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just around the corner, less than 300 feet from Johl’s house, is a duplex owned by Don Weinger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The properties are about the same square size — Johl’s house is 1,400 square feet, while Weinger’s is 1,600, including the downstairs rental unit. The real estate listing site Zillow estimates both houses are worth around $900,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But because of Proposition 13, Weinger’s property taxes are 40 percent lower than Johl’s — he paid a little over $7,000 last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because Weinger bought his house in 2002, for $365,000. Under Proposition 13, homeowners pay property taxes based on the original purchase price, not the current market value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinger and Johl were unaware that they were paying wildly different property taxes than their neighbors. Weinger, a speech pathologist for the Oakland Unified School District, says he couldn’t really afford to pay property taxes on what his duplex is currently worth. But at the same time, he’s not sure that his discount is fair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I absolutely sympathize,” says Weinger. “I’m happy to benefit from [Proposition 13], but I don’t think it’s good for California as a whole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinger’s property tax bill is by no means an outlier in this neighborhood. One decades-long owner of a 1,300-square-foot home up the street paid only $1,168 in taxes last year. Zillow estimates that house to be worth more than $700,000. Several other longtime homeowners who no longer live in the neighborhood, but instead rent their properties, are paying less than $2,000 in property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700802\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700802\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"don-home\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Because of Proposition 13, Don Weinger pays 40 percent less in property taxes than Johl, even though both of their homes are worth about $900,000 today. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“How strict the assessment limits are is what makes California unique,” says Richard Auxier, a research associate with the Washington, D.C.-based Tax Policy Center. “You could have two neighbors earning the same amount of income, in roughly the same value home. And one is paying exponentially more in taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When voters passed Proposition 13 in 1978, part of the rationale was to protect older homeowners from rising property taxes they couldn’t afford. Defenders of Proposition 13 argue that it’s still an essential tool to preserve neighborhood stability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It allows people to remain in their homes who otherwise might be driven out by taxes,” says David Kline, a spokesman for the California Taxpayers Association. “The low-income homeowner is the most at risk of not being able to afford escalating property taxes. It’s the biggest help to those at risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as California home prices reach staggering new highs, the growing disparity between what newer and older homeowners pay on similarly valued property has renewed a problematic question: Is Proposition 13 fair?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who Benefits From Proposition 13?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Overall, polling suggests Californians like Proposition 13, at least in theory. \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/publication/proposition-13-40-years-later/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">About 57 percent\u003c/a> of Californians say Proposition 13 has been mostly good for the state, according to a Public Policy Institute of California survey conducted in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cem>‘This version of property tax relief is very poorly targeted.’\u003ccite>Richard Auxier, Tax Policy Center\u003c/cite>\u003c/em>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But voters are more conflicted about how Proposition 13 treats newer and older homeowners. Only \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-proposition-13-approval-rating/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">41 percent\u003c/a> of Californians believe someone who recently bought a home should pay higher property taxes than someone who bought an identical home decades ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California isn’t the only place that provides major property tax breaks to longtime homeowners. Many other states limit how much local governments can tax homes, especially for low-income or senior homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But property tax relief in other states is typically more tailored to vulnerable populations than it is here, says Auxier. Proposition 13 provides benefits to anyone fortunate enough to own a home, regardless of their income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This version of property tax relief is very poorly targeted,” says Auxier. “The problem is that it does nothing but reward homeowners who have been in their homes a long time, no matter who those homeowners are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because homeownership is generally correlated with higher incomes, and because Proposition 13 provides more benefits in the long term to more expensive homes, the vast majority of tax relief goes to higher-income households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/publications/report/3497#Do_Proposition_13.2019s_Benefits_for_Property_Owners_Vary_With_Income.3F\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">estimates\u003c/a> that roughly 50 percent of the tax savings provided by Proposition 13 goes to households that make over $120,000. Those estimates don’t take into account any tax benefit landlords may pass on to renters, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defenders of Proposition 13 say that’s the wrong way of looking at who is benefiting most from the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In gentrifying neighborhoods like this one in North Oakland, some of the biggest beneficiaries of Proposition 13 are not higher-income households, but middle-class families who bought decades earlier when houses in the area were much more affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700806\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700806\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"scenes-garages\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The median property value on this North Oakland block was three quarters of a million dollars last year. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s part of the reason why Johl feels mostly OK about paying higher property taxes than some of her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it would be fair to ask a family down the street who bought their house 20 years ago to pay more,” says Johl. “Because how would you know if they could afford it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Auxier concedes that some truly middle-class families from traditionally marginalized communities may benefit from Proposition 13. But he stresses that it’s more an exception to the rule, and to remember the costs associated with that benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are tax dollars that aren’t going to education programs or health care programs that could help other parts of those communities that don’t own incredibly expensive homes,” says Auxier.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Certainty for New Homeowners, at a Cost\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>New homeowners like Johl may be paying way more in property taxes this year than their neighbors. But Proposition 13 provides a great deal of certainty for her going forward. Regardless of how much her home’s value rises, Johl knows her property tax base will not increase more than 2 percent per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 13 provides certainty for every property owner,” says Kline. “So when you buy your property you know exactly what your tax is going to be that year and what it’s going to be for years to come. And you can put those numbers in your budget and know what your bills will be going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say those savings are mitigated by other taxes state and local governments levy to make up for lost property tax revenue. California has some of the highest income and sales taxes in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Proposition 13 Poster Child (Who Loathes It)\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In 1988, Stephanie Nordlinger became a first-time homeowner. She bought a small house in the Los Angeles neighborhood of Baldwin Hills for $170,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘It’s not fair. It’s clearly not fair.’\u003ccite>Stephanie Nordlinger, homeowner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Nordlinger, an attorney, was never a fan of Proposition 13. When it passed, she feared that government services like parks and schools would suffer. But she also thought it was fundamentally wrong that she was paying more in property taxes than richer residents of the city, just because of when she bought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Nordlinger got her first property tax bill, she sued on the grounds that Proposition 13 violated the 14th Amendment: equal protection under the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Someone is paying a lot more than another for getting the same services from government agencies,” says Nordlinger. “It’s not fair. It’s clearly not fair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700805\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700805\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"stephanie\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stephanie Nordlinger’s challenge to Proposition 13 went all the way to the Supreme Court. She’s pictured here in the backyard of her home. \u003ccite>(Adriene Hill/California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/cases/1991/90-1912\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Nordlinger’s case\u003c/a> went all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court. While multiple justices expressed concern that Proposition 13 was unwise policy, Nordlinger lost her case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thirty years later, still at her Baldwin Hills home, Nordlinger is in many ways a poster child for the type of Californian Proposition 13 defenders say the initiative helps the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s a senior citizen on a limited income. Her house is valued around $900,000, but she pays just $3,400 in property taxes. She benefits enormously from Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Nordlinger’s attitude toward the initiative hasn’t changed. She would welcome being taxed at a rate the new homeowners down the street are taxed, if it meant local government services would improve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I was a kid, California was on top,” says Nordlinger. “Some parts of California are perfect, and very nice, and as good as anything in the world. But other parts of California are just not what they should be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Reid Williamson is an urban planning nerd. He lives in Oakland and was recently on a trip to Los Angeles and was struck by it’s size and how long you could take to cross that single city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whereas up here, many people drive through multiple cities just to get to work each day. And those cities aren’t always working together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So Cupertino adds jobs at Apple, and Cupertino says, ‘We’ll pass on housing, it’s not our thing.’ And then the next town over says, ‘That’s not our thing either.’ And all of a sudden you’re all the way in Tracy,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reid wonders if there’s a way to stop cities from “passing” on building housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He asked Bay Curious: “If the Bay Area united to become one city, would that solve some of our problems?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How Things Are Now\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Downtown Redwood City has a lot to offer its residents — transit lines that connect to all over the Bay Area, a variety of restaurants and shops, and plenty of jobs in its many office buildings. To Maureen Sedonaen, CEO at Habitat for Humanity Greater San Francisco, it was an ideal place for a new affordable housing project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, Sedonaen proposed a nine-story building with 46 units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The housing crisis] is a national problem. It’s a statewide problem. And in particular it’s heightened and underlined in our region,” Sedonaen says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to win approval from the city, Habitat’s proposal was cut by more than half — down to 20 units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then a neighbor, with a history of obstructing development projects, \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2018/07/09/is-californias-legacy-environmental-law-protecting-the-states-beauty-or-blocking-affordable-housing/\">halted the project\u003c/a> for more than a year. He cited an environmental concern, saying the building would increase traffic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than three years later, the lot Sedonaen hopes to build on still sits empty with a price tag that keeps on growing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks are going to live next door to people who tried to stop them from having their home. And that’s hard,” Sedonaen says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the housing crisis is a regional problem, local governments and their constituents have a huge say on how much affordable housing to allow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people in the Bay Area, particularly those that have stable housing, are very comfortable. They like what they have. When they see something new, they see only the downsides of the new,” says Egon Terplan, regional planning director at SPUR, a nonprofit focused on planning and government in the Bay Area. “We in California have turned over the idea of how much housing effectively to allow to the smallest unit of government, to a local government, which is the city, or the county in unincorporated areas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When land use is decided by local governments, it’s easier for vocal locals to protest projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people that are making the decision about how much growth to have in a community are the people who are there now,” Terplan says. “These voters tend to be slightly older and tend to be homeowners. … They’re not necessarily thinking about the next generation, or the millions of people who would like to be a part of this region.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Locals protest new buildings for all kinds of reasons. They might say that a development is ugly, it blocks the sun, it isn’t affordable or it will create traffic. Terplan says while traffic fears could be addressed by building densely around transit, or creating more bike-friendly streets, for some it still might be too much change too fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11691520\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11691520\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/15766762449_e9aa1ebc7a_h-1020x695.jpg\" alt=\"The flow of traffic on the Bay Bridge\" width=\"640\" height=\"436\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/15766762449_e9aa1ebc7a_h-1020x695.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/15766762449_e9aa1ebc7a_h-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/15766762449_e9aa1ebc7a_h-800x545.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/15766762449_e9aa1ebc7a_h-1200x818.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/15766762449_e9aa1ebc7a_h-1180x804.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/15766762449_e9aa1ebc7a_h-960x654.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/15766762449_e9aa1ebc7a_h-240x164.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/15766762449_e9aa1ebc7a_h-375x255.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/15766762449_e9aa1ebc7a_h-520x354.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/15766762449_e9aa1ebc7a_h.jpg 1600w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The flow of traffic on the Bay Bridge \u003ccite>(David Yu/Flickr)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Politicians have lost their jobs for being to willing to develop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Redwood City had a very good plan for growing its downtown, and evolving and enabling growth around rail. Lots of people moving there weren’t driving their cars. But a bunch of [politicians] that supported that development got thrown out,” Terplan says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s resistance to change in cities across the Bay Area. You can find NIMBYism in Mountain View, Berkeley, Brisbane, the list goes on, and all that can compound — and we end up with less housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what if it wasn’t local governments who had the power? What if, as Reid asked, plans came from the region instead?\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11691521\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11691521 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/GettyImages-674538260-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"An aerial view of the new Apple headquarters on April 28, 2017 in Cupertino, California. Apple's new 'spaceship' 175-acre campus dubbed "Apple Park" is nearing completion and is set to begin moving in Apple employees. The new headquarters, designed by Lord Norman Foster and costing roughly $5 billion, will house 13,000 employees in over 2.8 million square feet of office space and will have nearly 80 acres of parking to accommodate 11,000 cars. \" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/GettyImages-674538260-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/GettyImages-674538260-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/GettyImages-674538260-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/GettyImages-674538260-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/GettyImages-674538260-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/GettyImages-674538260-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/GettyImages-674538260-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/GettyImages-674538260.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An aerial view of the new Apple headquarters on April 28, 2017, in Cupertino, California. The new headquarters will house 13,000 employees in over 2.8 million square feet of office space and will have nearly 80 acres of parking to accommodate 11,000 cars. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>If We Were One City\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>There are no serious proposals to unite the Bay Area into one city, but we thought it was an interesting question. After all, this region has a legacy of regional projects like the Save the Bay movement, which halted large-scale polluters and stopped cities from paving over the San Francisco Bay. Our regional parks are another example, which preserved the hills of the East Bay and the coast of Marin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what if we looked at a regional approach to housing? Could we save millennials, seniors, locals and future locals like we saved the bay?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Creating a City\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>We’re creating a hypothetical city. Let’s call it Reid Land (named after the question asker).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What are the boundaries of Reid Land? This is an oversimplification, but let’s say it includes all nine counties of the Bay Area. That would include 101 cities, around 7,000 square miles and an estimated 7.7 million people. For comparison, the city of Los Angeles has almost 4 million people on about 470 square miles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget of Reid Land would be huge. According to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.bayareaeconomy.org/files/pdf/BayAreaEconomicProfile2018Web.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Bay Area Council Economic Institute\u003c/a>, if the Bay Area were a country, it’d be the 19th largest economy in the world — smaller than the Netherlands, larger than Switzerland. Money collected from regional taxes would be spent regionally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You would be thinking about where are the best places to grow in such a way we’re really getting development around our transportation infrastructure so that people aren’t going to drive as much,” Terplan says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11691530\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11691530\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/92733663_d2efaa401c_b-1020x651.jpg\" alt=\"Sunrise at an Oakland BART station\" width=\"640\" height=\"408\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/92733663_d2efaa401c_b-1020x651.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/92733663_d2efaa401c_b-160x102.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/92733663_d2efaa401c_b-800x511.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/92733663_d2efaa401c_b-960x613.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/92733663_d2efaa401c_b-240x153.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/92733663_d2efaa401c_b-375x240.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/92733663_d2efaa401c_b-520x332.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/92733663_d2efaa401c_b.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sunrise at an Oakland BART station \u003ccite>(Thomas Hawk/Flickr)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In this fictional scenario, the city might take underutilized land and build tall mixed-housing developments. Each building would have affordable housing, and there would be businesses and green space. Bike lanes would cross these super-dense neighborhoods and a train stop would be conveniently located at each neighborhood center. These trains could whisk you across the whole region, so traffic would be reduced and people could move about Reid Land easier and cheaper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just think about all the things that New York City accomplished that didn’t happen here — 24-hour rail service connecting across these places,” Terplan says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Drawbacks to One City\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>There are drawbacks to Reid Land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, “If all transit was merged together, you might not have as much bus service in San Francisco as you do today because you would start spreading those resources across a bigger geography. And so for people that rely on transit in San Francisco, they would see that as a loss,” Terplan says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another consequence of amalgamating all these cities is that it would change voting demographics. People might not have their local interests represented. For example, urban constituents might be outvoted by suburban constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would point to Toronto as a city that kind of did this to a certain extent. They expanded outward and had a much larger city. And at times you would have a mayor who represented a much different perspective from the traditional urban core,” Terplan says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Metropolitan Toronto amalgamated its six boroughs in 1998, it was very controversial. Twenty years later, people still debate if it was a good decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also not clear if creating a single city would solve our housing problems. City council members might still find ways to block projects that would threaten the character of their neighborhoods, and vocal residents could continue to find ways to stop projects they found objectionable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, this whole thing is pretty unrealistic — 101 cities are unlikely to give up control to a single governing body.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Alternatives\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>We don’t need to have a single megacity to solve regional problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have regional institutions that are thinking about big-picture issues facing the Bay Area. The problem is they don’t enforce plans or dole out consequences if cities don’t comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An alternative might be that regional plans and goals for housing become binding for cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One idea is a cap-and-trade program, but with housing. Each community would have a certain amount of housing and affordable housing it must build, and if a community doesn’t want to see that development in its own backyard, it could give money to an adjacent community to build that housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps, most realistically, it might just mean more collaboration, like in the case of transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How would it work if all the rail systems in the Bay Area really felt like one? You don’t have to merge them all together. But from a customer, it’s got to feel like a merger,” Terplan says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are collaborations currently underway. \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/our-work/plans-projects/casa-committee-house-bay-area\">CASA\u003c/a> (The Committee to House the Bay Area) meets roughly once a month with an aim to build actionable political consensus among Bay Area leaders. That said, in all likelihood, it wouldn’t support a single Bay Area city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What does the question asker, Reid, make of all of this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If California is growing at X percent a year, we need X percent more gas stations we need X percent more day cares we need X percent more grocery stores. … We need X percent of everything. And so it’s how do we convince each area to grow at that rate? Or how do you do the cap-and-trade … which is pretty cool.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Thanks to Ben Bradford for his reporting on Redwood City.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Correction: the drive from the Getty to Manhattan beach goes through multiple cities, not just Los Angeles.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Reid Williamson is an urban planning nerd. He lives in Oakland and was recently on a trip to Los Angeles and was struck by it’s size and how long you could take to cross that single city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whereas up here, many people drive through multiple cities just to get to work each day. And those cities aren’t always working together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So Cupertino adds jobs at Apple, and Cupertino says, ‘We’ll pass on housing, it’s not our thing.’ And then the next town over says, ‘That’s not our thing either.’ And all of a sudden you’re all the way in Tracy,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reid wonders if there’s a way to stop cities from “passing” on building housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He asked Bay Curious: “If the Bay Area united to become one city, would that solve some of our problems?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How Things Are Now\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Downtown Redwood City has a lot to offer its residents — transit lines that connect to all over the Bay Area, a variety of restaurants and shops, and plenty of jobs in its many office buildings. To Maureen Sedonaen, CEO at Habitat for Humanity Greater San Francisco, it was an ideal place for a new affordable housing project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, Sedonaen proposed a nine-story building with 46 units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The housing crisis] is a national problem. It’s a statewide problem. And in particular it’s heightened and underlined in our region,” Sedonaen says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to win approval from the city, Habitat’s proposal was cut by more than half — down to 20 units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then a neighbor, with a history of obstructing development projects, \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2018/07/09/is-californias-legacy-environmental-law-protecting-the-states-beauty-or-blocking-affordable-housing/\">halted the project\u003c/a> for more than a year. He cited an environmental concern, saying the building would increase traffic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than three years later, the lot Sedonaen hopes to build on still sits empty with a price tag that keeps on growing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks are going to live next door to people who tried to stop them from having their home. And that’s hard,” Sedonaen says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the housing crisis is a regional problem, local governments and their constituents have a huge say on how much affordable housing to allow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people in the Bay Area, particularly those that have stable housing, are very comfortable. They like what they have. When they see something new, they see only the downsides of the new,” says Egon Terplan, regional planning director at SPUR, a nonprofit focused on planning and government in the Bay Area. “We in California have turned over the idea of how much housing effectively to allow to the smallest unit of government, to a local government, which is the city, or the county in unincorporated areas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When land use is decided by local governments, it’s easier for vocal locals to protest projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people that are making the decision about how much growth to have in a community are the people who are there now,” Terplan says. “These voters tend to be slightly older and tend to be homeowners. … They’re not necessarily thinking about the next generation, or the millions of people who would like to be a part of this region.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Locals protest new buildings for all kinds of reasons. They might say that a development is ugly, it blocks the sun, it isn’t affordable or it will create traffic. Terplan says while traffic fears could be addressed by building densely around transit, or creating more bike-friendly streets, for some it still might be too much change too fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11691520\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11691520\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/15766762449_e9aa1ebc7a_h-1020x695.jpg\" alt=\"The flow of traffic on the Bay Bridge\" width=\"640\" height=\"436\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/15766762449_e9aa1ebc7a_h-1020x695.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/15766762449_e9aa1ebc7a_h-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/15766762449_e9aa1ebc7a_h-800x545.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/15766762449_e9aa1ebc7a_h-1200x818.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/15766762449_e9aa1ebc7a_h-1180x804.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/15766762449_e9aa1ebc7a_h-960x654.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/15766762449_e9aa1ebc7a_h-240x164.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/15766762449_e9aa1ebc7a_h-375x255.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/15766762449_e9aa1ebc7a_h-520x354.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/15766762449_e9aa1ebc7a_h.jpg 1600w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The flow of traffic on the Bay Bridge \u003ccite>(David Yu/Flickr)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Politicians have lost their jobs for being to willing to develop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Redwood City had a very good plan for growing its downtown, and evolving and enabling growth around rail. Lots of people moving there weren’t driving their cars. But a bunch of [politicians] that supported that development got thrown out,” Terplan says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s resistance to change in cities across the Bay Area. You can find NIMBYism in Mountain View, Berkeley, Brisbane, the list goes on, and all that can compound — and we end up with less housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what if it wasn’t local governments who had the power? What if, as Reid asked, plans came from the region instead?\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11691521\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11691521 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/GettyImages-674538260-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"An aerial view of the new Apple headquarters on April 28, 2017 in Cupertino, California. Apple's new 'spaceship' 175-acre campus dubbed "Apple Park" is nearing completion and is set to begin moving in Apple employees. The new headquarters, designed by Lord Norman Foster and costing roughly $5 billion, will house 13,000 employees in over 2.8 million square feet of office space and will have nearly 80 acres of parking to accommodate 11,000 cars. \" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/GettyImages-674538260-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/GettyImages-674538260-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/GettyImages-674538260-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/GettyImages-674538260-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/GettyImages-674538260-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/GettyImages-674538260-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/GettyImages-674538260-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/GettyImages-674538260.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An aerial view of the new Apple headquarters on April 28, 2017, in Cupertino, California. The new headquarters will house 13,000 employees in over 2.8 million square feet of office space and will have nearly 80 acres of parking to accommodate 11,000 cars. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>If We Were One City\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>There are no serious proposals to unite the Bay Area into one city, but we thought it was an interesting question. After all, this region has a legacy of regional projects like the Save the Bay movement, which halted large-scale polluters and stopped cities from paving over the San Francisco Bay. Our regional parks are another example, which preserved the hills of the East Bay and the coast of Marin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what if we looked at a regional approach to housing? Could we save millennials, seniors, locals and future locals like we saved the bay?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Creating a City\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>We’re creating a hypothetical city. Let’s call it Reid Land (named after the question asker).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What are the boundaries of Reid Land? This is an oversimplification, but let’s say it includes all nine counties of the Bay Area. That would include 101 cities, around 7,000 square miles and an estimated 7.7 million people. For comparison, the city of Los Angeles has almost 4 million people on about 470 square miles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget of Reid Land would be huge. According to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.bayareaeconomy.org/files/pdf/BayAreaEconomicProfile2018Web.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Bay Area Council Economic Institute\u003c/a>, if the Bay Area were a country, it’d be the 19th largest economy in the world — smaller than the Netherlands, larger than Switzerland. Money collected from regional taxes would be spent regionally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You would be thinking about where are the best places to grow in such a way we’re really getting development around our transportation infrastructure so that people aren’t going to drive as much,” Terplan says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11691530\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11691530\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/92733663_d2efaa401c_b-1020x651.jpg\" alt=\"Sunrise at an Oakland BART station\" width=\"640\" height=\"408\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/92733663_d2efaa401c_b-1020x651.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/92733663_d2efaa401c_b-160x102.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/92733663_d2efaa401c_b-800x511.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/92733663_d2efaa401c_b-960x613.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/92733663_d2efaa401c_b-240x153.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/92733663_d2efaa401c_b-375x240.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/92733663_d2efaa401c_b-520x332.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/92733663_d2efaa401c_b.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sunrise at an Oakland BART station \u003ccite>(Thomas Hawk/Flickr)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In this fictional scenario, the city might take underutilized land and build tall mixed-housing developments. Each building would have affordable housing, and there would be businesses and green space. Bike lanes would cross these super-dense neighborhoods and a train stop would be conveniently located at each neighborhood center. These trains could whisk you across the whole region, so traffic would be reduced and people could move about Reid Land easier and cheaper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just think about all the things that New York City accomplished that didn’t happen here — 24-hour rail service connecting across these places,” Terplan says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Drawbacks to One City\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>There are drawbacks to Reid Land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, “If all transit was merged together, you might not have as much bus service in San Francisco as you do today because you would start spreading those resources across a bigger geography. And so for people that rely on transit in San Francisco, they would see that as a loss,” Terplan says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another consequence of amalgamating all these cities is that it would change voting demographics. People might not have their local interests represented. For example, urban constituents might be outvoted by suburban constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would point to Toronto as a city that kind of did this to a certain extent. They expanded outward and had a much larger city. And at times you would have a mayor who represented a much different perspective from the traditional urban core,” Terplan says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Metropolitan Toronto amalgamated its six boroughs in 1998, it was very controversial. Twenty years later, people still debate if it was a good decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also not clear if creating a single city would solve our housing problems. City council members might still find ways to block projects that would threaten the character of their neighborhoods, and vocal residents could continue to find ways to stop projects they found objectionable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, this whole thing is pretty unrealistic — 101 cities are unlikely to give up control to a single governing body.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Alternatives\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>We don’t need to have a single megacity to solve regional problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have regional institutions that are thinking about big-picture issues facing the Bay Area. The problem is they don’t enforce plans or dole out consequences if cities don’t comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An alternative might be that regional plans and goals for housing become binding for cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One idea is a cap-and-trade program, but with housing. Each community would have a certain amount of housing and affordable housing it must build, and if a community doesn’t want to see that development in its own backyard, it could give money to an adjacent community to build that housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps, most realistically, it might just mean more collaboration, like in the case of transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How would it work if all the rail systems in the Bay Area really felt like one? You don’t have to merge them all together. But from a customer, it’s got to feel like a merger,” Terplan says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are collaborations currently underway. \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/our-work/plans-projects/casa-committee-house-bay-area\">CASA\u003c/a> (The Committee to House the Bay Area) meets roughly once a month with an aim to build actionable political consensus among Bay Area leaders. That said, in all likelihood, it wouldn’t support a single Bay Area city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What does the question asker, Reid, make of all of this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If California is growing at X percent a year, we need X percent more gas stations we need X percent more day cares we need X percent more grocery stores. … We need X percent of everything. And so it’s how do we convince each area to grow at that rate? Or how do you do the cap-and-trade … which is pretty cool.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Thanks to Ben Bradford for his reporting on Redwood City.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Correction: the drive from the Getty to Manhattan beach goes through multiple cities, not just Los Angeles.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed announced Monday that the city is pledging to spend $100 million on affordable housing orders from a proposed modular building factory in the coming years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Modular building is a method of construction where the components are built somewhere else and then transported to the construction site for assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said the city, which continues to reel from a housing affordability crisis, needs new ways to quickly construct cheaper homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We could actually build housing faster and less expensive with modular,” Breed said in an interview. “We’re in a crisis. We need more housing in San Francisco so we have to be open to exploring every opportunity to produce more and produce more faster.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first phase of an economic feasibility study is currently underway for a proposed factory to be built on industrial land overseen by the Port of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.nelsononline.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Nelson Worldwide\u003c/a>, an international design firm, is conducting the study, city officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second phase will involve developing a business plan for the factory, which could start operating in a few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said San Francisco will be the facility’s first customer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project is part of the city’s goal to create housing for people living on the streets, according to one of the mayor’s top housing officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Providing new homes for people experiencing homelessness as fast as we can is essential to creating a compassionate and livable city for all San Franciscans,” said Kate Hartley, director of the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "San Francisco Mayor Breed Commits $100 Million to Modular Housing Project | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed announced Monday that the city is pledging to spend $100 million on affordable housing orders from a proposed modular building factory in the coming years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Modular building is a method of construction where the components are built somewhere else and then transported to the construction site for assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said the city, which continues to reel from a housing affordability crisis, needs new ways to quickly construct cheaper homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We could actually build housing faster and less expensive with modular,” Breed said in an interview. “We’re in a crisis. We need more housing in San Francisco so we have to be open to exploring every opportunity to produce more and produce more faster.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first phase of an economic feasibility study is currently underway for a proposed factory to be built on industrial land overseen by the Port of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.nelsononline.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Nelson Worldwide\u003c/a>, an international design firm, is conducting the study, city officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second phase will involve developing a business plan for the factory, which could start operating in a few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said San Francisco will be the facility’s first customer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project is part of the city’s goal to create housing for people living on the streets, according to one of the mayor’s top housing officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Providing new homes for people experiencing homelessness as fast as we can is essential to creating a compassionate and livable city for all San Franciscans,” said Kate Hartley, director of the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Californians Still Like Prop. 13, Except for The Big Parts They Don’t Like",
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"content": "\u003cp>California looks differently than it did a generation ago. Its residents are far more diverse, and they live in a far more expensive state. There are way more renters and proportionately way less Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet today’s Californians have at least one thing in common with their late 1970s forebears: They still really like Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1978 California voters approved Prop. 13 with a whopping 65 percent of the vote. A populist backlash to soaring property values and their attendant taxes, the ballot measure placed stringent caps on how much local governments could charge homeowners and businesses for the land they own. Overnight, Californians enjoyed some of the lowest property taxes in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Prop. 13 has been blamed for everything from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pe.com/2017/11/07/reform-prop-13-to-increase-californias-investment-in-public-education/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">poor performance\u003c/a> of California public schools to \u003ca href=\"https://techcrunch.com/2014/04/14/sf-housing/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a shortage of affordable homes\u003c/a> to the perpetuation of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11624431/after-tax-cuts-derailed-the-california-dream-can-the-state-get-back-on-track\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">racial inequality\u003c/a>. In progressive quarters, the initiative has become a poster child for bad ballot-box policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this year, when the nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/publication/proposition-13-40-years-later/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a> surveyed voters about Prop. 13, 65 percent said it had been mostly a good thing. Yes, the exact same proportion that voted for the measure 40 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a pretty stunning approval rating. By comparison, Gov. Jerry Brown—one of the most popular California political figures in recent memory—has never seen his job approval breach 60 percent over the past eight years. In 2016, Hillary Clinton beat Donald Trump here by a margin not seen since the days of Franklin Roosevelt, although she got less than 65 percent of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11691020\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"2380\" height=\"3052\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings.png 2380w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-160x205.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-800x1026.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-1020x1308.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-936x1200.png 936w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-1920x2462.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-1180x1513.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-960x1231.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-240x308.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-375x481.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-520x667.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2380px) 100vw, 2380px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such enduring popularity has led officials to long regard Prop. 13 as the untouchable third rail of California politics—yet voters may have a chance to repeatedly touch it in the not-too-distant future. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/prop-13-could-be-party-undone-in-2020-heres-what-you-should-know/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">A major proposed crimp in its tax-cutting power\u003c/a> is likely headed for the 2020 ballot, and voters will decide on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/should-baby-boomers-get-a-property-tax-break-to-move-the-pros-and-cons-of-prop-5/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a possible expansion of Prop. 13\u003c/a> benefits this fall. With those battles on the horizon, here’s a breakdown of just how broadly, deeply and consistently Californians love their cheap property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Prop. 13’s popularity has been remarkably consistent—nothing really moves it much, not even house prices.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 features many controversial components, but the part that hits taxpayers’ pocketbooks directly is arguably the most important. Prop. 13 caps a homeowner’s property tax bill at 1 percent of its market value when the new home is bought, and then indexes that value to inflation. In other words, if you bought your home in 1998, in real terms you’re still essentially being taxed on the price you paid back then—not on what it’s worth 20 years later, which is likely a lot more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given that the benefits of Prop. 13 are bigger in a hotter housing market—the more your house is worth, the more Prop. 13 saves you on your property tax bill—you might expect a strong relationship between housing prices and Prop. 13’s approval rating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’d be wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11691019\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"2200\" height=\"5428\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1.png 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-160x395.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-800x1974.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-1020x2517.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-486x1200.png 486w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-1920x4737.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-1180x2911.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-960x2369.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-240x592.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-375x925.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-520x1283.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the institute began polling on Prop. 13 in the early 2000s, the initiative’s approval rating has consistently hovered around the high 50s. That’s true through housing booms and busts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When California’s housing market was cratering in 2008, 59 percent of those polled thought Prop. 13 had worked well for California. Ten years later, with home prices in many parts of the state at all-time highs, 56 percent of those polled thought Prop. 13 had worked out well. (These marks are for all Californians. Likely voters give Prop. 13 that approval rating of 65 percent).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Support for Prop. 13 is unsurprisingly strongest among those voting blocs you associate with wanting lower taxes—older, whiter, more conservative homeowners. More than 70 percent of Republicans said Prop. 13 was working out well, as did 70 percent of homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the landmark initiative enjoys widespread support among pretty much every other major partisan and demographic group. A clear majority of Democrats, independents, self-identified liberals, younger voters, and those with household income below $40,000 give Prop. 13 good marks. Perhaps most shockingly, 57 percent of renters support Prop. 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11691021\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/demographics-1.gif\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"675\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How Prop. 13 is like ‘Obamacare’—no, really \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who wish to revise Prop. 13 can find a bright spot in the relatively high percentage of Californians who may not know much about the initiative or its consequences. Nearly one in five Californians surveyed couldn’t say whether Prop. 13 has been good or bad for the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the years following the passage of the Affordable Care Act (aka Obamacare) in 2010, national polls revealed a consistent contradiction. While most polls found a majority of respondents saying they didn’t like the law writ large, the same polls saw \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/oct/01/healthcare-obamacare-affordable-care-act\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">fairly high approval ratings\u003c/a> for most of the Affordable Care Act’s specific provisions—keeping adult children on family health plans, for example, or prohibiting price discrimination against people with pre-existing health conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polling on Prop. 13 has suggested a similar disconnect between how Californians feel about the initiative overall and how they feel about individual components.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in 2008 (unfortunately the last year this question was asked), PPIC explained a key consequence of Prop 13 to respondents—the fact that someone who recently bought a home will typically pay much higher property taxes then someone who bought a nearly identical home decades ago in the same neighborhood. Only 41 percent said they supported that defining feature of Prop. 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar pattern surfaces based on public attitudes about “split-roll”—the idea possibly headed for the 2020 ballot that commercial properties should be taxed at market value. Prop. 13 treats business and residential properties essentially the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11691022\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"2200\" height=\"5452\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts.png 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-160x397.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-800x1983.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-1020x2528.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-484x1200.png 484w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-1920x4758.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-1180x2924.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-960x2379.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-240x595.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-375x929.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-520x1289.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For most of the past decade, a clear majority of Californians supported the “split roll” idea. But that support isn’t as strong as it used to be. Back in 2012, 60 percent of likely voters wanted to modify Prop. 13 to tax commercial properties at their market value. In January of this year, supporters had dipped to 46 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Voters will soon have a chance to touch the third rail of California politics. Here’s a breakdown of how broadly and deeply Californians love their cheap property taxes.",
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"title": "Californians Still Like Prop. 13, Except for The Big Parts They Don’t Like | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California looks differently than it did a generation ago. Its residents are far more diverse, and they live in a far more expensive state. There are way more renters and proportionately way less Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet today’s Californians have at least one thing in common with their late 1970s forebears: They still really like Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1978 California voters approved Prop. 13 with a whopping 65 percent of the vote. A populist backlash to soaring property values and their attendant taxes, the ballot measure placed stringent caps on how much local governments could charge homeowners and businesses for the land they own. Overnight, Californians enjoyed some of the lowest property taxes in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Prop. 13 has been blamed for everything from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pe.com/2017/11/07/reform-prop-13-to-increase-californias-investment-in-public-education/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">poor performance\u003c/a> of California public schools to \u003ca href=\"https://techcrunch.com/2014/04/14/sf-housing/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a shortage of affordable homes\u003c/a> to the perpetuation of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11624431/after-tax-cuts-derailed-the-california-dream-can-the-state-get-back-on-track\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">racial inequality\u003c/a>. In progressive quarters, the initiative has become a poster child for bad ballot-box policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this year, when the nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/publication/proposition-13-40-years-later/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a> surveyed voters about Prop. 13, 65 percent said it had been mostly a good thing. Yes, the exact same proportion that voted for the measure 40 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a pretty stunning approval rating. By comparison, Gov. Jerry Brown—one of the most popular California political figures in recent memory—has never seen his job approval breach 60 percent over the past eight years. In 2016, Hillary Clinton beat Donald Trump here by a margin not seen since the days of Franklin Roosevelt, although she got less than 65 percent of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11691020\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"2380\" height=\"3052\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings.png 2380w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-160x205.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-800x1026.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-1020x1308.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-936x1200.png 936w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-1920x2462.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-1180x1513.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-960x1231.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-240x308.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-375x481.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-520x667.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2380px) 100vw, 2380px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such enduring popularity has led officials to long regard Prop. 13 as the untouchable third rail of California politics—yet voters may have a chance to repeatedly touch it in the not-too-distant future. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/prop-13-could-be-party-undone-in-2020-heres-what-you-should-know/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">A major proposed crimp in its tax-cutting power\u003c/a> is likely headed for the 2020 ballot, and voters will decide on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/should-baby-boomers-get-a-property-tax-break-to-move-the-pros-and-cons-of-prop-5/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a possible expansion of Prop. 13\u003c/a> benefits this fall. With those battles on the horizon, here’s a breakdown of just how broadly, deeply and consistently Californians love their cheap property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Prop. 13’s popularity has been remarkably consistent—nothing really moves it much, not even house prices.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 features many controversial components, but the part that hits taxpayers’ pocketbooks directly is arguably the most important. Prop. 13 caps a homeowner’s property tax bill at 1 percent of its market value when the new home is bought, and then indexes that value to inflation. In other words, if you bought your home in 1998, in real terms you’re still essentially being taxed on the price you paid back then—not on what it’s worth 20 years later, which is likely a lot more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given that the benefits of Prop. 13 are bigger in a hotter housing market—the more your house is worth, the more Prop. 13 saves you on your property tax bill—you might expect a strong relationship between housing prices and Prop. 13’s approval rating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’d be wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11691019\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"2200\" height=\"5428\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1.png 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-160x395.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-800x1974.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-1020x2517.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-486x1200.png 486w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-1920x4737.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-1180x2911.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-960x2369.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-240x592.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-375x925.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-520x1283.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the institute began polling on Prop. 13 in the early 2000s, the initiative’s approval rating has consistently hovered around the high 50s. That’s true through housing booms and busts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When California’s housing market was cratering in 2008, 59 percent of those polled thought Prop. 13 had worked well for California. Ten years later, with home prices in many parts of the state at all-time highs, 56 percent of those polled thought Prop. 13 had worked out well. (These marks are for all Californians. Likely voters give Prop. 13 that approval rating of 65 percent).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Support for Prop. 13 is unsurprisingly strongest among those voting blocs you associate with wanting lower taxes—older, whiter, more conservative homeowners. More than 70 percent of Republicans said Prop. 13 was working out well, as did 70 percent of homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the landmark initiative enjoys widespread support among pretty much every other major partisan and demographic group. A clear majority of Democrats, independents, self-identified liberals, younger voters, and those with household income below $40,000 give Prop. 13 good marks. Perhaps most shockingly, 57 percent of renters support Prop. 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11691021\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/demographics-1.gif\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"675\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How Prop. 13 is like ‘Obamacare’—no, really \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who wish to revise Prop. 13 can find a bright spot in the relatively high percentage of Californians who may not know much about the initiative or its consequences. Nearly one in five Californians surveyed couldn’t say whether Prop. 13 has been good or bad for the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the years following the passage of the Affordable Care Act (aka Obamacare) in 2010, national polls revealed a consistent contradiction. While most polls found a majority of respondents saying they didn’t like the law writ large, the same polls saw \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/oct/01/healthcare-obamacare-affordable-care-act\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">fairly high approval ratings\u003c/a> for most of the Affordable Care Act’s specific provisions—keeping adult children on family health plans, for example, or prohibiting price discrimination against people with pre-existing health conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polling on Prop. 13 has suggested a similar disconnect between how Californians feel about the initiative overall and how they feel about individual components.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in 2008 (unfortunately the last year this question was asked), PPIC explained a key consequence of Prop 13 to respondents—the fact that someone who recently bought a home will typically pay much higher property taxes then someone who bought a nearly identical home decades ago in the same neighborhood. Only 41 percent said they supported that defining feature of Prop. 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar pattern surfaces based on public attitudes about “split-roll”—the idea possibly headed for the 2020 ballot that commercial properties should be taxed at market value. Prop. 13 treats business and residential properties essentially the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11691022\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"2200\" height=\"5452\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts.png 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-160x397.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-800x1983.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-1020x2528.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-484x1200.png 484w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-1920x4758.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-1180x2924.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-960x2379.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-240x595.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-375x929.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-520x1289.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For most of the past decade, a clear majority of Californians supported the “split roll” idea. But that support isn’t as strong as it used to be. Back in 2012, 60 percent of likely voters wanted to modify Prop. 13 to tax commercial properties at their market value. In January of this year, supporters had dipped to 46 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "oakland-wants-to-tax-vacant-properties-to-help-ease-homelessness",
"title": "Oakland Wants to Tax Vacant Properties to Help Ease Homelessness",
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"headTitle": "Oakland Wants to Tax Vacant Properties to Help Ease Homelessness | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Like many Oakland residents, Candice Elder, 34, is alarmed at the rapidly increasing number of people pitching tents on sidewalks and under freeways in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike most residents, Elder has worked at dozens of homeless encampments as part of a team providing “rapid response services on call 24-7,” including food, crisis management and medical assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rate of homelessness has dramatically increased in the last few years. And you can correlate that to the affordability crisis,” said Elder, founder and director of \u003ca href=\"http://www.eastoaklandcollective.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The East Oakland Collective\u003c/a> nonprofit, as she visited a 65-year old woman sitting on a corner, surrounded by piles of belongings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It could take years to build more affordable housing, but Elder sees a faster way to relieve homelessness in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of vacant properties that haven’t been used for years,” said Elder, as she pointed to a fenced, empty parcel next to the encampment she visited on a recent morning. “As a city and as a community, we need to take a look at these vacant public and private lands and see how we can use them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voters To Decide on Taxing Owners of Vacant Properties\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland voters could approve the state’s first tax on privately-owned vacant properties in November. The city estimates the tax could raise as much as $10 million annually for homeless services, blight remediation and to stem illegal dumping. Tax revenue would also go toward new affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11689756\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11689756\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Photo-3-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The belongings of people living on a sidewalk in East Oakland sprawl next to an empty lot on Aug. 24, 2018. Homeless advocate Candice Elder, 34, said vacant properties dot the area. “A lot of properties were vacant when I was growing up, and they are still vacant now,” said Elder, a native of the city. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Owners of properties in use fewer than 50 days per year would be taxed as much as $6,000 per parcel annually, if two-thirds of voters approve \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4801970-Vacant-Property-Tax-Measure-2018-07-24.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the measure\u003c/a> in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two weeks after the Oakland City Council voted 6-2 to place the tax on the ballot, officials in the neighboring city of Richmond greenlighted a similar proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owners of vacant properties would pay the same amount of additional tax, regardless of the size or worth of their property. Under California law, cities cannot legally tie a parcel tax to market values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics worry the tax could disproportionately hurt small landowners, pushing some to sell their property to investors that can pay Oakland’s skyrocketing market values. But proponents praise the tax as a creative incentive to transform thousands of vacant lots and buildings into homes or businesses, and at the same time decrease blight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are looking not only to get rid of the trash, the weeds, the types of problems you might see, but also to encourage people to do something that would be of benefit to the community,” said Councilwoman Rebecca Kaplan, who authored the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In just two years, the city’s homeless population increased by 25 percent to nearly 2,800 people, according to the most \u003ca href=\"http://everyonehome.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/City-of-Oakland-ES.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">recent survey\u003c/a> of Alameda County. But some homeless advocates say that’s a severe undercount because many people who are couch surfing or sleeping in cars were not included.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Property Owner Sees Benefits, but Objects to Tax\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland resident Francisco Acosta agrees with the goal of encouraging more productive uses for vacant properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The father of three said an empty parcel next to his home attracts trash and drug use. A gunfight in the lot once sent a stray bullet through a bedroom in his house, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11689766\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11689766\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Photo4-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Councilmember Rebecca Kaplan speaks with property owner Francisco Acosta in front of a vacant lot in West Oakland on Aug. 20, 2018. Kaplan authored a proposed tax on vacant properties to help ease homelessness in the city. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Acosta, who also owns a lot labeled as vacant by the county assessor’s office, doubted the tax would encourage him to build the duplex he previously planned for his land. He was dismayed after learning city permits would cost about $35,000 and take a year to process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It doesn’t make sense to just try to penalize people with taxes for not having something built on their lot when they are making it difficult for everybody to build something,” said Acosta, who is growing potatoes, bell peppers and other vegetables on the plot instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He might not be subject to the tax if the city defines gardening as an active use of property. But Acosta contemplated that if he is faced with a new $6,000 tax assessment each year, he would likely sell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’d be too much money to pay,” he said. “The tax will pressure people into selling or building, but most likely selling for those who don’t have time, money and energy to deal with the tax.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building new housing in Oakland is an expensive proposition. While construction costs can vary significantly based on the size and amenities of a project, the city estimates 1,000 square feet of new construction costs about $200,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Permitting fees for a three-bedroom home can total more than $25,000, according to Oakland’s planning and building department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilwoman Kaplan said she understands small property owners face barriers to build housing the city desperately needs. Her tax measure would give them financial assistance to design and construct affordable units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonprofits and low-income owners would be exempt from the tax, as well as others who can prove financial hardship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaplan suspects the majority of vacant properties are being held by owners as a speculative investment in Oakland’s hot real estate market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People who may not have the connection and the motivation to do something with them, and especially a lot of big corporate speculators,” Kaplan said. “And so the vacant property tax will help us keep track of who owns them, what they’re doing with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Measure Lacks Clarity, Critics Say\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 4,400 bare lots could be subject to the tax plus an unknown number of vacant residential, commercial and industrial buildings, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4797561-View-Supplemental-Report-5-11-218.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a report\u003c/a> by Katano Kasaine, Oakland’s finance director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics decried that lack of clarity, arguing it’s unfair to ask voters to decide on the tax in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’d be great to have a list first before you went about taxing people on it,” said Kiran Shenoy, government affairs director for the \u003ca href=\"http://oaklandberkeleyaor.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Oakland Berkeley Association of Realtors\u003c/a>. “We don’t know whether or not this is going to end up disenfranchising a lot of small Oakland property owners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He stressed that although the measure has several exemptions, it will be up to the landowners to prove they qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/H.Raetz_Vacant_Parcels_Final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">study\u003c/a> by the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley found most vacant parcels in the city are small, fit for a single family house or duplex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Author Hayley Raetz dug through county data that suggests 57 percent of vacant land owners in the city only hold one parcel. But she cautions that percentage is likely overblown in part because owners can create individual LLCs or limited liability companies for each property they buy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s where it gets tricky unfortunately. Sometimes you see lots that have owners with different first names and the same last name. But it’s hard to tell if that’s a family or if it’s just a common last name,” Raetz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Implementing Tax Measure Will Be Key\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Land use experts and others following the debate said that while they support the concept of the tax, much of the proposal’s effectiveness depends on how the city would put it into action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do have some concerns about how it will be implemented, starting with the definition of what constitutes vacancy,” said Sarah Karlinsky, senior policy adviser at SPUR, a think tank focused on urban planning in the San Francisco Bay Area. The organization sent \u003ca href=\"https://www.spur.org/publications/policy-letter/2018-05-07/spur-comments-vacant-parcel-tax-oakland\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a letter\u003c/a> to city leaders recommending they clarify that definition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A parcel that hosts a farmers market once a week would be considered active, said Councilwoman Kaplan. But Karlinsky said enforcement even in that scenario could prove difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Monitoring that from the public sector side is really tough,” she said. “Like, are they going to send people out every week to make sure Joe had his farmers market?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents for the tax point to other cities that have tried taxing empty homes and blighted properties, such as \u003ca href=\"https://vancouver.ca/home-property-development/empty-homes-tax.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Vancouver, British Columbia\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://otr.cfo.dc.gov/page/otr-vacant-real-property\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Washington, D.C.\u003c/a> as examples of efforts to make land more productive while funding city services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think this vacant property tax is brilliant,” said Paula Hawthorn, adding that she is tired of walking by abandoned-looking storefronts near her Oakland home. “It’s a good way to stop people from holding on to their property for speculation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11689759\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11689759\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Photo-5-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">James Vann, a retired architect who pushed for the proposed tax on vacant properties, near downtown Oakland on Aug. 23, 2018. “We’ve got to tackle homelessness now with whatever means we can,” he said. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For James Vann, a retired architect who pushed for the tax, the exemptions in Oakland’s measure, and the city’s promise to work out the details, are enough to move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax would be in place no sooner than 2020, giving the city time to ramp up the effort and create a registry of properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vann believes the measure, which would expire in 20 years, represents an opportunity to fund homeless services the city is struggling to afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just no money there in the budget,” said Vann, a member of the Homeless Advocacy Working Group. “The homelessness problem is one that we are facing now, that is critical. We can’t wait.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1867\" height=\"512\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1867px) 100vw, 1867px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Oakland Wants to Tax Vacant Properties to Help Ease Homelessness | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Like many Oakland residents, Candice Elder, 34, is alarmed at the rapidly increasing number of people pitching tents on sidewalks and under freeways in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike most residents, Elder has worked at dozens of homeless encampments as part of a team providing “rapid response services on call 24-7,” including food, crisis management and medical assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rate of homelessness has dramatically increased in the last few years. And you can correlate that to the affordability crisis,” said Elder, founder and director of \u003ca href=\"http://www.eastoaklandcollective.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The East Oakland Collective\u003c/a> nonprofit, as she visited a 65-year old woman sitting on a corner, surrounded by piles of belongings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It could take years to build more affordable housing, but Elder sees a faster way to relieve homelessness in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of vacant properties that haven’t been used for years,” said Elder, as she pointed to a fenced, empty parcel next to the encampment she visited on a recent morning. “As a city and as a community, we need to take a look at these vacant public and private lands and see how we can use them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voters To Decide on Taxing Owners of Vacant Properties\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland voters could approve the state’s first tax on privately-owned vacant properties in November. The city estimates the tax could raise as much as $10 million annually for homeless services, blight remediation and to stem illegal dumping. Tax revenue would also go toward new affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11689756\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11689756\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Photo-3-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The belongings of people living on a sidewalk in East Oakland sprawl next to an empty lot on Aug. 24, 2018. Homeless advocate Candice Elder, 34, said vacant properties dot the area. “A lot of properties were vacant when I was growing up, and they are still vacant now,” said Elder, a native of the city. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Owners of properties in use fewer than 50 days per year would be taxed as much as $6,000 per parcel annually, if two-thirds of voters approve \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4801970-Vacant-Property-Tax-Measure-2018-07-24.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the measure\u003c/a> in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two weeks after the Oakland City Council voted 6-2 to place the tax on the ballot, officials in the neighboring city of Richmond greenlighted a similar proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owners of vacant properties would pay the same amount of additional tax, regardless of the size or worth of their property. Under California law, cities cannot legally tie a parcel tax to market values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics worry the tax could disproportionately hurt small landowners, pushing some to sell their property to investors that can pay Oakland’s skyrocketing market values. But proponents praise the tax as a creative incentive to transform thousands of vacant lots and buildings into homes or businesses, and at the same time decrease blight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are looking not only to get rid of the trash, the weeds, the types of problems you might see, but also to encourage people to do something that would be of benefit to the community,” said Councilwoman Rebecca Kaplan, who authored the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In just two years, the city’s homeless population increased by 25 percent to nearly 2,800 people, according to the most \u003ca href=\"http://everyonehome.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/City-of-Oakland-ES.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">recent survey\u003c/a> of Alameda County. But some homeless advocates say that’s a severe undercount because many people who are couch surfing or sleeping in cars were not included.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Property Owner Sees Benefits, but Objects to Tax\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland resident Francisco Acosta agrees with the goal of encouraging more productive uses for vacant properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The father of three said an empty parcel next to his home attracts trash and drug use. A gunfight in the lot once sent a stray bullet through a bedroom in his house, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11689766\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11689766\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Photo4-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Councilmember Rebecca Kaplan speaks with property owner Francisco Acosta in front of a vacant lot in West Oakland on Aug. 20, 2018. Kaplan authored a proposed tax on vacant properties to help ease homelessness in the city. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Acosta, who also owns a lot labeled as vacant by the county assessor’s office, doubted the tax would encourage him to build the duplex he previously planned for his land. He was dismayed after learning city permits would cost about $35,000 and take a year to process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It doesn’t make sense to just try to penalize people with taxes for not having something built on their lot when they are making it difficult for everybody to build something,” said Acosta, who is growing potatoes, bell peppers and other vegetables on the plot instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He might not be subject to the tax if the city defines gardening as an active use of property. But Acosta contemplated that if he is faced with a new $6,000 tax assessment each year, he would likely sell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’d be too much money to pay,” he said. “The tax will pressure people into selling or building, but most likely selling for those who don’t have time, money and energy to deal with the tax.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building new housing in Oakland is an expensive proposition. While construction costs can vary significantly based on the size and amenities of a project, the city estimates 1,000 square feet of new construction costs about $200,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Permitting fees for a three-bedroom home can total more than $25,000, according to Oakland’s planning and building department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilwoman Kaplan said she understands small property owners face barriers to build housing the city desperately needs. Her tax measure would give them financial assistance to design and construct affordable units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonprofits and low-income owners would be exempt from the tax, as well as others who can prove financial hardship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaplan suspects the majority of vacant properties are being held by owners as a speculative investment in Oakland’s hot real estate market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People who may not have the connection and the motivation to do something with them, and especially a lot of big corporate speculators,” Kaplan said. “And so the vacant property tax will help us keep track of who owns them, what they’re doing with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Measure Lacks Clarity, Critics Say\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 4,400 bare lots could be subject to the tax plus an unknown number of vacant residential, commercial and industrial buildings, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4797561-View-Supplemental-Report-5-11-218.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a report\u003c/a> by Katano Kasaine, Oakland’s finance director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics decried that lack of clarity, arguing it’s unfair to ask voters to decide on the tax in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’d be great to have a list first before you went about taxing people on it,” said Kiran Shenoy, government affairs director for the \u003ca href=\"http://oaklandberkeleyaor.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Oakland Berkeley Association of Realtors\u003c/a>. “We don’t know whether or not this is going to end up disenfranchising a lot of small Oakland property owners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He stressed that although the measure has several exemptions, it will be up to the landowners to prove they qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/H.Raetz_Vacant_Parcels_Final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">study\u003c/a> by the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley found most vacant parcels in the city are small, fit for a single family house or duplex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Author Hayley Raetz dug through county data that suggests 57 percent of vacant land owners in the city only hold one parcel. But she cautions that percentage is likely overblown in part because owners can create individual LLCs or limited liability companies for each property they buy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s where it gets tricky unfortunately. Sometimes you see lots that have owners with different first names and the same last name. But it’s hard to tell if that’s a family or if it’s just a common last name,” Raetz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Implementing Tax Measure Will Be Key\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Land use experts and others following the debate said that while they support the concept of the tax, much of the proposal’s effectiveness depends on how the city would put it into action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do have some concerns about how it will be implemented, starting with the definition of what constitutes vacancy,” said Sarah Karlinsky, senior policy adviser at SPUR, a think tank focused on urban planning in the San Francisco Bay Area. The organization sent \u003ca href=\"https://www.spur.org/publications/policy-letter/2018-05-07/spur-comments-vacant-parcel-tax-oakland\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a letter\u003c/a> to city leaders recommending they clarify that definition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A parcel that hosts a farmers market once a week would be considered active, said Councilwoman Kaplan. But Karlinsky said enforcement even in that scenario could prove difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Monitoring that from the public sector side is really tough,” she said. “Like, are they going to send people out every week to make sure Joe had his farmers market?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents for the tax point to other cities that have tried taxing empty homes and blighted properties, such as \u003ca href=\"https://vancouver.ca/home-property-development/empty-homes-tax.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Vancouver, British Columbia\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://otr.cfo.dc.gov/page/otr-vacant-real-property\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Washington, D.C.\u003c/a> as examples of efforts to make land more productive while funding city services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think this vacant property tax is brilliant,” said Paula Hawthorn, adding that she is tired of walking by abandoned-looking storefronts near her Oakland home. “It’s a good way to stop people from holding on to their property for speculation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11689759\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11689759\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Photo-5-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">James Vann, a retired architect who pushed for the proposed tax on vacant properties, near downtown Oakland on Aug. 23, 2018. “We’ve got to tackle homelessness now with whatever means we can,” he said. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For James Vann, a retired architect who pushed for the tax, the exemptions in Oakland’s measure, and the city’s promise to work out the details, are enough to move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax would be in place no sooner than 2020, giving the city time to ramp up the effort and create a registry of properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vann believes the measure, which would expire in 20 years, represents an opportunity to fund homeless services the city is struggling to afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just no money there in the budget,” said Vann, a member of the Homeless Advocacy Working Group. “The homelessness problem is one that we are facing now, that is critical. We can’t wait.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Is Rent Control Working and Should We Have More or Less of It?",
"headTitle": "Is Rent Control Working and Should We Have More or Less of It? | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>We all know the refrain: “The rent is too damn high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the average rent for a one-bedroom apartment is more than $3,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some living in rent-controlled apartments pay \u003cem>way less\u003c/em> than that. That’s because their landlords are limited in how much they can raise rental prices each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California’s housing crisis continues to roar on, some wonder if expanding rent control could help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But how exactly does it work? And is it effective?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Where You Can Find Rent Control\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Right now at least 15 cities in California have some form of rent control. Most of them also have rent control laws that limit when landlords can force tenants to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, San Francisco, San Jose, Oakland and Berkeley have had rent control for decades. But even in those cities, not every home is under rent control because there is this law that limits the reach of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the mid-’90s, California was going through an affordable housing crisis. To encourage more housing development, two politicians, Democratic Sen. Jim Costa of Fresno and Republican Assemblyman Phil Hawkins of Bellflower, wanted to curb rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch4 style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Read More of KQED’s Coverage for the SF Homeless Project\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/06/SFHomeless_long_Horizontal-02-e1467163328567.png\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>They drafted\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?lawCode=CIV&division=3.&title=5.&part=4.&chapter=2.7.&article\"> the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act\u003c/a>, and in 1995 it passed by one vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Costa-Hawkins shaped rent control across the state in two big ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, it allowed landlords to raise the rent to whatever they want after a tenant moves out of a rent-controlled apartment. This is called vacancy decontrol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see apartments all the time, they’re total pieces of crap. And they’re charging like a bazillion dollars, right? But once you get into that apartment, they’re limited in how much more they can raise it. Every time a person moves out they can reset it,” says Matt Levin, a data reporter for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CALmatters\u003c/a> and co-host of the housing podcast “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/category/podcasts/gimme-shelter/\">Gimme Shelter\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11677412\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11677412 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-1020x1020.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"640\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-160x160.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-800x800.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-1200x1200.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-1180x1180.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-960x960.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-240x240.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-375x375.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-520x520.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-50x50.jpg 50w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-64x64.jpg 64w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-96x96.jpg 96w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-128x128.jpg 128w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-150x150.jpg 150w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">March 25, 2016\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Before Costa-Hawkins was adopted, some cities had vacancy control, which caps the rent on a unit even after a tenant moves out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Second, Costa-Hawkins barred certain kinds of housing, like most single-family homes and condos, from being rent-controlled. It also doesn’t allow rent control on buildings built after Feb. 1, 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the cities that already had rent control on the books, Costa-Hawkins froze their construction cutoff dates where they stood. In Oakland nothing built after 1983 can have rent control, Berkeley is 1980, and in San Jose and San Francisco it’s 1979.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So anything new and nice-looking in San Francisco is not going to have rent control on it,” says Levin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11677426\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11677426 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-800x507.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"507\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-800x507.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-160x101.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-960x609.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-240x152.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-375x238.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-520x330.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Justin Sullivan/Getty Images\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Studying Rent Control\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“There is not as much really great research on the effects of rent control as you might think,” Levin says. “One of the best studies that has been done in my opinion, and in the opinion of a lot of people who research this topic, is a \u003ca href=\"http://conference.nber.org/confer//2017/PEf17/Diamond_McQuade_Qian.pdf\">Stanford University study.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study is by Rebecca Diamond, Tim McQuade and Franklin Qian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diamond says that many arguments for or against rent control are theoretical, but reality doesn’t always match the theory. Diamond, McQuade and Qian got data showing the address changes of San Franciscans over about 18 years, starting in 1994 when rent control expanded to small multifamily housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who Benefits?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“We find for the tenants that were living in San Francisco at the time of the law change, [that became covered by rent control,] they benefit dramatically,” says Diamond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who ended up in rent-controlled apartments at the time of the law change saved $7 billion over 18 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People over 40 saved the most, and saw three times the benefit of younger people — probably because young people can’t stay put in the same way. They need to leave those rent-controlled apartments because of new jobs, marriages and growing families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Rent control] can create big distortions of forcing people to stay in the ‘wrong’ apartment. You can imagine an old lady living in a four- bedroom apartment because it’s so much cheaper than a one bedroom, and on the flip side you can imagine a young person who has kids staying in a studio because they can’t pay super expensive rent elsewhere,” says Diamond.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who Does Not Benefit\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“Landlords really, really dislike rent control,” says Diamond. “This is a very costly policy for them. It forces them to provide these subsidies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch5>While the price ceiling of rent control limits earnings, rent control cannot impede landlords’ ability to get a “fair market return” on their property. If landlords who own rent controlled properties want to charge tenants more, they need to present reasoning. For example, if the landlord adds a pool and sauna to an apartment building in Berkeley, that landlord could petition the rent board to increase the rent ceiling.\u003c/h5>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>With their earnings capped, some landlords decided to leave the rental business altogether by selling or converting their apartments. In 18 years of the study, Diamond found that 15 percent of those newly rent-controlled apartments had been taken off the rental market entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That decreases the supply of rental housing,” Diamond says, creating a new group of people who don’t benefit — other renters. “If supply goes down, prices have to go up for supply to equal demand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With more people trying to get into fewer apartments, landlords can charge more for those apartments. Diamond’s study found that across the city rent went up by 7 percent and cost $5 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meaning newcomers and renters without rent control end up paying more.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Should We Get Rid of Rent Control?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Because our form of rent control can create market distortions and drive costs up for many people, Diamond and her colleagues think it needs to change. They propose that the state find another way to provide cost stability to renters without placing the burden on landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many economists believe rent control should be eliminated, because developers would build more and that new housing would reduce demand and lower prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">While rent control may worsen affordability in the long term, some say we are in a crisis and low-income renters need these kinds of protections. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Bay Area Economic Institute — which is not a bastion of socialism but it is more aligned with the business interests of the Bay Area — did a simulation of all these different types of housing policies and what it would do to San Franciscans,” says Levin. “They found if you did away with rent control, that is the worst thing you could do if you wanted to preserve the affordability of the people currently in the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The simulation found that getting rid of rent control would mean more than \u003ca href=\"http://www.bayareaeconomy.org/report/solving-the-housing-affordability-crisis-san-francisco/\">16,000 households\u003c/a> would find themselves in unaffordable housing overnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant advocates say that rent control is important for preserving diversity in cities by protecting vulnerable populations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tony Samara of the advocacy group Urban Habitat says this is a civil rights issue and that rent control is a frontline defense against resegregation in the Bay Area. “When you look at where the impact [of displacement] is most heavy, it’s disproportionately on black and brown communities,” says Samara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Renters are generally lower-income than homeowners, so rent control targets the appropriate demographic,” says Leslie Gordon of Urban Habitat. “That said, all renters regardless of income are deserving of stable rents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Should We Expand Rent Control?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Samara argues that the problem with rent control causing market rate rents to get more expensive isn’t the result of too much rent control, but not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have a city that passes controls on pollution and then the polluting industries pick up and move to the next city, do you blame the regulation against pollution or do you blame the polluter who’s trying to get around the regulation?” Samara asks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11159628\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11159628\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"Giselle Penuela, 10, and Alexander Penuela, 6 attend an October 2015 vigil in Redwood City outside the City Council chamber calling for rent control and other renter protections.\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Giselle Penuela, 10, and Alexander Penuela, 6, attend an October 2015 vigil in Redwood City outside the City Council chamber calling for rent control and other renter protections. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While landlords of rent controlled apartments don’t earn the maximum possible profit, Gordon believes they are making enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a scarcity rent situation landlords can make tons of money simply because they own a property. It’s not because they’re investing in it or providing a better good to their tenants, it’s because they own property in a period where urban land values are rising rapidly,” says Gordon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some groups are working to expand rent control. A measure to overturn Costa-Hawkins will be on the November ballot in 2018. If passed, it opens the door for cities to expand rent control to every single unit, if they elect to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Potential Consequences of Expansion\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Landlords, developers and their representatives are deeply opposed to the expansion of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Developers already face a number of hurdles when building, like nimbyism, environmental restrictions and the soaring costs of land and labor,” says Tom Bannon, CEO of the California Apartment Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\n\u003ch5>Tenant advocates say just building isn’t enough. New luxury housing depreciates too slowly to adequately alleviate the housing burden of low-income people. Some say cities should focus on building low-income housing while preserving and protecting affordable housing that already exists.\u003c/h5>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>California’s high costs of building disincentivize developers, and Bannon worries that if rent control expands to new construction, investors might leave the state entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You would have a serious reduction in the construction of any new apartments because builders and banks and individuals would not be willing to take the risk,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s housing we really need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just to keep up with population growth California needs 180,000 new homes each year. And California has been averaging less than 80,000 new homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11677409\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11677409\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-1020x642.jpg\" alt=\"A construction worker builds a home in Petaluma in March, 2017.\" width=\"640\" height=\"403\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-160x101.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-800x504.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-960x604.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-240x151.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-375x236.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-520x327.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A construction worker builds a home in Petaluma in March, 2017. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" id=\"mv-widget-dFk0bqki2Z8cQ8A86QZvW2Mv7ma\" style=\"width:100%; min-width:280px; height:750px;\" frameborder=\"0\" border=\"none\" src=\"https://api.qzzr.com/widget/poll/dFk0bqki2Z8cQ8A86QZvW2Mv7ma\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Rent control is in at least 15 California cities, but even in those cities there are many limits on what can be rent controlled. A proposition on the November ballot could get rid of those limits, but should it?",
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"description": "Rent control is in at least 15 California cities, but even in those cities there are many limits on what can be rent controlled. A proposition on the November ballot could get rid of those limits, but should it?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>We all know the refrain: “The rent is too damn high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the average rent for a one-bedroom apartment is more than $3,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some living in rent-controlled apartments pay \u003cem>way less\u003c/em> than that. That’s because their landlords are limited in how much they can raise rental prices each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California’s housing crisis continues to roar on, some wonder if expanding rent control could help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But how exactly does it work? And is it effective?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Where You Can Find Rent Control\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Right now at least 15 cities in California have some form of rent control. Most of them also have rent control laws that limit when landlords can force tenants to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, San Francisco, San Jose, Oakland and Berkeley have had rent control for decades. But even in those cities, not every home is under rent control because there is this law that limits the reach of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the mid-’90s, California was going through an affordable housing crisis. To encourage more housing development, two politicians, Democratic Sen. Jim Costa of Fresno and Republican Assemblyman Phil Hawkins of Bellflower, wanted to curb rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch4 style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Read More of KQED’s Coverage for the SF Homeless Project\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/06/SFHomeless_long_Horizontal-02-e1467163328567.png\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>They drafted\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?lawCode=CIV&division=3.&title=5.&part=4.&chapter=2.7.&article\"> the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act\u003c/a>, and in 1995 it passed by one vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Costa-Hawkins shaped rent control across the state in two big ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, it allowed landlords to raise the rent to whatever they want after a tenant moves out of a rent-controlled apartment. This is called vacancy decontrol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see apartments all the time, they’re total pieces of crap. And they’re charging like a bazillion dollars, right? But once you get into that apartment, they’re limited in how much more they can raise it. Every time a person moves out they can reset it,” says Matt Levin, a data reporter for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CALmatters\u003c/a> and co-host of the housing podcast “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/category/podcasts/gimme-shelter/\">Gimme Shelter\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11677412\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11677412 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-1020x1020.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"640\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-160x160.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-800x800.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-1200x1200.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-1180x1180.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-960x960.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-240x240.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-375x375.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-520x520.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-50x50.jpg 50w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-64x64.jpg 64w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-96x96.jpg 96w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-128x128.jpg 128w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-150x150.jpg 150w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">March 25, 2016\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Before Costa-Hawkins was adopted, some cities had vacancy control, which caps the rent on a unit even after a tenant moves out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Second, Costa-Hawkins barred certain kinds of housing, like most single-family homes and condos, from being rent-controlled. It also doesn’t allow rent control on buildings built after Feb. 1, 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the cities that already had rent control on the books, Costa-Hawkins froze their construction cutoff dates where they stood. In Oakland nothing built after 1983 can have rent control, Berkeley is 1980, and in San Jose and San Francisco it’s 1979.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So anything new and nice-looking in San Francisco is not going to have rent control on it,” says Levin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11677426\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11677426 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-800x507.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"507\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-800x507.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-160x101.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-960x609.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-240x152.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-375x238.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-520x330.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Justin Sullivan/Getty Images\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Studying Rent Control\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“There is not as much really great research on the effects of rent control as you might think,” Levin says. “One of the best studies that has been done in my opinion, and in the opinion of a lot of people who research this topic, is a \u003ca href=\"http://conference.nber.org/confer//2017/PEf17/Diamond_McQuade_Qian.pdf\">Stanford University study.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study is by Rebecca Diamond, Tim McQuade and Franklin Qian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diamond says that many arguments for or against rent control are theoretical, but reality doesn’t always match the theory. Diamond, McQuade and Qian got data showing the address changes of San Franciscans over about 18 years, starting in 1994 when rent control expanded to small multifamily housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who Benefits?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“We find for the tenants that were living in San Francisco at the time of the law change, [that became covered by rent control,] they benefit dramatically,” says Diamond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who ended up in rent-controlled apartments at the time of the law change saved $7 billion over 18 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People over 40 saved the most, and saw three times the benefit of younger people — probably because young people can’t stay put in the same way. They need to leave those rent-controlled apartments because of new jobs, marriages and growing families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Rent control] can create big distortions of forcing people to stay in the ‘wrong’ apartment. You can imagine an old lady living in a four- bedroom apartment because it’s so much cheaper than a one bedroom, and on the flip side you can imagine a young person who has kids staying in a studio because they can’t pay super expensive rent elsewhere,” says Diamond.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who Does Not Benefit\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“Landlords really, really dislike rent control,” says Diamond. “This is a very costly policy for them. It forces them to provide these subsidies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch5>While the price ceiling of rent control limits earnings, rent control cannot impede landlords’ ability to get a “fair market return” on their property. If landlords who own rent controlled properties want to charge tenants more, they need to present reasoning. For example, if the landlord adds a pool and sauna to an apartment building in Berkeley, that landlord could petition the rent board to increase the rent ceiling.\u003c/h5>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>With their earnings capped, some landlords decided to leave the rental business altogether by selling or converting their apartments. In 18 years of the study, Diamond found that 15 percent of those newly rent-controlled apartments had been taken off the rental market entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That decreases the supply of rental housing,” Diamond says, creating a new group of people who don’t benefit — other renters. “If supply goes down, prices have to go up for supply to equal demand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With more people trying to get into fewer apartments, landlords can charge more for those apartments. Diamond’s study found that across the city rent went up by 7 percent and cost $5 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meaning newcomers and renters without rent control end up paying more.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Should We Get Rid of Rent Control?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Because our form of rent control can create market distortions and drive costs up for many people, Diamond and her colleagues think it needs to change. They propose that the state find another way to provide cost stability to renters without placing the burden on landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many economists believe rent control should be eliminated, because developers would build more and that new housing would reduce demand and lower prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">While rent control may worsen affordability in the long term, some say we are in a crisis and low-income renters need these kinds of protections. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Bay Area Economic Institute — which is not a bastion of socialism but it is more aligned with the business interests of the Bay Area — did a simulation of all these different types of housing policies and what it would do to San Franciscans,” says Levin. “They found if you did away with rent control, that is the worst thing you could do if you wanted to preserve the affordability of the people currently in the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The simulation found that getting rid of rent control would mean more than \u003ca href=\"http://www.bayareaeconomy.org/report/solving-the-housing-affordability-crisis-san-francisco/\">16,000 households\u003c/a> would find themselves in unaffordable housing overnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant advocates say that rent control is important for preserving diversity in cities by protecting vulnerable populations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tony Samara of the advocacy group Urban Habitat says this is a civil rights issue and that rent control is a frontline defense against resegregation in the Bay Area. “When you look at where the impact [of displacement] is most heavy, it’s disproportionately on black and brown communities,” says Samara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Renters are generally lower-income than homeowners, so rent control targets the appropriate demographic,” says Leslie Gordon of Urban Habitat. “That said, all renters regardless of income are deserving of stable rents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Should We Expand Rent Control?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Samara argues that the problem with rent control causing market rate rents to get more expensive isn’t the result of too much rent control, but not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have a city that passes controls on pollution and then the polluting industries pick up and move to the next city, do you blame the regulation against pollution or do you blame the polluter who’s trying to get around the regulation?” Samara asks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11159628\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11159628\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"Giselle Penuela, 10, and Alexander Penuela, 6 attend an October 2015 vigil in Redwood City outside the City Council chamber calling for rent control and other renter protections.\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Giselle Penuela, 10, and Alexander Penuela, 6, attend an October 2015 vigil in Redwood City outside the City Council chamber calling for rent control and other renter protections. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While landlords of rent controlled apartments don’t earn the maximum possible profit, Gordon believes they are making enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a scarcity rent situation landlords can make tons of money simply because they own a property. It’s not because they’re investing in it or providing a better good to their tenants, it’s because they own property in a period where urban land values are rising rapidly,” says Gordon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some groups are working to expand rent control. A measure to overturn Costa-Hawkins will be on the November ballot in 2018. If passed, it opens the door for cities to expand rent control to every single unit, if they elect to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Potential Consequences of Expansion\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Landlords, developers and their representatives are deeply opposed to the expansion of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Developers already face a number of hurdles when building, like nimbyism, environmental restrictions and the soaring costs of land and labor,” says Tom Bannon, CEO of the California Apartment Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\n\u003ch5>Tenant advocates say just building isn’t enough. New luxury housing depreciates too slowly to adequately alleviate the housing burden of low-income people. Some say cities should focus on building low-income housing while preserving and protecting affordable housing that already exists.\u003c/h5>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>California’s high costs of building disincentivize developers, and Bannon worries that if rent control expands to new construction, investors might leave the state entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You would have a serious reduction in the construction of any new apartments because builders and banks and individuals would not be willing to take the risk,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s housing we really need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just to keep up with population growth California needs 180,000 new homes each year. And California has been averaging less than 80,000 new homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11677409\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11677409\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-1020x642.jpg\" alt=\"A construction worker builds a home in Petaluma in March, 2017.\" width=\"640\" height=\"403\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-160x101.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-800x504.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-960x604.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-240x151.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-375x236.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-520x327.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A construction worker builds a home in Petaluma in March, 2017. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Buying a home in the Bay sucks. That’s why Sally Kuchar is tweeting about it. And her message has gone viral. Here’s her story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guest: \u003ca href=\"http://@sallykuchar\">Sally Kuchar\u003c/a>, editor for Curbed\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Subscribe to The Bay\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-bay/id1350043452?mt=2\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/Listen_on_Apple_Podcasts_sRGB_US-e1515635079510.png\"> \u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://play.google.com/music/m/I4n2qepiu5z3mcloidj7ajqluoi?t=The_Bay&utm_source=global_co&utm_medium=prtnr&utm_content=Mar2515&utm_campaign=PartBadge&pcampaignid=MKT-Other-global-all-co-prtnr-mu-PartBadge-Mar2515-1\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://play.google.com/intl/en_us/badges-music/images/badges/en_badge_web_music.eps\" alt=\"Listen on Google Play Music\">\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.stitcher.com/s?fid=%20177001&refid=stpr\"> \u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://secureimg.stitcher.com/promo.assets/stitcher-banner-88x31.jpg\" alt=\"Listen to Stitcher\" width=\"88\" height=\"31\">\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Here’s the link to the Twitter thread: https://twitter.com/sallykuchar/status/978332798275616768",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Buying a home in the Bay sucks. That’s why Sally Kuchar is tweeting about it. And her message has gone viral. Here’s her story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guest: \u003ca href=\"http://@sallykuchar\">Sally Kuchar\u003c/a>, editor for Curbed\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Subscribe to The Bay\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-bay/id1350043452?mt=2\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/Listen_on_Apple_Podcasts_sRGB_US-e1515635079510.png\"> \u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://play.google.com/music/m/I4n2qepiu5z3mcloidj7ajqluoi?t=The_Bay&utm_source=global_co&utm_medium=prtnr&utm_content=Mar2515&utm_campaign=PartBadge&pcampaignid=MKT-Other-global-all-co-prtnr-mu-PartBadge-Mar2515-1\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://play.google.com/intl/en_us/badges-music/images/badges/en_badge_web_music.eps\" alt=\"Listen on Google Play Music\">\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.stitcher.com/s?fid=%20177001&refid=stpr\"> \u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://secureimg.stitcher.com/promo.assets/stitcher-banner-88x31.jpg\" alt=\"Listen to Stitcher\" width=\"88\" height=\"31\">\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Standing in his new apartment, on the top of a two-level building in Oakland, Daniel Yapo admits his journey from homelessness to housing took a lot of help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yapo spent years bouncing between temporary homes and jail, even spending time living on a roof in nearby Hayward. Service providers helped him find a place of his own, navigate treatment for mental illness and handle the tasks that come with independent living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whatever problem I had, whether it be courts, or my license, or anything that I had a problem with, they assigned somebody to help me with that,” Yapo said. “They just keep on helping me!”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We really think that housing is health care.’\u003ccite>Maria X. Martinez, Whole Person Care\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>A new program \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2016/12/23/california-hopes-3-billion-experiment-will-improve-health-of-neediest/\">launching\u003c/a> around the state this summer aims to help more Medi-Cal recipients like Yapo by using federal health dollars to pay for supportive housing services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.dhcs.ca.gov/services/Pages/WholePersonCarePilots.aspx\">Whole Person Care\u003c/a> program represents a breakthrough in using health care money for housing services, which the federal government had long been wary of doing. The five-year pilot program allows local governments to pay for support services, but not actual rental costs, through a matching grant from Medicaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers are now hoping to take the program a step further, and fund rental assistance for vulnerable Medi-Cal recipients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really think that housing is health care,” said Maria X. Martinez, who is running the Whole Person Care pilot in San Francisco. “There’s a small number of homeless folks who are not only very poor, they’re very sick, either from living on the streets for so long or maybe their illness precipitated their homelessness.”\u003cbr>\n[contextly_sidebar id=”OJIO66ohKoFH8HlklOnc7mRoHCaUe7dk”]\u003cbr>\nThe program could save taxpayers money by treating people early on, so they won’t end up requiring expensive emergency room care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties and cities are planning to use the $1.5 billion of matching funds in a variety of ways — from creating a tool to evaluate the health of residents on the street and share that data among service providers, to boosting services to help the homeless find and stay in housing, In Alameda County, the grant will bring the total supportive housing slots in the county from 2,000 to 3,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It means that the newly housed homeless like Daniel Yapo can get help from local providers such as \u003ca href=\"http://www.abodeservices.org/\">Abode Services\u003c/a> that extend beyond traditional medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like they enveloped me and took care of me,” Yapo says. “They took me to a lot of activities that I might of missed when I was a child. Simple things like movies, beach, plays, creative writing classes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latter seems to have paid dividends for Yapo, who eagerly recited a poem he wrote entitled “Careful What You Wish For” about his journey out of homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/Yapo-Poem.mp3\" Image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/Daniel-Yapo-800x600.jpg\" Title=\"Daniel Yapo Reads ‘Careful What You Wish For’\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Services around supportive housing aren’t new, but the idea of paying for them with health care dollars had traditionally been rejected by the federal government. That changed when the federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services approved California’s waiver to create the program in 2015. Other states, including New York and Washington, are taking a similar approach with federal waivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homelessness is considered a social determinant. It’s not really health related,” said Sharon Rapport, associate director for California policy with the Corporation for Supportive Housing. “But it is health related in that when somebody is homeless, they are going to experience health conditions, even if they were healthy before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rapport said that state health officials were unable to convince the Obama administration to use Medicaid dollars to actually pay the rent of homeless Medi-Cal recipients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal government was really nervous about doing that,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, participants in Whole Person Care will have to rely on a variety of categorical funding sources to pay rent, from the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development, to state sources like the Mental Health Services Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a doughnut,” said Dr. Kathleen Clanon, who is leading the Whole Person Care pilot in Alameda County, adding there’s a need to fill the “hole in the middle of our doughnut.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11540913\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11540913 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25439_20170515_StateCapitol_Assemblymember_DavidChiu_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25439_20170515_StateCapitol_Assemblymember_DavidChiu_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25439_20170515_StateCapitol_Assemblymember_DavidChiu_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25439_20170515_StateCapitol_Assemblymember_DavidChiu_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25439_20170515_StateCapitol_Assemblymember_DavidChiu_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25439_20170515_StateCapitol_Assemblymember_DavidChiu_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1-1-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25439_20170515_StateCapitol_Assemblymember_DavidChiu_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1-1-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25439_20170515_StateCapitol_Assemblymember_DavidChiu_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1-1-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25439_20170515_StateCapitol_Assemblymember_DavidChiu_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1-1-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25439_20170515_StateCapitol_Assemblymember_DavidChiu_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1-1-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Asm. David Chiu (D-San Francisco) is hoping to fund rental assistance for homeless Californians on Medi-Cal. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The effort to fill the funding doughnut has been adopted in the state Legislature by Assemblyman David Chiu (D-San Francisco). His \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB74\">Assembly Bill 74\u003c/a> would use general fund money to pay for rental assistance for Whole Person Care recipients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An identical bill passed the Legislature last year, but was \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/docs/AB_2821_Veto_Message.pdf\">vetoed\u003c/a> by Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the goal of this bill is laudable and the policy could lead to savings in the health care system, codifying a program without an identified funding source raises false expectations,” the governor wrote in his veto message. “This grant program, like any new expenditure, is best left to budget discussions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $90 million that Chiu and Assembly Democrats pushed for in this year’s budget was dropped in negotiations. Chiu is hopeful that the plan can be included in a larger legislative deal around housing that legislators are currently discussing with the governor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we make an investment in rental assistance and housing for these folks, in the long run that is far cheaper, more effective, and more humane for those individuals than what we are currently doing today,” Chiu said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Standing in his new apartment, on the top of a two-level building in Oakland, Daniel Yapo admits his journey from homelessness to housing took a lot of help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yapo spent years bouncing between temporary homes and jail, even spending time living on a roof in nearby Hayward. Service providers helped him find a place of his own, navigate treatment for mental illness and handle the tasks that come with independent living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whatever problem I had, whether it be courts, or my license, or anything that I had a problem with, they assigned somebody to help me with that,” Yapo said. “They just keep on helping me!”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We really think that housing is health care.’\u003ccite>Maria X. Martinez, Whole Person Care\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>A new program \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2016/12/23/california-hopes-3-billion-experiment-will-improve-health-of-neediest/\">launching\u003c/a> around the state this summer aims to help more Medi-Cal recipients like Yapo by using federal health dollars to pay for supportive housing services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.dhcs.ca.gov/services/Pages/WholePersonCarePilots.aspx\">Whole Person Care\u003c/a> program represents a breakthrough in using health care money for housing services, which the federal government had long been wary of doing. The five-year pilot program allows local governments to pay for support services, but not actual rental costs, through a matching grant from Medicaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers are now hoping to take the program a step further, and fund rental assistance for vulnerable Medi-Cal recipients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really think that housing is health care,” said Maria X. Martinez, who is running the Whole Person Care pilot in San Francisco. “There’s a small number of homeless folks who are not only very poor, they’re very sick, either from living on the streets for so long or maybe their illness precipitated their homelessness.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nThe program could save taxpayers money by treating people early on, so they won’t end up requiring expensive emergency room care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties and cities are planning to use the $1.5 billion of matching funds in a variety of ways — from creating a tool to evaluate the health of residents on the street and share that data among service providers, to boosting services to help the homeless find and stay in housing, In Alameda County, the grant will bring the total supportive housing slots in the county from 2,000 to 3,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It means that the newly housed homeless like Daniel Yapo can get help from local providers such as \u003ca href=\"http://www.abodeservices.org/\">Abode Services\u003c/a> that extend beyond traditional medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like they enveloped me and took care of me,” Yapo says. “They took me to a lot of activities that I might of missed when I was a child. Simple things like movies, beach, plays, creative writing classes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latter seems to have paid dividends for Yapo, who eagerly recited a poem he wrote entitled “Careful What You Wish For” about his journey out of homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Services around supportive housing aren’t new, but the idea of paying for them with health care dollars had traditionally been rejected by the federal government. That changed when the federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services approved California’s waiver to create the program in 2015. Other states, including New York and Washington, are taking a similar approach with federal waivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homelessness is considered a social determinant. It’s not really health related,” said Sharon Rapport, associate director for California policy with the Corporation for Supportive Housing. “But it is health related in that when somebody is homeless, they are going to experience health conditions, even if they were healthy before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rapport said that state health officials were unable to convince the Obama administration to use Medicaid dollars to actually pay the rent of homeless Medi-Cal recipients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal government was really nervous about doing that,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, participants in Whole Person Care will have to rely on a variety of categorical funding sources to pay rent, from the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development, to state sources like the Mental Health Services Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a doughnut,” said Dr. Kathleen Clanon, who is leading the Whole Person Care pilot in Alameda County, adding there’s a need to fill the “hole in the middle of our doughnut.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11540913\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11540913 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25439_20170515_StateCapitol_Assemblymember_DavidChiu_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25439_20170515_StateCapitol_Assemblymember_DavidChiu_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25439_20170515_StateCapitol_Assemblymember_DavidChiu_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25439_20170515_StateCapitol_Assemblymember_DavidChiu_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25439_20170515_StateCapitol_Assemblymember_DavidChiu_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25439_20170515_StateCapitol_Assemblymember_DavidChiu_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1-1-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25439_20170515_StateCapitol_Assemblymember_DavidChiu_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1-1-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25439_20170515_StateCapitol_Assemblymember_DavidChiu_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1-1-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25439_20170515_StateCapitol_Assemblymember_DavidChiu_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1-1-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25439_20170515_StateCapitol_Assemblymember_DavidChiu_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1-1-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Asm. David Chiu (D-San Francisco) is hoping to fund rental assistance for homeless Californians on Medi-Cal. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The effort to fill the funding doughnut has been adopted in the state Legislature by Assemblyman David Chiu (D-San Francisco). His \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB74\">Assembly Bill 74\u003c/a> would use general fund money to pay for rental assistance for Whole Person Care recipients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An identical bill passed the Legislature last year, but was \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/docs/AB_2821_Veto_Message.pdf\">vetoed\u003c/a> by Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the goal of this bill is laudable and the policy could lead to savings in the health care system, codifying a program without an identified funding source raises false expectations,” the governor wrote in his veto message. “This grant program, like any new expenditure, is best left to budget discussions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $90 million that Chiu and Assembly Democrats pushed for in this year’s budget was dropped in negotiations. Chiu is hopeful that the plan can be included in a larger legislative deal around housing that legislators are currently discussing with the governor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we make an investment in rental assistance and housing for these folks, in the long run that is far cheaper, more effective, and more humane for those individuals than what we are currently doing today,” Chiu said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Mountain View is beginning to implement its new rent control and tenant protection laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month a judge denied a \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/04/05/judge-to-decide-soon-whether-rent-control-in-mountain-view-can-proceed/\">request for a preliminary injunction\u003c/a> from the California Apartment Association and landlords who claim Measure V, which was passed by voters last November, is unconstitutional and unfairly harms rental property owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure V – \u003ca href=\"http://www.mountainview.gov/depts/comdev/preservation/rentstabilization.asp\">which is now in effect\u003c/a> – limits rent increases to the consumer price index for certain properties. The law rolls back rents to October 2015 levels for tenants who were in their rentals before that time. It affirms the city’s just cause eviction ordinance and gives power to the Rental Housing Committee to rule over disputes between tenants and landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The City Council on Tuesday night approved the five new members and alternatives of the committee, which will be responsible for setting new rent levels and overseeing all things related to Measure V.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coalition of legal counselors plans to hold a \u003ca href=\"https://mvtenantscoalition.files.wordpress.com/2017/04/mv-events-flyer-1.pdf\">series of tenant education workshops \u003c/a>beginning Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that folks have questions about what this new law means to them,” said Stanford law professor Juliet Brodie, an attorney for the Mountain View tenants. “We just want to make ourselves available for information and help the city get this thing operational as smoothly as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is also hosting a \u003ca href=\"http://www.mountainview.gov/depts/comdev/preservation/rentstabilization.asp\">series of tenant and landlord workshops\u003c/a> in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 14,000 tenants are protected by the new rent control laws, said Brodie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Apartment Association and private landlords continue to challenge Measure V in Santa Clara County Superior Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously, we are disappointed by the court’s decision, but this is only a temporary setback in our efforts. The merits of our challenges have not been decided, which will occur in the next stage of the proceedings,” said Joshua Howard, CAA’s senior vice president for Northern California, on the association’s \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/mountain-view-rent-control-takes-effect-judge-denies-preliminary-injunction/\">website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CAA adds that it’s important that Mountain View rental property owners follow the law as the case continues to move towards trial.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Mountain View is beginning to implement its new rent control and tenant protection laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month a judge denied a \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/04/05/judge-to-decide-soon-whether-rent-control-in-mountain-view-can-proceed/\">request for a preliminary injunction\u003c/a> from the California Apartment Association and landlords who claim Measure V, which was passed by voters last November, is unconstitutional and unfairly harms rental property owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure V – \u003ca href=\"http://www.mountainview.gov/depts/comdev/preservation/rentstabilization.asp\">which is now in effect\u003c/a> – limits rent increases to the consumer price index for certain properties. The law rolls back rents to October 2015 levels for tenants who were in their rentals before that time. It affirms the city’s just cause eviction ordinance and gives power to the Rental Housing Committee to rule over disputes between tenants and landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The City Council on Tuesday night approved the five new members and alternatives of the committee, which will be responsible for setting new rent levels and overseeing all things related to Measure V.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coalition of legal counselors plans to hold a \u003ca href=\"https://mvtenantscoalition.files.wordpress.com/2017/04/mv-events-flyer-1.pdf\">series of tenant education workshops \u003c/a>beginning Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that folks have questions about what this new law means to them,” said Stanford law professor Juliet Brodie, an attorney for the Mountain View tenants. “We just want to make ourselves available for information and help the city get this thing operational as smoothly as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is also hosting a \u003ca href=\"http://www.mountainview.gov/depts/comdev/preservation/rentstabilization.asp\">series of tenant and landlord workshops\u003c/a> in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 14,000 tenants are protected by the new rent control laws, said Brodie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Apartment Association and private landlords continue to challenge Measure V in Santa Clara County Superior Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously, we are disappointed by the court’s decision, but this is only a temporary setback in our efforts. The merits of our challenges have not been decided, which will occur in the next stage of the proceedings,” said Joshua Howard, CAA’s senior vice president for Northern California, on the association’s \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/mountain-view-rent-control-takes-effect-judge-denies-preliminary-injunction/\">website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CAA adds that it’s important that Mountain View rental property owners follow the law as the case continues to move towards trial.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When classes let out for the day at \u003ca href=\"https://fec-sfusd-ca.schoolloop.com/\">Bessie Carmichael Elementary\u003c/a> in San Francisco’s South of Market neighborhood, Principal Tina Lagdamen high-fives each boy and girl and says the same thing, over and over again: “See you tomorrow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This seemingly simple phrase is an important reassurance for many of these kids, Lagdamen explains. Roughly 80 families at this school are homeless, which translates to more than 100 children here who are living in shelters, couch-surfing with family and friends, or even sleeping in cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I always say, ‘See you tomorrow,’ so they know that there’s one person they know they can count on that they can see \u003cem>tomorrow\u003c/em>,” Lagdamen says. “Because sometimes in their lives they have to get up from a shelter or they get evicted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11232931\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11232931 size-large\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23184_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs04-1020x725.jpg\" alt=\"Tina Lagdamen, the Principal at Bessie Carmichael Elementary School in San Francisco, says goodbye to each of her students at the end of the school day with a high-five and a smile.\" width=\"640\" height=\"455\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23184_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs04-1020x725.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23184_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs04-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23184_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs04-800x568.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23184_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs04.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23184_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs04-1180x838.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23184_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs04-960x682.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23184_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs04-240x171.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23184_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs04-375x266.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23184_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs04-520x369.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tina Lagdamen, the principal at Bessie Carmichael Elementary School in San Francisco, says goodbye to each of her students at the end of the school day with a high-five and a smile. \u003ccite>(Brittany Hosea-Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Most families don’t tell Lagdamen right away that they’re homeless. She relies on her security guard, Dante Washington, to help her figure out who needs help. The telltale signs usually appear in the morning, when the kids first arrive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can tell when they get to school, they don’t really feel great. You know, they’re not happy, smiling.” Washington says, pausing to greet a small boy who flashes a bright smile. “This is one of my little people right here. When they’re not like this in the morning, I can tell something’s up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Fundraiser Focuses on Families\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are nearly 2,000 homeless schoolchildren in San Francisco. Earlier this month, \u003ca href=\"http://sfmayor.org/article/mayor-lee-announces-innovative-public-private-partnership-dramatically-reduce-family\">San Francisco Mayor Ed Lee made a bold promise \u003c/a>to get most of them — and their families — into permanent housing by 2020. To do it, he’s asking schools to refer homeless parents to \u003ca href=\"https://hamiltonfamilies.org/\">Hamilton Families,\u003c/a> a local nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hamilton is in the midst of a $30 million fundraising campaign to expand its signature “rapid rehousing” program. The program attempts to move families out of shelters and into their own homes as quickly as possible through the use of rental subsidies and partnerships with landlords willing to help homeless families find stability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11232932\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11232932 size-large\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23182_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs02-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"Dante Washington, a security guard at Bessie Carmichael Elementary School, poses for a photo.\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23182_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23182_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23182_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23182_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs02.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23182_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs02-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23182_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs02-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23182_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs02-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23182_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs02-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23182_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs02-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dante Washington, a security guard at Bessie Carmichael Elementary School, poses for a photo. \u003ccite>(Brittany Hosea-Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The number of families who are entering the system seeking services isn’t changing that dramatically now,” says Hamilton Families Director of Housing Elizabeth Hewson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But there is this backlog of families who’ve been experiencing homelessness and unstable situations for a long period of time. We believe we can clear the backlog by stepping up our services,” she adds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing — Yes, But Not Near Jobs\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative could put people like Ibrahima Bangoura and his 16-year-old son, Mustapha, on a faster track out of homelessness. But staying in — or near — San Francisco is more challenging. Bangoura, a single father from Guinea, came to San Francisco six years ago and has been homeless for much of that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not easy,” Bangoura says in halting English. “It’s stressful, not having a house.” When Mustapha joined his father in the U.S. in September, they couldn’t find a shelter that would take them both. The pair often spent the night at the airport, where they pretended to be stranded travelers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like we are waiting, but not really,” Bangoura laughs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, father and son share a bunk bed in a family shelter run by Hamilton. A caseworker is making sure Mustapha gets after-school tutoring while she works with Ibrahima to find a job and permanent housing, preferably in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11232933\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11232933 size-large\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23186_161202_homelessfamilies_bhs01-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"Ibrahima Soriba Bangoura sits for a photo at the Hamilton Family Center in San Francisco, California. Bangoura stays at the family shelter with his 16-year-old son Moustapha.\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23186_161202_homelessfamilies_bhs01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23186_161202_homelessfamilies_bhs01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23186_161202_homelessfamilies_bhs01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23186_161202_homelessfamilies_bhs01.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23186_161202_homelessfamilies_bhs01-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23186_161202_homelessfamilies_bhs01-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23186_161202_homelessfamilies_bhs01-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23186_161202_homelessfamilies_bhs01-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23186_161202_homelessfamilies_bhs01-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ibrahima Soriba Bangoura sits for a photo at the Hamilton Family Center in San Francisco. Bangoura stays at the family shelter with his 16-year-old son, Moustapha. \u003ccite>(Brittany Hosea-Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Finding affordable homes in this pricey city remains no easy feat. In fact, Hamilton is currently placing only about one in five families in the city. The rest are sent to more affordable cities, such as Vallejo and Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s one of the flaws in the city’s initiatives, says Coalition on Homelessness Director Jennifer Friedenbach, who worries families who move to San Francisco’s suburbs and exurbs will encounter fewer resources to pull themselves out of poverty. “There’s just not the job base we have in San Francisco,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, there’s no firm guarantee that families will continue to stay afloat once their subsidies expire — the $30 million being raised through public and private sources is finite. But right now, the data show Hamilton’s model \u003cem>does\u003c/em> succeed at getting children into more stable environments. [contextly_sidebar id=”yuDfCgvJuemuhC1jIlnXjDhDZMYzMCDF”] Hamilton reports that 92 percent of the families they house are still in their homes a year after their subsidies end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no perfect solution in the Bay Area with our housing market,” says Hewson, adding that Hamilton is making the most out of limited resources. And for this fundraising campaign, private companies, faith communities and private philanthropists seem eager to answer the mayor’s call to house homeless families now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://hamiltonfamilies.org/what-we-do/heading-home-campaign/\">The fundraising is already more than two-thirds of the way there\u003c/a>, with big-name donors that include philanthropists Marc and Lynne Benioff, Salesforce, Google and the San Francisco Giants.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When classes let out for the day at \u003ca href=\"https://fec-sfusd-ca.schoolloop.com/\">Bessie Carmichael Elementary\u003c/a> in San Francisco’s South of Market neighborhood, Principal Tina Lagdamen high-fives each boy and girl and says the same thing, over and over again: “See you tomorrow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This seemingly simple phrase is an important reassurance for many of these kids, Lagdamen explains. Roughly 80 families at this school are homeless, which translates to more than 100 children here who are living in shelters, couch-surfing with family and friends, or even sleeping in cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I always say, ‘See you tomorrow,’ so they know that there’s one person they know they can count on that they can see \u003cem>tomorrow\u003c/em>,” Lagdamen says. “Because sometimes in their lives they have to get up from a shelter or they get evicted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11232931\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11232931 size-large\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23184_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs04-1020x725.jpg\" alt=\"Tina Lagdamen, the Principal at Bessie Carmichael Elementary School in San Francisco, says goodbye to each of her students at the end of the school day with a high-five and a smile.\" width=\"640\" height=\"455\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23184_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs04-1020x725.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23184_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs04-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23184_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs04-800x568.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23184_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs04.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23184_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs04-1180x838.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23184_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs04-960x682.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23184_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs04-240x171.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23184_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs04-375x266.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23184_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs04-520x369.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tina Lagdamen, the principal at Bessie Carmichael Elementary School in San Francisco, says goodbye to each of her students at the end of the school day with a high-five and a smile. \u003ccite>(Brittany Hosea-Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Most families don’t tell Lagdamen right away that they’re homeless. She relies on her security guard, Dante Washington, to help her figure out who needs help. The telltale signs usually appear in the morning, when the kids first arrive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can tell when they get to school, they don’t really feel great. You know, they’re not happy, smiling.” Washington says, pausing to greet a small boy who flashes a bright smile. “This is one of my little people right here. When they’re not like this in the morning, I can tell something’s up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Fundraiser Focuses on Families\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are nearly 2,000 homeless schoolchildren in San Francisco. Earlier this month, \u003ca href=\"http://sfmayor.org/article/mayor-lee-announces-innovative-public-private-partnership-dramatically-reduce-family\">San Francisco Mayor Ed Lee made a bold promise \u003c/a>to get most of them — and their families — into permanent housing by 2020. To do it, he’s asking schools to refer homeless parents to \u003ca href=\"https://hamiltonfamilies.org/\">Hamilton Families,\u003c/a> a local nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hamilton is in the midst of a $30 million fundraising campaign to expand its signature “rapid rehousing” program. The program attempts to move families out of shelters and into their own homes as quickly as possible through the use of rental subsidies and partnerships with landlords willing to help homeless families find stability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11232932\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11232932 size-large\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23182_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs02-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"Dante Washington, a security guard at Bessie Carmichael Elementary School, poses for a photo.\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23182_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23182_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23182_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23182_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs02.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23182_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs02-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23182_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs02-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23182_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs02-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23182_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs02-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23182_161205_BessieCarmichael_bhs02-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dante Washington, a security guard at Bessie Carmichael Elementary School, poses for a photo. \u003ccite>(Brittany Hosea-Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The number of families who are entering the system seeking services isn’t changing that dramatically now,” says Hamilton Families Director of Housing Elizabeth Hewson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But there is this backlog of families who’ve been experiencing homelessness and unstable situations for a long period of time. We believe we can clear the backlog by stepping up our services,” she adds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing — Yes, But Not Near Jobs\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative could put people like Ibrahima Bangoura and his 16-year-old son, Mustapha, on a faster track out of homelessness. But staying in — or near — San Francisco is more challenging. Bangoura, a single father from Guinea, came to San Francisco six years ago and has been homeless for much of that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not easy,” Bangoura says in halting English. “It’s stressful, not having a house.” When Mustapha joined his father in the U.S. in September, they couldn’t find a shelter that would take them both. The pair often spent the night at the airport, where they pretended to be stranded travelers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like we are waiting, but not really,” Bangoura laughs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, father and son share a bunk bed in a family shelter run by Hamilton. A caseworker is making sure Mustapha gets after-school tutoring while she works with Ibrahima to find a job and permanent housing, preferably in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11232933\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11232933 size-large\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23186_161202_homelessfamilies_bhs01-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"Ibrahima Soriba Bangoura sits for a photo at the Hamilton Family Center in San Francisco, California. Bangoura stays at the family shelter with his 16-year-old son Moustapha.\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23186_161202_homelessfamilies_bhs01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23186_161202_homelessfamilies_bhs01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23186_161202_homelessfamilies_bhs01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23186_161202_homelessfamilies_bhs01.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23186_161202_homelessfamilies_bhs01-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23186_161202_homelessfamilies_bhs01-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23186_161202_homelessfamilies_bhs01-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23186_161202_homelessfamilies_bhs01-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS23186_161202_homelessfamilies_bhs01-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ibrahima Soriba Bangoura sits for a photo at the Hamilton Family Center in San Francisco. Bangoura stays at the family shelter with his 16-year-old son, Moustapha. \u003ccite>(Brittany Hosea-Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Finding affordable homes in this pricey city remains no easy feat. In fact, Hamilton is currently placing only about one in five families in the city. The rest are sent to more affordable cities, such as Vallejo and Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s one of the flaws in the city’s initiatives, says Coalition on Homelessness Director Jennifer Friedenbach, who worries families who move to San Francisco’s suburbs and exurbs will encounter fewer resources to pull themselves out of poverty. “There’s just not the job base we have in San Francisco,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, there’s no firm guarantee that families will continue to stay afloat once their subsidies expire — the $30 million being raised through public and private sources is finite. But right now, the data show Hamilton’s model \u003cem>does\u003c/em> succeed at getting children into more stable environments. \u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp> Hamilton reports that 92 percent of the families they house are still in their homes a year after their subsidies end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no perfect solution in the Bay Area with our housing market,” says Hewson, adding that Hamilton is making the most out of limited resources. And for this fundraising campaign, private companies, faith communities and private philanthropists seem eager to answer the mayor’s call to house homeless families now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://hamiltonfamilies.org/what-we-do/heading-home-campaign/\">The fundraising is already more than two-thirds of the way there\u003c/a>, with big-name donors that include philanthropists Marc and Lynne Benioff, Salesforce, Google and the San Francisco Giants.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"masters-of-scale": {
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},
"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
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"onourwatch": {
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
},
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
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