California NAACP President Aids Corporate Prop Campaigns — Collects $1.2 Million and Counting
As Judge Extends Census Deadline, Bay Area Communities Hustle to Get All Residents Counted
Here's How California Is Turning Hotels Into Housing for Formerly Homeless People
New KQED Podcast 'SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America' examines housing affordability by zeroing in on the epicenter of the crisis — California. Digs Into Runaway Housing Costs
Proposition C Court Win Delivers Nearly $500 Million for San Francisco's Homeless. But How Will it Be Spent?
The Pandemic Took His Job, But His Neighbors Gave Him Hope
The System Is a ‘Revolving Door’ Says Homeless Study
‘What Am I Going to Do?' For Families Losing Wages, Bay Area Rents Are Now a Crisis
SF Landlords of Single-Family Homes Can't Triple Rent to Force Tenants Out, Court Rules
Impoverished SF Communities Get New Air Quality Sensors — Just in Time for Smoke-Clogged Skies
Lafayette Again Delays Decision to Approve Controversial 'YIMBY' Housing, After a Decade-Long Process
Pandemic Assistance for Billion-Dollar Property Firms
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"content": "\u003cp>Read through the voter handbook for California’s November election, and a name pops up over and over again: Alice Huffman. As leader of the California NAACP, Huffman has weighed in with positions that critics say run counter to the historic civil rights organization’s mission to advance racial equality in education, housing and criminal justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should voters raise commercial property taxes to pour billions of dollars into schools? Should they make it easier for cities to pass rent control ordinances? Should California outlaw the use of cash bail?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No, no and no, Huffman argues in the \u003ca href=\"https://vig.cdn.sos.ca.gov/2020/general/pdf/complete-vig.pdf\">ballot handbook\u003c/a>, where she is repeatedly identified as president of the California State Conference of the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What the guide doesn’t tell voters is that Huffman’s \u003ca href=\"http://acpublicaffairs.com/\">political consulting firm\u003c/a> has been paid more than $1.2 million so far this year by ballot measure campaigns that she or the California NAACP has endorsed. She’s been paid by campaigns funded by commercial property owners fighting the tax increase, corporate landlords opposed to expanding rent control and bail bondsmen who want to keep the cash bail system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s dual roles as both a paid campaign consultant and leader of a vaunted civil rights group amount to an unusual — but legal — arrangement. Though she has held both positions for many years, Huffman was especially sought after this year, as political campaigns respond to the national reckoning over race and frame many of their messages with themes of justice and equity. The small firm Huffman runs with her sister is being paid by five ballot measure campaigns this year, public records show — more than it has taken on in previous elections. Many of them are funded by corporate interests at war with labor unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s common for political campaigns to hire strategists to help them communicate with specific constituencies, those consultants usually do not come with a brand as well-known as the NAACP is for its work fighting discrimination over the last century. Huffman’s approach — making money from the campaigns that also wind up with an NAACP seal of approval — is stirring controversy in some Black communities. Critics say it appears the endorsement of the renowned civil rights organization is essentially up for sale.[aside tag=\"politics\" label=\"More political coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like it’s a conflict of interest and I think it’s misleading to the public,” said Carroll Fife, an officer of the Oakland chapter of the NAACP who disagrees with the state organization on several ballot measure endorsements. “It’s unfortunate. Politics is gross.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fife works as the executive director of the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, a nonprofit that is campaigning for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-15-property-tax-big-business/\">Proposition 15\u003c/a> to raise commercial property taxes and boost funding for schools. She also supports\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-21-rent-control/\"> Prop. 21\u003c/a> to make it easier for cities to expand rent control, and says both measures would help California’s Black communities. Two-thirds of Black households in the state are renters, census data shows, and many Black students are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/achievement-gap-california-explainer-schools-education-disparities-explained/\">concentrated in high-poverty schools\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman declined to be interviewed for this article, as did other members of the California NAACP \u003ca href=\"http://www.ca-naacp.org/index.php/about/leadership\">executive board\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the ballot handbook, Huffman \u003ca href=\"https://vig.cdn.sos.ca.gov/2020/general/pdf/complete-vig.pdf\">argues the measures\u003c/a> would hurt low-income Californians because commercial property owners would pass their higher costs onto consumers and small-business tenants, and expanded rent control could shrink the supply of affordable housing. Huffman’s Sacramento-based firm, AC Public Affairs, has been paid $590,000 so far by the No on Prop. 15 campaign and $280,000 by the No on Prop. 21 campaign, \u003ca href=\"http://dbsearch.sos.ca.gov/ExpendCodeSearch.aspx\">public records show\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She has the right to make money as we all do,” said Anthony Thigpenn, a community organizer in Los Angeles who heads the California Calls advocacy group and supports Prop. 15. “But when it’s something that’s using a community-based organization’s brand, and particularly when it’s taking positions… that are not in the interest of the communities that organization has advocated for and championed, that is disappointing and sad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thigpenn said he believes increasing commercial property taxes with the so-called “split-roll” approach in Prop. 15 is a matter of racial justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Black communities in California suffer most from the lack of funding for schools and community colleges, which are typically gateways for people to have career paths and livable wages and good jobs,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Sacramento insider\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Well-known in Sacramento as a political powerhouse with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article111682772.html\">career that’s spanned some 50 years\u003c/a>, Huffman worked for then-Gov. Jerry Brown in the 1970s. She became close with Willie Brown during the 1980s and 1990s, when he was Assembly speaker and she was a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1991-06-24-mn-809-story.html\">lobbyist for the California Teachers Association\u003c/a>. She opened her public affairs firm in 1988, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.naacp.org/naacp-board-of-directors/alice-a-huffman/\">was elected president\u003c/a> of the California NAACP in 1999. Her firm helps political campaigns build coalitions and get their messages out through media, advertising and a newsletter called the “\u003ca href=\"http://acpublicaffairs.com/?page_id=52\">Minority News\u003c/a>.” Many of the messages \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Gmail-Prop-22.pdf\">feature Huffman\u003c/a> and her role with the NAACP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, Huffman’s consulting business and the California NAACP’s endorsements have aligned many times. As she was paid by Indian tribes, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2005-nov-04-me-pharma4-story.html\">pharmaceutical companies\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2006-oct-22-me-spokesmodel22-story.html\">cigarette makers\u003c/a> trying to pass or defeat ballot measures in the early 2000s, the California NAACP endorsed those campaigns. The same thing happened in 2018, when Huffman’s firm was paid nearly $900,000 \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Rent-control-foes-hire-California-NAACP-leader-13144448.php\">by the campaign fighting a rent control measure\u003c/a>, and $90,000 by dialysis companies opposing an initiative that would have increased their cost of doing business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both measures failed in 2018 but are back on the ballot this year, and the campaigns trying to defeat them have again hired Huffman. Michael Bustamante, a spokesman for the campaign against the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-21-rent-control/\">Prop. 21\u003c/a> rent control measure, said Huffman is motivated by what’s best for Black Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In 2018, she was passionate in her opposition to Prop. 10 because of what it would do to the African American community,” he said, referring to opponents’ argument that more rent control would drive up the cost of housing by discouraging developers from building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over and over again she talked about how homeownership… enables African American families to get a toehold to better their future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bustamante, who is also a spokesperson for the campaign against raising commercial property taxes, said in a statement that “the NAACP took its position in opposition to Prop. 15 based on clear facts that they outlined in their March 2nd report,”\u003ca href=\"http://www.ca-naacp.org/images/Forms/NAACP_-Social_Justice_Study_two.pdf\"> which says\u003c/a> social justice advocates should be concerned that the measure would increase costs for consumers and doesn’t do enough to protect small businesses.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Carol Fife, Oakland NAACP officer\"]““I feel like it’s a conflict of interest and I think it’s misleading to the public.””[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campaign finance records show the anti-Prop. 15 campaign made its first payment to Huffman’s firm, of $70,000, on Feb. 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign funded by dialysis companies opposing an initiative that would require their clinics to have a doctor on site hired Huffman to educate African American voters “about the dangers of Prop. 23,” said campaign spokesperson Kathy Fairbanks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 23 is particularly dangerous for communities of color because they suffer from kidney disease and need dialysis at higher rates,” she said in a statement. “Prop. 23 would force the shutdown of many clinics, jeopardizing the life-saving dialysis patients need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman has told reporters in the past that she only takes on political clients whose campaigns are aligned with the California NAACP’s positions. But it’s not clear how the organization arrives at endorsement decisions. Its website doesn’t explain a procedure and hasn’t posted ballot measure endorsements since the\u003ca href=\"http://www.ca-naacp.org/index.php/advocacy\"> 2016 election\u003c/a>. CalMatters contacted its six statewide executive committee members including Huffman; three of them declined interview requests and three did not return messages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fife, the Oakland NAACP officer, said her local chapter doesn’t know how the statewide conference decides what to endorse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not transparent,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839896\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839896\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carroll Fife, housing advocate and officer for the Oakland chapter of the NAACP, supports Prop 15. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The president of the San Jose chapter of the NAACP said he had been reprimanded by the state conference for recently writing an \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2020/09/15/opinion-prop-15-will-build-a-better-future-for-california/\">op-ed supporting Prop. 15\u003c/a>, the split-roll property tax measure. Rev. Jethroe Moore II said he wrote the piece to express his personal opinion, and was surprised to see his affiliation with the San Jose NAACP included when it was published.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are my personal beliefs,” he said. “Alice is the president of the statewide NAACP and all the branches understand they have to support the positions that they take. I accept my responsibility for stepping out as an individual person in the community to take my stand as an American citizen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s been re-elected president of the state conference several times, according to \u003ca href=\"https://naacp.org/naacp-board-of-directors/alice-a-huffman/\">her bio\u003c/a>. Delegates from local NAACP chapters vote for state officers every other year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.naacp.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/2014_Bylaws_for_Units.pdf\">the group’s bylaws state\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The national office of the NAACP did not respond to several requests for comment. In the past, it has criticized state chapters for advocating for energy policies that benefit their corporate donors at the expense of the safety of Black neighborhoods. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/05/business/energy-environment/naacp-utility-donations.html\">The New York Times cited\u003c/a> Huffman’s signature on a 2018 letter opposing a renewable energy program as part of a trend that led the NAACP national office to publish \u003ca href=\"https://live-naacp-site.pantheonsite.io/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Fossil-Fueled-Foolery-An-Illustrated-Primer-on-the-Top-10-Manipulation-Tactics-of-the-Fossil-Fuel-Industry-FINAL-1.pdf\">a report\u003c/a> on the “Top 10 Manipulation Tactics of the Fossil Fuel Industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Celebrated endorsement\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Racial equity has emerged as a theme in several campaigns on the California ballot this fall, including some that the NAACP has not weighed in on. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-17-parole-vote/\">Prop. 17\u003c/a> would grant voting rights to people who are on parole following a prison sentence. Though it was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-parolees-voting-rights-nunez-aca6/\">a priority for the Legislature’s Black caucus\u003c/a> — because African Americans make up 26% of the parole population but only 6% of California adults — the NAACP has not \u003ca href=\"https://yeson17.vote/endorsements-3/\">publicly endorsed\u003c/a> Prop. 17.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, the NAACP has endorsed the campaign aiming to maintain the cash bail system that some advocates see as unfair to many people of color. The No on Prop. 25 campaign, funded by the bail bonds industry, is asking voters to overturn a law that would end the use of money in determining who goes free while awaiting trial. It has paid Huffman $45,000 so far this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Steve Bradford, vice chair of the Black caucus, said he’s surprised both that the California NAACP is opposed to eliminating cash bail, and that it has not taken a position on whether parolees should have the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would hope that in the next 40 days they would weigh in strongly because the NAACP was founded on securing the right to vote for people of color,” said Bradford, a Los Angeles Democrat who describes himself as a longtime NAACP member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradford said he supports\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-25-cash-bail/\"> Prop. 25\u003c/a> to eliminate cash bail because “it’s created somewhat of a debtors prison where poor folks are in jail, while rich folks can post bail for more serious crimes and be scot-free until their day in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839897\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 780px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11839897\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/010820_Prop13Presser_AW_sized_02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"780\" height=\"524\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/010820_Prop13Presser_AW_sized_02.jpg 780w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/010820_Prop13Presser_AW_sized_02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 780px) 100vw, 780px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alice Huffman, President of the California State Conference of the NAACP, speaks as part of a coalition in support of proposition 13 at the California Capitol on January 8, 2020. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Though ending the use of money bail has been a goal for progressives, the final version of the California law wound up \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2018/08/california-bail-reform-splinters-left/\">splintering the left\u003c/a> because it leaves a lot of discretion to judges. In \u003ca href=\"https://vig.cdn.sos.ca.gov/2020/general/pdf/complete-vig.pdf\">the ballot argument\u003c/a> against Prop. 25, Huffman argues that the risk analysis that would replace bail in determining if someone has to be locked up before trial amounts to “computer profiling [that] has been shown to discriminate against minorities and people from neighborhoods with higher concentrations of immigrants and low-income residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman has also appeared in ads urging voters to support\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-22-gig-workers-ab-5/\"> Prop. 22\u003c/a>, a campaign funded by Uber, Lyft and Doordash that seeks an exemption from state labor law allowing them to treat their drivers as independent contractors instead of employees. She was featured in\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Gmail-Prop-22.pdf\"> an email\u003c/a> Uber sent to its customers titled “Why communities of color support Prop. 22.” And she wrote an op-ed in the Observer, a Black newspaper in Southern California, saying the Legislature failed Black and Brown gig workers by passing the labor law that Prop. 22 seeks to change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the face of such indifference to the economic wellbeing of people of color, the only response is action,” \u003ca href=\"https://ognsc.com/2020/09/08/white-collar-white-professionals-get-ab5-exemptions-why-dont-black-and-brown-app-based-drivers/\">she wrote\u003c/a>. “If the politicians won’t stand up for us, we have to stand up for ourselves by passing Prop. 22.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s public affairs firm has been paid $85,000 so far by the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Alice Huffman is working with the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign to support outreach efforts in communities of color because of the significant impact the loss of app-based rideshare and delivery services will have on Black and Brown Californians,” campaign spokesperson Geoff Vetter said by email.[pullquote size=\"large\" align=\"right\" citation=\"April D. Verrett, SEIU Local 2015 president\"]“As a Black woman, I know well that the Black community is not a monolith.”[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Huffman spent much of her career with the teachers union, her consulting work now consists largely of helping corporate campaigns that are fighting against organized labor. Unions are against changing the labor law \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-22-gig-workers-ab-5/\">with Prop. 22\u003c/a>, and for raising commercial property taxes with Prop. 15, adding new requirements on dialysis clinics with Prop. 23 and ending cash bail with Prop. 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>April D. Verrett, president of the SEIU Local 2015 union that represents nursing home workers, said she has never been involved with the NAACP and doesn’t expect all Black voters to see issues the same way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a Black woman, I know well that the Black community is not a monolith,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, in her mind, several questions on the ballot — money for schools, overhauling the bail system, repealing the ban on affirmative action and granting voting rights to parolees — should galvanize voters who want to advance racial justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of these inequities disproportionately affect people of color,” Verrett said. “Our country seems to want to have a real conversation about race and inequities. This election in California gives us an opportunity to really begin changing things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ballot measures can be confusing, and deciding how to vote on them is difficult for many voters, said Jessica Levinson, a professor at Loyola Law School of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Endorsements really matter because you can’t look at a living breathing candidate and assess them,” she said. “So voters use helpers to try to figure out (how to vote) — and a lot of voters just look to a couple of people or organizations that they trust and that is how they make their decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s legal for campaigns to pay for endorsements, Levinson said, voters should be told when that’s the case. Otherwise, she said, “it robs voters of a meaningful ability to assess how they’re going to vote, if these endorsements are just paid for.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Read through the voter handbook for California’s November election, and a name pops up over and over again: Alice Huffman. As leader of the California NAACP, Huffman has weighed in with positions that critics say run counter to the historic civil rights organization’s mission to advance racial equality in education, housing and criminal justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should voters raise commercial property taxes to pour billions of dollars into schools? Should they make it easier for cities to pass rent control ordinances? Should California outlaw the use of cash bail?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No, no and no, Huffman argues in the \u003ca href=\"https://vig.cdn.sos.ca.gov/2020/general/pdf/complete-vig.pdf\">ballot handbook\u003c/a>, where she is repeatedly identified as president of the California State Conference of the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What the guide doesn’t tell voters is that Huffman’s \u003ca href=\"http://acpublicaffairs.com/\">political consulting firm\u003c/a> has been paid more than $1.2 million so far this year by ballot measure campaigns that she or the California NAACP has endorsed. She’s been paid by campaigns funded by commercial property owners fighting the tax increase, corporate landlords opposed to expanding rent control and bail bondsmen who want to keep the cash bail system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s dual roles as both a paid campaign consultant and leader of a vaunted civil rights group amount to an unusual — but legal — arrangement. Though she has held both positions for many years, Huffman was especially sought after this year, as political campaigns respond to the national reckoning over race and frame many of their messages with themes of justice and equity. The small firm Huffman runs with her sister is being paid by five ballot measure campaigns this year, public records show — more than it has taken on in previous elections. Many of them are funded by corporate interests at war with labor unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s common for political campaigns to hire strategists to help them communicate with specific constituencies, those consultants usually do not come with a brand as well-known as the NAACP is for its work fighting discrimination over the last century. Huffman’s approach — making money from the campaigns that also wind up with an NAACP seal of approval — is stirring controversy in some Black communities. Critics say it appears the endorsement of the renowned civil rights organization is essentially up for sale.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like it’s a conflict of interest and I think it’s misleading to the public,” said Carroll Fife, an officer of the Oakland chapter of the NAACP who disagrees with the state organization on several ballot measure endorsements. “It’s unfortunate. Politics is gross.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fife works as the executive director of the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, a nonprofit that is campaigning for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-15-property-tax-big-business/\">Proposition 15\u003c/a> to raise commercial property taxes and boost funding for schools. She also supports\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-21-rent-control/\"> Prop. 21\u003c/a> to make it easier for cities to expand rent control, and says both measures would help California’s Black communities. Two-thirds of Black households in the state are renters, census data shows, and many Black students are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/achievement-gap-california-explainer-schools-education-disparities-explained/\">concentrated in high-poverty schools\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman declined to be interviewed for this article, as did other members of the California NAACP \u003ca href=\"http://www.ca-naacp.org/index.php/about/leadership\">executive board\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the ballot handbook, Huffman \u003ca href=\"https://vig.cdn.sos.ca.gov/2020/general/pdf/complete-vig.pdf\">argues the measures\u003c/a> would hurt low-income Californians because commercial property owners would pass their higher costs onto consumers and small-business tenants, and expanded rent control could shrink the supply of affordable housing. Huffman’s Sacramento-based firm, AC Public Affairs, has been paid $590,000 so far by the No on Prop. 15 campaign and $280,000 by the No on Prop. 21 campaign, \u003ca href=\"http://dbsearch.sos.ca.gov/ExpendCodeSearch.aspx\">public records show\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She has the right to make money as we all do,” said Anthony Thigpenn, a community organizer in Los Angeles who heads the California Calls advocacy group and supports Prop. 15. “But when it’s something that’s using a community-based organization’s brand, and particularly when it’s taking positions… that are not in the interest of the communities that organization has advocated for and championed, that is disappointing and sad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thigpenn said he believes increasing commercial property taxes with the so-called “split-roll” approach in Prop. 15 is a matter of racial justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Black communities in California suffer most from the lack of funding for schools and community colleges, which are typically gateways for people to have career paths and livable wages and good jobs,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Sacramento insider\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Well-known in Sacramento as a political powerhouse with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article111682772.html\">career that’s spanned some 50 years\u003c/a>, Huffman worked for then-Gov. Jerry Brown in the 1970s. She became close with Willie Brown during the 1980s and 1990s, when he was Assembly speaker and she was a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1991-06-24-mn-809-story.html\">lobbyist for the California Teachers Association\u003c/a>. She opened her public affairs firm in 1988, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.naacp.org/naacp-board-of-directors/alice-a-huffman/\">was elected president\u003c/a> of the California NAACP in 1999. Her firm helps political campaigns build coalitions and get their messages out through media, advertising and a newsletter called the “\u003ca href=\"http://acpublicaffairs.com/?page_id=52\">Minority News\u003c/a>.” Many of the messages \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Gmail-Prop-22.pdf\">feature Huffman\u003c/a> and her role with the NAACP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, Huffman’s consulting business and the California NAACP’s endorsements have aligned many times. As she was paid by Indian tribes, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2005-nov-04-me-pharma4-story.html\">pharmaceutical companies\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2006-oct-22-me-spokesmodel22-story.html\">cigarette makers\u003c/a> trying to pass or defeat ballot measures in the early 2000s, the California NAACP endorsed those campaigns. The same thing happened in 2018, when Huffman’s firm was paid nearly $900,000 \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Rent-control-foes-hire-California-NAACP-leader-13144448.php\">by the campaign fighting a rent control measure\u003c/a>, and $90,000 by dialysis companies opposing an initiative that would have increased their cost of doing business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both measures failed in 2018 but are back on the ballot this year, and the campaigns trying to defeat them have again hired Huffman. Michael Bustamante, a spokesman for the campaign against the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-21-rent-control/\">Prop. 21\u003c/a> rent control measure, said Huffman is motivated by what’s best for Black Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In 2018, she was passionate in her opposition to Prop. 10 because of what it would do to the African American community,” he said, referring to opponents’ argument that more rent control would drive up the cost of housing by discouraging developers from building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over and over again she talked about how homeownership… enables African American families to get a toehold to better their future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bustamante, who is also a spokesperson for the campaign against raising commercial property taxes, said in a statement that “the NAACP took its position in opposition to Prop. 15 based on clear facts that they outlined in their March 2nd report,”\u003ca href=\"http://www.ca-naacp.org/images/Forms/NAACP_-Social_Justice_Study_two.pdf\"> which says\u003c/a> social justice advocates should be concerned that the measure would increase costs for consumers and doesn’t do enough to protect small businesses.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campaign finance records show the anti-Prop. 15 campaign made its first payment to Huffman’s firm, of $70,000, on Feb. 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign funded by dialysis companies opposing an initiative that would require their clinics to have a doctor on site hired Huffman to educate African American voters “about the dangers of Prop. 23,” said campaign spokesperson Kathy Fairbanks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 23 is particularly dangerous for communities of color because they suffer from kidney disease and need dialysis at higher rates,” she said in a statement. “Prop. 23 would force the shutdown of many clinics, jeopardizing the life-saving dialysis patients need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman has told reporters in the past that she only takes on political clients whose campaigns are aligned with the California NAACP’s positions. But it’s not clear how the organization arrives at endorsement decisions. Its website doesn’t explain a procedure and hasn’t posted ballot measure endorsements since the\u003ca href=\"http://www.ca-naacp.org/index.php/advocacy\"> 2016 election\u003c/a>. CalMatters contacted its six statewide executive committee members including Huffman; three of them declined interview requests and three did not return messages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fife, the Oakland NAACP officer, said her local chapter doesn’t know how the statewide conference decides what to endorse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not transparent,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839896\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839896\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carroll Fife, housing advocate and officer for the Oakland chapter of the NAACP, supports Prop 15. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The president of the San Jose chapter of the NAACP said he had been reprimanded by the state conference for recently writing an \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2020/09/15/opinion-prop-15-will-build-a-better-future-for-california/\">op-ed supporting Prop. 15\u003c/a>, the split-roll property tax measure. Rev. Jethroe Moore II said he wrote the piece to express his personal opinion, and was surprised to see his affiliation with the San Jose NAACP included when it was published.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are my personal beliefs,” he said. “Alice is the president of the statewide NAACP and all the branches understand they have to support the positions that they take. I accept my responsibility for stepping out as an individual person in the community to take my stand as an American citizen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s been re-elected president of the state conference several times, according to \u003ca href=\"https://naacp.org/naacp-board-of-directors/alice-a-huffman/\">her bio\u003c/a>. Delegates from local NAACP chapters vote for state officers every other year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.naacp.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/2014_Bylaws_for_Units.pdf\">the group’s bylaws state\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The national office of the NAACP did not respond to several requests for comment. In the past, it has criticized state chapters for advocating for energy policies that benefit their corporate donors at the expense of the safety of Black neighborhoods. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/05/business/energy-environment/naacp-utility-donations.html\">The New York Times cited\u003c/a> Huffman’s signature on a 2018 letter opposing a renewable energy program as part of a trend that led the NAACP national office to publish \u003ca href=\"https://live-naacp-site.pantheonsite.io/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Fossil-Fueled-Foolery-An-Illustrated-Primer-on-the-Top-10-Manipulation-Tactics-of-the-Fossil-Fuel-Industry-FINAL-1.pdf\">a report\u003c/a> on the “Top 10 Manipulation Tactics of the Fossil Fuel Industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Celebrated endorsement\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Racial equity has emerged as a theme in several campaigns on the California ballot this fall, including some that the NAACP has not weighed in on. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-17-parole-vote/\">Prop. 17\u003c/a> would grant voting rights to people who are on parole following a prison sentence. Though it was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-parolees-voting-rights-nunez-aca6/\">a priority for the Legislature’s Black caucus\u003c/a> — because African Americans make up 26% of the parole population but only 6% of California adults — the NAACP has not \u003ca href=\"https://yeson17.vote/endorsements-3/\">publicly endorsed\u003c/a> Prop. 17.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, the NAACP has endorsed the campaign aiming to maintain the cash bail system that some advocates see as unfair to many people of color. The No on Prop. 25 campaign, funded by the bail bonds industry, is asking voters to overturn a law that would end the use of money in determining who goes free while awaiting trial. It has paid Huffman $45,000 so far this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Steve Bradford, vice chair of the Black caucus, said he’s surprised both that the California NAACP is opposed to eliminating cash bail, and that it has not taken a position on whether parolees should have the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would hope that in the next 40 days they would weigh in strongly because the NAACP was founded on securing the right to vote for people of color,” said Bradford, a Los Angeles Democrat who describes himself as a longtime NAACP member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradford said he supports\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-25-cash-bail/\"> Prop. 25\u003c/a> to eliminate cash bail because “it’s created somewhat of a debtors prison where poor folks are in jail, while rich folks can post bail for more serious crimes and be scot-free until their day in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839897\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 780px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11839897\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/010820_Prop13Presser_AW_sized_02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"780\" height=\"524\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/010820_Prop13Presser_AW_sized_02.jpg 780w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/010820_Prop13Presser_AW_sized_02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 780px) 100vw, 780px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alice Huffman, President of the California State Conference of the NAACP, speaks as part of a coalition in support of proposition 13 at the California Capitol on January 8, 2020. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Though ending the use of money bail has been a goal for progressives, the final version of the California law wound up \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2018/08/california-bail-reform-splinters-left/\">splintering the left\u003c/a> because it leaves a lot of discretion to judges. In \u003ca href=\"https://vig.cdn.sos.ca.gov/2020/general/pdf/complete-vig.pdf\">the ballot argument\u003c/a> against Prop. 25, Huffman argues that the risk analysis that would replace bail in determining if someone has to be locked up before trial amounts to “computer profiling [that] has been shown to discriminate against minorities and people from neighborhoods with higher concentrations of immigrants and low-income residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman has also appeared in ads urging voters to support\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-22-gig-workers-ab-5/\"> Prop. 22\u003c/a>, a campaign funded by Uber, Lyft and Doordash that seeks an exemption from state labor law allowing them to treat their drivers as independent contractors instead of employees. She was featured in\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Gmail-Prop-22.pdf\"> an email\u003c/a> Uber sent to its customers titled “Why communities of color support Prop. 22.” And she wrote an op-ed in the Observer, a Black newspaper in Southern California, saying the Legislature failed Black and Brown gig workers by passing the labor law that Prop. 22 seeks to change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the face of such indifference to the economic wellbeing of people of color, the only response is action,” \u003ca href=\"https://ognsc.com/2020/09/08/white-collar-white-professionals-get-ab5-exemptions-why-dont-black-and-brown-app-based-drivers/\">she wrote\u003c/a>. “If the politicians won’t stand up for us, we have to stand up for ourselves by passing Prop. 22.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s public affairs firm has been paid $85,000 so far by the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Alice Huffman is working with the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign to support outreach efforts in communities of color because of the significant impact the loss of app-based rideshare and delivery services will have on Black and Brown Californians,” campaign spokesperson Geoff Vetter said by email.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "“As a Black woman, I know well that the Black community is not a monolith.”",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Huffman spent much of her career with the teachers union, her consulting work now consists largely of helping corporate campaigns that are fighting against organized labor. Unions are against changing the labor law \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-22-gig-workers-ab-5/\">with Prop. 22\u003c/a>, and for raising commercial property taxes with Prop. 15, adding new requirements on dialysis clinics with Prop. 23 and ending cash bail with Prop. 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>April D. Verrett, president of the SEIU Local 2015 union that represents nursing home workers, said she has never been involved with the NAACP and doesn’t expect all Black voters to see issues the same way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a Black woman, I know well that the Black community is not a monolith,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, in her mind, several questions on the ballot — money for schools, overhauling the bail system, repealing the ban on affirmative action and granting voting rights to parolees — should galvanize voters who want to advance racial justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of these inequities disproportionately affect people of color,” Verrett said. “Our country seems to want to have a real conversation about race and inequities. This election in California gives us an opportunity to really begin changing things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ballot measures can be confusing, and deciding how to vote on them is difficult for many voters, said Jessica Levinson, a professor at Loyola Law School of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Endorsements really matter because you can’t look at a living breathing candidate and assess them,” she said. “So voters use helpers to try to figure out (how to vote) — and a lot of voters just look to a couple of people or organizations that they trust and that is how they make their decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s legal for campaigns to pay for endorsements, Levinson said, voters should be told when that’s the case. Otherwise, she said, “it robs voters of a meaningful ability to assess how they’re going to vote, if these endorsements are just paid for.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "as-judge-extends-census-deadline-bay-area-communities-hustle-to-get-all-residents-counted",
"title": "As Judge Extends Census Deadline, Bay Area Communities Hustle to Get All Residents Counted",
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"headTitle": "As Judge Extends Census Deadline, Bay Area Communities Hustle to Get All Residents Counted | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The U.S. Census Bureau completed an intensive \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/library/fact-sheets/2020/dec/2020-census-counts-homeless.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">three-day operation\u003c/a> to count people experiencing homelessness this week, but county leaders and homeless service providers around the Bay Area — not convinced that everyone has been reached — are sending out their own teams looking for folks who’ve been missed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, Robbi Montoya and Annette Moretti, of the Dorothy Day House shelter, visited homeless encampments in freeway underpasses and walked the downtown streets all week, with the census website bookmarked on their computer tablets, and sacks filled with new socks and granola bars to give away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839883\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839883\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A team of U.S. Census Bureau enumerators heads out for an overnight count of people experiencing homelessness, on Telegraph Ave. in Oakland, Calif., on Sep. 23, 2020. \u003ccite>(Reid Cramer/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Beside a tent on Howard Way, Montoya interviewed a man named Michael, and Moretti struck up a conversation with Anthony Welch, 30, a familiar face from the Dorothy Day breakfast program. Welch said he had heard of the census, but hadn’t participated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Had he been homeless back on April 1, the official “census day”? “Yes, I was… am,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Was he living in Berkeley then? Yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spelled his name and gave his date of birth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Okay, and you can — but you don’t have to — give your phone number,” Moretti went on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have a phone number,” Welch said. But yes, he added, he could surely use a pair of clean socks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a few minutes, Montoya and Moretti continued on, toward a pair of men sitting outside the library. A similar effort was underway in Fremont, San Jose, San Francisco and Oakland, among other cities, according to county officials in charge of census outreach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839888\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839888\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-800x611.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"611\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-800x611.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1020x779.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-160x122.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1536x1173.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-2048x1564.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1920x1466.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annette Moretti of Dorothy Day House helps people experiencing homelessness get counted in the 2020 Census in Berkeley on Sep. 24, 2020. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839322/bay-area-advocates-fear-census-homeless-count-will-come-up-short\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">local governments are anxious\u003c/a> to ensure that all their residents are counted, as the 2020 Census will be the basis of political representation and federal funding formulas for the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extra push by community advocates to reach unhoused people, comes as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/09/24/912071784/court-orders-census-counting-to-continue-through-oct-31-appeal-expected\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a federal judge in San Jose ruled\u003c/a> Thursday evening that the census bureau cannot stop its counting operation at the end of September, as planned, but must continue until October 31 — which was the original pandemic-adjusted plan.[aside tag=\"census\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Relying on internal census documents, U.S. District \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/7217559-National-Urban-League-Sept-24-2020-Order.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Judge Lucy Koh found\u003c/a> that shortening the time frame, which the Trump administration did abruptly this summer, was likely to yield fatally flawed data that would not pass Constitutional muster for apportioning Congressional seats among the states and drawing legislative district lines. The federal government is expected to appeal Koh’s ruling to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, the census bureau issued a statement saying it will comply with the court’s order and continue its so-called \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/news-events/press-kits/nonresponse-followup.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Nonresponse Followup\u003c/a> operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our office of general counsel is evaluating the ultimate impact of the order on the 2020 Census,” the press release said. “Field staff have been instructed to continue with current operations until updates can be provided.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That comes as welcome news to one field supervisor working for the census bureau in a North Bay county hard hit by the recent wildfires. The person, who was not authorized to speak to the media and did not want to be identified, said the operation has been a “disaster,” in part because so many homes have burned up, and more time is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not going to get it done by the 30th,” the supervisor said. “But we’re definitely close enough to get it done by October 30. We’re probably two weeks out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11836966/cutting-census-staff-in-wildfire-zones-threatens-accurate-count-workers-warn\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Counting those displaced by the wildfires\u003c/a> is especially tricky, and many of the door to door “enumerators” in the fire zone have been going above and beyond their assigned duties to try to track down phone numbers to locate evacuated families, the supervisor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ditas Katague, director of California Complete Count\"]‘As the legal battle continues, Californians should not wait — the time is now… to ensure you, your family and your community get your fair share of resources and representation for the next 10 years.’[/pullquote] Ditas Katague, director of California Complete Count, the state’s outreach effort — which has invested almost $190 million into promoting census participation, hailed the judge’s ruling, and noted that Californians who haven’t yet been counted can also go online to \u003ca href=\"https://my2020census.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">my2020census.gov\u003c/a> to fill out the census form themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the time being, the ruling by Judge Koh helps alleviate the pressures of the current enumeration timeline to better achieve a complete count,” said Katague. “However, as the legal battle continues, Californians should not wait — the time is now… to ensure you, your family and your community get your fair share of resources and representation for the next 10 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Census Bureau officials emphasized that the \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/response-rates/nrfu.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">count is close to complete\u003c/a>, as 97% of all households nationally — and close to 98% in California — have been enumerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as documents disclosed in the lawsuit show, census officials insist that “in order to achieve an acceptable level of accuracy, 99% of Housing Units in every state must be resolved.” That was achieved in 2010, according to the census bureau, but would be in jeopardy if the count were ended on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley Public Library was shuttered because of the coronavirus pandemic, but a big banner promoting the 2020 Census hung over the door. In the shade, Moretti interviewed a talkative, older man with deep roots in the Bay Area, who agreed to accept her help to fill out the census questionnaire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839884\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839884\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Douglas Allen Freitag (L) tells Annette Moretti of Dorothy Day House about his family roots going back to the 1906 earthquake in San Francisco, as she helps him get counted in the 2020 Census, on Kittredge Street in Berkeley on Sep. 24, 2020. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“My name is Douglas Allen Freitag,” he told her, as she tapped at the screen on her tablet. “Allen with two Ls. My father was born here in Berkeley. His parents met during the earthquake in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sitting nearby, Abraham Santo said he had already been counted. He said he thought more people would participate in the census if they knew what’s at stake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montoya, the program director from Dorothy Day House, agreed. People who lack a home of their own may feel distrust about participating in a government count, she said, but the census is something most would get behind if they understood it was for the long-term benefit of the whole community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If nothing else, the folks on the streets, in encampments, they have a sense of community, because sometimes that’s all they have,” Montoya said. “That’s a key word out here: community.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The U.S. Census Bureau completed an intensive \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/library/fact-sheets/2020/dec/2020-census-counts-homeless.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">three-day operation\u003c/a> to count people experiencing homelessness this week, but county leaders and homeless service providers around the Bay Area — not convinced that everyone has been reached — are sending out their own teams looking for folks who’ve been missed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, Robbi Montoya and Annette Moretti, of the Dorothy Day House shelter, visited homeless encampments in freeway underpasses and walked the downtown streets all week, with the census website bookmarked on their computer tablets, and sacks filled with new socks and granola bars to give away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839883\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839883\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A team of U.S. Census Bureau enumerators heads out for an overnight count of people experiencing homelessness, on Telegraph Ave. in Oakland, Calif., on Sep. 23, 2020. \u003ccite>(Reid Cramer/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Beside a tent on Howard Way, Montoya interviewed a man named Michael, and Moretti struck up a conversation with Anthony Welch, 30, a familiar face from the Dorothy Day breakfast program. Welch said he had heard of the census, but hadn’t participated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Had he been homeless back on April 1, the official “census day”? “Yes, I was… am,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Was he living in Berkeley then? Yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spelled his name and gave his date of birth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Okay, and you can — but you don’t have to — give your phone number,” Moretti went on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have a phone number,” Welch said. But yes, he added, he could surely use a pair of clean socks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a few minutes, Montoya and Moretti continued on, toward a pair of men sitting outside the library. A similar effort was underway in Fremont, San Jose, San Francisco and Oakland, among other cities, according to county officials in charge of census outreach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839888\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839888\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-800x611.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"611\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-800x611.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1020x779.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-160x122.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1536x1173.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-2048x1564.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1920x1466.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annette Moretti of Dorothy Day House helps people experiencing homelessness get counted in the 2020 Census in Berkeley on Sep. 24, 2020. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839322/bay-area-advocates-fear-census-homeless-count-will-come-up-short\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">local governments are anxious\u003c/a> to ensure that all their residents are counted, as the 2020 Census will be the basis of political representation and federal funding formulas for the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extra push by community advocates to reach unhoused people, comes as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/09/24/912071784/court-orders-census-counting-to-continue-through-oct-31-appeal-expected\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a federal judge in San Jose ruled\u003c/a> Thursday evening that the census bureau cannot stop its counting operation at the end of September, as planned, but must continue until October 31 — which was the original pandemic-adjusted plan.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Relying on internal census documents, U.S. District \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/7217559-National-Urban-League-Sept-24-2020-Order.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Judge Lucy Koh found\u003c/a> that shortening the time frame, which the Trump administration did abruptly this summer, was likely to yield fatally flawed data that would not pass Constitutional muster for apportioning Congressional seats among the states and drawing legislative district lines. The federal government is expected to appeal Koh’s ruling to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, the census bureau issued a statement saying it will comply with the court’s order and continue its so-called \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/news-events/press-kits/nonresponse-followup.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Nonresponse Followup\u003c/a> operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our office of general counsel is evaluating the ultimate impact of the order on the 2020 Census,” the press release said. “Field staff have been instructed to continue with current operations until updates can be provided.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That comes as welcome news to one field supervisor working for the census bureau in a North Bay county hard hit by the recent wildfires. The person, who was not authorized to speak to the media and did not want to be identified, said the operation has been a “disaster,” in part because so many homes have burned up, and more time is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not going to get it done by the 30th,” the supervisor said. “But we’re definitely close enough to get it done by October 30. We’re probably two weeks out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11836966/cutting-census-staff-in-wildfire-zones-threatens-accurate-count-workers-warn\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Counting those displaced by the wildfires\u003c/a> is especially tricky, and many of the door to door “enumerators” in the fire zone have been going above and beyond their assigned duties to try to track down phone numbers to locate evacuated families, the supervisor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Ditas Katague, director of California Complete Count, the state’s outreach effort — which has invested almost $190 million into promoting census participation, hailed the judge’s ruling, and noted that Californians who haven’t yet been counted can also go online to \u003ca href=\"https://my2020census.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">my2020census.gov\u003c/a> to fill out the census form themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the time being, the ruling by Judge Koh helps alleviate the pressures of the current enumeration timeline to better achieve a complete count,” said Katague. “However, as the legal battle continues, Californians should not wait — the time is now… to ensure you, your family and your community get your fair share of resources and representation for the next 10 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Census Bureau officials emphasized that the \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/response-rates/nrfu.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">count is close to complete\u003c/a>, as 97% of all households nationally — and close to 98% in California — have been enumerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as documents disclosed in the lawsuit show, census officials insist that “in order to achieve an acceptable level of accuracy, 99% of Housing Units in every state must be resolved.” That was achieved in 2010, according to the census bureau, but would be in jeopardy if the count were ended on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley Public Library was shuttered because of the coronavirus pandemic, but a big banner promoting the 2020 Census hung over the door. In the shade, Moretti interviewed a talkative, older man with deep roots in the Bay Area, who agreed to accept her help to fill out the census questionnaire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839884\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839884\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Douglas Allen Freitag (L) tells Annette Moretti of Dorothy Day House about his family roots going back to the 1906 earthquake in San Francisco, as she helps him get counted in the 2020 Census, on Kittredge Street in Berkeley on Sep. 24, 2020. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“My name is Douglas Allen Freitag,” he told her, as she tapped at the screen on her tablet. “Allen with two Ls. My father was born here in Berkeley. His parents met during the earthquake in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sitting nearby, Abraham Santo said he had already been counted. He said he thought more people would participate in the census if they knew what’s at stake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montoya, the program director from Dorothy Day House, agreed. People who lack a home of their own may feel distrust about participating in a government count, she said, but the census is something most would get behind if they understood it was for the long-term benefit of the whole community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If nothing else, the folks on the streets, in encampments, they have a sense of community, because sometimes that’s all they have,” Montoya said. “That’s a key word out here: community.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A motel, a mountain lodge and a village of tiny homes are just some of the buildings that will soon become permanent homes to hundreds of formerly homeless people across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The projects are among 10 sites the state selected on Sept. 16 for its first round of funding, totaling $79.5 million. Officials in two of the counties receiving funds say the projects will functionally end homelessness in their jurisdictions. In another, it will be the county’s first homeless shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the housing is part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/cdss-programs/housing-programs/project-roomkey\">Project Homekey\u003c/a>, which draws from $600 million in mostly federal CARES Act funds to help California cities and counties convert hotels, motels, apartments and other buildings into permanent housing for formerly homeless people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s new podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America\u003c/a> explains how this program, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, can be like giving someone a prescription for better health. Listen to the first episode, “Hotel Corona,” to hear how.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch5 id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC9791597532&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/h5>\n\u003cp>Read a \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3iRVEIG\">transcript\u003c/a> of the episode.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Project Homekey is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825653/california-found-hotels-for-10000-homeless-residents-what-next\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">second phase\u003c/a> in California’s effort to house homeless people since the start of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first phase, known as Project Roomkey, is an ongoing effort to temporarily house homeless people who are particularly vulnerable to COVID-19. Since it began, over 22,000 people, or roughly 15% of the state’s more than \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/resources/documents/2019-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">151,000 homeless residents, \u003c/a>have stayed in hotel rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s how it has all happened:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>March 25:\u003c/strong> Alameda County officials open a hotel for homeless people in Oakland to safely shelter during the pandemic, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11810570/alameda-county-mobilizes-to-get-at-risk-homeless-residents-into-hotels\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the first\u003c/a> site in what will soon become an official, statewide program.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>April 3:\u003c/strong> Two weeks after California Gov. Gavin Newsom issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/03/19/governor-gavin-newsom-issues-stay-at-home-order/\">stay-at-home orders\u003c/a> to slow the spread of the coronavirus, he formally announces \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/04/03/at-newly-converted-motel-governor-newsom-launches-project-roomkey-a-first-in-the-nation-initiative-to-secure-hotel-motel-rooms-to-protect-homeless-individuals-from-covid-19/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Project Roomkey. \u003c/a>The program sets a goal of securing 15,000 hotel rooms statewide for people experiencing homelessness. \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/views/COVID-19HomelessImpactDashboard/HomelessImpact?:embed=y&:showVizHome=no\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">As of Sept. 16\u003c/a>, cities and counties across the state had leased more than 16,500 rooms, of which, a little over 11,600 were occupied.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>April 10:\u003c/strong> San Francisco Mayor London Breed announces that more than 70 people at the Multi-Service Center South, the city’s largest homeless shelter, have \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2020/04/outbreak-at-sfs-largest-homeless-shelter-as-70-test-positive-for-covid-19/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tested positive for COVID-19\u003c/a>. The number soon grows to more than 100 residents and staff, prompting the city to transition more people from homeless shelters into hotel rooms. Advocacy organizations begin calling on the state to get more people into hotel rooms. Several groups eventually launch the \u003ca href=\"https://novacancyca.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">No Vacancy California\u003c/a> campaign to demand the state expand the program to the more than 151,000 homeless residents living here.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>July 16:\u003c/strong> Project Roomkey becomes \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/07/16/governor-newsom-announces-600-million-in-homekey-funds-now-immediately-available-for-local-governments-to-purchase-housing-for-homeless-californians/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Project Homekey\u003c/a>, a $600 million program that uses funding from the CARES Act for cities and counties to convert hotels into permanent affordable housing for formerly homeless people.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Sept. 16:\u003c/strong> The state awards the first \u003ca href=\"https://www.bcsh.ca.gov/homekey/first_awards_fact_sheet.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$79.5 million for 10 sites\u003c/a> in seven cities and counties, including Lake Elsinore, South Lake Tahoe, El Centro, Contra Costa County, San Jose, Kern County and Mendocino County.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>For more in-depth reporting on the housing crisis, check out our new podcast, SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America. Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/sold-out-rethinking-housing-in-america/id1531354937?itsct=podcast_box&itscg=30200\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/38dTBSk2ISFoPiyYNoKn1X\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/911586047/s-o-l-d-o-u-t-rethinking-housing-in-america#:~:text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20%3A%20NPR&text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20A%20podcast%20that%20examines,solutions%20to%20high%20housing%20costs.\">NPR One\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://tun.in/pj2qf\">TuneIn\u003c/a> or on your favorite podcast listening app.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A motel, a mountain lodge and a village of tiny homes are just some of the buildings that will soon become permanent homes to hundreds of formerly homeless people across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The projects are among 10 sites the state selected on Sept. 16 for its first round of funding, totaling $79.5 million. Officials in two of the counties receiving funds say the projects will functionally end homelessness in their jurisdictions. In another, it will be the county’s first homeless shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the housing is part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/cdss-programs/housing-programs/project-roomkey\">Project Homekey\u003c/a>, which draws from $600 million in mostly federal CARES Act funds to help California cities and counties convert hotels, motels, apartments and other buildings into permanent housing for formerly homeless people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s new podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America\u003c/a> explains how this program, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, can be like giving someone a prescription for better health. Listen to the first episode, “Hotel Corona,” to hear how.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch5 id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC9791597532&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/h5>\n\u003cp>Read a \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3iRVEIG\">transcript\u003c/a> of the episode.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Project Homekey is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825653/california-found-hotels-for-10000-homeless-residents-what-next\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">second phase\u003c/a> in California’s effort to house homeless people since the start of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first phase, known as Project Roomkey, is an ongoing effort to temporarily house homeless people who are particularly vulnerable to COVID-19. Since it began, over 22,000 people, or roughly 15% of the state’s more than \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/resources/documents/2019-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">151,000 homeless residents, \u003c/a>have stayed in hotel rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s how it has all happened:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>March 25:\u003c/strong> Alameda County officials open a hotel for homeless people in Oakland to safely shelter during the pandemic, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11810570/alameda-county-mobilizes-to-get-at-risk-homeless-residents-into-hotels\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the first\u003c/a> site in what will soon become an official, statewide program.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>April 3:\u003c/strong> Two weeks after California Gov. Gavin Newsom issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/03/19/governor-gavin-newsom-issues-stay-at-home-order/\">stay-at-home orders\u003c/a> to slow the spread of the coronavirus, he formally announces \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/04/03/at-newly-converted-motel-governor-newsom-launches-project-roomkey-a-first-in-the-nation-initiative-to-secure-hotel-motel-rooms-to-protect-homeless-individuals-from-covid-19/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Project Roomkey. \u003c/a>The program sets a goal of securing 15,000 hotel rooms statewide for people experiencing homelessness. \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/views/COVID-19HomelessImpactDashboard/HomelessImpact?:embed=y&:showVizHome=no\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">As of Sept. 16\u003c/a>, cities and counties across the state had leased more than 16,500 rooms, of which, a little over 11,600 were occupied.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>April 10:\u003c/strong> San Francisco Mayor London Breed announces that more than 70 people at the Multi-Service Center South, the city’s largest homeless shelter, have \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2020/04/outbreak-at-sfs-largest-homeless-shelter-as-70-test-positive-for-covid-19/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tested positive for COVID-19\u003c/a>. The number soon grows to more than 100 residents and staff, prompting the city to transition more people from homeless shelters into hotel rooms. Advocacy organizations begin calling on the state to get more people into hotel rooms. Several groups eventually launch the \u003ca href=\"https://novacancyca.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">No Vacancy California\u003c/a> campaign to demand the state expand the program to the more than 151,000 homeless residents living here.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>July 16:\u003c/strong> Project Roomkey becomes \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/07/16/governor-newsom-announces-600-million-in-homekey-funds-now-immediately-available-for-local-governments-to-purchase-housing-for-homeless-californians/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Project Homekey\u003c/a>, a $600 million program that uses funding from the CARES Act for cities and counties to convert hotels into permanent affordable housing for formerly homeless people.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Sept. 16:\u003c/strong> The state awards the first \u003ca href=\"https://www.bcsh.ca.gov/homekey/first_awards_fact_sheet.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$79.5 million for 10 sites\u003c/a> in seven cities and counties, including Lake Elsinore, South Lake Tahoe, El Centro, Contra Costa County, San Jose, Kern County and Mendocino County.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>For more in-depth reporting on the housing crisis, check out our new podcast, SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America. Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/sold-out-rethinking-housing-in-america/id1531354937?itsct=podcast_box&itscg=30200\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/38dTBSk2ISFoPiyYNoKn1X\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/911586047/s-o-l-d-o-u-t-rethinking-housing-in-america#:~:text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20%3A%20NPR&text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20A%20podcast%20that%20examines,solutions%20to%20high%20housing%20costs.\">NPR One\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://tun.in/pj2qf\">TuneIn\u003c/a> or on your favorite podcast listening app.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "New KQED Podcast 'SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America' examines housing affordability by zeroing in on the epicenter of the crisis — California. Digs Into Runaway Housing Costs",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Trump has made protecting the suburbs from low-income housing part of his reelection campaign. But this idea — that middle-class families should be kept separate from the poor and working class — has been around for a century, and it’s had profound impacts on our housing supply, affordability and racial inequity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a topic we’ll unpack in KQED’s upcoming podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have been reporting on how California’s housing crisis has been exacerbated by the coronavirus pandemic. We’ve talked to unemployed workers worried about eviction, covered rent strikes and tracked the state’s plan to house people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coronavirus has exposed just how precarious and inequitable America’s housing system has been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/americas-rental-housing-2020\">Nearly 11 million U.S. renters\u003c/a>, or one in four, spent more than half their incomes on housing in 2018; that was when the economy was considered healthy. In California, it’s one in three. As a nation, we are not building enough. That’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.freddiemac.com/research/insight/20181205_major_challenge_to_u.s._housing_supply.page?\">according to Freddie Mac\u003c/a>, which estimates we need 370,000 more units each year to keep up with demand. The mortgage corporation also says \u003ca href=\"http://www.freddiemac.com/research/insight/20200227-the-housing-supply-shortage.page\">29 states have a housing deficit\u003c/a>. And California is the epicenter of this housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If America really cared about a solution, they would do things like give people adequate housing and get everyone a job,” said Akil Riley, an Oakland native and Howard University student, at a protest he helped organize after the Minneapolis police killing of George Floyd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11825877\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11825877\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators marched on Broadway in Oakland on May 29, 2020 during a protest over the Minneapolis police killing of George Floyd. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>2020 is proving to be an inflection point, and how we respond may determine whether California’s housing crisis can be turned around. So, we’re posing a challenge in this podcast to physicians, homebuilders, community organizers and activists, hotel owners and attorneys to ask what we can do now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People resist change,” said Rick Holliday, CEO and co-founder of Factory OS, a company that builds modular housing. “And I think we finally hit a point where the cost was so high, we have to change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Rick Holliday, CEO and co-founder of Factory OS']‘People resist change … And I think we finally hit a point where the cost was so high, we have to change.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the episodes in the SOLD OUT podcast digs into the origins of single-family neighborhoods, which helped create our suburbs. The episode looks at how communities have used local development rules to keep out low-income residents and people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the Supreme Court outlawed city rules that enforced racial segregation by prohibiting Black people from buying homes in white neighborhoods, cities simply adopted a new tool with a new name: zoning. Instead of discriminating based on race, cities passed zoning laws that discriminated based on class and architecture. The zones, or districts, limited the types of buildings that were allowed, such as single-family homes or factories, apartments or offices, shops or warehouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it all started right here in the Bay Area. Berkeley was one of the first cities to use what is now known as single-family zoning, which bars anything other than single-family homes from being built in certain neighborhoods. These homes were too expensive (and still are) for most poor people and people of color, thereby keeping the rich and white neighborhoods rich and white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11771928\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11771928\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/BerkHillsView1912_s-700x587.jpg\" alt=\"A view of the Berkeley Hills in 1912.\" width=\"700\" height=\"587\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/BerkHillsView1912_s-700x587.jpg 700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/BerkHillsView1912_s-700x587-160x134.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 700px) 100vw, 700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the Berkeley Hills in 1912. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Friends of the Fountain and Walk)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The land closest to where industrial activity was already taking place was the land that was going to be relegated for the denser zoning, with the expectation that white people would live in the single-family neighborhoods,” said Dorothy Walker, a 90-year-old Berkeley resident, who served for many years on the city’s Planning Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While single-family zoning institutionalized racial segregation in housing, redlining bolstered it by denying Black, Indigenous and other people of color the ability to get a mortgage, buy a home and grow generational wealth. Later, predatory lending and the foreclosure crisis compounded the problem, leading to a growing wealth gap between white families and Black or Latino ones. Today, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101878641/coronavirus-disproportinately-hits-latinos-in-california\">coronavirus tightens its grip on Black, Native and Latino people\u003c/a> in the U.S. And now, a presidential election in November has the country talking about housing segregation and what our neighborhoods say about us as a nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Join us on Sept. 21 when we release the first episode of SOLD OUT. Explore the ideas and meet the people who are trying to do something, because we just can’t wait anymore. Subscribe to SOLD OUT now on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/sold-out-rethinking-housing-in-america/id1531354937\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/38dTBSk2ISFoPiyYNoKn1X\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/911586047/s-o-l-d-o-u-t-a-new-future-for-housing\">NPR One\u003c/a> or on your favorite podcast listening app.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "KQED’s upcoming podcast \"SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America\" examines housing affordability by zeroing in on the epicenter of the crisis — California.\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Trump has made protecting the suburbs from low-income housing part of his reelection campaign. But this idea — that middle-class families should be kept separate from the poor and working class — has been around for a century, and it’s had profound impacts on our housing supply, affordability and racial inequity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a topic we’ll unpack in KQED’s upcoming podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have been reporting on how California’s housing crisis has been exacerbated by the coronavirus pandemic. We’ve talked to unemployed workers worried about eviction, covered rent strikes and tracked the state’s plan to house people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coronavirus has exposed just how precarious and inequitable America’s housing system has been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/americas-rental-housing-2020\">Nearly 11 million U.S. renters\u003c/a>, or one in four, spent more than half their incomes on housing in 2018; that was when the economy was considered healthy. In California, it’s one in three. As a nation, we are not building enough. That’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.freddiemac.com/research/insight/20181205_major_challenge_to_u.s._housing_supply.page?\">according to Freddie Mac\u003c/a>, which estimates we need 370,000 more units each year to keep up with demand. The mortgage corporation also says \u003ca href=\"http://www.freddiemac.com/research/insight/20200227-the-housing-supply-shortage.page\">29 states have a housing deficit\u003c/a>. And California is the epicenter of this housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If America really cared about a solution, they would do things like give people adequate housing and get everyone a job,” said Akil Riley, an Oakland native and Howard University student, at a protest he helped organize after the Minneapolis police killing of George Floyd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11825877\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11825877\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators marched on Broadway in Oakland on May 29, 2020 during a protest over the Minneapolis police killing of George Floyd. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>2020 is proving to be an inflection point, and how we respond may determine whether California’s housing crisis can be turned around. So, we’re posing a challenge in this podcast to physicians, homebuilders, community organizers and activists, hotel owners and attorneys to ask what we can do now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People resist change,” said Rick Holliday, CEO and co-founder of Factory OS, a company that builds modular housing. “And I think we finally hit a point where the cost was so high, we have to change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the episodes in the SOLD OUT podcast digs into the origins of single-family neighborhoods, which helped create our suburbs. The episode looks at how communities have used local development rules to keep out low-income residents and people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the Supreme Court outlawed city rules that enforced racial segregation by prohibiting Black people from buying homes in white neighborhoods, cities simply adopted a new tool with a new name: zoning. Instead of discriminating based on race, cities passed zoning laws that discriminated based on class and architecture. The zones, or districts, limited the types of buildings that were allowed, such as single-family homes or factories, apartments or offices, shops or warehouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it all started right here in the Bay Area. Berkeley was one of the first cities to use what is now known as single-family zoning, which bars anything other than single-family homes from being built in certain neighborhoods. These homes were too expensive (and still are) for most poor people and people of color, thereby keeping the rich and white neighborhoods rich and white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11771928\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11771928\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/BerkHillsView1912_s-700x587.jpg\" alt=\"A view of the Berkeley Hills in 1912.\" width=\"700\" height=\"587\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/BerkHillsView1912_s-700x587.jpg 700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/BerkHillsView1912_s-700x587-160x134.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 700px) 100vw, 700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the Berkeley Hills in 1912. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Friends of the Fountain and Walk)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The land closest to where industrial activity was already taking place was the land that was going to be relegated for the denser zoning, with the expectation that white people would live in the single-family neighborhoods,” said Dorothy Walker, a 90-year-old Berkeley resident, who served for many years on the city’s Planning Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While single-family zoning institutionalized racial segregation in housing, redlining bolstered it by denying Black, Indigenous and other people of color the ability to get a mortgage, buy a home and grow generational wealth. Later, predatory lending and the foreclosure crisis compounded the problem, leading to a growing wealth gap between white families and Black or Latino ones. Today, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101878641/coronavirus-disproportinately-hits-latinos-in-california\">coronavirus tightens its grip on Black, Native and Latino people\u003c/a> in the U.S. And now, a presidential election in November has the country talking about housing segregation and what our neighborhoods say about us as a nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Join us on Sept. 21 when we release the first episode of SOLD OUT. Explore the ideas and meet the people who are trying to do something, because we just can’t wait anymore. Subscribe to SOLD OUT now on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/sold-out-rethinking-housing-in-america/id1531354937\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/38dTBSk2ISFoPiyYNoKn1X\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/911586047/s-o-l-d-o-u-t-a-new-future-for-housing\">NPR One\u003c/a> or on your favorite podcast listening app.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "proposition-c-court-win-delivers-nearly-500-million-for-san-franciscos-homeless-but-how-will-it-be-spent",
"title": "Proposition C Court Win Delivers Nearly $500 Million for San Francisco's Homeless. But How Will it Be Spent?",
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"headTitle": "Proposition C Court Win Delivers Nearly $500 Million for San Francisco’s Homeless. But How Will it Be Spent? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco has $492 million burning a hole in its pocket, and it’s about to spend it all on helping the homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the amount the city has collected so far in tax dollars from Proposition C, which San Francisco voters approved in 2018. Authored by the San Francisco Coalition on Homelessness, the measure raised taxes on businesses in the city making more than $50 million annually in gross receipts to provide additional funding for homeless services, particularly mental health needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any number of homeless programs may be funded by these dollars, including a new mental health crisis team to respond to non-violent altercations involving unhoused populations, replacing what has traditionally been a law enforcement response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Programs that offer rental assistance for people on the brink of homelessness, RV sites for those sleeping in vehicles and outdoor “safe sleeping sites” for occupants of tent encampments may also receive much-needed funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But although Proposition C passed nearly two years ago, San Francisco hasn’t been able to spend a dime of the money collected until just this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"homelessness\"]That’s because of a legal challenge mounted in April 2019 that halted spending, forcing city officials to sock away the cash, while waiting, purse strings in hand, for a court decision to come down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal morass evaporated Wednesday when the California Supreme Court declined to take an appeal from the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association, which had sued, unsuccessfully, to block the measure, arguing that San Francisco needed a two-thirds majority to pass the tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco is now free to spend that $492 million in taxes already collected from the measure, and is expected to continue collecting, on average, about $300 million annually from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So where will the city spend their millions? And who will ultimately make that decision?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The answer is both simple and complicated: The measure states that the funding must be used for certain objectives, like mental health assistance and shelter beds, but determining \u003cem>which\u003c/em> specific services should receive funding under those broad umbrellas is a wholly different matter, one that three distinct entities will have to wrestle over: San Francisco Mayor London Breed, the Board of Supervisors, and a Proposition C oversight committee, whose first meeting is scheduled for Sept. 16.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Paying the Piper\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The first big spend for Proposition C won’t be to buy new shelter beds or fund new homelessness programs — instead, it will be to \u003cem>pay back \u003c/em>the city, which has been spending its own money on those things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly $196 million will repay San Francisco’s general fund, and other funds, for affordable housing costs spent as part of the mayor’s \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/article/mayor-london-breed-announces-plan-fund-homelessness-recovery-plan-prioritizing-housing#:~:text=Through%20the%20Homelessness%20Recovery%20Plan,placements%20in%20Permanent%20Supportive%20Housing.\">Homeless Recovery Plan\u003c/a>, which proposes 1,000 new permanent supportive housing units as part of this year’s budget and 500 more units next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/TheCoalitionSF/status/1304197721650126850\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Big-Budget Plan\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Breed’s proposed spending plan for the remainder of the Proposition C funds will go before the Board of Supervisors for discussion this week, with votes for final approval anticipated in late September. Breed must sign the budget by Oct. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s proposal includes funding for the following categories:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Homelessness prevention\u003c/strong> \u003cstrong>($59 million\u003c/strong>): While the specifics of this spending have yet to be determined, usually this category of spending includes short- and medium-term rental assistance for people who are housed but could soon become homeless. This category also includes \u003ca href=\"https://sfpublicpress.org/most-homeless-families-helped-by-city-rent-programs-move-out-of-s-f/\">the city’s Rapid Rehousing program\u003c/a>, which provides housing to people who have recently been evicted.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Shelter and hygiene ($39.4 million): \u003c/strong>Funding for “\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/the-city/safe-parking-site-for-homelesss-who-live-in-their-vehicles-proposed-near-balboa-park-bart/\">vehicle triage centers\u003c/a>” — essentially parking sites for homeless people living in RV’s and cars, with wraparound social services; “safe sleeping sites,” which are outdoor tent encampments with city-provided social services; and new emergency shelters.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Mental health ($98.4 million): \u003c/strong>Funding for the newly formed Street Crisis Response Team pilot program — with teams responding to 311 and 911 calls instead of police; the city’s Behavioral Health Access Center; new beds for those with mental health needs and additional funding for the \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/article/mental-health-sf-legislation-approved-unanimously-board-supervisors\">Mental Health SF\u003c/a> program.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“This will allow us to move forward quickly to implement units for people on the streets,” said Jeff Cretan, the mayor’s spokesperson. “It’s really about providing more housing and shelter, and mental health support for those who badly need it. This court decision really frees up the money to implement the programs more quickly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/SF_Interfaith/status/1293256387468963840\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Homelessness Meets COVID-19\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Although Breed and the Board of Supervisors have largely hammered out plans for the Proposition C funding, the oversight committee mandated by the measure hasn’t even met yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s a problem, says Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the San Francisco Coalition on Homelessness, the measure’s author. She’s also an appointee to the oversight committee, which has four seats nominated by the Board of Supervisors, four seats nominated by the mayor and one seat nominated by the city controller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically, what (Breed’s) got in there, she’s paying back expenditures that already happened that had no community oversight,” Friedenbach said. “It’s a total setup. Because it creates a hole in the budget if you don’t use that funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friedenbach argues that some of the programs Breed wants to fund with Proposition C money already have other dedicated funding sources, ones that homeless advocates have fought hard for. That includes rental subsidies, which were a “budget battle we found the revenue for, got the funding for,” Friedenbach said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s office pushed back on those claims, and said the budget process was public, with open negotiations between the mayor’s office and the Board of Supervisors allowing plenty of time for input.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while much of the money from the measure has already been earmarked, Friedenbach argues that the realities of COVID-19 have re-shifted priorities for homeless providers. Additional funding, she says, is now urgently needed to create additional safe sleeping sites, buying hotel rooms and increasing rental assistance to keep more tenants at risk of eviction from losing their houses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/KQEDnews/status/1258821215583473664\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a good chunk of people who might need help during this pandemic and become homeless otherwise,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friedenbach says the mayor and homeless advocates are still very much at odds on how much of Proposition C funding should be spent, and she hopes the two sides can reach some kind of agreement when the oversight committee convenes next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The initiative passed, and she needs to respect that it’s a people’s initiative with people’s oversight,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Although San Francisco is now free to spend $492 million in taxes it has already collected from the measure to help fund shelter and mental health programs for the homeless, it's still unclear how the funding will be spent.",
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"title": "Proposition C Court Win Delivers Nearly $500 Million for San Francisco's Homeless. But How Will it Be Spent? | KQED",
"description": "Although San Francisco is now free to spend $492 million in taxes it has already collected from the measure to help fund shelter and mental health programs for the homeless, it's still unclear how the funding will be spent.",
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"headline": "Proposition C Court Win Delivers Nearly $500 Million for San Francisco's Homeless. But How Will it Be Spent?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco has $492 million burning a hole in its pocket, and it’s about to spend it all on helping the homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the amount the city has collected so far in tax dollars from Proposition C, which San Francisco voters approved in 2018. Authored by the San Francisco Coalition on Homelessness, the measure raised taxes on businesses in the city making more than $50 million annually in gross receipts to provide additional funding for homeless services, particularly mental health needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any number of homeless programs may be funded by these dollars, including a new mental health crisis team to respond to non-violent altercations involving unhoused populations, replacing what has traditionally been a law enforcement response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Programs that offer rental assistance for people on the brink of homelessness, RV sites for those sleeping in vehicles and outdoor “safe sleeping sites” for occupants of tent encampments may also receive much-needed funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But although Proposition C passed nearly two years ago, San Francisco hasn’t been able to spend a dime of the money collected until just this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That’s because of a legal challenge mounted in April 2019 that halted spending, forcing city officials to sock away the cash, while waiting, purse strings in hand, for a court decision to come down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal morass evaporated Wednesday when the California Supreme Court declined to take an appeal from the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association, which had sued, unsuccessfully, to block the measure, arguing that San Francisco needed a two-thirds majority to pass the tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco is now free to spend that $492 million in taxes already collected from the measure, and is expected to continue collecting, on average, about $300 million annually from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So where will the city spend their millions? And who will ultimately make that decision?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The answer is both simple and complicated: The measure states that the funding must be used for certain objectives, like mental health assistance and shelter beds, but determining \u003cem>which\u003c/em> specific services should receive funding under those broad umbrellas is a wholly different matter, one that three distinct entities will have to wrestle over: San Francisco Mayor London Breed, the Board of Supervisors, and a Proposition C oversight committee, whose first meeting is scheduled for Sept. 16.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Paying the Piper\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The first big spend for Proposition C won’t be to buy new shelter beds or fund new homelessness programs — instead, it will be to \u003cem>pay back \u003c/em>the city, which has been spending its own money on those things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly $196 million will repay San Francisco’s general fund, and other funds, for affordable housing costs spent as part of the mayor’s \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/article/mayor-london-breed-announces-plan-fund-homelessness-recovery-plan-prioritizing-housing#:~:text=Through%20the%20Homelessness%20Recovery%20Plan,placements%20in%20Permanent%20Supportive%20Housing.\">Homeless Recovery Plan\u003c/a>, which proposes 1,000 new permanent supportive housing units as part of this year’s budget and 500 more units next year.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Big-Budget Plan\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Breed’s proposed spending plan for the remainder of the Proposition C funds will go before the Board of Supervisors for discussion this week, with votes for final approval anticipated in late September. Breed must sign the budget by Oct. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s proposal includes funding for the following categories:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Homelessness prevention\u003c/strong> \u003cstrong>($59 million\u003c/strong>): While the specifics of this spending have yet to be determined, usually this category of spending includes short- and medium-term rental assistance for people who are housed but could soon become homeless. This category also includes \u003ca href=\"https://sfpublicpress.org/most-homeless-families-helped-by-city-rent-programs-move-out-of-s-f/\">the city’s Rapid Rehousing program\u003c/a>, which provides housing to people who have recently been evicted.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Shelter and hygiene ($39.4 million): \u003c/strong>Funding for “\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/the-city/safe-parking-site-for-homelesss-who-live-in-their-vehicles-proposed-near-balboa-park-bart/\">vehicle triage centers\u003c/a>” — essentially parking sites for homeless people living in RV’s and cars, with wraparound social services; “safe sleeping sites,” which are outdoor tent encampments with city-provided social services; and new emergency shelters.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Mental health ($98.4 million): \u003c/strong>Funding for the newly formed Street Crisis Response Team pilot program — with teams responding to 311 and 911 calls instead of police; the city’s Behavioral Health Access Center; new beds for those with mental health needs and additional funding for the \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/article/mental-health-sf-legislation-approved-unanimously-board-supervisors\">Mental Health SF\u003c/a> program.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“This will allow us to move forward quickly to implement units for people on the streets,” said Jeff Cretan, the mayor’s spokesperson. “It’s really about providing more housing and shelter, and mental health support for those who badly need it. This court decision really frees up the money to implement the programs more quickly.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Homelessness Meets COVID-19\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Although Breed and the Board of Supervisors have largely hammered out plans for the Proposition C funding, the oversight committee mandated by the measure hasn’t even met yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s a problem, says Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the San Francisco Coalition on Homelessness, the measure’s author. She’s also an appointee to the oversight committee, which has four seats nominated by the Board of Supervisors, four seats nominated by the mayor and one seat nominated by the city controller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically, what (Breed’s) got in there, she’s paying back expenditures that already happened that had no community oversight,” Friedenbach said. “It’s a total setup. Because it creates a hole in the budget if you don’t use that funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friedenbach argues that some of the programs Breed wants to fund with Proposition C money already have other dedicated funding sources, ones that homeless advocates have fought hard for. That includes rental subsidies, which were a “budget battle we found the revenue for, got the funding for,” Friedenbach said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s office pushed back on those claims, and said the budget process was public, with open negotiations between the mayor’s office and the Board of Supervisors allowing plenty of time for input.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while much of the money from the measure has already been earmarked, Friedenbach argues that the realities of COVID-19 have re-shifted priorities for homeless providers. Additional funding, she says, is now urgently needed to create additional safe sleeping sites, buying hotel rooms and increasing rental assistance to keep more tenants at risk of eviction from losing their houses.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>“There’s a good chunk of people who might need help during this pandemic and become homeless otherwise,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friedenbach says the mayor and homeless advocates are still very much at odds on how much of Proposition C funding should be spent, and she hopes the two sides can reach some kind of agreement when the oversight committee convenes next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The initiative passed, and she needs to respect that it’s a people’s initiative with people’s oversight,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "the-pandemic-took-his-job-but-his-neighbors-gave-him-hope",
"title": "The Pandemic Took His Job, But His Neighbors Gave Him Hope",
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"content": "\u003cp>On a recent Tuesday afternoon, Victor Moreno strapped on his backpack and walked half a mile from his apartment to a food pantry in Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The weekly trek to pick up fresh produce and prepared meals has become part of Moreno’s routine in recent months. The 55-year-old, who proudly describes himself as a hardworking man, said he hasn’t been able to find a steady job since March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the beginning, it wasn’t so easy for me to stand in line to get food because I was able to provide for myself in the past,” said Moreno, who shares a studio apartment with a roommate. “But now, that’s the only way that we can stretch the money, pay the rent and eat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreno used to bake pastries and prepare organic salads at a restaurant frequented by tech employees working in offices in downtown San Francisco. But after shelter-in-place orders were issued, most of those office workers stayed home and the restaurant abruptly closed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreno said his last paycheck went to cover rent. He had hardly any savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I ended up with probably less than $20 in my pocket,” said Moreno, an immigrant from Mexico who has worked in the U.S. for nearly two decades. “I started thinking, how am I going to survive next month?” [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Victor Moreno\"]‘You have the hope that everything is going to be OK. But now, after seven months, we are running out of money, we are running out of food, we are running out of patience.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The restaurant industry has suffered greatly during the pandemic. Between February and July, the state lost nearly 350,000 food service jobs, about a quarter of the positions in the industry, according to the most recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.labormarketinfo.edd.ca.gov/data/employment-by-industry.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">estimates\u003c/a> by the California Employment Development Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and industry insiders believe job losses may be much higher, in part because many workers are undocumented and are paid off the books. The California Restaurant Association, for instance, estimates that up to 1 million workers have been furloughed or laid off since March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some California counties with lower risk for COVID-19, restaurants may now reopen for limited indoor dining, after an \u003ca href=\"https://www.restaurantbusinessonline.com/operations/california-starts-reopening-restaurant-dining-rooms\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">announcement\u003c/a> by Gov. Gavin Newsom last month. As of Tuesday, restaurants in San Francisco, Santa Clara and Napa counties could \u003ca href=\"https://covid19.ca.gov/safer-economy/#reopening-data\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">open indoors\u003c/a> for up to 25% of their capacity or 100 people, whichever is fewer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But restaurants in the rest of the Bay Area and most of the state must continue surviving on takeout, delivery and outdoor dining for those establishments that can manage it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When scarce restaurant jobs are posted, competition can be fierce. One manager in San Francisco reported that more than 100 applicants replied within hours for a newly advertised server position, said Amy Cleary, a spokeswoman with the Golden Gate Restaurant Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Victor Moreno said he has applied for more than 10 openings in restaurant kitchens and delis since being laid off. Some employers told him dozens of people applied for the same positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have the hope that everything is going to be OK. But now, after seven months, we are running out of money, we are running out of food, we are running out of patience,” Moreno said. “It’s just terrible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11837234\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11837234 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shirley Pablo Perez helps Victor Moreno check in at a food pantry that Street Level Health Project opened up during the pandemic in Oakland. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Maria Moreno, a community organizer for Restaurant Opportunities Center of the Bay Area (who’s no relation to Victor Moreno), said unemployment remains severe since restaurants that have reopened or stayed open are not operating at full capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tons of people who were laid off don’t have a big pool of employment to tap into,” she said. “We’ve had some of our workers apply to other industries like construction … but a lot of them have been unemployed for months on end, with not a lot of choices for jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an asylee who has received work authorization, Victor Moreno is eligible for unemployment insurance. But he has not applied because he fears the Trump administration’s “\u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/archive/public-charge-fact-sheet\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">public charge\u003c/a>” rule could hurt his ability to become a permanent resident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule, which was finalized earlier this year, penalizes green card applicants if they use certain public benefits. But it wouldn’t affect Moreno as asylees are exempt and unemployment insurance is \u003ca href=\"https://immigrationimpact.com/2020/04/06/unemployment-for-immigrants-public-charge/#.X1lPiWdKjR0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">not considered\u003c/a>, because workers pay into it from their paychecks. The rule is currently being challenged in the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To earn his share of the $1,000 rent he splits with his roommate, Moreno said he has found occasional odd jobs. He even spent a couple of days traveling 60 miles by bus each way to Napa to fertilize and irrigate vineyards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But without a stable job, he worries constantly about paying the rent, especially as his roommate is moving away soon, he said. Moreno is one of about a third of California renters — nearly 4 million adults — who report low or no confidence they will make next month’s rent, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/data/tables/2020/demo/hhp/hhp12.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">household survey\u003c/a> on the pandemic’s impact by the U.S. Census Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11837237\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11837237\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman looks through a box of fresh produce and groceries at a food pantry that opened up during the pandemic in Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the midst of this crisis, Moreno has found unexpected support from people in his neighborhood, a place where many struggle financially and which has one of the highest \u003ca href=\"https://covid-19.acgov.org/data.page?\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">COVID-19 case rates\u003c/a> in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps it shouldn’t have been a surprise. Moreno is well known at local nonprofits for donating his time and effort over the years, said Gabriela Galicia, executive director at Street Level Health Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think he has provided a lot to the community,” said Galicia, who first met Moreno when he volunteered his restaurant skills to cook nutritious lunches for day laborers and others who sought services from the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s always been socially justice oriented. And I feel like that also just comes from his own experiences as an immigrant,” Galicia added. “Victor knows how to talk to community members in a way where they feel heard and understood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Street Level Health Project now offers the weekly food pantry that Moreno has relied on since April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11837236\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11837236\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Victor Moreno holds up prepared meals he received at a food pantry. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Moreno has also received help from a friend he met while volunteering at Peralta Hacienda, a nearby historical park and museum. He used to prepare meals for fundraisers and community events at Peralta, said Shadé Cortez, a staffer there at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We became really good friends,” said Cortez, 27, who now does administrative work for an artisanal bread shop in Oakland. “He’s a person that I really trust and I’m really thankful for his friendship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they heard Moreno was struggling financially, Cortez and her mother decided to drop several bags of groceries by his door. The pair also tucked $100 in a carton of eggs, so Moreno would find the money only after they had left. [aside tag=\"restaurant, jobs\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I knew that if I gave him the money in his hand, he wouldn’t take it. So my mom and I came up with the idea of hiding it in the groceries,” Cortez said. “If we can come together as a community and help one another, then I think we can make things at least a little better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreno said Cortez has repeated the generous gesture at least four more times in the past months. His eyes teared up as he spoke about his friend’s kindness, which he compared to a flickering light in the darkness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My faith in humanity was renewed,” said Moreno, his voice trembling. “I’ve never had anybody bring me food to my house.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "The Pandemic Took His Job, But His Neighbors Gave Him Hope | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On a recent Tuesday afternoon, Victor Moreno strapped on his backpack and walked half a mile from his apartment to a food pantry in Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The weekly trek to pick up fresh produce and prepared meals has become part of Moreno’s routine in recent months. The 55-year-old, who proudly describes himself as a hardworking man, said he hasn’t been able to find a steady job since March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the beginning, it wasn’t so easy for me to stand in line to get food because I was able to provide for myself in the past,” said Moreno, who shares a studio apartment with a roommate. “But now, that’s the only way that we can stretch the money, pay the rent and eat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreno used to bake pastries and prepare organic salads at a restaurant frequented by tech employees working in offices in downtown San Francisco. But after shelter-in-place orders were issued, most of those office workers stayed home and the restaurant abruptly closed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreno said his last paycheck went to cover rent. He had hardly any savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I ended up with probably less than $20 in my pocket,” said Moreno, an immigrant from Mexico who has worked in the U.S. for nearly two decades. “I started thinking, how am I going to survive next month?” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘You have the hope that everything is going to be OK. But now, after seven months, we are running out of money, we are running out of food, we are running out of patience.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The restaurant industry has suffered greatly during the pandemic. Between February and July, the state lost nearly 350,000 food service jobs, about a quarter of the positions in the industry, according to the most recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.labormarketinfo.edd.ca.gov/data/employment-by-industry.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">estimates\u003c/a> by the California Employment Development Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and industry insiders believe job losses may be much higher, in part because many workers are undocumented and are paid off the books. The California Restaurant Association, for instance, estimates that up to 1 million workers have been furloughed or laid off since March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some California counties with lower risk for COVID-19, restaurants may now reopen for limited indoor dining, after an \u003ca href=\"https://www.restaurantbusinessonline.com/operations/california-starts-reopening-restaurant-dining-rooms\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">announcement\u003c/a> by Gov. Gavin Newsom last month. As of Tuesday, restaurants in San Francisco, Santa Clara and Napa counties could \u003ca href=\"https://covid19.ca.gov/safer-economy/#reopening-data\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">open indoors\u003c/a> for up to 25% of their capacity or 100 people, whichever is fewer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But restaurants in the rest of the Bay Area and most of the state must continue surviving on takeout, delivery and outdoor dining for those establishments that can manage it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When scarce restaurant jobs are posted, competition can be fierce. One manager in San Francisco reported that more than 100 applicants replied within hours for a newly advertised server position, said Amy Cleary, a spokeswoman with the Golden Gate Restaurant Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Victor Moreno said he has applied for more than 10 openings in restaurant kitchens and delis since being laid off. Some employers told him dozens of people applied for the same positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have the hope that everything is going to be OK. But now, after seven months, we are running out of money, we are running out of food, we are running out of patience,” Moreno said. “It’s just terrible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11837234\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11837234 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shirley Pablo Perez helps Victor Moreno check in at a food pantry that Street Level Health Project opened up during the pandemic in Oakland. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Maria Moreno, a community organizer for Restaurant Opportunities Center of the Bay Area (who’s no relation to Victor Moreno), said unemployment remains severe since restaurants that have reopened or stayed open are not operating at full capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tons of people who were laid off don’t have a big pool of employment to tap into,” she said. “We’ve had some of our workers apply to other industries like construction … but a lot of them have been unemployed for months on end, with not a lot of choices for jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an asylee who has received work authorization, Victor Moreno is eligible for unemployment insurance. But he has not applied because he fears the Trump administration’s “\u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/archive/public-charge-fact-sheet\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">public charge\u003c/a>” rule could hurt his ability to become a permanent resident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule, which was finalized earlier this year, penalizes green card applicants if they use certain public benefits. But it wouldn’t affect Moreno as asylees are exempt and unemployment insurance is \u003ca href=\"https://immigrationimpact.com/2020/04/06/unemployment-for-immigrants-public-charge/#.X1lPiWdKjR0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">not considered\u003c/a>, because workers pay into it from their paychecks. The rule is currently being challenged in the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To earn his share of the $1,000 rent he splits with his roommate, Moreno said he has found occasional odd jobs. He even spent a couple of days traveling 60 miles by bus each way to Napa to fertilize and irrigate vineyards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But without a stable job, he worries constantly about paying the rent, especially as his roommate is moving away soon, he said. Moreno is one of about a third of California renters — nearly 4 million adults — who report low or no confidence they will make next month’s rent, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/data/tables/2020/demo/hhp/hhp12.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">household survey\u003c/a> on the pandemic’s impact by the U.S. Census Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11837237\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11837237\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman looks through a box of fresh produce and groceries at a food pantry that opened up during the pandemic in Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the midst of this crisis, Moreno has found unexpected support from people in his neighborhood, a place where many struggle financially and which has one of the highest \u003ca href=\"https://covid-19.acgov.org/data.page?\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">COVID-19 case rates\u003c/a> in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps it shouldn’t have been a surprise. Moreno is well known at local nonprofits for donating his time and effort over the years, said Gabriela Galicia, executive director at Street Level Health Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think he has provided a lot to the community,” said Galicia, who first met Moreno when he volunteered his restaurant skills to cook nutritious lunches for day laborers and others who sought services from the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s always been socially justice oriented. And I feel like that also just comes from his own experiences as an immigrant,” Galicia added. “Victor knows how to talk to community members in a way where they feel heard and understood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Street Level Health Project now offers the weekly food pantry that Moreno has relied on since April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11837236\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11837236\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Victor Moreno holds up prepared meals he received at a food pantry. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Moreno has also received help from a friend he met while volunteering at Peralta Hacienda, a nearby historical park and museum. He used to prepare meals for fundraisers and community events at Peralta, said Shadé Cortez, a staffer there at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We became really good friends,” said Cortez, 27, who now does administrative work for an artisanal bread shop in Oakland. “He’s a person that I really trust and I’m really thankful for his friendship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they heard Moreno was struggling financially, Cortez and her mother decided to drop several bags of groceries by his door. The pair also tucked $100 in a carton of eggs, so Moreno would find the money only after they had left. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I knew that if I gave him the money in his hand, he wouldn’t take it. So my mom and I came up with the idea of hiding it in the groceries,” Cortez said. “If we can come together as a community and help one another, then I think we can make things at least a little better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreno said Cortez has repeated the generous gesture at least four more times in the past months. His eyes teared up as he spoke about his friend’s kindness, which he compared to a flickering light in the darkness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Unhoused people in San Francisco say the city’s system for helping them creates a “revolving door,” shuffling homeless people into shelters and right back out again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The entire homeless system needs to change, they say. Throw it out. Reinvent it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Make something new that centers the needs of those suffering addiction, those who are undocumented, transgender people and other key demographics in San Francisco’s population of unhoused people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take police out of the homelessness response entirely, replace overcrowded shelters with service-oriented tent encampments and provide rental subsidies to tenants on the verge of eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those are the top-level findings of \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1thWoIG4PXe36QoInR-QiOwEKi4RIccer/view?usp=sharing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">“Stop the Revolving Door,” a study conducted of homeless people, by homeless people\u003c/a>, who were trained by academics from universities across the Bay Area, including UC Berkeley, Santa Clara University and San Francisco State University. The report was organized by the San Francisco Coalition on Homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report comes as San Francisco’s homeless response system, long-overstretched, could be on the precipice of a major cash infusion. A legal battle over a tax to fund homeless services may be resolved in the next two years, which could free up roughly $300 million in tax revenue to help those on the streets. [pullquote size=\"small\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Dilara Yarbrough, assistant professor at San Francisco State University\"]‘The crucial transformation our research and report is pointing to is we need to shift from this churning in and out of large congregate shelters to preventing homelessness in the first place.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tracey Mixon is one of the peer researchers. She was unhoused when she began working on the survey, she said at a Thursday press briefing. That helped her better connect to the people she was surveying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When a person knows I’ve been in this struggle, and I’m going through this struggle right along with you, you can always find common ground,” Mixon said. “Some of the stories I heard are touching me now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly 580 people living on the streets, in shelters and other precarious places were surveyed in a study conducted between June 3 and Aug. 30 this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If all these recommendations were put together as a whole, we’d see an incredibly transformative effect on the system,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the San Francisco Coalition on Homelessness. “We probably wouldn’t get to zero homelessness, but we’d get to a point where homelessness is much more brief and rare. ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing did not immediately respond for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Stop Homelessness Before It Happens\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>While much of the report concentrates on flipping the script in San Francisco’s homeless efforts, a series of questions also focused on prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How did people fall into homelessness? For most of those surveyed, it was a job loss or reduced income that led to an eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A quarter of respondents had only become homeless in the past year, and 9% had become homeless only within three months prior to the survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of those who lost housing, 43% said it was because they were unable to pay rent. And of those who could not pay rent, 37% said it was due to a job loss, with 36% saying they were still working, but their income was too low. [aside tag=\"housing\" label=\"More Related Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The crucial transformation our research and report is pointing to is we need to shift from this churning in and out of large congregate shelters to preventing homelessness in the first place,” said Dilara Yarbrough, an assistant professor from San Francisco State University who worked as a researcher on the effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When, in a multiple-choice question, surveyors asked what would’ve kept people housed, people overwhelmingly said rental assistance could have helped while they stabilized their income. Four in five study participants said they would have needed rental assistance for one year or less to stay housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of those who lived on the street were evicted from some form of housing meant to help the poor or homeless. About 6% lived in public housing, 10% in a below-market-rate unit and 13% in city-supportive housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Proposition C’s New Investment\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Proposition C, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702831/voters-show-heavy-support-for-new-bay-area-business-taxes-including-s-f-measure-c\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a gross receipts tax measure on wealthy San Francisco businesses\u003c/a>, passed in 2018 and was expected to infuse $300 million into the city’s coffers, marked for homeless services. But a lawsuit by the Howard Jarvis Tax Association and the California Association of Realtors tied that funding up in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Coalition on Homelessness said their report is in anticipation of a decision to allow, or not, the appeal of the case by the Supreme Court, at which point the funds may become available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Improvements to shelters are needed, the report’s authors concluded, because 81% of those they surveyed had used, or tried to access, shelters in the past. The survey’s authors said this shows the shelter wasn’t a pathway to housing in the first place, returning those survey respondents largely to the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some new investments recommended by the report include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Expanding permanent supportive housing\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Providing new kinds of shelter, including “wet” shelters where alcohol is permitted, and safe consumption spaces for drug users trying to ditch their habits\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Providing separate “clean and sober” shelters for those who are successful in recovery\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Increasing the maintenance budget of shelters\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Increasing the number of drop-in shelters, which have decreased by 50% in the last 15 years\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Increasing individualized intensive-care management for drug users in recovery\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Providing trauma-informed care that acknowledges people’s experiences with childhood sexual and physical traumas that exacerbate homelessness\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Expanding the availability of voluntary mental health services instead of only offering such help when people are in crisis\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Creating more neighborhood-based services instead of concentrating services only in the downtown/Tenderloin/South of Market areas\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Perhaps one positive nod to San Francisco’s current efforts were favorable views of organized outdoor tent encampments, called “Safe Sleep Sites,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11816648/sf-used-to-trash-homeless-tents-now-the-city-will-sanction-these-safe-sleeping-sites\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">which the city piloted in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic in a few locations\u003c/a>, including the Haight-Ashbury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly 44% of those staying in shelters said they preferred an organized, outdoor camp. Friedenbach, executive director of the San Francisco Coalition on Homelessness, said, “I think it doesn’t speak well of our shelters. People really value their privacy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Herring, a Harvard fellow who worked as a researcher on the project, said the favorable feeling toward tent encampments stood out to him, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not people wanting to stay outside on the streets. This is in an organized setting, with some sort of security and amenities such as showers, bathrooms,” he said. “I think with the opening of some ‘safe sleep sites’ there was a real opportunity there. I’d think we should learn to expand that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herring also said the high level of people researchers talked to who were now on the streets, but had actually been in shelters previously, “goes against this thing we hear often of people ‘resisting services.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Service resistance, he said, is a myth.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tracey Mixon is one of the peer researchers. She was unhoused when she began working on the survey, she said at a Thursday press briefing. That helped her better connect to the people she was surveying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When a person knows I’ve been in this struggle, and I’m going through this struggle right along with you, you can always find common ground,” Mixon said. “Some of the stories I heard are touching me now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly 580 people living on the streets, in shelters and other precarious places were surveyed in a study conducted between June 3 and Aug. 30 this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If all these recommendations were put together as a whole, we’d see an incredibly transformative effect on the system,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the San Francisco Coalition on Homelessness. “We probably wouldn’t get to zero homelessness, but we’d get to a point where homelessness is much more brief and rare. ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing did not immediately respond for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Stop Homelessness Before It Happens\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>While much of the report concentrates on flipping the script in San Francisco’s homeless efforts, a series of questions also focused on prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How did people fall into homelessness? For most of those surveyed, it was a job loss or reduced income that led to an eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A quarter of respondents had only become homeless in the past year, and 9% had become homeless only within three months prior to the survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of those who lost housing, 43% said it was because they were unable to pay rent. And of those who could not pay rent, 37% said it was due to a job loss, with 36% saying they were still working, but their income was too low. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The crucial transformation our research and report is pointing to is we need to shift from this churning in and out of large congregate shelters to preventing homelessness in the first place,” said Dilara Yarbrough, an assistant professor from San Francisco State University who worked as a researcher on the effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When, in a multiple-choice question, surveyors asked what would’ve kept people housed, people overwhelmingly said rental assistance could have helped while they stabilized their income. Four in five study participants said they would have needed rental assistance for one year or less to stay housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of those who lived on the street were evicted from some form of housing meant to help the poor or homeless. About 6% lived in public housing, 10% in a below-market-rate unit and 13% in city-supportive housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Proposition C’s New Investment\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Proposition C, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702831/voters-show-heavy-support-for-new-bay-area-business-taxes-including-s-f-measure-c\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a gross receipts tax measure on wealthy San Francisco businesses\u003c/a>, passed in 2018 and was expected to infuse $300 million into the city’s coffers, marked for homeless services. But a lawsuit by the Howard Jarvis Tax Association and the California Association of Realtors tied that funding up in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Coalition on Homelessness said their report is in anticipation of a decision to allow, or not, the appeal of the case by the Supreme Court, at which point the funds may become available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Improvements to shelters are needed, the report’s authors concluded, because 81% of those they surveyed had used, or tried to access, shelters in the past. The survey’s authors said this shows the shelter wasn’t a pathway to housing in the first place, returning those survey respondents largely to the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some new investments recommended by the report include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Expanding permanent supportive housing\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Providing new kinds of shelter, including “wet” shelters where alcohol is permitted, and safe consumption spaces for drug users trying to ditch their habits\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Providing separate “clean and sober” shelters for those who are successful in recovery\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Increasing the maintenance budget of shelters\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Increasing the number of drop-in shelters, which have decreased by 50% in the last 15 years\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Increasing individualized intensive-care management for drug users in recovery\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Providing trauma-informed care that acknowledges people’s experiences with childhood sexual and physical traumas that exacerbate homelessness\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Expanding the availability of voluntary mental health services instead of only offering such help when people are in crisis\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Creating more neighborhood-based services instead of concentrating services only in the downtown/Tenderloin/South of Market areas\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Perhaps one positive nod to San Francisco’s current efforts were favorable views of organized outdoor tent encampments, called “Safe Sleep Sites,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11816648/sf-used-to-trash-homeless-tents-now-the-city-will-sanction-these-safe-sleeping-sites\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">which the city piloted in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic in a few locations\u003c/a>, including the Haight-Ashbury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly 44% of those staying in shelters said they preferred an organized, outdoor camp. Friedenbach, executive director of the San Francisco Coalition on Homelessness, said, “I think it doesn’t speak well of our shelters. People really value their privacy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Herring, a Harvard fellow who worked as a researcher on the project, said the favorable feeling toward tent encampments stood out to him, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not people wanting to stay outside on the streets. This is in an organized setting, with some sort of security and amenities such as showers, bathrooms,” he said. “I think with the opening of some ‘safe sleep sites’ there was a real opportunity there. I’d think we should learn to expand that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herring also said the high level of people researchers talked to who were now on the streets, but had actually been in shelters previously, “goes against this thing we hear often of people ‘resisting services.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Aleyda Rebelo hasn’t slept well since the pandemic began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many nights, she tosses and turns in bed, anxious about how she’ll pay the $1,200 monthly rent on the house she shares with her family in Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m so worried because my family depends on me. If I don’t make money, it’s very difficult,” said Rebelo, 35, in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mother of four became the main breadwinner in her household about five years ago, she said, after her husband was disabled at his last job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebelo cleans homes in San Francisco and the Oakland hills but, since March, she has lost several clients and more than half of her earnings, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebelo is one of hundreds of thousands of Bay Area \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/covid-19-and-vulnerable-renters-california\">renters who saw their incomes drop\u003c/a> during the pandemic, as shelter-in-place and social distancing measures became the norm. The economic slowdown has compounded the stress on families for whom the regional housing market was already unaffordable — and the strain is felt especially in lower-income areas like Fruitvale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, the health of people in the neighborhood has been battered by the coronavirus. A cluster of three ZIP codes there, including 94601 — where Rebelo lives — has the highest case rates of COVID-19 in Alameda County, according to its\u003ca href=\"https://covid-19.acgov.org/data.page?\"> public health department\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835785\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11835785\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aleyda Rebelo at her home in Oakland on Aug. 26, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Aleyda Rebelo\"]‘I’m so worried because my family depends on me.’[/pullquote]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebelo said her 2-year-old niece, whose family lives in the neighborhood, tested positive for COVID-19 this month. And Rebelo worries about bringing the virus home to her husband, who she said suffered lung damage by inhaling chemicals used to treat wood floors at his job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If my husband gets the virus he could die, because he already has a more delicate health condition,” said Rebelo, an immigrant from El Salvador. “So, it’s a huge stress having to go out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Rebelo, most of the residents in ZIP code 94601 work in jobs that can’t be done from home, so they are at higher risk for contracting the virus. And wages for Rebelo and her neighbors tend to be low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a consequence, more than 28% of people in the ZIP code live in poverty — twice the state average, \u003ca href=\"https://censusreporter.org/profiles/86000US94601-94601/\">according to census figures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘We’ve Just Seen the Need Intensify’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Even before the pandemic, many in Fruitvale and adjacent parts of East Oakland were already spending a big share of their paychecks on rent and had no financial cushion to cope with lost income, said Carolina Reid, an assistant professor in city and regional planning at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to come up with the words that are sufficient to describe what a crisis this must be for some households in terms of concerns over their health … concerns over paying rent,” said Reid, a researcher at UC Berkeley’s \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu\">Terner Center for Housing Innovation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835784\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11835784\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Raphael, 3, Jessalyn, 2, and Genesis 7, play outside of the home of Aleyda Rebelo in Oakland on Aug. 26, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For now, local and state eviction moratoriums have been a lifeline for renters like Rebelo. But once those policies end, tenants may still have to pay landlords the full amount of their back rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reid and others worry that could lead to an unprecedented wave of evictions, especially hitting low-income renters of color. As many as 5.4 million people in California are at risk of eviction, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.aspeninstitute.org/blog-posts/the-covid-19-eviction-crisis-an-estimated-30-40-million-people-in-america-are-at-risk/\">estimates by the Aspen Institute\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Carolina Reid, UC Berkeley.\"]‘It’s hard to come up with the words that are sufficient to describe what a crisis this must be for some households.’[/pullquote]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to increase homelessness and it’s also going to have an impact on our ability to have economic recovery,” Reid said. “We are in for a prolonged recession, if not worse, if we can’t get people back on their feet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To avoid massive evictions, Reid said, the federal government must continue to provide cash assistance to people who’ve been financially hurt by the pandemic, so they can pay for rent, groceries and other basic needs — and help keep the larger economy afloat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11835565/newsom-announces-new-statewide-eviction-moratorium-but-major-concessions-may-threaten-tenants\">announced a plan for a new eviction moratorium\u003c/a> that could protect millions of renters in the state, if the Legislature approves it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11812172\" label=\"Pandemic finance resources\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the bill, Assembly Bill 3088, does not go as far as tenants’ groups had hoped, it would prevent landlords from evicting tenants for missing rent between March 1 and Aug. 31. Unpaid rent from that period would be converted to civil debt, meaning landlords could take tenants to small claims court to try to recover the amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For rents missed between Sept. 1 and Jan. 31, tenants would have to pay at least 25% of what they owe or face eviction. The remaining amount would be converted to civil debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835786\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11835786\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Christopher, 12, and Raphael, 3, the children of Aleyda Rebelo, play basketball outside of their home in Oakland on Aug. 26, 2020.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, in Oakland, a program called \u003ca href=\"https://www.keepoaklandhoused.org\">Keep Oakland Housed\u003c/a> has been channeling private donations to provide emergency assistance to people in need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program has been around for two years, but since the pandemic started it has received hundreds more calls for help, said Jonathan Russell, who directs housing strategy for Bay Area Community Services, one the nonprofits that run it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve just seen the need intensify,” Russell said. “What was already an extremely difficult and expensive market … we’ve just seen that exacerbated and worsened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[ad fullwidth]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>“What Am I Going to Do?”\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The Keep Oakland Housed program helped Aleyda Rebelo pay a PG&E bill, car repairs and more than $4,000 in rent payments on her family’s Fruitvale home that she had missed from May to August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is, it doesn’t fix September,” Russell said of the aid Rebelo received. “But it puts September in a context where the burden of rent — that would otherwise compound in the future — is gone. And the car is working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835804\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11835804\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aleyda Rebelo and her son Raphael Roque, 3, at their home in Oakland on Aug. 26, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Rebelo said the financial help was a huge relief that gave her and her family an emotional and financial break during the crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many others she knows who have lost jobs, like her sister, haven’t been able to find help, she said. And Rebelo is still anxious, because she doesn’t know when she’ll be able to work full time again to cover her rent and bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still don’t have all my work, the way I had it before the pandemic,” she said. “And it’s like, what am I going to do?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Aleyda Rebelo hasn’t slept well since the pandemic began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many nights, she tosses and turns in bed, anxious about how she’ll pay the $1,200 monthly rent on the house she shares with her family in Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m so worried because my family depends on me. If I don’t make money, it’s very difficult,” said Rebelo, 35, in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mother of four became the main breadwinner in her household about five years ago, she said, after her husband was disabled at his last job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebelo cleans homes in San Francisco and the Oakland hills but, since March, she has lost several clients and more than half of her earnings, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebelo is one of hundreds of thousands of Bay Area \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/covid-19-and-vulnerable-renters-california\">renters who saw their incomes drop\u003c/a> during the pandemic, as shelter-in-place and social distancing measures became the norm. The economic slowdown has compounded the stress on families for whom the regional housing market was already unaffordable — and the strain is felt especially in lower-income areas like Fruitvale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, the health of people in the neighborhood has been battered by the coronavirus. A cluster of three ZIP codes there, including 94601 — where Rebelo lives — has the highest case rates of COVID-19 in Alameda County, according to its\u003ca href=\"https://covid-19.acgov.org/data.page?\"> public health department\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835785\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11835785\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aleyda Rebelo at her home in Oakland on Aug. 26, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebelo said her 2-year-old niece, whose family lives in the neighborhood, tested positive for COVID-19 this month. And Rebelo worries about bringing the virus home to her husband, who she said suffered lung damage by inhaling chemicals used to treat wood floors at his job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If my husband gets the virus he could die, because he already has a more delicate health condition,” said Rebelo, an immigrant from El Salvador. “So, it’s a huge stress having to go out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Rebelo, most of the residents in ZIP code 94601 work in jobs that can’t be done from home, so they are at higher risk for contracting the virus. And wages for Rebelo and her neighbors tend to be low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a consequence, more than 28% of people in the ZIP code live in poverty — twice the state average, \u003ca href=\"https://censusreporter.org/profiles/86000US94601-94601/\">according to census figures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘We’ve Just Seen the Need Intensify’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Even before the pandemic, many in Fruitvale and adjacent parts of East Oakland were already spending a big share of their paychecks on rent and had no financial cushion to cope with lost income, said Carolina Reid, an assistant professor in city and regional planning at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to come up with the words that are sufficient to describe what a crisis this must be for some households in terms of concerns over their health … concerns over paying rent,” said Reid, a researcher at UC Berkeley’s \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu\">Terner Center for Housing Innovation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835784\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11835784\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Raphael, 3, Jessalyn, 2, and Genesis 7, play outside of the home of Aleyda Rebelo in Oakland on Aug. 26, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For now, local and state eviction moratoriums have been a lifeline for renters like Rebelo. But once those policies end, tenants may still have to pay landlords the full amount of their back rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reid and others worry that could lead to an unprecedented wave of evictions, especially hitting low-income renters of color. As many as 5.4 million people in California are at risk of eviction, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.aspeninstitute.org/blog-posts/the-covid-19-eviction-crisis-an-estimated-30-40-million-people-in-america-are-at-risk/\">estimates by the Aspen Institute\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to increase homelessness and it’s also going to have an impact on our ability to have economic recovery,” Reid said. “We are in for a prolonged recession, if not worse, if we can’t get people back on their feet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To avoid massive evictions, Reid said, the federal government must continue to provide cash assistance to people who’ve been financially hurt by the pandemic, so they can pay for rent, groceries and other basic needs — and help keep the larger economy afloat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11835565/newsom-announces-new-statewide-eviction-moratorium-but-major-concessions-may-threaten-tenants\">announced a plan for a new eviction moratorium\u003c/a> that could protect millions of renters in the state, if the Legislature approves it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the bill, Assembly Bill 3088, does not go as far as tenants’ groups had hoped, it would prevent landlords from evicting tenants for missing rent between March 1 and Aug. 31. Unpaid rent from that period would be converted to civil debt, meaning landlords could take tenants to small claims court to try to recover the amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For rents missed between Sept. 1 and Jan. 31, tenants would have to pay at least 25% of what they owe or face eviction. The remaining amount would be converted to civil debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835786\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11835786\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Christopher, 12, and Raphael, 3, the children of Aleyda Rebelo, play basketball outside of their home in Oakland on Aug. 26, 2020.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, in Oakland, a program called \u003ca href=\"https://www.keepoaklandhoused.org\">Keep Oakland Housed\u003c/a> has been channeling private donations to provide emergency assistance to people in need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program has been around for two years, but since the pandemic started it has received hundreds more calls for help, said Jonathan Russell, who directs housing strategy for Bay Area Community Services, one the nonprofits that run it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve just seen the need intensify,” Russell said. “What was already an extremely difficult and expensive market … we’ve just seen that exacerbated and worsened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>“What Am I Going to Do?”\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The Keep Oakland Housed program helped Aleyda Rebelo pay a PG&E bill, car repairs and more than $4,000 in rent payments on her family’s Fruitvale home that she had missed from May to August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is, it doesn’t fix September,” Russell said of the aid Rebelo received. “But it puts September in a context where the burden of rent — that would otherwise compound in the future — is gone. And the car is working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835804\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11835804\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aleyda Rebelo and her son Raphael Roque, 3, at their home in Oakland on Aug. 26, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Rebelo said the financial help was a huge relief that gave her and her family an emotional and financial break during the crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many others she knows who have lost jobs, like her sister, haven’t been able to find help, she said. And Rebelo is still anxious, because she doesn’t know when she’ll be able to work full time again to cover her rent and bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still don’t have all my work, the way I had it before the pandemic,” she said. “And it’s like, what am I going to do?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "SF Landlords of Single-Family Homes Can't Triple Rent to Force Tenants Out, Court Rules",
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"content": "\u003cp>Can landlords double, triple or even quadruple a tenant’s rent just to force them to leave?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlord and realtor groups lost a lawsuit on Friday which was seeking to overturn a city law passed in January 2019. That law bars landlords of single-family homes from raising a tenant’s rent to an exorbitant amount in order to “circumvent” eviction protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Attorney Dennis Herrera hailed the decision as a win for tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It shocks the conscience to think a landlord would double or triple somebody’s rent to circumvent eviction regulations and force a tenant out. It’s predatory, and it’s not allowed in San Francisco,” Herrera said in a statement. “I’m pleased we were able to protect San Francisco’s common-sense regulations that prohibit this dangerous ploy — particularly given the economic and health threats we’re all facing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"San Francisco Superior Court Judge Charles F. Haines\"]‘While the conduct prohibited by the ordinance takes the form of a rent increase, in substance it is an eviction.’[/pullquote]The law, authored by San Francisco Supervisor Hillary Ronen, says that any rent increase specifically intended to “defraud, intimidate, or coerce the tenant” into vacating a rental unit would qualify as tenant harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some tests of whether or not a rental increase constitutes harassment include rent increases “in excess of market rates for comparable units,” or if a rent increase came within six months after a landlord tried to evict a tenant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Apartment Association, the San Francisco Association of Realtors and the Small Property Owners of San Francisco Institute sued to overturn the rent-hike ban a month after it was approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Apartment Association could not be reached for comment, and it is unclear if they will appeal the case. The San Francisco Association of Realtors did not immediately return a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco can’t impose rent control on single-family homes due to the state \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?lawCode=CIV&division=3.&title=5.&part=4.&chapter=2.7.&article\">Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act\u003c/a>, but the city can mandate eviction protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco Superior Court Judge Charles F. Haines’s ruling, he argued the 2019 rent-hike law constitutes an eviction protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the conduct prohibited by the ordinance takes the form of a rent increase, in substance it is an eviction,” Judge Haines wrote. His argument also mirrored Ronen’s: “Plaintiffs point to nothing that indicates the Legislature intended to elevate form over substance in this way and allow the use of such artifice to evade applicable laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='eviction-moratorium']While the various landlord and realtor groups suing did not comment on this development, individual landlords told the Board of Supervisors why they opposed the law in a December 2018 City Hall hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wendy Wong, from the San Francisco Coalition for Good Neighborhoods, said “we understand there are hardships for tenants, but you should know we also have hardship from the landlord side. There are so many harassment cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Especially in San Francisco, Wong argued, city leaders have been “extreme” in applying laws to limit the rights of small property owners, which often lead to “extremely expensive” lawsuits filed by tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But another commenter at the 2018 hearing, Kyle Retzik, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Supervisor-moves-to-strengthen-renter-protections-13061283.php\">who was profiled by the San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/a>, said real estate companies who were unknown to him bought his property and tried to evict him and his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After he fought the eviction legally and won, he said they immediately doubled his rent, which he framed as an effort to push his family out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joseph Tobener, a local tenant attorney, said Monday that he doesn’t expect landlords will stop hiking rents to pressure tenants to leave. But he does think the newly won law will give tenants another way to fight back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Can landlords double, triple or even quadruple a tenant’s rent just to force them to leave?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlord and realtor groups lost a lawsuit on Friday which was seeking to overturn a city law passed in January 2019. That law bars landlords of single-family homes from raising a tenant’s rent to an exorbitant amount in order to “circumvent” eviction protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Attorney Dennis Herrera hailed the decision as a win for tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It shocks the conscience to think a landlord would double or triple somebody’s rent to circumvent eviction regulations and force a tenant out. It’s predatory, and it’s not allowed in San Francisco,” Herrera said in a statement. “I’m pleased we were able to protect San Francisco’s common-sense regulations that prohibit this dangerous ploy — particularly given the economic and health threats we’re all facing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The law, authored by San Francisco Supervisor Hillary Ronen, says that any rent increase specifically intended to “defraud, intimidate, or coerce the tenant” into vacating a rental unit would qualify as tenant harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some tests of whether or not a rental increase constitutes harassment include rent increases “in excess of market rates for comparable units,” or if a rent increase came within six months after a landlord tried to evict a tenant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Apartment Association, the San Francisco Association of Realtors and the Small Property Owners of San Francisco Institute sued to overturn the rent-hike ban a month after it was approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Apartment Association could not be reached for comment, and it is unclear if they will appeal the case. The San Francisco Association of Realtors did not immediately return a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco can’t impose rent control on single-family homes due to the state \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?lawCode=CIV&division=3.&title=5.&part=4.&chapter=2.7.&article\">Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act\u003c/a>, but the city can mandate eviction protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco Superior Court Judge Charles F. Haines’s ruling, he argued the 2019 rent-hike law constitutes an eviction protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the conduct prohibited by the ordinance takes the form of a rent increase, in substance it is an eviction,” Judge Haines wrote. His argument also mirrored Ronen’s: “Plaintiffs point to nothing that indicates the Legislature intended to elevate form over substance in this way and allow the use of such artifice to evade applicable laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While the various landlord and realtor groups suing did not comment on this development, individual landlords told the Board of Supervisors why they opposed the law in a December 2018 City Hall hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wendy Wong, from the San Francisco Coalition for Good Neighborhoods, said “we understand there are hardships for tenants, but you should know we also have hardship from the landlord side. There are so many harassment cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Especially in San Francisco, Wong argued, city leaders have been “extreme” in applying laws to limit the rights of small property owners, which often lead to “extremely expensive” lawsuits filed by tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But another commenter at the 2018 hearing, Kyle Retzik, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Supervisor-moves-to-strengthen-renter-protections-13061283.php\">who was profiled by the San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/a>, said real estate companies who were unknown to him bought his property and tried to evict him and his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After he fought the eviction legally and won, he said they immediately doubled his rent, which he framed as an effort to push his family out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joseph Tobener, a local tenant attorney, said Monday that he doesn’t expect landlords will stop hiking rents to pressure tenants to leave. But he does think the newly won law will give tenants another way to fight back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "impoverished-sf-communities-get-new-air-quality-sensors-just-in-time-for-smoke-clogged-skies",
"title": "Impoverished SF Communities Get New Air Quality Sensors — Just in Time for Smoke-Clogged Skies",
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"content": "\u003cp>Wildfires are choking the air across the Bay Area. But while people fearing blackened skies are rushing to buy masks and air filtration systems, low-income communities and communities of color suffer unhealthy air year-round.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An effort led by the California Air Resources Board to improve air in those communities is now expanding into San Francisco, accelerated in response to the worsening air from the lightning-sparked wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brightline Defense, an environmental nonprofit, is leading the San Francisco effort to install air-quality sensors near single-room occupancy hotels and to survey residents on their health in collaboration with SRO hotel tenants, themselves. [aside tag=\"air-quality\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gail Seagraves lives in one of those SRO hotels in the Tenderloin, on Turk Street. She says tenants there live on the margins and are often “invisible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to fight for every single thing,” Seagraves said. “This is really exciting for us that tenants are involved, and someone wants to listen to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just makes us feel like somebody cares,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/capp/about\">The Community Air Protection Program\u003c/a> is an effort to measure and improve poor air quality in disadvantaged communities statewide, ranging from East Lost Angeles to South Central Fresno, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11573588/california-lawmakers-approve-plan-to-extend-cap-and-trade-system\">established by Assembly Bill 617 in 2017. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, the program is also in Richmond and West Oakland, the latter of which resulted in an October 2019 “action plan” that identified diesel from the Port of Oakland and particulates from nearby waste treatment facilities as sources of air pollution in disadvantaged communities. The Bay Area Air Quality Management District provides technical assistance to those efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those communities suffer higher rates of asthma and bad cardiovascular health, \u003ca href=\"https://www.baaqmd.gov/~/media/files/ab617-community-health/west-oakland/100219-files/owning-our-air-plan-summary-pdf.pdf?la=en\">the report noted\u003c/a>. Air quality data collected in West Oakland led to recommendations like moving the Port of Oakland’s truck operations to zero-emissions by 2035 and to fund cleaner tugboat engines. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that effort is expanding into low-income San Francisco communities. On Thursday, Brightline Defense Executive Director Eddie Ahn climbed ladders and clambered onto rooftops in San Francisco’s Tenderloin, Mid-Market and South of Market neighborhoods, working to install more than a dozen air-quality sensors near SRO hotels, and some parks — like Boedekker Park in the Tenderloin — where SRO tenants frequent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11834523\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11834523\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AQ-device2.JPG-800x491.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"491\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AQ-device2.JPG-800x491.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AQ-device2.JPG-1020x625.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AQ-device2.JPG-160x98.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AQ-device2.JPG-1536x942.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AQ-device2.JPG.jpg 1900w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brightline Defense Executive Director Eddie Ahn installs an air-quality sensor in San Francisco, Thursday. \u003ccite>(Photo courtesy Brightline Defense)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The device is rectangular and white, about half the size of a shoebox but similar in shape, with antennae and a solar panel attached to it. Ahn zip ties the device to nearby poles, and links it via the internet to a web page that shows refreshed air-quality readings once every hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measuring the air near SRO hotels is especially important, Ahn said, because they can be so densely populated. San Francisco has hundreds of SRO hotels, which each can have as many as 200 living units, many with families packing into a single room. These impoverished communities are located very close to congested traffic, which chokes their air far more regularly than wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With wildfire smoke, “you can even feel it inside your apartment building, you don’t even have to step out into the street. But also, the other major issues identified today have been traffic congestion, construction impacts,” Ahn said, so “knowing the air in which they breathe, in which they absorb over a very long period of time and how it shapes their long term life expectancy, is something that everybody should have a right to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahn said Brightline Defense’s effort to measure air quality near SRO hotels may also expand into Chinatown with the help of the Chinatown Community Development Center, which operates SRO buildings in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any effort to improve air quality would be welcome by Jun Tan, a father of a 7-year-old who lives with his wife and daughter in a Chinatown SRO. A custodian, Tan said sheltering-in-place in his single room, with his family, led to hotter-than-usual conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is hard with the current bad air quality and ashes,” Jun said, “because now we have to close the only window we have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Brightline Defense, an environmental nonprofit, is leading the San Francisco effort to install air-quality sensors near SRO hotels and to survey residents on their health in collaboration with single-room occupancy hotel tenants, themselves.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Wildfires are choking the air across the Bay Area. But while people fearing blackened skies are rushing to buy masks and air filtration systems, low-income communities and communities of color suffer unhealthy air year-round.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An effort led by the California Air Resources Board to improve air in those communities is now expanding into San Francisco, accelerated in response to the worsening air from the lightning-sparked wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brightline Defense, an environmental nonprofit, is leading the San Francisco effort to install air-quality sensors near single-room occupancy hotels and to survey residents on their health in collaboration with SRO hotel tenants, themselves. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gail Seagraves lives in one of those SRO hotels in the Tenderloin, on Turk Street. She says tenants there live on the margins and are often “invisible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to fight for every single thing,” Seagraves said. “This is really exciting for us that tenants are involved, and someone wants to listen to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just makes us feel like somebody cares,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/capp/about\">The Community Air Protection Program\u003c/a> is an effort to measure and improve poor air quality in disadvantaged communities statewide, ranging from East Lost Angeles to South Central Fresno, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11573588/california-lawmakers-approve-plan-to-extend-cap-and-trade-system\">established by Assembly Bill 617 in 2017. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, the program is also in Richmond and West Oakland, the latter of which resulted in an October 2019 “action plan” that identified diesel from the Port of Oakland and particulates from nearby waste treatment facilities as sources of air pollution in disadvantaged communities. The Bay Area Air Quality Management District provides technical assistance to those efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those communities suffer higher rates of asthma and bad cardiovascular health, \u003ca href=\"https://www.baaqmd.gov/~/media/files/ab617-community-health/west-oakland/100219-files/owning-our-air-plan-summary-pdf.pdf?la=en\">the report noted\u003c/a>. Air quality data collected in West Oakland led to recommendations like moving the Port of Oakland’s truck operations to zero-emissions by 2035 and to fund cleaner tugboat engines. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that effort is expanding into low-income San Francisco communities. On Thursday, Brightline Defense Executive Director Eddie Ahn climbed ladders and clambered onto rooftops in San Francisco’s Tenderloin, Mid-Market and South of Market neighborhoods, working to install more than a dozen air-quality sensors near SRO hotels, and some parks — like Boedekker Park in the Tenderloin — where SRO tenants frequent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11834523\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11834523\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AQ-device2.JPG-800x491.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"491\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AQ-device2.JPG-800x491.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AQ-device2.JPG-1020x625.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AQ-device2.JPG-160x98.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AQ-device2.JPG-1536x942.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AQ-device2.JPG.jpg 1900w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brightline Defense Executive Director Eddie Ahn installs an air-quality sensor in San Francisco, Thursday. \u003ccite>(Photo courtesy Brightline Defense)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The device is rectangular and white, about half the size of a shoebox but similar in shape, with antennae and a solar panel attached to it. Ahn zip ties the device to nearby poles, and links it via the internet to a web page that shows refreshed air-quality readings once every hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measuring the air near SRO hotels is especially important, Ahn said, because they can be so densely populated. San Francisco has hundreds of SRO hotels, which each can have as many as 200 living units, many with families packing into a single room. These impoverished communities are located very close to congested traffic, which chokes their air far more regularly than wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With wildfire smoke, “you can even feel it inside your apartment building, you don’t even have to step out into the street. But also, the other major issues identified today have been traffic congestion, construction impacts,” Ahn said, so “knowing the air in which they breathe, in which they absorb over a very long period of time and how it shapes their long term life expectancy, is something that everybody should have a right to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahn said Brightline Defense’s effort to measure air quality near SRO hotels may also expand into Chinatown with the help of the Chinatown Community Development Center, which operates SRO buildings in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any effort to improve air quality would be welcome by Jun Tan, a father of a 7-year-old who lives with his wife and daughter in a Chinatown SRO. A custodian, Tan said sheltering-in-place in his single room, with his family, led to hotter-than-usual conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is hard with the current bad air quality and ashes,” Jun said, “because now we have to close the only window we have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 1:35 a.m. Tuesday:\u003c/strong> It’s been voted down, legally challenged, backed by voter referendum, and stalled for years, like a car spinning its wheels in mud. Now, a 315-unit apartment development in Lafayette that became a statewide rallying cry for the Yes In My Back Yard movement will spin its wheels a little longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote to approve The Terraces development was delayed by the Lafayette City Council after a seven-hour marathon meeting that stretched from Monday night into early Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Lafayette City Council said they needed more time to fully discuss concerns aired by neighbors, many of whom claimed the proposed apartments would bring crippling traffic congestion, increase the risk of wildfire, and imperil the movement of emergency vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jeremy Levine, a Lafayette resident and co-founder of the group Inclusive Lafayette, said those concerns have been proven untrue by Lafayette city staff, and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Lafayette City Council pushed their decision down the road, public commenters and city staff warned Lafayette would be open to lawsuit under the Housing Accountability Act – and $15 million in possible fines – should they fail to approve the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Victoria Fierce of housing advocacy group California Renters Legal Advocacy and Education Fund, or CaRLA said, “Lafayette may no longer choose between housing or no housing. You may decide between housing and consequences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Lafayette City Council will continue its discussion of The Terraces development August 24.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post, 1:00 p.m. Monday:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nBefore a single brick has even been laid, \u003ca href=\"https://www.terracesoflafayette.com\">The Terraces\u003c/a>, a proposed 315-unit apartment development in Lafayette, became a flash point for discussion around the housing crisis in Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2015 legal battle over the project helped define the “Yes In My Backyard,” or YIMBY, movement. The movement, and the activists behind it, have made a name for themselves by “suing the suburbs” like Lafayette, in a bid to push California to “build, build, build” its way out of the housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, nearly a decade after the project first entered the public sphere, The Terraces finally faces approval Monday night from the Lafayette City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Cameron Burks appealed the project after it was approved July 1 by the Lafayette Planning Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Lafayette City Councilmember Cameron Burks\"]“I felt that this particular project was such profound importance to the city that really the community deserved to have their elected officials make the final decision.”[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burks, who recently announced his reelection campaign, said he brought it to the City Council so the body could put itself on record about The Terraces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt that this particular project was such profound importance to the city that really the community deserved to have their elected officials make the final decision,” Burks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Terraces has drawn rebuke from some neighbors, particularly a group called \u003ca href=\"http://savelafayette.org\">Save Lafayette\u003c/a>, who publicly say the dense housing project will clog local roads with traffic congestion, ruin the city’s “semi-rural” character and is out of touch with Lafayette writ-large.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The town is home to roughly 26,000 people, according to the Census Bureau, and is often touted as an idyllic refuge for people who don’t wish to live the urban life of nearby Oakland or San Francisco, which are only a BART ride away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the project has its detractors, neighbors have come to its defense in recent years, as well. Inclusive Lafayette’s co-founder, Jeremy Levine, said his group’s more than 450 members believe The Terraces project won’t add to the city’s traffic congestion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, because the project is less than a mile from BART, Levine says that many living in The Terraces won’t need a car at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832820\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832820\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/20190327091526171_Page_1-e1597087659178-800x498.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"498\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/20190327091526171_Page_1-e1597087659178-800x498.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/20190327091526171_Page_1-e1597087659178-1020x634.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/20190327091526171_Page_1-e1597087659178-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/20190327091526171_Page_1-e1597087659178.jpg 1500w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A project rendering of The Terraces, a proposed 315-unit apartment development project in Lafayette. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Terraces of Lafayette)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Compared to almost anywhere else in Lafayette, it’s almost as close as you can get for walkability purposes,” Levine said. “The rest of the community is built on winding roads, squeezed into the hills. And you kind of have to drive if you plan to get anywhere. The Terraces are not that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project has had a tumultuous ride. After developer O’Brien Land Company sought to change a sloping open space into apartments, and it drew community resistance, Lafayette officials sought to turn the project into 44 single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a group called called SF BARF, which was a precursor to the California Renters Legal Advocacy and Education Fund, sued the city for abandoning the apartment development in 2015. Save Lafayette then sued the city, which led to a June 2018 ballot measure. That was defeated by Lafayette voters, leading to the return of The Terraces and the proposal for over 300 apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along the way, the turmoil over the project also led to the high-profile resignation of former Lafayette City Manager Steven Falk. In a public letter to the City Council in 2018, he drew attention to the connection between the need for all communities to build denser housing and preventing climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Victoria Fierce is director of operations at the California Renters Legal Advocacy and Education Fund, or CaRLA, which brought suit to compel The Terraces project to move forward. That legal challenge depended on the state’s Housing Accountability Act of 1982 — which in theory, protects certain types of housing developments from being challenged by local governments across California, but in reality, was rarely enforced previous to CaRLA’s challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the Lafayette legal wrangling began, various efforts at the state level led by state Sens. Nancy Skinner, D-Berkeley, and Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, and others have strengthened the Housing Accountability Act and other related laws to compel cities to build more housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because of that lawsuit, the original lawsuit, it brought about a bunch of changes to the Housing Accountability Act,” Fierce said, including increasing the burden on jurisdictions that reject housing, changing standards projects must comply with to favor developers and making attorney fees more available. “Not only did it change the law, but it really drove it home that now people are starting to fight it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11825550,news_11801176,news_11731580\" label=\"Related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s harder for cities to fight these things,” Fierce added, because now “pretty much anybody can file a lawsuit against the city for unlawful denial of the housing project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While that strengthened California cities’ incentive to build more housing statewide, it also means that for its final go-round in city planning processes, Lafayette officials may face potential legal challenges should they say \u003cem>no \u003c/em>to The Terraces project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While councilmember Burks said he is neutral on The Terraces project, he said the state’s ability to roll back local control over land-use decisions rankles him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do not believe that Sacramento should manage a city’s planning process or planning function using what I’ve called the ’70-mile-screwdriver,’ ” Burks told KQED. He noted Lafayette is roughly 70 miles from Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener noted that California’s “debilitating housing crisis” will “only be solved if communities pitch in and all housing to be built.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lafayette may not like being told what to do, but without state rules, our housing crisis will only get worse,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 1:35 a.m. Tuesday:\u003c/strong> It’s been voted down, legally challenged, backed by voter referendum, and stalled for years, like a car spinning its wheels in mud. Now, a 315-unit apartment development in Lafayette that became a statewide rallying cry for the Yes In My Back Yard movement will spin its wheels a little longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote to approve The Terraces development was delayed by the Lafayette City Council after a seven-hour marathon meeting that stretched from Monday night into early Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Lafayette City Council said they needed more time to fully discuss concerns aired by neighbors, many of whom claimed the proposed apartments would bring crippling traffic congestion, increase the risk of wildfire, and imperil the movement of emergency vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jeremy Levine, a Lafayette resident and co-founder of the group Inclusive Lafayette, said those concerns have been proven untrue by Lafayette city staff, and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Lafayette City Council pushed their decision down the road, public commenters and city staff warned Lafayette would be open to lawsuit under the Housing Accountability Act – and $15 million in possible fines – should they fail to approve the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Victoria Fierce of housing advocacy group California Renters Legal Advocacy and Education Fund, or CaRLA said, “Lafayette may no longer choose between housing or no housing. You may decide between housing and consequences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Lafayette City Council will continue its discussion of The Terraces development August 24.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post, 1:00 p.m. Monday:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nBefore a single brick has even been laid, \u003ca href=\"https://www.terracesoflafayette.com\">The Terraces\u003c/a>, a proposed 315-unit apartment development in Lafayette, became a flash point for discussion around the housing crisis in Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2015 legal battle over the project helped define the “Yes In My Backyard,” or YIMBY, movement. The movement, and the activists behind it, have made a name for themselves by “suing the suburbs” like Lafayette, in a bid to push California to “build, build, build” its way out of the housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, nearly a decade after the project first entered the public sphere, The Terraces finally faces approval Monday night from the Lafayette City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Cameron Burks appealed the project after it was approved July 1 by the Lafayette Planning Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burks, who recently announced his reelection campaign, said he brought it to the City Council so the body could put itself on record about The Terraces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt that this particular project was such profound importance to the city that really the community deserved to have their elected officials make the final decision,” Burks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Terraces has drawn rebuke from some neighbors, particularly a group called \u003ca href=\"http://savelafayette.org\">Save Lafayette\u003c/a>, who publicly say the dense housing project will clog local roads with traffic congestion, ruin the city’s “semi-rural” character and is out of touch with Lafayette writ-large.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The town is home to roughly 26,000 people, according to the Census Bureau, and is often touted as an idyllic refuge for people who don’t wish to live the urban life of nearby Oakland or San Francisco, which are only a BART ride away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the project has its detractors, neighbors have come to its defense in recent years, as well. Inclusive Lafayette’s co-founder, Jeremy Levine, said his group’s more than 450 members believe The Terraces project won’t add to the city’s traffic congestion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, because the project is less than a mile from BART, Levine says that many living in The Terraces won’t need a car at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832820\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832820\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/20190327091526171_Page_1-e1597087659178-800x498.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"498\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/20190327091526171_Page_1-e1597087659178-800x498.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/20190327091526171_Page_1-e1597087659178-1020x634.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/20190327091526171_Page_1-e1597087659178-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/20190327091526171_Page_1-e1597087659178.jpg 1500w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A project rendering of The Terraces, a proposed 315-unit apartment development project in Lafayette. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Terraces of Lafayette)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Compared to almost anywhere else in Lafayette, it’s almost as close as you can get for walkability purposes,” Levine said. “The rest of the community is built on winding roads, squeezed into the hills. And you kind of have to drive if you plan to get anywhere. The Terraces are not that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project has had a tumultuous ride. After developer O’Brien Land Company sought to change a sloping open space into apartments, and it drew community resistance, Lafayette officials sought to turn the project into 44 single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a group called called SF BARF, which was a precursor to the California Renters Legal Advocacy and Education Fund, sued the city for abandoning the apartment development in 2015. Save Lafayette then sued the city, which led to a June 2018 ballot measure. That was defeated by Lafayette voters, leading to the return of The Terraces and the proposal for over 300 apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along the way, the turmoil over the project also led to the high-profile resignation of former Lafayette City Manager Steven Falk. In a public letter to the City Council in 2018, he drew attention to the connection between the need for all communities to build denser housing and preventing climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Victoria Fierce is director of operations at the California Renters Legal Advocacy and Education Fund, or CaRLA, which brought suit to compel The Terraces project to move forward. That legal challenge depended on the state’s Housing Accountability Act of 1982 — which in theory, protects certain types of housing developments from being challenged by local governments across California, but in reality, was rarely enforced previous to CaRLA’s challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the Lafayette legal wrangling began, various efforts at the state level led by state Sens. Nancy Skinner, D-Berkeley, and Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, and others have strengthened the Housing Accountability Act and other related laws to compel cities to build more housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because of that lawsuit, the original lawsuit, it brought about a bunch of changes to the Housing Accountability Act,” Fierce said, including increasing the burden on jurisdictions that reject housing, changing standards projects must comply with to favor developers and making attorney fees more available. “Not only did it change the law, but it really drove it home that now people are starting to fight it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s harder for cities to fight these things,” Fierce added, because now “pretty much anybody can file a lawsuit against the city for unlawful denial of the housing project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While that strengthened California cities’ incentive to build more housing statewide, it also means that for its final go-round in city planning processes, Lafayette officials may face potential legal challenges should they say \u003cem>no \u003c/em>to The Terraces project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While councilmember Burks said he is neutral on The Terraces project, he said the state’s ability to roll back local control over land-use decisions rankles him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do not believe that Sacramento should manage a city’s planning process or planning function using what I’ve called the ’70-mile-screwdriver,’ ” Burks told KQED. He noted Lafayette is roughly 70 miles from Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener noted that California’s “debilitating housing crisis” will “only be solved if communities pitch in and all housing to be built.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lafayette may not like being told what to do, but without state rules, our housing crisis will only get worse,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"masters-of-scale": {
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"order": 5
},
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
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