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"content": "\u003cp>At a recent rally in Pennsylvania, President Trump appealed directly to the voting bloc he knows he needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Suburban women, will you please like me?” he pleaded as the crowd cheered. “I saved your damn neighborhood!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump was referring to his efforts to dismantle an Obama-era federal rule \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/07/23/894794169/president-trump-to-repeal-obama-era-fair-housing-rule-aimed-to-combat-racial-bia\">meant to combat housing segregation\u003c/a>. Trump said he’s helping to preserve “once thriving” suburbs and help homeowners, both of which are thinly-veiled ways to play up racial and economic divisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1278136326647406593\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Bonnie Keller, a 64-year-old white woman who lives in a suburban area in Fresno, said she’s not swayed by Trump’s argument. Keller said she’s Christian and leans Republican, but Trump’s crude demeanor turns her off. She didn’t vote for him in 2016 and won’t vote for him now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just wasn’t impressed from the get go,” Keller said. “That is just my complete distaste of his behavior. It is not professional in my book. He is not a leader who has qualities I respect and admire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, a lot of suburban, white women supported Trump. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/election/2016/results/exit-polls\">Exit polls\u003c/a> from 2016 show that Trump won 49% of suburban voters, and 52% of all votes cast by white women. Historically, white, suburban women have supported the Republican nominee — something former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2016/06/09/481433789/hillary-clinton-fights-to-win-over-her-own-demographic-white-women\">battled against\u003c/a> four years ago — which helps explain why Trump is so desperate to get those voters now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the numbers look different this time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The polling is showing that Trump is losing support among women, period,” said Mindy Romero, director of the Center for Inclusive Democracy at University of Southern California. “Particularly when it comes to his demeanor. Some of the things that he said, the actions he’s taken with regard to the coronavirus, with race relations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and national surveys back Romero’s assertion. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-september-2020.pdf\">September poll\u003c/a> from the Public Policy Institute of California found that 65% of likely women voters support Democrat Joe Biden. And a \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/powered-trust-pandemic-biden-leads-12-points-nationwide/story?id=73528233\">recent national poll\u003c/a> conducted for ABC and the Washington Post found that among likely women voters, 59% support Biden. That result includes 62% of all suburban women, and 54% of suburban white women. \u003ca href=\"https://cawp.rutgers.edu/presidential-poll-tracking-2020#GGN\">Other polls\u003c/a> find similar results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"election-2020\" label=\"MORE ELECTION COVERAGE\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Trump thinks he’s tapped into what women voters are looking for. At the end of the day, he thinks that could overshadow any issues they have with his personality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know what women want? More than anything else? They want safety, security and they want to be able to have their houses,” Trump said at a recent rally in North Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That message resonated with Chico resident Jenni Schaeffer, who is 56 years old, white and lives alone. She said Trump is a narcissist and drives her crazy. But she’s also worried about her safety and is planning to get a concealed carry permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it comes to policies and stuff, I don’t want someone taking my guns away,” Schaeffer said. “As a woman, that’s my only equalizer. And I think Biden and Harris will take that away from me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schaeffer is also strongly anti-abortion, another policy she aligns with Trump on. So, while she doesn’t like his tweets or the things he says, she’ll likely vote to give him a second term. And as the election draws closer, Trump is hoping there are more women like her who back his policies, if not his persona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Nearly a year after a group of homeless moms \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11787750/two-homeless-moms-occupy-vacant-house-to-protest-oakland-housing-crisis\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">occupied a house\u003c/a> in West Oakland and captured the nation’s attention with their protest against the Bay Area’s high housing costs, they came back to the home to celebrate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 9, Moms 4 Housing announced the home would soon become transitional housing for other homeless mothers, with services on-site to help with jobs, credit readiness and permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is officially moms’ house,” said Dominique Walker, one of the moms who occupied the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the date marked her son’s second birthday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He took his first steps in this house,” she said. “And it’s so important for our children to have that space to pull up and begin to take their first steps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it was only the first step for the moms’ movement. The women — all Black, working mothers — became a symbol of the Bay Area’s housing crisis. And their rallying cry, “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11801176/what-would-housing-as-a-human-right-look-like-in-california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">housing is a human right,\u003c/a>” added fuel to an already simmering fire among activists, who are demanding a different vision for housing in this country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s new podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America\u003c/a> looks at what it would actually mean to make housing a human right. Listen to episode five below. Read the \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/34cVbfe\">transcript\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC2804177590&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>The House the Moms Built\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>On Jan. 20, Wedgewood Properties, the company that owned the house, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11797001/moms-4-housing-group-reaches-agreement-to-buy-vacant-house\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">agreed to sell it\u003c/a> to the Oakland Community Land Trust on the moms’ behalf. The trust finalized the deal in May, buying the home for $587,500 with donations they raised from supporters of the moms’ movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal was announced less than a week after the moms had been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11795944/moms-4-housing-members-evicted-from-oakland-home-4-arrested\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">evicted from the home\u003c/a> they had occupied for nearly two months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it was only the first in a string of changes sparked by their protest, including: a new state law, a proposed amendment to the California Constitution and two proposed city ordinances. Moms 4 Housing also had a broader impact that goes beyond the law — they inspired \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2020/03/03/we-are-fed-up-new-surge-of-housing-activism-spurs-change-in-oakland/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">others to use activism\u003c/a> to push for change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The actions that Moms 4 Housing took were bold and courageous like the lunch counters in the South, like the marches in Selma, like the lone protester in Tiananmen,” said Carroll Fife, the director of the Oakland chapter of the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment (ACCE) and the lead organizer of the occupation. “It was an act of civil disobedience to highlight the inequity, the violence and the terror of this system of housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fife is now running for a seat on the Oakland City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801369\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/M4H-protest-e1581548044810.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11801369 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/M4H-protest-e1581548044810.jpg\" alt=\"Supporters of Moms 4 Housing rally in front of the West Oakland house the group occupied for several months before being forcefully evicted in January. A community land trust has since agreed to purchase the house and allow the women move back in.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supporters of Moms 4 Housing rally in front of the West Oakland house the group occupied for several months before being forcefully evicted in January. A community land trust has since agreed to purchase the house and allow the women to move back in. \u003ccite>(Molly Solomon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Here’s some of what the moms’ inspired: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>More homes available for affordable housing:\u003c/strong> In January, a spokesman for Wedgewood said the company would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11797001/moms-4-housing-group-reaches-agreement-to-buy-vacant-house\">give the right of first refusal\u003c/a> for all its properties to the city and the Oakland Community Land Trust whenever it sells a home in Oakland. So far, the land trust hasn’t purchased any of Wedgewood’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcbayarea.com/investigations/examining-wedgewood-a-look-at-the-home-flipping-giant-in-battle-with-homeless-mothers/2208119/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more than 100 homes\u003c/a> in Oakland. But Steve King, executive director of the Oakland Community Land Trust, said they are talking to Wedgewood about a few of those properties.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Tenant Opportunity to Purchase Act:\u003c/strong> Two proposals in \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2020/01/30/oakland-councilwoman-to-introduce-moms-4-housing-inspired-ordinance/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Oakland\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.com/2020/03/06/should-berkeley-tenants-get-first-dibs-on-buying-their-landlords-property\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Berkeley\u003c/a> would require property owners who want to sell a building to first offer it to the tenants living there. Owners aren’t required to accept the offer, but if they get a better, higher offer, they would be required to allow the tenants a set number of days to match it. At the celebration outside the home on Oct. 9, City Councilmember Nikki Fortunato Bas said the coronavirus and economic recession had delayed plans for introducing the measure to the City Council, but she planned to put it forward after the election. And, at the \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/JesseArreguin/status/1315102819482062850?s=20\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">State of the City\u003c/a> earlier this month, Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín said city officials planned to gather more input on the proposal before advancing it early next year: “We think this is really critical to provide some stability for tenants in Berkeley to ensure longtime ownership in the community and to preserve the economic and cultural diversity of the city.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Homes for Homeowners, Not Corporations: \u003c/strong>The governor signed a new law this year \u003ca href=\"https://sd09.senate.ca.gov/news/20200928-governor-signs-sb-1079-homes-homeowners-not-corporations\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">inspired by the moms\u003c/a>. Senate Bill 1079, authored by state Sen. Nancy Skinner, D-Berkeley, is aimed at making it less lucrative for corporations to buy multiple properties at once during foreclosure auctions — and then let the properties sit vacant. The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB1079\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">new law\u003c/a> requires homes to be sold individually, which, in theory, gives families and individuals a better shot at buying the home. After initial bids are received, tenants, families, local governments, affordable housing nonprofits and community land trusts will be given the opportunity to match the highest bid. The new law also increases the fine cities can levy on blighted properties from $1,000 per day for the first 30 days to $2,000 per day, with a maximum of $5,000 per day after the first 30 days. \u003ca href=\"https://sd09.senate.ca.gov/news/20200928-governor-signs-sb-1079-homes-homeowners-not-corporations\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">In a statement\u003c/a>, Skinner said “SB 1079 sends a clear message to Wall Street: California homes are not yours to gobble up; we won’t tolerate another corporate takeover of housing.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Proposed constitutional amendment would make housing a right in California:\u003c/strong> Earlier this year, Assemblyman Rob Bonta, D-Oakland, proposed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11819691/will-california-guarantee-housing-as-a-right-heres-how-the-pandemic-is-shaping-the-debate#:~:text=Last%20week%2C%20Bonta%20introduced%20the,adequate%20housing%20for%20all%20Californians.%E2%80%9D&text=%E2%80%9CBy%20making%20housing%20a%20human,steps%20to%20move%20things%20forward.%E2%80%9D\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Housing is a Human Right Act\u003c/a>, which would have been the first step to enshrining a right to housing in the California Constitution. The bill died early in the legislative session. It was too big and too complex to get it passed during this year’s chaotic session, which was overwhelmed with responding to the coronavirus pandemic, Bonta said. The bill would need a two-thirds supermajority to get placed on a California ballot. It would then go to voters before it could become part of the state constitution. But Bonta said he’s already working to bring it back next year: “We need to be looking at housing differently than we are now. Because it’s not working right now, and it’s a fundamental need for every single human being.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Tons of activism:\u003c/strong> In March, homeless mothers and families \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2020-03-14/homeless-moms-occupy-house-los-angeles-caltrans-coronavirus-pandemic\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">took over several vacant properties\u003c/a> in Los Angeles owned by Caltrans. In May, two homeless women \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11815715/inspired-by-oaklands-moms-4-housing-homeless-women-occupy-vacant-sf-house\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">occupied a vacant house\u003c/a> in San Francisco’s Castro District. They said they were inspired by Moms 4 Housing, Also in Los Angeles, a group of tenants in an affordable apartment are \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2020-02-03/la-me-eminent-doman-proposal-rent-hikes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">fighting for the city to acquire their building through eminent domain\u003c/a>, because the landlord said he planned to more than double some tenants’ rents. Leslie Hernandez, a tenant and organizer at the building, told KQED, “We saw what the moms did and that’s how we knew we could win eminent domain. They inspired us. We said, ‘If they can do it, we can do it, too.’ “\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "After a group of homeless mothers occupied a home in West Oakland to protest the Bay Area's high housing costs, they won a lot more than the deed to the house. ",
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"subhead": "It's been almost a year since a group of homeless mothers occupied a house in West Oakland and captured the nation's attention to demand housing be treated as a human right. What's happened since then?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Nearly a year after a group of homeless moms \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11787750/two-homeless-moms-occupy-vacant-house-to-protest-oakland-housing-crisis\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">occupied a house\u003c/a> in West Oakland and captured the nation’s attention with their protest against the Bay Area’s high housing costs, they came back to the home to celebrate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 9, Moms 4 Housing announced the home would soon become transitional housing for other homeless mothers, with services on-site to help with jobs, credit readiness and permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is officially moms’ house,” said Dominique Walker, one of the moms who occupied the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the date marked her son’s second birthday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He took his first steps in this house,” she said. “And it’s so important for our children to have that space to pull up and begin to take their first steps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it was only the first step for the moms’ movement. The women — all Black, working mothers — became a symbol of the Bay Area’s housing crisis. And their rallying cry, “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11801176/what-would-housing-as-a-human-right-look-like-in-california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">housing is a human right,\u003c/a>” added fuel to an already simmering fire among activists, who are demanding a different vision for housing in this country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s new podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America\u003c/a> looks at what it would actually mean to make housing a human right. Listen to episode five below. Read the \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/34cVbfe\">transcript\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC2804177590&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>The House the Moms Built\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>On Jan. 20, Wedgewood Properties, the company that owned the house, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11797001/moms-4-housing-group-reaches-agreement-to-buy-vacant-house\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">agreed to sell it\u003c/a> to the Oakland Community Land Trust on the moms’ behalf. The trust finalized the deal in May, buying the home for $587,500 with donations they raised from supporters of the moms’ movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal was announced less than a week after the moms had been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11795944/moms-4-housing-members-evicted-from-oakland-home-4-arrested\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">evicted from the home\u003c/a> they had occupied for nearly two months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it was only the first in a string of changes sparked by their protest, including: a new state law, a proposed amendment to the California Constitution and two proposed city ordinances. Moms 4 Housing also had a broader impact that goes beyond the law — they inspired \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2020/03/03/we-are-fed-up-new-surge-of-housing-activism-spurs-change-in-oakland/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">others to use activism\u003c/a> to push for change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The actions that Moms 4 Housing took were bold and courageous like the lunch counters in the South, like the marches in Selma, like the lone protester in Tiananmen,” said Carroll Fife, the director of the Oakland chapter of the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment (ACCE) and the lead organizer of the occupation. “It was an act of civil disobedience to highlight the inequity, the violence and the terror of this system of housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fife is now running for a seat on the Oakland City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801369\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/M4H-protest-e1581548044810.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11801369 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/M4H-protest-e1581548044810.jpg\" alt=\"Supporters of Moms 4 Housing rally in front of the West Oakland house the group occupied for several months before being forcefully evicted in January. A community land trust has since agreed to purchase the house and allow the women move back in.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supporters of Moms 4 Housing rally in front of the West Oakland house the group occupied for several months before being forcefully evicted in January. A community land trust has since agreed to purchase the house and allow the women to move back in. \u003ccite>(Molly Solomon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Here’s some of what the moms’ inspired: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>More homes available for affordable housing:\u003c/strong> In January, a spokesman for Wedgewood said the company would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11797001/moms-4-housing-group-reaches-agreement-to-buy-vacant-house\">give the right of first refusal\u003c/a> for all its properties to the city and the Oakland Community Land Trust whenever it sells a home in Oakland. So far, the land trust hasn’t purchased any of Wedgewood’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcbayarea.com/investigations/examining-wedgewood-a-look-at-the-home-flipping-giant-in-battle-with-homeless-mothers/2208119/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more than 100 homes\u003c/a> in Oakland. But Steve King, executive director of the Oakland Community Land Trust, said they are talking to Wedgewood about a few of those properties.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Tenant Opportunity to Purchase Act:\u003c/strong> Two proposals in \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2020/01/30/oakland-councilwoman-to-introduce-moms-4-housing-inspired-ordinance/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Oakland\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.com/2020/03/06/should-berkeley-tenants-get-first-dibs-on-buying-their-landlords-property\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Berkeley\u003c/a> would require property owners who want to sell a building to first offer it to the tenants living there. Owners aren’t required to accept the offer, but if they get a better, higher offer, they would be required to allow the tenants a set number of days to match it. At the celebration outside the home on Oct. 9, City Councilmember Nikki Fortunato Bas said the coronavirus and economic recession had delayed plans for introducing the measure to the City Council, but she planned to put it forward after the election. And, at the \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/JesseArreguin/status/1315102819482062850?s=20\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">State of the City\u003c/a> earlier this month, Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín said city officials planned to gather more input on the proposal before advancing it early next year: “We think this is really critical to provide some stability for tenants in Berkeley to ensure longtime ownership in the community and to preserve the economic and cultural diversity of the city.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Homes for Homeowners, Not Corporations: \u003c/strong>The governor signed a new law this year \u003ca href=\"https://sd09.senate.ca.gov/news/20200928-governor-signs-sb-1079-homes-homeowners-not-corporations\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">inspired by the moms\u003c/a>. Senate Bill 1079, authored by state Sen. Nancy Skinner, D-Berkeley, is aimed at making it less lucrative for corporations to buy multiple properties at once during foreclosure auctions — and then let the properties sit vacant. The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB1079\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">new law\u003c/a> requires homes to be sold individually, which, in theory, gives families and individuals a better shot at buying the home. After initial bids are received, tenants, families, local governments, affordable housing nonprofits and community land trusts will be given the opportunity to match the highest bid. The new law also increases the fine cities can levy on blighted properties from $1,000 per day for the first 30 days to $2,000 per day, with a maximum of $5,000 per day after the first 30 days. \u003ca href=\"https://sd09.senate.ca.gov/news/20200928-governor-signs-sb-1079-homes-homeowners-not-corporations\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">In a statement\u003c/a>, Skinner said “SB 1079 sends a clear message to Wall Street: California homes are not yours to gobble up; we won’t tolerate another corporate takeover of housing.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Proposed constitutional amendment would make housing a right in California:\u003c/strong> Earlier this year, Assemblyman Rob Bonta, D-Oakland, proposed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11819691/will-california-guarantee-housing-as-a-right-heres-how-the-pandemic-is-shaping-the-debate#:~:text=Last%20week%2C%20Bonta%20introduced%20the,adequate%20housing%20for%20all%20Californians.%E2%80%9D&text=%E2%80%9CBy%20making%20housing%20a%20human,steps%20to%20move%20things%20forward.%E2%80%9D\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Housing is a Human Right Act\u003c/a>, which would have been the first step to enshrining a right to housing in the California Constitution. The bill died early in the legislative session. It was too big and too complex to get it passed during this year’s chaotic session, which was overwhelmed with responding to the coronavirus pandemic, Bonta said. The bill would need a two-thirds supermajority to get placed on a California ballot. It would then go to voters before it could become part of the state constitution. But Bonta said he’s already working to bring it back next year: “We need to be looking at housing differently than we are now. Because it’s not working right now, and it’s a fundamental need for every single human being.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Tons of activism:\u003c/strong> In March, homeless mothers and families \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2020-03-14/homeless-moms-occupy-house-los-angeles-caltrans-coronavirus-pandemic\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">took over several vacant properties\u003c/a> in Los Angeles owned by Caltrans. 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"content": "\u003cp>Bay Curious is exploring the 12 statewide ballot propositions in our Prop Fest series. This episode tackles Proposition 21, which would largely return decision-making power for rent control measures to local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC4127886947\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The audio and transcript have been updated in this post.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:00] Welcome to Monday, people. I hope you had a great weekend. Maybe you got a chance to catch up on the seven \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Bay Curious Prop Fest\u003c/a> episodes that are already live. Today, we’re on to \u003ca href=\"https://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/quick-reference-guide/21.htm\">Proposition 21\u003c/a>. I’m \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ohubertallen\">Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:00:18] Ads for Proposition 21, the rent control prop, are everywhere. You’ve probably heard some of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vote Yes on Prop 21 Advertisement \u003c/strong>[00:00:24] How did homelessness get so bad? Keep families in their homes. Vote yes on Prop 21 this November. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vote No on Prop 21 Advertisement\u003c/strong> [00:00:30] California is in a deep hole with the shortage of affordable housing. Prop 21 digs an even deeper hole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vote Si en la Prop 21 Advertisement\u003c/strong> [00:00:37] El sueño Californiano no es lo que solía ser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:00:38] Rent control has become a perennial issue in California elections. But how is this year’s law different from others that we’ve seen? That’s what we’re here to figure out. Stick around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:00:53] Like so many of the propositions on our ballot this year, Proposition 21 on rent control proposes changing an existing law. In this case, it’s called the \u003ca href=\"http://costa-hawkins.com/what-is-costa-hawkins/#:~:text=The%20Costa%2DHawkins%20Rental%20Housing,tenant%20no%20longer%20permanently%20resides\">Costa-Hawkin’s Rental Housing Act\u003c/a>. And before we can talk about Prop 21, you really need to know how it works. Reporter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jplaczek\">Jessica Placzek\u003c/a> explains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jessica Placzek \u003c/strong>[00:01:13] In California, rent control limits how much a landlord can raise rent year after year. And right now, only 15 cities in the state have some form of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Matt Levin\u003c/strong> [00:01:23] It’s really the bigger cities, those, so LA, San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jessica Placzek\u003c/strong> [00:01:29] This is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/matt-levin/\">Matt Levin\u003c/a>, a data reporter for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a> and co-host of the housing podcast \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/multimedia/podcasts/gimme-shelter/\">Gimme Shelter\u003c/a>. And he says even in those cities, not every home is under rent control. That’s because of this 1995 law that was trying to encourage building by limiting rent control. It’s called the Costa-Hawkin’s Rental Housing Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Matt Levin\u003c/strong> [00:01:49] It passed by one vote that shapes rent control policy across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jessica Placzek\u003c/strong> [00:01:55] It’s a huge deal that most people know very little about. And it limits rent control in two big ways. First, Costa-Hawkins made it so when a tenant moves out of a rent controlled apartment, the landlord can raise rent to whatever they want. This is called vacancy decontrol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Matt Levin\u003c/strong> [00:02:13] I see old apartments all the time. They’re total pieces of crap and they’re, they’re they’re charging like a bazillion dollars, right. But once you get into that apartment, they’re limited in how much more they can raise it. Every time a person moves out, they can reset it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jessica Placzek\u003c/strong> [00:02:30] Costa-Hawkin’s also made it so you can not have rent control on most single family homes or condos, meaning most of the suburbs can’t be rent controlled. And you can’t have rent control on new buildings. So, the law created a cutoff date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Matt Levin\u003c/strong> [00:02:45] You can’t impose rent control on properties that were built after 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jessica Placzek\u003c/strong> [00:02:50] As for the cities that already had rent control, Costa-Hawkins froze their cutoff dates where they stood. In Oakland the cutoff is in 1983. Berkeley is 1980. While in San Jose and San Francisco, nothing built after 1979 can have rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Matt Levin\u003c/strong> [00:03:06] So anything new and nice looking in San Francisco is not going to have rent control on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:03:16] Proposition 21, what we’re voting on this year, would overturn that cost to Hawkins-Housing Act and shift future decisions about rent control from the state to local governments. Now, the economics of rent control, who it works for and who it works against, are debated. And we don’t have time to get into all of that on today’s show. But we do have an episode from a few years ago that does look closer at that issue. We’ll put a link on our show notes, so if you find yourself wondering, go give that a listen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:03:49] OK. Back to Proposition 21. KQED reporter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jrodriguez\">Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/a> is here to help us untangle it all. Welcome, Joe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:03:56] Hiya.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:03:57] So give us the top line for Prop 21. What does it do?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:04:01] Well, it’s very easy to misunderstand the whole premise. It does not impose new rent control laws, but what Prop 21 does do is allow cities to pass their own rent control laws so they can make their own tenant protections on more recently built buildings, with some exceptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:04:20] And the details on this one really matter, because we did see a similar proposition two years ago, which California voters turned down. Now, the same tenants rights groups are back, but they’ve made some changes this time around. What are the specifics here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:04:34] Well, property one really does three things. First it would overturn the statewide Costa-Hawkins law, and allow lawmakers to make decisions about whether or not to have rent control. Getting rid of Costa-Hawkins also means doing away with the vacancy decontrol. What does that mean? That’s a wonky word, “decontrol”. It basically means if a tenant leaves a rent controlled unit, the landlord could no longer crank up the rent. They’d be able to raise the rent 15 percent over the first three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:05:03] So under Prop 21, let’s say a tenant moves out and they were paying $1000 in rent. Wouldn’t that be a dream? And then a new tenant moves in, the landlord could only raise the rent by 15 percent, which would be $1150 and no higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:05:22] Right. Right. Good back of the napkin math.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:05:26] Thanks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:05:27] And what about the third thing Prop 21 would do?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:05:30] It also has this provision that says after a new building goes up, the developer can charge whatever they want for the first 15 years. That’s so they can make their money back. After 15 years, if the city has rent control, that building would then be subject to the local rent control laws. This was added by the authors of the Prop 21 to address criticism that more rent control might deter developers from building more housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:05:52] And that’s a common critique of rent control laws in general, that basically they cause less development. And that could actually drive market rate rents in the city up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:06:01] Now, the last thing Prop 21 would do, is it makes an exception for small landlords who rent out one or two single family homes. They’re the little guy. So this would not apply to them. However, if an individual owns a multi unit building, Prop 21 would still apply to their property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:06:22] Now, here’s a bit of a wrinkle on Prop 21. A state law just went into effect that caps rent increases statewide in many cases, even in cities that are not currently covered by a local rent control law. Joe, tell us about that law and how it’s different from Prop 21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:06:40] Well, it seems you’re talking about the California Tenant Protection Act passed in 2019.\u003cbr>\n \u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nCalifornia Tenant Protect Act Advertisement\u003c/strong> [00:06:45] Are you a renter in California? Your rights may have grown under a new law . . .\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:06:51] For buildings in locales that are not already under rent control – now, just to be clear, it does not supersede existing rent control – but if you aren’t protected, it would cap the amount of rent that your landlord could raise by five percent. It also says that landlords have to have just cause to evict someone. Just cause is pretty much how it sounds, like a right, a right cause, right. If you didn’t pay your rent, if you were violent, if there’s a health issue that you’ve created inside your apartment, those are all just causes that can lead to your eviction. I will add as a quick addendum, there are other tenant protections for the pandemic that recently passed at the state that prevents landlords from kicking you out if you lost your job due to the pandemic and you swear to it under penalty of perjury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:07:41] But essentially, this maintains the landlords ability to evict you for some just causes. And it also sunsets in 2030. But that’s actually part of the critique. The Prop 21 proponents are like, well, hey, guys, this sunsets in 2030, that’s way too soon, we have a pandemic, we have a potential pandemic fueled recession, we don’t know how long it’ll last, we don’t know how long the economic effects will last, and, they maintain, a lot of these protections, while they sound good, were meant to undercut Prop 21. And we’re, in fact, a calculated political method of doing just that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:08:17] OK. Let’s turn our attention back to Prop 21. Who is supporting it and what are their arguments?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:08:23] Yeah, so \u003ca href=\"https://www.aidshealth.org/about/leadership/\">Michael Weinstein\u003c/a>, the president of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aidshealth.org/\">AIDS Healthcare Foundation\u003c/a>, is a perennial supporter of trying to repeal Costa-Hopkins and put this on the ballot. It may seem a little far afield from AIDS help to be spending on housing and rent laws, but the organization makes the argument that housing is health care. And that’s an opinion shared widely in the homelessness community, where many folks die of ailments on the streets. Other supporters include former presidential runner Bernie Sanders, a Democratic Party and tenants rights groups. Broadly, they argue that this is an issue of local control, that there are lots of different kinds of communities in California with lots of different needs, and local lawmakers should be able to make policies that fit their locale. They also say high rents are pushing people out of California and increasingly rental properties are owned by big companies who are making the affordability problems worse. This is especially pronounced during the pandemic where Latins and Black households are especially hurt by job losses due to COVID-19. And they say that they listen to voters’ concerns that rent control could possibly discourage developers from building more housing, which is why they have that 15 year provision that we talked about earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:09:38] Let’s hear about the opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:09:39] Well, notably, a pretty big opposition, Governor Gavin Newsom, but also construction groups, business groups, landlord groups. They say the law that went into effect earlier this year covers a lot of the same ground as Prop 21. And they say that rent control is not the ultimate answer to California’s housing problem. They say a lack of housing is the problem. So we should not be passing a law that could discourage development of that needed housing. Now, they don’t think the 15 year window of market rate rent is enough to mitigate the potential downsides of this proposition of potentially discouraging development. And finally, they argue this could hit seniors particularly hard. Many people live off rental income in their old age, and this could sap their wallets when they have no other source of income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:10:27] Let’s move on to the campaign finance here. So how is financing looking on Prop 21?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:10:32] Yeah, well, the opposition is far outspending yes on Prop 21, that’s 42 million dollars on the no side.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nOlivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:10:39] That’s developers, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:10:42] Yeah, basically. Twenty four million dollars on the yes side. I mean, it doesn’t take rocket scientists to see who would be against it, right. As you’re saying, it’s property management firms as developers, it’s the Apartment Association of Los Angeles, which represents landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:11:02] All right. KQED reporter Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez, thank you so much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:11:07] Thank you.\u003cbr>\n \u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nOlivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:11:13] Let’s recap that, shall we? A vote yes on Proposition 21 means you want cities to have the power to pass or update local rent control laws on almost all rental housing, as long as it’s at least 15 years old. A no vote means you want state limits on rent control to stay in place.\u003cbr>\n \u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nOlivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:11:37] Bay Curious is produced by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/katrinaschwartz\">Katrina Schwartz\u003c/a>, Rob Speight, Katie McMurran and me, Olivia Allen-Price. But we could not do it without the help of the entire KQED newsroom. Check out more election coverage at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED dot org slash elections\u003c/a>. Tomorrow, we take on \u003ca href=\"https://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/22/\">Proposition 22\u003c/a>, the most expensive proposition in California history.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nOlivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:12:00] Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at member supported KQED. I’ll see you tomorrow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Bay Curious is exploring the 12 statewide ballot propositions in our Prop Fest series. This episode tackles Proposition 21, which would largely return decision-making power for rent control measures to local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC4127886947\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The audio and transcript have been updated in this post.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:00] Welcome to Monday, people. I hope you had a great weekend. Maybe you got a chance to catch up on the seven \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Bay Curious Prop Fest\u003c/a> episodes that are already live. Today, we’re on to \u003ca href=\"https://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/quick-reference-guide/21.htm\">Proposition 21\u003c/a>. I’m \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ohubertallen\">Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:00:18] Ads for Proposition 21, the rent control prop, are everywhere. You’ve probably heard some of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vote Yes on Prop 21 Advertisement \u003c/strong>[00:00:24] How did homelessness get so bad? Keep families in their homes. Vote yes on Prop 21 this November. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vote No on Prop 21 Advertisement\u003c/strong> [00:00:30] California is in a deep hole with the shortage of affordable housing. Prop 21 digs an even deeper hole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vote Si en la Prop 21 Advertisement\u003c/strong> [00:00:37] El sueño Californiano no es lo que solía ser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:00:38] Rent control has become a perennial issue in California elections. But how is this year’s law different from others that we’ve seen? That’s what we’re here to figure out. Stick around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:00:53] Like so many of the propositions on our ballot this year, Proposition 21 on rent control proposes changing an existing law. In this case, it’s called the \u003ca href=\"http://costa-hawkins.com/what-is-costa-hawkins/#:~:text=The%20Costa%2DHawkins%20Rental%20Housing,tenant%20no%20longer%20permanently%20resides\">Costa-Hawkin’s Rental Housing Act\u003c/a>. And before we can talk about Prop 21, you really need to know how it works. Reporter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jplaczek\">Jessica Placzek\u003c/a> explains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jessica Placzek \u003c/strong>[00:01:13] In California, rent control limits how much a landlord can raise rent year after year. And right now, only 15 cities in the state have some form of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Matt Levin\u003c/strong> [00:01:23] It’s really the bigger cities, those, so LA, San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jessica Placzek\u003c/strong> [00:01:29] This is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/matt-levin/\">Matt Levin\u003c/a>, a data reporter for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a> and co-host of the housing podcast \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/multimedia/podcasts/gimme-shelter/\">Gimme Shelter\u003c/a>. And he says even in those cities, not every home is under rent control. That’s because of this 1995 law that was trying to encourage building by limiting rent control. It’s called the Costa-Hawkin’s Rental Housing Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Matt Levin\u003c/strong> [00:01:49] It passed by one vote that shapes rent control policy across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jessica Placzek\u003c/strong> [00:01:55] It’s a huge deal that most people know very little about. And it limits rent control in two big ways. First, Costa-Hawkins made it so when a tenant moves out of a rent controlled apartment, the landlord can raise rent to whatever they want. This is called vacancy decontrol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Matt Levin\u003c/strong> [00:02:13] I see old apartments all the time. They’re total pieces of crap and they’re, they’re they’re charging like a bazillion dollars, right. But once you get into that apartment, they’re limited in how much more they can raise it. Every time a person moves out, they can reset it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jessica Placzek\u003c/strong> [00:02:30] Costa-Hawkin’s also made it so you can not have rent control on most single family homes or condos, meaning most of the suburbs can’t be rent controlled. And you can’t have rent control on new buildings. So, the law created a cutoff date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Matt Levin\u003c/strong> [00:02:45] You can’t impose rent control on properties that were built after 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jessica Placzek\u003c/strong> [00:02:50] As for the cities that already had rent control, Costa-Hawkins froze their cutoff dates where they stood. In Oakland the cutoff is in 1983. Berkeley is 1980. While in San Jose and San Francisco, nothing built after 1979 can have rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Matt Levin\u003c/strong> [00:03:06] So anything new and nice looking in San Francisco is not going to have rent control on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:03:16] Proposition 21, what we’re voting on this year, would overturn that cost to Hawkins-Housing Act and shift future decisions about rent control from the state to local governments. Now, the economics of rent control, who it works for and who it works against, are debated. And we don’t have time to get into all of that on today’s show. But we do have an episode from a few years ago that does look closer at that issue. We’ll put a link on our show notes, so if you find yourself wondering, go give that a listen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:03:49] OK. Back to Proposition 21. KQED reporter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jrodriguez\">Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/a> is here to help us untangle it all. Welcome, Joe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:03:56] Hiya.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:03:57] So give us the top line for Prop 21. What does it do?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:04:01] Well, it’s very easy to misunderstand the whole premise. It does not impose new rent control laws, but what Prop 21 does do is allow cities to pass their own rent control laws so they can make their own tenant protections on more recently built buildings, with some exceptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:04:20] And the details on this one really matter, because we did see a similar proposition two years ago, which California voters turned down. Now, the same tenants rights groups are back, but they’ve made some changes this time around. What are the specifics here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:04:34] Well, property one really does three things. First it would overturn the statewide Costa-Hawkins law, and allow lawmakers to make decisions about whether or not to have rent control. Getting rid of Costa-Hawkins also means doing away with the vacancy decontrol. What does that mean? That’s a wonky word, “decontrol”. It basically means if a tenant leaves a rent controlled unit, the landlord could no longer crank up the rent. They’d be able to raise the rent 15 percent over the first three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:05:03] So under Prop 21, let’s say a tenant moves out and they were paying $1000 in rent. Wouldn’t that be a dream? And then a new tenant moves in, the landlord could only raise the rent by 15 percent, which would be $1150 and no higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:05:22] Right. Right. Good back of the napkin math.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:05:26] Thanks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:05:27] And what about the third thing Prop 21 would do?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:05:30] It also has this provision that says after a new building goes up, the developer can charge whatever they want for the first 15 years. That’s so they can make their money back. After 15 years, if the city has rent control, that building would then be subject to the local rent control laws. This was added by the authors of the Prop 21 to address criticism that more rent control might deter developers from building more housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:05:52] And that’s a common critique of rent control laws in general, that basically they cause less development. And that could actually drive market rate rents in the city up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:06:01] Now, the last thing Prop 21 would do, is it makes an exception for small landlords who rent out one or two single family homes. They’re the little guy. So this would not apply to them. However, if an individual owns a multi unit building, Prop 21 would still apply to their property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:06:22] Now, here’s a bit of a wrinkle on Prop 21. A state law just went into effect that caps rent increases statewide in many cases, even in cities that are not currently covered by a local rent control law. Joe, tell us about that law and how it’s different from Prop 21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:06:40] Well, it seems you’re talking about the California Tenant Protection Act passed in 2019.\u003cbr>\n \u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nCalifornia Tenant Protect Act Advertisement\u003c/strong> [00:06:45] Are you a renter in California? Your rights may have grown under a new law . . .\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:06:51] For buildings in locales that are not already under rent control – now, just to be clear, it does not supersede existing rent control – but if you aren’t protected, it would cap the amount of rent that your landlord could raise by five percent. It also says that landlords have to have just cause to evict someone. Just cause is pretty much how it sounds, like a right, a right cause, right. If you didn’t pay your rent, if you were violent, if there’s a health issue that you’ve created inside your apartment, those are all just causes that can lead to your eviction. I will add as a quick addendum, there are other tenant protections for the pandemic that recently passed at the state that prevents landlords from kicking you out if you lost your job due to the pandemic and you swear to it under penalty of perjury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:07:41] But essentially, this maintains the landlords ability to evict you for some just causes. And it also sunsets in 2030. But that’s actually part of the critique. The Prop 21 proponents are like, well, hey, guys, this sunsets in 2030, that’s way too soon, we have a pandemic, we have a potential pandemic fueled recession, we don’t know how long it’ll last, we don’t know how long the economic effects will last, and, they maintain, a lot of these protections, while they sound good, were meant to undercut Prop 21. And we’re, in fact, a calculated political method of doing just that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:08:17] OK. Let’s turn our attention back to Prop 21. Who is supporting it and what are their arguments?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:08:23] Yeah, so \u003ca href=\"https://www.aidshealth.org/about/leadership/\">Michael Weinstein\u003c/a>, the president of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aidshealth.org/\">AIDS Healthcare Foundation\u003c/a>, is a perennial supporter of trying to repeal Costa-Hopkins and put this on the ballot. It may seem a little far afield from AIDS help to be spending on housing and rent laws, but the organization makes the argument that housing is health care. And that’s an opinion shared widely in the homelessness community, where many folks die of ailments on the streets. Other supporters include former presidential runner Bernie Sanders, a Democratic Party and tenants rights groups. Broadly, they argue that this is an issue of local control, that there are lots of different kinds of communities in California with lots of different needs, and local lawmakers should be able to make policies that fit their locale. They also say high rents are pushing people out of California and increasingly rental properties are owned by big companies who are making the affordability problems worse. This is especially pronounced during the pandemic where Latins and Black households are especially hurt by job losses due to COVID-19. And they say that they listen to voters’ concerns that rent control could possibly discourage developers from building more housing, which is why they have that 15 year provision that we talked about earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:09:38] Let’s hear about the opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:09:39] Well, notably, a pretty big opposition, Governor Gavin Newsom, but also construction groups, business groups, landlord groups. They say the law that went into effect earlier this year covers a lot of the same ground as Prop 21. And they say that rent control is not the ultimate answer to California’s housing problem. They say a lack of housing is the problem. So we should not be passing a law that could discourage development of that needed housing. Now, they don’t think the 15 year window of market rate rent is enough to mitigate the potential downsides of this proposition of potentially discouraging development. And finally, they argue this could hit seniors particularly hard. Many people live off rental income in their old age, and this could sap their wallets when they have no other source of income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:10:27] Let’s move on to the campaign finance here. So how is financing looking on Prop 21?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:10:32] Yeah, well, the opposition is far outspending yes on Prop 21, that’s 42 million dollars on the no side.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nOlivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:10:39] That’s developers, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:10:42] Yeah, basically. Twenty four million dollars on the yes side. I mean, it doesn’t take rocket scientists to see who would be against it, right. As you’re saying, it’s property management firms as developers, it’s the Apartment Association of Los Angeles, which represents landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:11:02] All right. KQED reporter Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez, thank you so much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/strong> [00:11:07] Thank you.\u003cbr>\n \u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nOlivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:11:13] Let’s recap that, shall we? A vote yes on Proposition 21 means you want cities to have the power to pass or update local rent control laws on almost all rental housing, as long as it’s at least 15 years old. A no vote means you want state limits on rent control to stay in place.\u003cbr>\n \u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nOlivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:11:37] Bay Curious is produced by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/katrinaschwartz\">Katrina Schwartz\u003c/a>, Rob Speight, Katie McMurran and me, Olivia Allen-Price. But we could not do it without the help of the entire KQED newsroom. Check out more election coverage at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED dot org slash elections\u003c/a>. Tomorrow, we take on \u003ca href=\"https://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/22/\">Proposition 22\u003c/a>, the most expensive proposition in California history.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nOlivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:12:00] Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at member supported KQED. I’ll see you tomorrow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In America, homeownership has historically and still is the main way to build wealth. However racism and decades of discriminatory policies and lending practices have shut Black families out of this American dream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A disproportionate amount of Black people are homeless. They are \u003ca href=\"https://www.jec.senate.gov/public/_cache/files/ccf4dbe2-810a-44f8-b3e7-14f7e5143ba6/economic-state-of-black-america-2020.pdf\">twice as likely to live in poverty\u003c/a> and have the \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/policy-centers/housing-finance-policy-center/projects/reducing-racial-homeownership-gap/data-black-homeownership\">lowest rate of homeownership\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s one of the reasons why we still see a huge wealth gap between Black and white Americans today. And some are convinced that the only way to solve that is to pay back what is owed: reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s new podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America\u003c/a> asks if housing can be a form of reparations that gives Black Americans the same opportunity that white Americans have always had in this country. Listen to episode four below. Read the \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/housingreparations-transcript\">transcript\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC4925161758&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>What does the racial wealth gap have to do with housing?\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>In America, white families have an average of $188,200 in wealth, compared to $24,100 for Black families. The declining homeownership rates for Black households is what contributes to this widening \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/scfindex.htm\">wealth gap\u003c/a>. In the second quarter of 2020, 47 percent of Black families owned their home compared with 76 percent of white families, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/housing/hvs/files/currenthvspress.pdf\">U.S. Census Bureau\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a lot of families, owning a home is a sign of stability and a critical stepping stone to building equity and wealth. Owning a home is directly connected to a person’s overall net worth, especially when the asset can appreciate and grow in value over time. That means the average white family has eight times the wealth of the typical Black family.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>How did it get this big?\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>Historically, the American housing system has a long legacy of excluding Black families beginning with the founding of this country. Two hundred fifty years of slavery; then, there was sharecropping and Jim Crow laws, and redlining and predatory lending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even though the discriminatory policies are now outlawed, their effects still linger. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/research/black-applicants-denied-mortgage-27651/\">recent Zillow analysis\u003c/a> found lenders deny Black mortgage applicants at a rate of 80% higher than white applicants, \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/article/for-people-of-color-banks-are-shutting-the-door-to-homeownership/\">a troubling pattern that’s been called modern-day redlining\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black homeownership rates rose in the 1990s and 2000s, but a lot of that progress was reversed by the subprime mortgage crisis. The foreclosure rate for Black households \u003ca href=\"https://www.responsiblelending.org/mortgage-lending/research-analysis/foreclosures-by-race-and-ethnicity.pdf\">was more than twice\u003c/a> what it was for white households. The foreclosures often forced Black families into renting, erasing any wealth they had built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when Black people do own homes, the houses in majority-Black neighborhoods are undervalued by $48,000 per home on average, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/research/devaluation-of-assets-in-black-neighborhoods/\">research from the Brookings Institution\u003c/a>. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>How do we close the gap?\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>A lot of policy experts say that if the goal is to truly eliminate the racial wealth gap, we need to talk about reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some people like economist William Darity Jr. \u003ca href=\"https://rooseveltinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/RI_Report_ResurrectingthePromiseof40Acres_202005.pdf\">have run the numbers\u003c/a> and put a dollar figure on reparations. He calculates that it would cost $10 to $12 trillion to completely erase the Black-white wealth gap. Darity and others believe this has to include direct payments to Black Americans, because wealth begets wealth. But other options could be endowment trust funds or funding programs that would increase Black homeownership such as low interest loans or down payment assistance programs to open up access to home buying opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities like \u003ca href=\"https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2020/07/16/asheville-north-carolina-reparations-not-all-experts-applaud/5452572002/\">Asheville, North Carolina\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityofevanston.org/government/city-council/reparations\">Evanston, Illinois\u003c/a> have taken steps toward reparations in recent months. In Evanston, $10 million collected by the city in cannabis revenue would be used to offer African American residents $25,000 to put toward a down payment on a home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California just became \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-09-30/california-task-force-reparations-slavery-gavin-newsom-shirley-weber\">the first state to sign a law\u003c/a> to study and propose a potential reparations plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reparations in the form of homeownership is one way people are demanding America write its wrongs and rethink the same institutions that have failed Black people in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>For more in-depth reporting on the housing crisis, check out our new podcast, SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America. Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/sold-out-rethinking-housing-in-america/id1531354937?itsct=podcast_box&itscg=30200\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/38dTBSk2ISFoPiyYNoKn1X\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/911586047/s-o-l-d-o-u-t-rethinking-housing-in-america#:~:text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20%3A%20NPR&text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20A%20podcast%20that%20examines,solutions%20to%20high%20housing%20costs.\">NPR One\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://tun.in/pj2qf\">TuneIn\u003c/a> or on your favorite podcast listening app.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In America, homeownership has historically and still is the main way to build wealth. However racism and decades of discriminatory policies and lending practices have shut Black families out of this American dream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A disproportionate amount of Black people are homeless. They are \u003ca href=\"https://www.jec.senate.gov/public/_cache/files/ccf4dbe2-810a-44f8-b3e7-14f7e5143ba6/economic-state-of-black-america-2020.pdf\">twice as likely to live in poverty\u003c/a> and have the \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/policy-centers/housing-finance-policy-center/projects/reducing-racial-homeownership-gap/data-black-homeownership\">lowest rate of homeownership\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s one of the reasons why we still see a huge wealth gap between Black and white Americans today. And some are convinced that the only way to solve that is to pay back what is owed: reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s new podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America\u003c/a> asks if housing can be a form of reparations that gives Black Americans the same opportunity that white Americans have always had in this country. Listen to episode four below. Read the \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/housingreparations-transcript\">transcript\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC4925161758&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>What does the racial wealth gap have to do with housing?\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>In America, white families have an average of $188,200 in wealth, compared to $24,100 for Black families. The declining homeownership rates for Black households is what contributes to this widening \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/scfindex.htm\">wealth gap\u003c/a>. In the second quarter of 2020, 47 percent of Black families owned their home compared with 76 percent of white families, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/housing/hvs/files/currenthvspress.pdf\">U.S. Census Bureau\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a lot of families, owning a home is a sign of stability and a critical stepping stone to building equity and wealth. Owning a home is directly connected to a person’s overall net worth, especially when the asset can appreciate and grow in value over time. That means the average white family has eight times the wealth of the typical Black family.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>How did it get this big?\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>Historically, the American housing system has a long legacy of excluding Black families beginning with the founding of this country. Two hundred fifty years of slavery; then, there was sharecropping and Jim Crow laws, and redlining and predatory lending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even though the discriminatory policies are now outlawed, their effects still linger. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/research/black-applicants-denied-mortgage-27651/\">recent Zillow analysis\u003c/a> found lenders deny Black mortgage applicants at a rate of 80% higher than white applicants, \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/article/for-people-of-color-banks-are-shutting-the-door-to-homeownership/\">a troubling pattern that’s been called modern-day redlining\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black homeownership rates rose in the 1990s and 2000s, but a lot of that progress was reversed by the subprime mortgage crisis. The foreclosure rate for Black households \u003ca href=\"https://www.responsiblelending.org/mortgage-lending/research-analysis/foreclosures-by-race-and-ethnicity.pdf\">was more than twice\u003c/a> what it was for white households. The foreclosures often forced Black families into renting, erasing any wealth they had built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when Black people do own homes, the houses in majority-Black neighborhoods are undervalued by $48,000 per home on average, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/research/devaluation-of-assets-in-black-neighborhoods/\">research from the Brookings Institution\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>How do we close the gap?\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>A lot of policy experts say that if the goal is to truly eliminate the racial wealth gap, we need to talk about reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some people like economist William Darity Jr. \u003ca href=\"https://rooseveltinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/RI_Report_ResurrectingthePromiseof40Acres_202005.pdf\">have run the numbers\u003c/a> and put a dollar figure on reparations. He calculates that it would cost $10 to $12 trillion to completely erase the Black-white wealth gap. Darity and others believe this has to include direct payments to Black Americans, because wealth begets wealth. But other options could be endowment trust funds or funding programs that would increase Black homeownership such as low interest loans or down payment assistance programs to open up access to home buying opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities like \u003ca href=\"https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2020/07/16/asheville-north-carolina-reparations-not-all-experts-applaud/5452572002/\">Asheville, North Carolina\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityofevanston.org/government/city-council/reparations\">Evanston, Illinois\u003c/a> have taken steps toward reparations in recent months. In Evanston, $10 million collected by the city in cannabis revenue would be used to offer African American residents $25,000 to put toward a down payment on a home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California just became \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-09-30/california-task-force-reparations-slavery-gavin-newsom-shirley-weber\">the first state to sign a law\u003c/a> to study and propose a potential reparations plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reparations in the form of homeownership is one way people are demanding America write its wrongs and rethink the same institutions that have failed Black people in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>For more in-depth reporting on the housing crisis, check out our new podcast, SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America. Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/sold-out-rethinking-housing-in-america/id1531354937?itsct=podcast_box&itscg=30200\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/38dTBSk2ISFoPiyYNoKn1X\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/911586047/s-o-l-d-o-u-t-rethinking-housing-in-america#:~:text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20%3A%20NPR&text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20A%20podcast%20that%20examines,solutions%20to%20high%20housing%20costs.\">NPR One\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://tun.in/pj2qf\">TuneIn\u003c/a> or on your favorite podcast listening app.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Prop. 15 Would Close a Corporate Tax Loophole. Here's How It Got There in the First Place",
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"content": "\u003cp>When anti-tax crusader Howard Jarvis barnstormed across California for \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/publications/report/3497\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 13\u003c/a> in 1978, he made it clear who the measure to slash property taxes was aimed at helping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people that are being hurt are the elderly people on limited income who have spent all their life earning a home,” Jarvis said in a KQED debate that year. “And the state is kicking them out in droves. And this is what this is about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters overwhelmingly passed Prop. 13, but now, 42 years later, voters are being asked with Proposition 15 to undo a major loophole in that 1978 ballot measure which has allowed corporations to keep their property taxes artificially low for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jarvis was correct that with inflation pushing the value of homes in California through the roof in the 1970s, homeowners were seeing their property tax bills increase to the point where some couldn’t keep up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were losing their homes because of property taxes. People on fixed incomes, Social Security, who suddenly had their taxes double and triple, couldn’t afford it. And it was causing a tax rebellion,” recalls Randy Goodwin, who ran the “Yes on Prop. 13” campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jarvis capitalized on voter anger and anxiety with Prop. 13, whose passage ushered in the “tax revolt” that swept across the country and helped elect Ronald Reagan president of the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 did indeed roll back residential property taxes, setting the tax bill at 1% of the 1976 assessed value and capping annual tax increases at 2%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the proposition did not distinguish between residential, commercial, industrial or agricultural property. So \u003cem>all\u003c/em> property in California benefited from the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a point the late San Francisco Assemblymember Leo McCarthy made during the same KQED debate with Jarvis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pacific Telephone would have a $130 million cut. Standard Oil, $13 million. Southern Pacific, $12 million. They didn’t ask for the cut but Mr. Jarvis was kind enough to give them to them,” said McCarthy, who was Speaker of the Assembly at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question is, was the windfall to corporations — which saves them billions of dollars on property taxes — a kind of “Trojan horse” benefit deliberately snuck into the measure by pro-business groups?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not according to Joel Fox, who was an assistant to Jarvis at the time and later became director of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All property was taxed the same from 1850 onward. So in writing an amendment to the Constitution on property taxes, it was just simple to maintain what was already in the Constitution,” Fox said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Manuel Pastor, director of the Program for Environmental and Regional Equity at University of Southern California\"]‘The question is, are we the California that passed Prop. 13? Or are we the California that wants to reevaluate that and think about investments in young people?’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the business community didn’t really support Prop. 13, at least not outwardly, remembers Prop. 13 campaign manager Randy Goodwin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only did they not participate in the drafting, they didn’t support Proposition 13. So that tells you a lot right there. They did not support Proposition 13. They gave no money to it,” Goodwin told KQED recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The big corporations in California had a cozy relationship with the powers that ran the state government,” Goodwin said. “And they together paid for the opposition to Proposition 13. We didn’t have Chevron. We didn’t have AT&T. We didn’t have any of those big corporations supporting Proposition 13.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The argument that business would have the same treatment as residential property was in the ballot arguments. So voters were aware of it, and they had an alternative,” said Jarvis’ former assistant Fox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That alternative was \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_8,_Tax_Rates_on_Owner-Occupied_Dwellings_(June_1978)\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 8\u003c/a>, another tax cutting measure placed on the same ballot by then-Gov. Jerry Brown and the Legislature in a futile attempt to prevent Prop. 13 from passing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 was simply written and did not specify how it would be applied to commercial property. In fact, the implementation of Prop. 13 was left to the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wrote the implementation process after it had been passed by the voters,” said former Assemblyman Willie Brown recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown chaired the that determined how and when commercial property would be reassessed with higher property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"election-2020\" label=\"Election 2020 Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the current rules written back then, a reassessment is only triggered when a person or legal entity acquires more than 50% of the ownership interest. Companies have used that loophole to avoid property tax increases, by selling no more that 49% to any one person or entity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, companies like Disneyland, Intel and Chevron are currently paying taxes based on property assessments from the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Willie Brown says now that the legislature blew it back then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should have said anytime there is a change in the ownership of the property through any means, that constitutes a transfer for reassessment purposes,” Brown said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The legislature can do that. And that’s where it ought to be done,” said Brown, who opposes Prop. 15 and has received consulting fees from the “No on 15” campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether the legislature “blew it” when it wrote the Prop. 13 implementation rules for commercial property or did it intentionally to please business interests is hard to know. One thing’s for sure: It’s much easier for lobbyists to influence legislation than ballot measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the Legislature \u003cem>tried\u003c/em> to revise the law to close the loophole and to reassess commercial property more often. In 2010, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=200920100AB2492\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Assembly Bill 2492\u003c/a>, authored by former Assemblyman Tom Ammiano, would have defined a “change of ownership” as happening whether or not any one legal entity or person that is a party to the transaction acquires more than 50% of the ownership interests. The bill died in committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 15 would require that commercial and industrial properties be reassessed on a regular basis, with property taxes based on current market value, rather than what the property cost when it was purchased. According to the nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/ballot/2020/Prop15-110320.pdf\">Legislative Analyst,\u003c/a> the measure would send $6.5 to $11.5 billion in new revenue annually to schools and local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residential and agricultural property along with commercial property worth less than $3 million would be exempted from the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 passed at a time when California was a much different place than it is today — more white, more conservative and less diverse. Manuel Pastor, director of University of Southern California’s Program for Environmental and Regional Equity, says that over the years, the measure has worked to exacerbate the wealth gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve got a system right now that is inequitable in terms of where the burden of the property taxes are more on residential folks and more on the most recent buyers who tend not to be the wealthiest, tend to be more people of color,” Pastor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the fate of this year’s Prop. 15 could indicate how much California has changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is, are we the California that passed Prop. 13? Or are we the California that wants to reevaluate that and think about investments in young people?” Pastor asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4cd2r446\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Polls\u003c/a> show Prop. 15 is close to the 50% support threshold needed for passage, but its fate is far from secure.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When anti-tax crusader Howard Jarvis barnstormed across California for \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/publications/report/3497\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 13\u003c/a> in 1978, he made it clear who the measure to slash property taxes was aimed at helping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people that are being hurt are the elderly people on limited income who have spent all their life earning a home,” Jarvis said in a KQED debate that year. “And the state is kicking them out in droves. And this is what this is about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters overwhelmingly passed Prop. 13, but now, 42 years later, voters are being asked with Proposition 15 to undo a major loophole in that 1978 ballot measure which has allowed corporations to keep their property taxes artificially low for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jarvis was correct that with inflation pushing the value of homes in California through the roof in the 1970s, homeowners were seeing their property tax bills increase to the point where some couldn’t keep up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were losing their homes because of property taxes. People on fixed incomes, Social Security, who suddenly had their taxes double and triple, couldn’t afford it. And it was causing a tax rebellion,” recalls Randy Goodwin, who ran the “Yes on Prop. 13” campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jarvis capitalized on voter anger and anxiety with Prop. 13, whose passage ushered in the “tax revolt” that swept across the country and helped elect Ronald Reagan president of the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 did indeed roll back residential property taxes, setting the tax bill at 1% of the 1976 assessed value and capping annual tax increases at 2%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the proposition did not distinguish between residential, commercial, industrial or agricultural property. So \u003cem>all\u003c/em> property in California benefited from the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a point the late San Francisco Assemblymember Leo McCarthy made during the same KQED debate with Jarvis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pacific Telephone would have a $130 million cut. Standard Oil, $13 million. Southern Pacific, $12 million. They didn’t ask for the cut but Mr. Jarvis was kind enough to give them to them,” said McCarthy, who was Speaker of the Assembly at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question is, was the windfall to corporations — which saves them billions of dollars on property taxes — a kind of “Trojan horse” benefit deliberately snuck into the measure by pro-business groups?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not according to Joel Fox, who was an assistant to Jarvis at the time and later became director of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All property was taxed the same from 1850 onward. So in writing an amendment to the Constitution on property taxes, it was just simple to maintain what was already in the Constitution,” Fox said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the business community didn’t really support Prop. 13, at least not outwardly, remembers Prop. 13 campaign manager Randy Goodwin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only did they not participate in the drafting, they didn’t support Proposition 13. So that tells you a lot right there. They did not support Proposition 13. They gave no money to it,” Goodwin told KQED recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The big corporations in California had a cozy relationship with the powers that ran the state government,” Goodwin said. “And they together paid for the opposition to Proposition 13. We didn’t have Chevron. We didn’t have AT&T. We didn’t have any of those big corporations supporting Proposition 13.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The argument that business would have the same treatment as residential property was in the ballot arguments. So voters were aware of it, and they had an alternative,” said Jarvis’ former assistant Fox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That alternative was \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_8,_Tax_Rates_on_Owner-Occupied_Dwellings_(June_1978)\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 8\u003c/a>, another tax cutting measure placed on the same ballot by then-Gov. Jerry Brown and the Legislature in a futile attempt to prevent Prop. 13 from passing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 was simply written and did not specify how it would be applied to commercial property. In fact, the implementation of Prop. 13 was left to the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wrote the implementation process after it had been passed by the voters,” said former Assemblyman Willie Brown recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown chaired the that determined how and when commercial property would be reassessed with higher property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the current rules written back then, a reassessment is only triggered when a person or legal entity acquires more than 50% of the ownership interest. Companies have used that loophole to avoid property tax increases, by selling no more that 49% to any one person or entity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, companies like Disneyland, Intel and Chevron are currently paying taxes based on property assessments from the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Willie Brown says now that the legislature blew it back then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should have said anytime there is a change in the ownership of the property through any means, that constitutes a transfer for reassessment purposes,” Brown said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The legislature can do that. And that’s where it ought to be done,” said Brown, who opposes Prop. 15 and has received consulting fees from the “No on 15” campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether the legislature “blew it” when it wrote the Prop. 13 implementation rules for commercial property or did it intentionally to please business interests is hard to know. One thing’s for sure: It’s much easier for lobbyists to influence legislation than ballot measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the Legislature \u003cem>tried\u003c/em> to revise the law to close the loophole and to reassess commercial property more often. In 2010, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=200920100AB2492\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Assembly Bill 2492\u003c/a>, authored by former Assemblyman Tom Ammiano, would have defined a “change of ownership” as happening whether or not any one legal entity or person that is a party to the transaction acquires more than 50% of the ownership interests. The bill died in committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 15 would require that commercial and industrial properties be reassessed on a regular basis, with property taxes based on current market value, rather than what the property cost when it was purchased. According to the nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/ballot/2020/Prop15-110320.pdf\">Legislative Analyst,\u003c/a> the measure would send $6.5 to $11.5 billion in new revenue annually to schools and local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residential and agricultural property along with commercial property worth less than $3 million would be exempted from the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 passed at a time when California was a much different place than it is today — more white, more conservative and less diverse. Manuel Pastor, director of University of Southern California’s Program for Environmental and Regional Equity, says that over the years, the measure has worked to exacerbate the wealth gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve got a system right now that is inequitable in terms of where the burden of the property taxes are more on residential folks and more on the most recent buyers who tend not to be the wealthiest, tend to be more people of color,” Pastor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the fate of this year’s Prop. 15 could indicate how much California has changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is, are we the California that passed Prop. 13? Or are we the California that wants to reevaluate that and think about investments in young people?” Pastor asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4cd2r446\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Polls\u003c/a> show Prop. 15 is close to the 50% support threshold needed for passage, but its fate is far from secure.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As American as apple pie, the single-family home has become synonymous with individual achievement in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And for good reason. Homeownership is the main driver of wealth for most middle-class Americans, with homeowners’ median net worth a whopping \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/library/stories/2019/08/gaps-in-wealth-americans-by-household-type.html\">80 times larger\u003c/a> than that of renters, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that Norman Rockwell-esque image of a single home surrounded by a white picket fence comes with a loaded history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When cities first created neighborhoods where only single-family houses were allowed, it was about more than separating homes from apartments; it was about separating white families from everyone else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s new podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America\u003c/a> takes a deep dive into the backstory behind single-family zoning and looks at how it has led to the racial segregation we still see in our neighborhoods today. Listen to episode three below. Read the \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3jDBL8o\">transcript\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC7736024153&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Single-family zoning makes it illegal for a community to build anything other than a single home on a single lot. That means no apartment buildings, condos or duplexes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We often associate single-family neighborhoods with suburbs, but many cities restrict large portions of their land to this type of building as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where did single-family zoning get its start?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In none other than true-blue Berkeley, California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The progressive Bay Area enclave was the first city in the country to implement single-family zoning. It \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/content/qt26b8d8zh/qt26b8d8zh.pdf?t=poq62p&v=lg\">adopted the zoning rule (PDF)\u003c/a> for the Elmwood neighborhood in 1916, making it illegal to build anything other than one home on one lot in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841205\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 580px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11841205\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Before-After-Claremont.gif\" alt=\"\" width=\"580\" height=\"359\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The entrance to the Claremont neighborhood, then and now. \u003ccite>(Carly Severn/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Why was it created?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Duncan McDuffie, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/SIGNATURE-STYLE-Duncan-McDuffie-Natural-2800658.php\">prominent real estate developer\u003c/a> in Berkeley who built the Claremont Court and Uplands neighborhoods in the early 1900s, was a \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Berkeley_Civic_Bulletin/u0reKZelu2MC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=elmwood&pg=RA2-PA105&printsec=frontcover\">big champion\u003c/a> of single-family zoning. His developments all came with racial covenants, which barred homeowners from selling or renting their homes to people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he was also concerned about the neighborhoods next to Claremont, including Elmwood, which had been developed as a single-family neighborhood with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Berkeley_Civic_Bulletin/u0reKZelu2MC?hl=en&gbpv=1&pg=RA1-PA61&printsec=frontcover\">five-year restriction\u003c/a> on “use and occupancy” that had recently expired. As a result, some apartments and stores had been built. Designating the area as off-limits to anything but single-family homes would, as McDuffie wrote in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Berkeley_Civic_Bulletin/u0reKZelu2MC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=elmwood&pg=RA2-PA105&printsec=frontcover\">Berkeley Civic Bulletin in 1916\u003c/a>, provide protection against an “invasion of their district by flats, apartment houses and stores with the deterioration of values that is sure to follow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The single-family zoning designation in Elmwood made the neighborhood more exclusive, because developers could charge more for single-family homes than they could for duplexes or cottage apartments. Subsequent zoning petitions for other neighborhoods that were filed soon after took aim at Chinese and Japanese-owned laundries and prohibited a \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/26b8d8zh\">Black-owned dance hall\u003c/a> from moving in.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What percentage of the Bay Area’s residential land is dedicated to single-family zoning?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Today, single-family homes are the main form of home-building in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/racial-segregation-san-francisco-bay-area-part-5\">recent study\u003c/a> from UC Berkeley’s Othering & Belonging Institute found that 83% of residential land in the Bay Area is devoted to single-family zoning. That means that on only 17% of the land, it’s legal to build apartments, condos, duplexes or triplexes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s not unusual. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/06/18/upshot/cities-across-america-question-single-family-zoning.html\">\u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> analysis\u003c/a> found that about 75% of the residential land in major cities across the country is devoted exclusively to single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11840912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 964px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11840912\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/SacHome.jpg\" alt=\"A single-family home in the Elk Grove suburb of Sacramento.\" width=\"964\" height=\"644\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/SacHome.jpg 964w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/SacHome-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/SacHome-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 964px) 100vw, 964px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A single-family home in the Elk Grove suburb of Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Veronica Nelson)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>How does single-family zoning lead to racial segregation?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The same Othering & Belonging Institute study found that as you increase the percentage of single-family zoning in a city, you increase the percentage of white residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of that is because renting an apartment or duplex is less expensive than renting or buying a home. It’s also a legacy of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/05/03/526655831/a-forgotten-history-of-how-the-u-s-government-segregated-america\">racist housing policies\u003c/a>, like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11648307/has-oaklands-fruitvale-neighborhood-recovered-from-redlining\">redlining\u003c/a>, that barred Black families from receiving federally-backed loans following the Great Depression and from the GI Bill after WWII.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Policies like these were later outlawed, but they \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/article/for-people-of-color-banks-are-shutting-the-door-to-homeownership/\">still persist in practice\u003c/a>, with lenders often charging higher interest rates or refusing home loans to Black buyers. Taken together, it’s helped drive a huge \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/scfindex.htm\">wealth gap\u003c/a> between white and Black families, with white families having an average $188,200 in wealth, compared to $24,100 for Black families. That makes it harder for Black families to purchase homes in single-family neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are people trying to do about it?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Minneapolis city officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.mprnews.org/story/2018/12/07/minneapolis-city-council-adopts-2040-plan\">voted in 2019\u003c/a> to ban single-family zoning. That doesn’t mean it’s illegal to build a single-family home. It means it \u003cem>is\u003c/em> legal to build things like duplexes or triplexes in most of the city where only single-family homes had been allowed before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oregon followed suit in 2019 with \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/07/01/737798440/oregon-legislature-votes-to-essentially-ban-single-family-zoning\">a bill that allows fourplexes\u003c/a> in most cities around the state. And in California, the city of San José is considering \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/departments-offices/planning-building-code-enforcement/planning-division/citywide-planning/envision-san-jos-2040-general-plan/general-plan-4-year-review/opportunity-housing\">legalizing fourplexes\u003c/a> in most neighborhoods. The City Council is expected to consider voting on the plan next spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was also an effort this year to eliminate single-family zoning across California. Senate Pro Tem Toni Atkins’ bill, SB 1120, would have allowed up to two duplexes on many single-family lots. It was \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2020-09-01/california-assembly-sb-1120-duplexes\">approved in both the Senate and Assembly\u003c/a>, but didn’t have enough time to get the final vote it needed before going to the governor. Housing advocates say they’ll push for it again next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Editor’s Note: An earlier version of this story repeated an error that originated in academic research used to inform the reporting. A proposed Black-owned dancehall was not seeking to move into the Elmwood neighborhood, but rather \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Proceedings_of_the_National_Conference_o/DcUUvqEa4JgC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22Districting+Progress+and+Procedure+in+California%22+cheney&pg=PA183&printsec=frontcover\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">another neighborhood\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in Berkeley. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003carticle class=\"routes-Site-routes-Post-components-Post-components-PostMinisite-___PostMinisite__mpost\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>For more in-depth reporting on the housing crisis, check out our new podcast, SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America. Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/sold-out-rethinking-housing-in-america/id1531354937?itsct=podcast_box&itscg=30200\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/38dTBSk2ISFoPiyYNoKn1X\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/911586047/s-o-l-d-o-u-t-rethinking-housing-in-america#:~:text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20%3A%20NPR&text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20A%20podcast%20that%20examines,solutions%20to%20high%20housing%20costs.\">NPR One\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://tun.in/pj2qf\">TuneIn\u003c/a> or on your favorite podcast listening app.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/article>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As American as apple pie, the single-family home has become synonymous with individual achievement in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And for good reason. Homeownership is the main driver of wealth for most middle-class Americans, with homeowners’ median net worth a whopping \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/library/stories/2019/08/gaps-in-wealth-americans-by-household-type.html\">80 times larger\u003c/a> than that of renters, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that Norman Rockwell-esque image of a single home surrounded by a white picket fence comes with a loaded history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When cities first created neighborhoods where only single-family houses were allowed, it was about more than separating homes from apartments; it was about separating white families from everyone else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s new podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America\u003c/a> takes a deep dive into the backstory behind single-family zoning and looks at how it has led to the racial segregation we still see in our neighborhoods today. Listen to episode three below. Read the \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3jDBL8o\">transcript\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC7736024153&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Single-family zoning makes it illegal for a community to build anything other than a single home on a single lot. That means no apartment buildings, condos or duplexes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We often associate single-family neighborhoods with suburbs, but many cities restrict large portions of their land to this type of building as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where did single-family zoning get its start?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In none other than true-blue Berkeley, California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The progressive Bay Area enclave was the first city in the country to implement single-family zoning. It \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/content/qt26b8d8zh/qt26b8d8zh.pdf?t=poq62p&v=lg\">adopted the zoning rule (PDF)\u003c/a> for the Elmwood neighborhood in 1916, making it illegal to build anything other than one home on one lot in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841205\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 580px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11841205\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Before-After-Claremont.gif\" alt=\"\" width=\"580\" height=\"359\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The entrance to the Claremont neighborhood, then and now. \u003ccite>(Carly Severn/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Why was it created?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Duncan McDuffie, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/SIGNATURE-STYLE-Duncan-McDuffie-Natural-2800658.php\">prominent real estate developer\u003c/a> in Berkeley who built the Claremont Court and Uplands neighborhoods in the early 1900s, was a \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Berkeley_Civic_Bulletin/u0reKZelu2MC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=elmwood&pg=RA2-PA105&printsec=frontcover\">big champion\u003c/a> of single-family zoning. His developments all came with racial covenants, which barred homeowners from selling or renting their homes to people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he was also concerned about the neighborhoods next to Claremont, including Elmwood, which had been developed as a single-family neighborhood with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Berkeley_Civic_Bulletin/u0reKZelu2MC?hl=en&gbpv=1&pg=RA1-PA61&printsec=frontcover\">five-year restriction\u003c/a> on “use and occupancy” that had recently expired. As a result, some apartments and stores had been built. Designating the area as off-limits to anything but single-family homes would, as McDuffie wrote in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Berkeley_Civic_Bulletin/u0reKZelu2MC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=elmwood&pg=RA2-PA105&printsec=frontcover\">Berkeley Civic Bulletin in 1916\u003c/a>, provide protection against an “invasion of their district by flats, apartment houses and stores with the deterioration of values that is sure to follow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The single-family zoning designation in Elmwood made the neighborhood more exclusive, because developers could charge more for single-family homes than they could for duplexes or cottage apartments. Subsequent zoning petitions for other neighborhoods that were filed soon after took aim at Chinese and Japanese-owned laundries and prohibited a \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/26b8d8zh\">Black-owned dance hall\u003c/a> from moving in.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What percentage of the Bay Area’s residential land is dedicated to single-family zoning?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Today, single-family homes are the main form of home-building in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/racial-segregation-san-francisco-bay-area-part-5\">recent study\u003c/a> from UC Berkeley’s Othering & Belonging Institute found that 83% of residential land in the Bay Area is devoted to single-family zoning. That means that on only 17% of the land, it’s legal to build apartments, condos, duplexes or triplexes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s not unusual. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/06/18/upshot/cities-across-america-question-single-family-zoning.html\">\u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> analysis\u003c/a> found that about 75% of the residential land in major cities across the country is devoted exclusively to single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11840912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 964px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11840912\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/SacHome.jpg\" alt=\"A single-family home in the Elk Grove suburb of Sacramento.\" width=\"964\" height=\"644\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/SacHome.jpg 964w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/SacHome-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/SacHome-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 964px) 100vw, 964px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A single-family home in the Elk Grove suburb of Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Veronica Nelson)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>How does single-family zoning lead to racial segregation?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The same Othering & Belonging Institute study found that as you increase the percentage of single-family zoning in a city, you increase the percentage of white residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of that is because renting an apartment or duplex is less expensive than renting or buying a home. It’s also a legacy of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/05/03/526655831/a-forgotten-history-of-how-the-u-s-government-segregated-america\">racist housing policies\u003c/a>, like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11648307/has-oaklands-fruitvale-neighborhood-recovered-from-redlining\">redlining\u003c/a>, that barred Black families from receiving federally-backed loans following the Great Depression and from the GI Bill after WWII.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Policies like these were later outlawed, but they \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/article/for-people-of-color-banks-are-shutting-the-door-to-homeownership/\">still persist in practice\u003c/a>, with lenders often charging higher interest rates or refusing home loans to Black buyers. Taken together, it’s helped drive a huge \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/scfindex.htm\">wealth gap\u003c/a> between white and Black families, with white families having an average $188,200 in wealth, compared to $24,100 for Black families. That makes it harder for Black families to purchase homes in single-family neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are people trying to do about it?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Minneapolis city officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.mprnews.org/story/2018/12/07/minneapolis-city-council-adopts-2040-plan\">voted in 2019\u003c/a> to ban single-family zoning. That doesn’t mean it’s illegal to build a single-family home. It means it \u003cem>is\u003c/em> legal to build things like duplexes or triplexes in most of the city where only single-family homes had been allowed before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oregon followed suit in 2019 with \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/07/01/737798440/oregon-legislature-votes-to-essentially-ban-single-family-zoning\">a bill that allows fourplexes\u003c/a> in most cities around the state. And in California, the city of San José is considering \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/departments-offices/planning-building-code-enforcement/planning-division/citywide-planning/envision-san-jos-2040-general-plan/general-plan-4-year-review/opportunity-housing\">legalizing fourplexes\u003c/a> in most neighborhoods. The City Council is expected to consider voting on the plan next spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was also an effort this year to eliminate single-family zoning across California. Senate Pro Tem Toni Atkins’ bill, SB 1120, would have allowed up to two duplexes on many single-family lots. It was \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2020-09-01/california-assembly-sb-1120-duplexes\">approved in both the Senate and Assembly\u003c/a>, but didn’t have enough time to get the final vote it needed before going to the governor. Housing advocates say they’ll push for it again next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Editor’s Note: An earlier version of this story repeated an error that originated in academic research used to inform the reporting. A proposed Black-owned dancehall was not seeking to move into the Elmwood neighborhood, but rather \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Proceedings_of_the_National_Conference_o/DcUUvqEa4JgC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22Districting+Progress+and+Procedure+in+California%22+cheney&pg=PA183&printsec=frontcover\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">another neighborhood\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in Berkeley. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003carticle class=\"routes-Site-routes-Post-components-Post-components-PostMinisite-___PostMinisite__mpost\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>For more in-depth reporting on the housing crisis, check out our new podcast, SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America. Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/sold-out-rethinking-housing-in-america/id1531354937?itsct=podcast_box&itscg=30200\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/38dTBSk2ISFoPiyYNoKn1X\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/911586047/s-o-l-d-o-u-t-rethinking-housing-in-america#:~:text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20%3A%20NPR&text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20A%20podcast%20that%20examines,solutions%20to%20high%20housing%20costs.\">NPR One\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://tun.in/pj2qf\">TuneIn\u003c/a> or on your favorite podcast listening app.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/article>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tenants, affordable housing groups and local governments will get the first chance to buy foreclosed homes under a measure approved Monday by Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB1079\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Senate Bill 1079\u003c/a> is designed to keep corporations from snapping up homes and letting some fall into disrepair as they did during the Great Recession. The issue drew national attention a year ago \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11797001/moms-4-housing-group-reaches-agreement-to-buy-vacant-house\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Moms 4 Housing\u003c/a> moved into a vacant, corporate-owned house in West Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was among 15 bills Newsom signed into law as renters and home-buyers again struggle during mass layoffs prompted by the pandemic. The governor said the measures “will directly lead to more affordable opportunities for renters and homeowners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law bars sellers of foreclosed homes from bundling them at auction for sale to a single buyer. In addition, it will allow tenants, families, local governments, affordable housing nonprofits and community land trusts 45 days to beat the best auction bid to buy the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owners of poorly maintained properties can be fined as much as $2,000 a day under the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Sen. Nancy Skinner of Berkeley said her measure gives people who want to live in a house a fair shot at buying it. She said the measure that takes effect Jan. 1 sends the message that “California homes are not yours to gobble up; we won’t tolerate another corporate takeover of housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/NancySkinnerCA/status/1310691265726435333\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also signed bills \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB2345\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">increasing subsidies\u003c/a> for dense, affordable housing projects; allowing \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3308\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">school districts\u003c/a> to use low-income housing tax credits to build affordable housing for teachers and school employees on district-owned land; and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB288\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">exempting\u003c/a> bicycle, pedestrian, light rail and bus rapid transit projects from California’s strict environmental reviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another bill expands a law that allows crime victims to \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB1190\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">break their leases\u003c/a> without penalty. [aside tag=\"housing\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law had applied only to victims of domestic violence, stalking, elder abuse or human trafficking. The expansion adds crimes that result in injury or death and bars landlords from refusing to rent to tenants who have taken advantage of the law. He also approved a \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB2992\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">separate bill\u003c/a> allowing victims of violent crime and immediate family members of homicide victims to take unpaid leave from work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He vetoed two bills, one that would have created an Office to End Homelessness within his administration and the other that would have created a right to safe, decent and affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he already has made housing and homelessness a priority, and the “laudable goal” of making housing a right could have cost more than $10 billion a year.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Newsom also signed bills \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB2345\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">increasing subsidies\u003c/a> for dense, affordable housing projects; allowing \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3308\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">school districts\u003c/a> to use low-income housing tax credits to build affordable housing for teachers and school employees on district-owned land; and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB288\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">exempting\u003c/a> bicycle, pedestrian, light rail and bus rapid transit projects from California’s strict environmental reviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another bill expands a law that allows crime victims to \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB1190\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">break their leases\u003c/a> without penalty. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law had applied only to victims of domestic violence, stalking, elder abuse or human trafficking. The expansion adds crimes that result in injury or death and bars landlords from refusing to rent to tenants who have taken advantage of the law. He also approved a \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB2992\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">separate bill\u003c/a> allowing victims of violent crime and immediate family members of homicide victims to take unpaid leave from work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He vetoed two bills, one that would have created an Office to End Homelessness within his administration and the other that would have created a right to safe, decent and affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he already has made housing and homelessness a priority, and the “laudable goal” of making housing a right could have cost more than $10 billion a year.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California is the worst of the worst when it comes to the cost of housing construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average price tag to build just one unit of housing — a home or an apartment — was $326,000 in 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gao.gov/products/gao-18-637\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to the U.S. Government Accountability Office\u003c/a>. And it’s even worse for affordable housing, which \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/LIHTC_Construction_Costs_March_2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">averaged $480,000\u003c/a> per unit across the state in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>High construction costs are \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/Making_It_Pencil_The_Math_Behind_Housing_Development.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">one big reason\u003c/a> why rents and home prices in California are also some of the highest in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the construction industry has also been one of the slowest to innovate. It’s a $10 trillion operation, globally, employing a whopping 7 percent of the world’s population, according to a 2017 \u003ca href=\"https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/McKinsey/Industries/Capital%20Projects%20and%20Infrastructure/Our%20Insights/Reinventing%20construction%20through%20a%20productivity%20revolution/MGI-Reinventing-construction-A-route-to-higher-productivity-Full-report.ashx\">McKinsey & Company report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report found that, globally, productivity in the construction industry has increased an average of 1% a year over the past two decades, compared with 2.8% for the total world economy and 3.6% for manufacturing. In the U.S., many industries, including agriculture and manufacturing, have increased their productivity by 1500%, while productivity in construction has barely budged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s new podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America, \u003c/a>takes a look at one solution that’s trying to “hack” the system: factory-built housing, also known as prefabricated or modular housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC6877722347\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an idea that’s been around for over a century, but it hasn’t always worked. Listen to the second episode, “Prefabulous”, to hear why some people think modular housing construction could now be the big innovation to help us out of our housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just the construction industry’s unwillingness or inability to change that’s driving high housing costs. Here are some other reasons why housing is so expensive to build in California:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Land\u003c/strong> is just \u003ca href=\"https://www.gao.gov/products/gao-18-637\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more expensive in California\u003c/a> than other places. In the Golden State, the cost of land is about 12% of total construction costs, compared to about 5% in other states.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Labor\u003c/strong> is \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/02/25/hidden-cost-of-housing-how-a-shortage-of-construction-workers-is-making-our-crisis-worse/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">also more expensive\u003c/a>. One reason: After the Great Recession in 2008, a lot of construction workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.jlconline.com/article/constructions-exodus-of-labor_c#:~:text=What%20is%20evident%20to%20the,shortage%20of%20skilled%20workers%20in\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">left the industry\u003c/a>, creating a shortage of skilled workers. To top it off, the construction boom that followed has far outpaced the growth in the construction industry. \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/LIHTC_Construction_Costs_March_2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">An analysis\u003c/a> by the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley found that the number of permitted housing units grew by 430% between 2009 and 2018, while the number of workers grew only 32% during that same time period.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Density restrictions \u003c/strong>that limit how many apartments can be built on one lot also adds to the cost. As the size of a building increases, developers are able to take advantage of economies of scale, reducing the cost per apartment. But opposition to large affordable apartment buildings makes it difficult to get projects approved. Researchers at the Terner Center \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/LIHTC_Construction_Costs_March_2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">spoke to one developer\u003c/a> who said, “It is impossible to overstate the continued resistance to new affordable development in most cities in California.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The \u003cstrong>complexity of financing\u003c/strong> affordable housing projects is another big factor when it comes to developing housing for low-income people in particular. \u003ca href=\"https://www.gao.gov/products/gao-18-637\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">A report\u003c/a> by the U.S. Government Accountability Office found that affordable housing projects in California had an average of six different funding sources, which contribute to a project’s “soft costs,” which includes things like legal fees, consultants, and appraisals. In California, soft costs added around 14% to the total cost of construction, compared to 7% nationwide. \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/LIHTC_Construction_Costs_March_2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Another report\u003c/a> from the Terner Center found that, on average, \u003cem>each\u003c/em> additional source of funding on a project added $6,400 \u003cem>per unit\u003c/em> in total development costs.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Development fees, \u003c/strong>which cities impose on developers to pay for things like street lighting, sidewalk improvements or sewage upgrades, also contribute to higher costs for housing. The same \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/LIHTC_Construction_Costs_March_2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Terner Center report\u003c/a> found that development fees on affordable housing developments added about $16,600 per unit.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003carticle class=\"routes-Site-routes-Post-components-Post-components-PostMinisite-___PostMinisite__mpost\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>For more in-depth reporting on the housing crisis, check out our new podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America\u003c/a>. Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/sold-out-rethinking-housing-in-america/id1531354937?itsct=podcast_box&itscg=30200\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/38dTBSk2ISFoPiyYNoKn1X\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/911586047/s-o-l-d-o-u-t-rethinking-housing-in-america#:~:text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20%3A%20NPR&text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20A%20podcast%20that%20examines,solutions%20to%20high%20housing%20costs.\">NPR One\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://tun.in/pj2qf\">TuneIn\u003c/a> or on your favorite podcast listening app.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/article>\n\n",
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"subhead": "Materials, labor, parking requirements: it all adds up to the crazy high cost of building housing. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California is the worst of the worst when it comes to the cost of housing construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average price tag to build just one unit of housing — a home or an apartment — was $326,000 in 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gao.gov/products/gao-18-637\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to the U.S. Government Accountability Office\u003c/a>. And it’s even worse for affordable housing, which \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/LIHTC_Construction_Costs_March_2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">averaged $480,000\u003c/a> per unit across the state in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>High construction costs are \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/Making_It_Pencil_The_Math_Behind_Housing_Development.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">one big reason\u003c/a> why rents and home prices in California are also some of the highest in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the construction industry has also been one of the slowest to innovate. It’s a $10 trillion operation, globally, employing a whopping 7 percent of the world’s population, according to a 2017 \u003ca href=\"https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/McKinsey/Industries/Capital%20Projects%20and%20Infrastructure/Our%20Insights/Reinventing%20construction%20through%20a%20productivity%20revolution/MGI-Reinventing-construction-A-route-to-higher-productivity-Full-report.ashx\">McKinsey & Company report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report found that, globally, productivity in the construction industry has increased an average of 1% a year over the past two decades, compared with 2.8% for the total world economy and 3.6% for manufacturing. In the U.S., many industries, including agriculture and manufacturing, have increased their productivity by 1500%, while productivity in construction has barely budged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s new podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America, \u003c/a>takes a look at one solution that’s trying to “hack” the system: factory-built housing, also known as prefabricated or modular housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC6877722347\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an idea that’s been around for over a century, but it hasn’t always worked. Listen to the second episode, “Prefabulous”, to hear why some people think modular housing construction could now be the big innovation to help us out of our housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just the construction industry’s unwillingness or inability to change that’s driving high housing costs. Here are some other reasons why housing is so expensive to build in California:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Land\u003c/strong> is just \u003ca href=\"https://www.gao.gov/products/gao-18-637\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more expensive in California\u003c/a> than other places. In the Golden State, the cost of land is about 12% of total construction costs, compared to about 5% in other states.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Labor\u003c/strong> is \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/02/25/hidden-cost-of-housing-how-a-shortage-of-construction-workers-is-making-our-crisis-worse/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">also more expensive\u003c/a>. One reason: After the Great Recession in 2008, a lot of construction workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.jlconline.com/article/constructions-exodus-of-labor_c#:~:text=What%20is%20evident%20to%20the,shortage%20of%20skilled%20workers%20in\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">left the industry\u003c/a>, creating a shortage of skilled workers. To top it off, the construction boom that followed has far outpaced the growth in the construction industry. \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/LIHTC_Construction_Costs_March_2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">An analysis\u003c/a> by the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley found that the number of permitted housing units grew by 430% between 2009 and 2018, while the number of workers grew only 32% during that same time period.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Density restrictions \u003c/strong>that limit how many apartments can be built on one lot also adds to the cost. As the size of a building increases, developers are able to take advantage of economies of scale, reducing the cost per apartment. But opposition to large affordable apartment buildings makes it difficult to get projects approved. Researchers at the Terner Center \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/LIHTC_Construction_Costs_March_2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">spoke to one developer\u003c/a> who said, “It is impossible to overstate the continued resistance to new affordable development in most cities in California.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The \u003cstrong>complexity of financing\u003c/strong> affordable housing projects is another big factor when it comes to developing housing for low-income people in particular. \u003ca href=\"https://www.gao.gov/products/gao-18-637\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">A report\u003c/a> by the U.S. Government Accountability Office found that affordable housing projects in California had an average of six different funding sources, which contribute to a project’s “soft costs,” which includes things like legal fees, consultants, and appraisals. In California, soft costs added around 14% to the total cost of construction, compared to 7% nationwide. \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/LIHTC_Construction_Costs_March_2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Another report\u003c/a> from the Terner Center found that, on average, \u003cem>each\u003c/em> additional source of funding on a project added $6,400 \u003cem>per unit\u003c/em> in total development costs.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Development fees, \u003c/strong>which cities impose on developers to pay for things like street lighting, sidewalk improvements or sewage upgrades, also contribute to higher costs for housing. The same \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/LIHTC_Construction_Costs_March_2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Terner Center report\u003c/a> found that development fees on affordable housing developments added about $16,600 per unit.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003carticle class=\"routes-Site-routes-Post-components-Post-components-PostMinisite-___PostMinisite__mpost\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>For more in-depth reporting on the housing crisis, check out our new podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America\u003c/a>. Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/sold-out-rethinking-housing-in-america/id1531354937?itsct=podcast_box&itscg=30200\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/38dTBSk2ISFoPiyYNoKn1X\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/911586047/s-o-l-d-o-u-t-rethinking-housing-in-america#:~:text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20%3A%20NPR&text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20A%20podcast%20that%20examines,solutions%20to%20high%20housing%20costs.\">NPR One\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://tun.in/pj2qf\">TuneIn\u003c/a> or on your favorite podcast listening app.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/article>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-naacp-president-aids-corporate-prop-campaigns-collects-1-2-million-and-counting",
"title": "California NAACP President Aids Corporate Prop Campaigns — Collects $1.2 Million and Counting",
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"headTitle": "California NAACP President Aids Corporate Prop Campaigns — Collects $1.2 Million and Counting | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Read through the voter handbook for California’s November election, and a name pops up over and over again: Alice Huffman. As leader of the California NAACP, Huffman has weighed in with positions that critics say run counter to the historic civil rights organization’s mission to advance racial equality in education, housing and criminal justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should voters raise commercial property taxes to pour billions of dollars into schools? Should they make it easier for cities to pass rent control ordinances? Should California outlaw the use of cash bail?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No, no and no, Huffman argues in the \u003ca href=\"https://vig.cdn.sos.ca.gov/2020/general/pdf/complete-vig.pdf\">ballot handbook\u003c/a>, where she is repeatedly identified as president of the California State Conference of the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What the guide doesn’t tell voters is that Huffman’s \u003ca href=\"http://acpublicaffairs.com/\">political consulting firm\u003c/a> has been paid more than $1.2 million so far this year by ballot measure campaigns that she or the California NAACP has endorsed. She’s been paid by campaigns funded by commercial property owners fighting the tax increase, corporate landlords opposed to expanding rent control and bail bondsmen who want to keep the cash bail system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s dual roles as both a paid campaign consultant and leader of a vaunted civil rights group amount to an unusual — but legal — arrangement. Though she has held both positions for many years, Huffman was especially sought after this year, as political campaigns respond to the national reckoning over race and frame many of their messages with themes of justice and equity. The small firm Huffman runs with her sister is being paid by five ballot measure campaigns this year, public records show — more than it has taken on in previous elections. Many of them are funded by corporate interests at war with labor unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s common for political campaigns to hire strategists to help them communicate with specific constituencies, those consultants usually do not come with a brand as well-known as the NAACP is for its work fighting discrimination over the last century. Huffman’s approach — making money from the campaigns that also wind up with an NAACP seal of approval — is stirring controversy in some Black communities. Critics say it appears the endorsement of the renowned civil rights organization is essentially up for sale.[aside tag=\"politics\" label=\"More political coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like it’s a conflict of interest and I think it’s misleading to the public,” said Carroll Fife, an officer of the Oakland chapter of the NAACP who disagrees with the state organization on several ballot measure endorsements. “It’s unfortunate. Politics is gross.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fife works as the executive director of the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, a nonprofit that is campaigning for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-15-property-tax-big-business/\">Proposition 15\u003c/a> to raise commercial property taxes and boost funding for schools. She also supports\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-21-rent-control/\"> Prop. 21\u003c/a> to make it easier for cities to expand rent control, and says both measures would help California’s Black communities. Two-thirds of Black households in the state are renters, census data shows, and many Black students are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/achievement-gap-california-explainer-schools-education-disparities-explained/\">concentrated in high-poverty schools\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman declined to be interviewed for this article, as did other members of the California NAACP \u003ca href=\"http://www.ca-naacp.org/index.php/about/leadership\">executive board\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the ballot handbook, Huffman \u003ca href=\"https://vig.cdn.sos.ca.gov/2020/general/pdf/complete-vig.pdf\">argues the measures\u003c/a> would hurt low-income Californians because commercial property owners would pass their higher costs onto consumers and small-business tenants, and expanded rent control could shrink the supply of affordable housing. Huffman’s Sacramento-based firm, AC Public Affairs, has been paid $590,000 so far by the No on Prop. 15 campaign and $280,000 by the No on Prop. 21 campaign, \u003ca href=\"http://dbsearch.sos.ca.gov/ExpendCodeSearch.aspx\">public records show\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She has the right to make money as we all do,” said Anthony Thigpenn, a community organizer in Los Angeles who heads the California Calls advocacy group and supports Prop. 15. “But when it’s something that’s using a community-based organization’s brand, and particularly when it’s taking positions… that are not in the interest of the communities that organization has advocated for and championed, that is disappointing and sad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thigpenn said he believes increasing commercial property taxes with the so-called “split-roll” approach in Prop. 15 is a matter of racial justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Black communities in California suffer most from the lack of funding for schools and community colleges, which are typically gateways for people to have career paths and livable wages and good jobs,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Sacramento insider\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Well-known in Sacramento as a political powerhouse with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article111682772.html\">career that’s spanned some 50 years\u003c/a>, Huffman worked for then-Gov. Jerry Brown in the 1970s. She became close with Willie Brown during the 1980s and 1990s, when he was Assembly speaker and she was a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1991-06-24-mn-809-story.html\">lobbyist for the California Teachers Association\u003c/a>. She opened her public affairs firm in 1988, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.naacp.org/naacp-board-of-directors/alice-a-huffman/\">was elected president\u003c/a> of the California NAACP in 1999. Her firm helps political campaigns build coalitions and get their messages out through media, advertising and a newsletter called the “\u003ca href=\"http://acpublicaffairs.com/?page_id=52\">Minority News\u003c/a>.” Many of the messages \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Gmail-Prop-22.pdf\">feature Huffman\u003c/a> and her role with the NAACP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, Huffman’s consulting business and the California NAACP’s endorsements have aligned many times. As she was paid by Indian tribes, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2005-nov-04-me-pharma4-story.html\">pharmaceutical companies\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2006-oct-22-me-spokesmodel22-story.html\">cigarette makers\u003c/a> trying to pass or defeat ballot measures in the early 2000s, the California NAACP endorsed those campaigns. The same thing happened in 2018, when Huffman’s firm was paid nearly $900,000 \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Rent-control-foes-hire-California-NAACP-leader-13144448.php\">by the campaign fighting a rent control measure\u003c/a>, and $90,000 by dialysis companies opposing an initiative that would have increased their cost of doing business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both measures failed in 2018 but are back on the ballot this year, and the campaigns trying to defeat them have again hired Huffman. Michael Bustamante, a spokesman for the campaign against the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-21-rent-control/\">Prop. 21\u003c/a> rent control measure, said Huffman is motivated by what’s best for Black Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In 2018, she was passionate in her opposition to Prop. 10 because of what it would do to the African American community,” he said, referring to opponents’ argument that more rent control would drive up the cost of housing by discouraging developers from building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over and over again she talked about how homeownership… enables African American families to get a toehold to better their future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bustamante, who is also a spokesperson for the campaign against raising commercial property taxes, said in a statement that “the NAACP took its position in opposition to Prop. 15 based on clear facts that they outlined in their March 2nd report,”\u003ca href=\"http://www.ca-naacp.org/images/Forms/NAACP_-Social_Justice_Study_two.pdf\"> which says\u003c/a> social justice advocates should be concerned that the measure would increase costs for consumers and doesn’t do enough to protect small businesses.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Carol Fife, Oakland NAACP officer\"]““I feel like it’s a conflict of interest and I think it’s misleading to the public.””[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campaign finance records show the anti-Prop. 15 campaign made its first payment to Huffman’s firm, of $70,000, on Feb. 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign funded by dialysis companies opposing an initiative that would require their clinics to have a doctor on site hired Huffman to educate African American voters “about the dangers of Prop. 23,” said campaign spokesperson Kathy Fairbanks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 23 is particularly dangerous for communities of color because they suffer from kidney disease and need dialysis at higher rates,” she said in a statement. “Prop. 23 would force the shutdown of many clinics, jeopardizing the life-saving dialysis patients need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman has told reporters in the past that she only takes on political clients whose campaigns are aligned with the California NAACP’s positions. But it’s not clear how the organization arrives at endorsement decisions. Its website doesn’t explain a procedure and hasn’t posted ballot measure endorsements since the\u003ca href=\"http://www.ca-naacp.org/index.php/advocacy\"> 2016 election\u003c/a>. CalMatters contacted its six statewide executive committee members including Huffman; three of them declined interview requests and three did not return messages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fife, the Oakland NAACP officer, said her local chapter doesn’t know how the statewide conference decides what to endorse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not transparent,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839896\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839896\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carroll Fife, housing advocate and officer for the Oakland chapter of the NAACP, supports Prop 15. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The president of the San Jose chapter of the NAACP said he had been reprimanded by the state conference for recently writing an \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2020/09/15/opinion-prop-15-will-build-a-better-future-for-california/\">op-ed supporting Prop. 15\u003c/a>, the split-roll property tax measure. Rev. Jethroe Moore II said he wrote the piece to express his personal opinion, and was surprised to see his affiliation with the San Jose NAACP included when it was published.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are my personal beliefs,” he said. “Alice is the president of the statewide NAACP and all the branches understand they have to support the positions that they take. I accept my responsibility for stepping out as an individual person in the community to take my stand as an American citizen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s been re-elected president of the state conference several times, according to \u003ca href=\"https://naacp.org/naacp-board-of-directors/alice-a-huffman/\">her bio\u003c/a>. Delegates from local NAACP chapters vote for state officers every other year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.naacp.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/2014_Bylaws_for_Units.pdf\">the group’s bylaws state\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The national office of the NAACP did not respond to several requests for comment. In the past, it has criticized state chapters for advocating for energy policies that benefit their corporate donors at the expense of the safety of Black neighborhoods. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/05/business/energy-environment/naacp-utility-donations.html\">The New York Times cited\u003c/a> Huffman’s signature on a 2018 letter opposing a renewable energy program as part of a trend that led the NAACP national office to publish \u003ca href=\"https://live-naacp-site.pantheonsite.io/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Fossil-Fueled-Foolery-An-Illustrated-Primer-on-the-Top-10-Manipulation-Tactics-of-the-Fossil-Fuel-Industry-FINAL-1.pdf\">a report\u003c/a> on the “Top 10 Manipulation Tactics of the Fossil Fuel Industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Celebrated endorsement\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Racial equity has emerged as a theme in several campaigns on the California ballot this fall, including some that the NAACP has not weighed in on. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-17-parole-vote/\">Prop. 17\u003c/a> would grant voting rights to people who are on parole following a prison sentence. Though it was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-parolees-voting-rights-nunez-aca6/\">a priority for the Legislature’s Black caucus\u003c/a> — because African Americans make up 26% of the parole population but only 6% of California adults — the NAACP has not \u003ca href=\"https://yeson17.vote/endorsements-3/\">publicly endorsed\u003c/a> Prop. 17.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, the NAACP has endorsed the campaign aiming to maintain the cash bail system that some advocates see as unfair to many people of color. The No on Prop. 25 campaign, funded by the bail bonds industry, is asking voters to overturn a law that would end the use of money in determining who goes free while awaiting trial. It has paid Huffman $45,000 so far this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Steve Bradford, vice chair of the Black caucus, said he’s surprised both that the California NAACP is opposed to eliminating cash bail, and that it has not taken a position on whether parolees should have the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would hope that in the next 40 days they would weigh in strongly because the NAACP was founded on securing the right to vote for people of color,” said Bradford, a Los Angeles Democrat who describes himself as a longtime NAACP member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradford said he supports\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-25-cash-bail/\"> Prop. 25\u003c/a> to eliminate cash bail because “it’s created somewhat of a debtors prison where poor folks are in jail, while rich folks can post bail for more serious crimes and be scot-free until their day in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839897\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 780px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11839897\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/010820_Prop13Presser_AW_sized_02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"780\" height=\"524\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/010820_Prop13Presser_AW_sized_02.jpg 780w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/010820_Prop13Presser_AW_sized_02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 780px) 100vw, 780px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alice Huffman, President of the California State Conference of the NAACP, speaks as part of a coalition in support of proposition 13 at the California Capitol on January 8, 2020. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Though ending the use of money bail has been a goal for progressives, the final version of the California law wound up \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2018/08/california-bail-reform-splinters-left/\">splintering the left\u003c/a> because it leaves a lot of discretion to judges. In \u003ca href=\"https://vig.cdn.sos.ca.gov/2020/general/pdf/complete-vig.pdf\">the ballot argument\u003c/a> against Prop. 25, Huffman argues that the risk analysis that would replace bail in determining if someone has to be locked up before trial amounts to “computer profiling [that] has been shown to discriminate against minorities and people from neighborhoods with higher concentrations of immigrants and low-income residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman has also appeared in ads urging voters to support\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-22-gig-workers-ab-5/\"> Prop. 22\u003c/a>, a campaign funded by Uber, Lyft and Doordash that seeks an exemption from state labor law allowing them to treat their drivers as independent contractors instead of employees. She was featured in\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Gmail-Prop-22.pdf\"> an email\u003c/a> Uber sent to its customers titled “Why communities of color support Prop. 22.” And she wrote an op-ed in the Observer, a Black newspaper in Southern California, saying the Legislature failed Black and Brown gig workers by passing the labor law that Prop. 22 seeks to change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the face of such indifference to the economic wellbeing of people of color, the only response is action,” \u003ca href=\"https://ognsc.com/2020/09/08/white-collar-white-professionals-get-ab5-exemptions-why-dont-black-and-brown-app-based-drivers/\">she wrote\u003c/a>. “If the politicians won’t stand up for us, we have to stand up for ourselves by passing Prop. 22.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s public affairs firm has been paid $85,000 so far by the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Alice Huffman is working with the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign to support outreach efforts in communities of color because of the significant impact the loss of app-based rideshare and delivery services will have on Black and Brown Californians,” campaign spokesperson Geoff Vetter said by email.[pullquote size=\"large\" align=\"right\" citation=\"April D. Verrett, SEIU Local 2015 president\"]“As a Black woman, I know well that the Black community is not a monolith.”[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Huffman spent much of her career with the teachers union, her consulting work now consists largely of helping corporate campaigns that are fighting against organized labor. Unions are against changing the labor law \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-22-gig-workers-ab-5/\">with Prop. 22\u003c/a>, and for raising commercial property taxes with Prop. 15, adding new requirements on dialysis clinics with Prop. 23 and ending cash bail with Prop. 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>April D. Verrett, president of the SEIU Local 2015 union that represents nursing home workers, said she has never been involved with the NAACP and doesn’t expect all Black voters to see issues the same way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a Black woman, I know well that the Black community is not a monolith,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, in her mind, several questions on the ballot — money for schools, overhauling the bail system, repealing the ban on affirmative action and granting voting rights to parolees — should galvanize voters who want to advance racial justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of these inequities disproportionately affect people of color,” Verrett said. “Our country seems to want to have a real conversation about race and inequities. This election in California gives us an opportunity to really begin changing things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ballot measures can be confusing, and deciding how to vote on them is difficult for many voters, said Jessica Levinson, a professor at Loyola Law School of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Endorsements really matter because you can’t look at a living breathing candidate and assess them,” she said. “So voters use helpers to try to figure out (how to vote) — and a lot of voters just look to a couple of people or organizations that they trust and that is how they make their decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s legal for campaigns to pay for endorsements, Levinson said, voters should be told when that’s the case. Otherwise, she said, “it robs voters of a meaningful ability to assess how they’re going to vote, if these endorsements are just paid for.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "California NAACP President Aids Corporate Prop Campaigns — Collects $1.2 Million and Counting | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Read through the voter handbook for California’s November election, and a name pops up over and over again: Alice Huffman. As leader of the California NAACP, Huffman has weighed in with positions that critics say run counter to the historic civil rights organization’s mission to advance racial equality in education, housing and criminal justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should voters raise commercial property taxes to pour billions of dollars into schools? Should they make it easier for cities to pass rent control ordinances? Should California outlaw the use of cash bail?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No, no and no, Huffman argues in the \u003ca href=\"https://vig.cdn.sos.ca.gov/2020/general/pdf/complete-vig.pdf\">ballot handbook\u003c/a>, where she is repeatedly identified as president of the California State Conference of the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What the guide doesn’t tell voters is that Huffman’s \u003ca href=\"http://acpublicaffairs.com/\">political consulting firm\u003c/a> has been paid more than $1.2 million so far this year by ballot measure campaigns that she or the California NAACP has endorsed. She’s been paid by campaigns funded by commercial property owners fighting the tax increase, corporate landlords opposed to expanding rent control and bail bondsmen who want to keep the cash bail system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s dual roles as both a paid campaign consultant and leader of a vaunted civil rights group amount to an unusual — but legal — arrangement. Though she has held both positions for many years, Huffman was especially sought after this year, as political campaigns respond to the national reckoning over race and frame many of their messages with themes of justice and equity. The small firm Huffman runs with her sister is being paid by five ballot measure campaigns this year, public records show — more than it has taken on in previous elections. Many of them are funded by corporate interests at war with labor unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s common for political campaigns to hire strategists to help them communicate with specific constituencies, those consultants usually do not come with a brand as well-known as the NAACP is for its work fighting discrimination over the last century. Huffman’s approach — making money from the campaigns that also wind up with an NAACP seal of approval — is stirring controversy in some Black communities. Critics say it appears the endorsement of the renowned civil rights organization is essentially up for sale.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like it’s a conflict of interest and I think it’s misleading to the public,” said Carroll Fife, an officer of the Oakland chapter of the NAACP who disagrees with the state organization on several ballot measure endorsements. “It’s unfortunate. Politics is gross.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fife works as the executive director of the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, a nonprofit that is campaigning for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-15-property-tax-big-business/\">Proposition 15\u003c/a> to raise commercial property taxes and boost funding for schools. She also supports\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-21-rent-control/\"> Prop. 21\u003c/a> to make it easier for cities to expand rent control, and says both measures would help California’s Black communities. Two-thirds of Black households in the state are renters, census data shows, and many Black students are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/achievement-gap-california-explainer-schools-education-disparities-explained/\">concentrated in high-poverty schools\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman declined to be interviewed for this article, as did other members of the California NAACP \u003ca href=\"http://www.ca-naacp.org/index.php/about/leadership\">executive board\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the ballot handbook, Huffman \u003ca href=\"https://vig.cdn.sos.ca.gov/2020/general/pdf/complete-vig.pdf\">argues the measures\u003c/a> would hurt low-income Californians because commercial property owners would pass their higher costs onto consumers and small-business tenants, and expanded rent control could shrink the supply of affordable housing. Huffman’s Sacramento-based firm, AC Public Affairs, has been paid $590,000 so far by the No on Prop. 15 campaign and $280,000 by the No on Prop. 21 campaign, \u003ca href=\"http://dbsearch.sos.ca.gov/ExpendCodeSearch.aspx\">public records show\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She has the right to make money as we all do,” said Anthony Thigpenn, a community organizer in Los Angeles who heads the California Calls advocacy group and supports Prop. 15. “But when it’s something that’s using a community-based organization’s brand, and particularly when it’s taking positions… that are not in the interest of the communities that organization has advocated for and championed, that is disappointing and sad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thigpenn said he believes increasing commercial property taxes with the so-called “split-roll” approach in Prop. 15 is a matter of racial justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Black communities in California suffer most from the lack of funding for schools and community colleges, which are typically gateways for people to have career paths and livable wages and good jobs,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Sacramento insider\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Well-known in Sacramento as a political powerhouse with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article111682772.html\">career that’s spanned some 50 years\u003c/a>, Huffman worked for then-Gov. Jerry Brown in the 1970s. She became close with Willie Brown during the 1980s and 1990s, when he was Assembly speaker and she was a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1991-06-24-mn-809-story.html\">lobbyist for the California Teachers Association\u003c/a>. She opened her public affairs firm in 1988, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.naacp.org/naacp-board-of-directors/alice-a-huffman/\">was elected president\u003c/a> of the California NAACP in 1999. Her firm helps political campaigns build coalitions and get their messages out through media, advertising and a newsletter called the “\u003ca href=\"http://acpublicaffairs.com/?page_id=52\">Minority News\u003c/a>.” Many of the messages \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Gmail-Prop-22.pdf\">feature Huffman\u003c/a> and her role with the NAACP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, Huffman’s consulting business and the California NAACP’s endorsements have aligned many times. As she was paid by Indian tribes, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2005-nov-04-me-pharma4-story.html\">pharmaceutical companies\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2006-oct-22-me-spokesmodel22-story.html\">cigarette makers\u003c/a> trying to pass or defeat ballot measures in the early 2000s, the California NAACP endorsed those campaigns. The same thing happened in 2018, when Huffman’s firm was paid nearly $900,000 \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Rent-control-foes-hire-California-NAACP-leader-13144448.php\">by the campaign fighting a rent control measure\u003c/a>, and $90,000 by dialysis companies opposing an initiative that would have increased their cost of doing business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both measures failed in 2018 but are back on the ballot this year, and the campaigns trying to defeat them have again hired Huffman. Michael Bustamante, a spokesman for the campaign against the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-21-rent-control/\">Prop. 21\u003c/a> rent control measure, said Huffman is motivated by what’s best for Black Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In 2018, she was passionate in her opposition to Prop. 10 because of what it would do to the African American community,” he said, referring to opponents’ argument that more rent control would drive up the cost of housing by discouraging developers from building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over and over again she talked about how homeownership… enables African American families to get a toehold to better their future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bustamante, who is also a spokesperson for the campaign against raising commercial property taxes, said in a statement that “the NAACP took its position in opposition to Prop. 15 based on clear facts that they outlined in their March 2nd report,”\u003ca href=\"http://www.ca-naacp.org/images/Forms/NAACP_-Social_Justice_Study_two.pdf\"> which says\u003c/a> social justice advocates should be concerned that the measure would increase costs for consumers and doesn’t do enough to protect small businesses.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campaign finance records show the anti-Prop. 15 campaign made its first payment to Huffman’s firm, of $70,000, on Feb. 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign funded by dialysis companies opposing an initiative that would require their clinics to have a doctor on site hired Huffman to educate African American voters “about the dangers of Prop. 23,” said campaign spokesperson Kathy Fairbanks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 23 is particularly dangerous for communities of color because they suffer from kidney disease and need dialysis at higher rates,” she said in a statement. “Prop. 23 would force the shutdown of many clinics, jeopardizing the life-saving dialysis patients need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman has told reporters in the past that she only takes on political clients whose campaigns are aligned with the California NAACP’s positions. But it’s not clear how the organization arrives at endorsement decisions. Its website doesn’t explain a procedure and hasn’t posted ballot measure endorsements since the\u003ca href=\"http://www.ca-naacp.org/index.php/advocacy\"> 2016 election\u003c/a>. CalMatters contacted its six statewide executive committee members including Huffman; three of them declined interview requests and three did not return messages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fife, the Oakland NAACP officer, said her local chapter doesn’t know how the statewide conference decides what to endorse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not transparent,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839896\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839896\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carroll Fife, housing advocate and officer for the Oakland chapter of the NAACP, supports Prop 15. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The president of the San Jose chapter of the NAACP said he had been reprimanded by the state conference for recently writing an \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2020/09/15/opinion-prop-15-will-build-a-better-future-for-california/\">op-ed supporting Prop. 15\u003c/a>, the split-roll property tax measure. Rev. Jethroe Moore II said he wrote the piece to express his personal opinion, and was surprised to see his affiliation with the San Jose NAACP included when it was published.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are my personal beliefs,” he said. “Alice is the president of the statewide NAACP and all the branches understand they have to support the positions that they take. I accept my responsibility for stepping out as an individual person in the community to take my stand as an American citizen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s been re-elected president of the state conference several times, according to \u003ca href=\"https://naacp.org/naacp-board-of-directors/alice-a-huffman/\">her bio\u003c/a>. Delegates from local NAACP chapters vote for state officers every other year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.naacp.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/2014_Bylaws_for_Units.pdf\">the group’s bylaws state\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The national office of the NAACP did not respond to several requests for comment. In the past, it has criticized state chapters for advocating for energy policies that benefit their corporate donors at the expense of the safety of Black neighborhoods. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/05/business/energy-environment/naacp-utility-donations.html\">The New York Times cited\u003c/a> Huffman’s signature on a 2018 letter opposing a renewable energy program as part of a trend that led the NAACP national office to publish \u003ca href=\"https://live-naacp-site.pantheonsite.io/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Fossil-Fueled-Foolery-An-Illustrated-Primer-on-the-Top-10-Manipulation-Tactics-of-the-Fossil-Fuel-Industry-FINAL-1.pdf\">a report\u003c/a> on the “Top 10 Manipulation Tactics of the Fossil Fuel Industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Celebrated endorsement\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Racial equity has emerged as a theme in several campaigns on the California ballot this fall, including some that the NAACP has not weighed in on. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-17-parole-vote/\">Prop. 17\u003c/a> would grant voting rights to people who are on parole following a prison sentence. Though it was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-parolees-voting-rights-nunez-aca6/\">a priority for the Legislature’s Black caucus\u003c/a> — because African Americans make up 26% of the parole population but only 6% of California adults — the NAACP has not \u003ca href=\"https://yeson17.vote/endorsements-3/\">publicly endorsed\u003c/a> Prop. 17.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, the NAACP has endorsed the campaign aiming to maintain the cash bail system that some advocates see as unfair to many people of color. The No on Prop. 25 campaign, funded by the bail bonds industry, is asking voters to overturn a law that would end the use of money in determining who goes free while awaiting trial. It has paid Huffman $45,000 so far this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Steve Bradford, vice chair of the Black caucus, said he’s surprised both that the California NAACP is opposed to eliminating cash bail, and that it has not taken a position on whether parolees should have the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would hope that in the next 40 days they would weigh in strongly because the NAACP was founded on securing the right to vote for people of color,” said Bradford, a Los Angeles Democrat who describes himself as a longtime NAACP member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradford said he supports\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-25-cash-bail/\"> Prop. 25\u003c/a> to eliminate cash bail because “it’s created somewhat of a debtors prison where poor folks are in jail, while rich folks can post bail for more serious crimes and be scot-free until their day in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839897\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 780px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11839897\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/010820_Prop13Presser_AW_sized_02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"780\" height=\"524\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/010820_Prop13Presser_AW_sized_02.jpg 780w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/010820_Prop13Presser_AW_sized_02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 780px) 100vw, 780px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alice Huffman, President of the California State Conference of the NAACP, speaks as part of a coalition in support of proposition 13 at the California Capitol on January 8, 2020. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Though ending the use of money bail has been a goal for progressives, the final version of the California law wound up \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2018/08/california-bail-reform-splinters-left/\">splintering the left\u003c/a> because it leaves a lot of discretion to judges. In \u003ca href=\"https://vig.cdn.sos.ca.gov/2020/general/pdf/complete-vig.pdf\">the ballot argument\u003c/a> against Prop. 25, Huffman argues that the risk analysis that would replace bail in determining if someone has to be locked up before trial amounts to “computer profiling [that] has been shown to discriminate against minorities and people from neighborhoods with higher concentrations of immigrants and low-income residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman has also appeared in ads urging voters to support\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-22-gig-workers-ab-5/\"> Prop. 22\u003c/a>, a campaign funded by Uber, Lyft and Doordash that seeks an exemption from state labor law allowing them to treat their drivers as independent contractors instead of employees. She was featured in\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Gmail-Prop-22.pdf\"> an email\u003c/a> Uber sent to its customers titled “Why communities of color support Prop. 22.” And she wrote an op-ed in the Observer, a Black newspaper in Southern California, saying the Legislature failed Black and Brown gig workers by passing the labor law that Prop. 22 seeks to change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the face of such indifference to the economic wellbeing of people of color, the only response is action,” \u003ca href=\"https://ognsc.com/2020/09/08/white-collar-white-professionals-get-ab5-exemptions-why-dont-black-and-brown-app-based-drivers/\">she wrote\u003c/a>. “If the politicians won’t stand up for us, we have to stand up for ourselves by passing Prop. 22.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s public affairs firm has been paid $85,000 so far by the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Alice Huffman is working with the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign to support outreach efforts in communities of color because of the significant impact the loss of app-based rideshare and delivery services will have on Black and Brown Californians,” campaign spokesperson Geoff Vetter said by email.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "“As a Black woman, I know well that the Black community is not a monolith.”",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Huffman spent much of her career with the teachers union, her consulting work now consists largely of helping corporate campaigns that are fighting against organized labor. Unions are against changing the labor law \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-22-gig-workers-ab-5/\">with Prop. 22\u003c/a>, and for raising commercial property taxes with Prop. 15, adding new requirements on dialysis clinics with Prop. 23 and ending cash bail with Prop. 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>April D. Verrett, president of the SEIU Local 2015 union that represents nursing home workers, said she has never been involved with the NAACP and doesn’t expect all Black voters to see issues the same way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a Black woman, I know well that the Black community is not a monolith,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, in her mind, several questions on the ballot — money for schools, overhauling the bail system, repealing the ban on affirmative action and granting voting rights to parolees — should galvanize voters who want to advance racial justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of these inequities disproportionately affect people of color,” Verrett said. “Our country seems to want to have a real conversation about race and inequities. This election in California gives us an opportunity to really begin changing things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ballot measures can be confusing, and deciding how to vote on them is difficult for many voters, said Jessica Levinson, a professor at Loyola Law School of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Endorsements really matter because you can’t look at a living breathing candidate and assess them,” she said. “So voters use helpers to try to figure out (how to vote) — and a lot of voters just look to a couple of people or organizations that they trust and that is how they make their decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s legal for campaigns to pay for endorsements, Levinson said, voters should be told when that’s the case. Otherwise, she said, “it robs voters of a meaningful ability to assess how they’re going to vote, if these endorsements are just paid for.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "as-judge-extends-census-deadline-bay-area-communities-hustle-to-get-all-residents-counted",
"title": "As Judge Extends Census Deadline, Bay Area Communities Hustle to Get All Residents Counted",
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"headTitle": "As Judge Extends Census Deadline, Bay Area Communities Hustle to Get All Residents Counted | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The U.S. Census Bureau completed an intensive \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/library/fact-sheets/2020/dec/2020-census-counts-homeless.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">three-day operation\u003c/a> to count people experiencing homelessness this week, but county leaders and homeless service providers around the Bay Area — not convinced that everyone has been reached — are sending out their own teams looking for folks who’ve been missed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, Robbi Montoya and Annette Moretti, of the Dorothy Day House shelter, visited homeless encampments in freeway underpasses and walked the downtown streets all week, with the census website bookmarked on their computer tablets, and sacks filled with new socks and granola bars to give away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839883\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839883\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A team of U.S. Census Bureau enumerators heads out for an overnight count of people experiencing homelessness, on Telegraph Ave. in Oakland, Calif., on Sep. 23, 2020. \u003ccite>(Reid Cramer/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Beside a tent on Howard Way, Montoya interviewed a man named Michael, and Moretti struck up a conversation with Anthony Welch, 30, a familiar face from the Dorothy Day breakfast program. Welch said he had heard of the census, but hadn’t participated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Had he been homeless back on April 1, the official “census day”? “Yes, I was… am,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Was he living in Berkeley then? Yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spelled his name and gave his date of birth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Okay, and you can — but you don’t have to — give your phone number,” Moretti went on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have a phone number,” Welch said. But yes, he added, he could surely use a pair of clean socks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a few minutes, Montoya and Moretti continued on, toward a pair of men sitting outside the library. A similar effort was underway in Fremont, San Jose, San Francisco and Oakland, among other cities, according to county officials in charge of census outreach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839888\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839888\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-800x611.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"611\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-800x611.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1020x779.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-160x122.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1536x1173.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-2048x1564.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1920x1466.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annette Moretti of Dorothy Day House helps people experiencing homelessness get counted in the 2020 Census in Berkeley on Sep. 24, 2020. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839322/bay-area-advocates-fear-census-homeless-count-will-come-up-short\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">local governments are anxious\u003c/a> to ensure that all their residents are counted, as the 2020 Census will be the basis of political representation and federal funding formulas for the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extra push by community advocates to reach unhoused people, comes as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/09/24/912071784/court-orders-census-counting-to-continue-through-oct-31-appeal-expected\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a federal judge in San Jose ruled\u003c/a> Thursday evening that the census bureau cannot stop its counting operation at the end of September, as planned, but must continue until October 31 — which was the original pandemic-adjusted plan.[aside tag=\"census\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Relying on internal census documents, U.S. District \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/7217559-National-Urban-League-Sept-24-2020-Order.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Judge Lucy Koh found\u003c/a> that shortening the time frame, which the Trump administration did abruptly this summer, was likely to yield fatally flawed data that would not pass Constitutional muster for apportioning Congressional seats among the states and drawing legislative district lines. The federal government is expected to appeal Koh’s ruling to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, the census bureau issued a statement saying it will comply with the court’s order and continue its so-called \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/news-events/press-kits/nonresponse-followup.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Nonresponse Followup\u003c/a> operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our office of general counsel is evaluating the ultimate impact of the order on the 2020 Census,” the press release said. “Field staff have been instructed to continue with current operations until updates can be provided.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That comes as welcome news to one field supervisor working for the census bureau in a North Bay county hard hit by the recent wildfires. The person, who was not authorized to speak to the media and did not want to be identified, said the operation has been a “disaster,” in part because so many homes have burned up, and more time is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not going to get it done by the 30th,” the supervisor said. “But we’re definitely close enough to get it done by October 30. We’re probably two weeks out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11836966/cutting-census-staff-in-wildfire-zones-threatens-accurate-count-workers-warn\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Counting those displaced by the wildfires\u003c/a> is especially tricky, and many of the door to door “enumerators” in the fire zone have been going above and beyond their assigned duties to try to track down phone numbers to locate evacuated families, the supervisor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ditas Katague, director of California Complete Count\"]‘As the legal battle continues, Californians should not wait — the time is now… to ensure you, your family and your community get your fair share of resources and representation for the next 10 years.’[/pullquote] Ditas Katague, director of California Complete Count, the state’s outreach effort — which has invested almost $190 million into promoting census participation, hailed the judge’s ruling, and noted that Californians who haven’t yet been counted can also go online to \u003ca href=\"https://my2020census.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">my2020census.gov\u003c/a> to fill out the census form themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the time being, the ruling by Judge Koh helps alleviate the pressures of the current enumeration timeline to better achieve a complete count,” said Katague. “However, as the legal battle continues, Californians should not wait — the time is now… to ensure you, your family and your community get your fair share of resources and representation for the next 10 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Census Bureau officials emphasized that the \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/response-rates/nrfu.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">count is close to complete\u003c/a>, as 97% of all households nationally — and close to 98% in California — have been enumerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as documents disclosed in the lawsuit show, census officials insist that “in order to achieve an acceptable level of accuracy, 99% of Housing Units in every state must be resolved.” That was achieved in 2010, according to the census bureau, but would be in jeopardy if the count were ended on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley Public Library was shuttered because of the coronavirus pandemic, but a big banner promoting the 2020 Census hung over the door. In the shade, Moretti interviewed a talkative, older man with deep roots in the Bay Area, who agreed to accept her help to fill out the census questionnaire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839884\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839884\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Douglas Allen Freitag (L) tells Annette Moretti of Dorothy Day House about his family roots going back to the 1906 earthquake in San Francisco, as she helps him get counted in the 2020 Census, on Kittredge Street in Berkeley on Sep. 24, 2020. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“My name is Douglas Allen Freitag,” he told her, as she tapped at the screen on her tablet. “Allen with two Ls. My father was born here in Berkeley. His parents met during the earthquake in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sitting nearby, Abraham Santo said he had already been counted. He said he thought more people would participate in the census if they knew what’s at stake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montoya, the program director from Dorothy Day House, agreed. People who lack a home of their own may feel distrust about participating in a government count, she said, but the census is something most would get behind if they understood it was for the long-term benefit of the whole community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If nothing else, the folks on the streets, in encampments, they have a sense of community, because sometimes that’s all they have,” Montoya said. “That’s a key word out here: community.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The U.S. Census Bureau completed an intensive \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/library/fact-sheets/2020/dec/2020-census-counts-homeless.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">three-day operation\u003c/a> to count people experiencing homelessness this week, but county leaders and homeless service providers around the Bay Area — not convinced that everyone has been reached — are sending out their own teams looking for folks who’ve been missed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, Robbi Montoya and Annette Moretti, of the Dorothy Day House shelter, visited homeless encampments in freeway underpasses and walked the downtown streets all week, with the census website bookmarked on their computer tablets, and sacks filled with new socks and granola bars to give away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839883\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839883\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A team of U.S. Census Bureau enumerators heads out for an overnight count of people experiencing homelessness, on Telegraph Ave. in Oakland, Calif., on Sep. 23, 2020. \u003ccite>(Reid Cramer/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Beside a tent on Howard Way, Montoya interviewed a man named Michael, and Moretti struck up a conversation with Anthony Welch, 30, a familiar face from the Dorothy Day breakfast program. Welch said he had heard of the census, but hadn’t participated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Had he been homeless back on April 1, the official “census day”? “Yes, I was… am,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Was he living in Berkeley then? Yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spelled his name and gave his date of birth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Okay, and you can — but you don’t have to — give your phone number,” Moretti went on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have a phone number,” Welch said. But yes, he added, he could surely use a pair of clean socks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a few minutes, Montoya and Moretti continued on, toward a pair of men sitting outside the library. A similar effort was underway in Fremont, San Jose, San Francisco and Oakland, among other cities, according to county officials in charge of census outreach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839888\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839888\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-800x611.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"611\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-800x611.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1020x779.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-160x122.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1536x1173.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-2048x1564.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1920x1466.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annette Moretti of Dorothy Day House helps people experiencing homelessness get counted in the 2020 Census in Berkeley on Sep. 24, 2020. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839322/bay-area-advocates-fear-census-homeless-count-will-come-up-short\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">local governments are anxious\u003c/a> to ensure that all their residents are counted, as the 2020 Census will be the basis of political representation and federal funding formulas for the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extra push by community advocates to reach unhoused people, comes as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/09/24/912071784/court-orders-census-counting-to-continue-through-oct-31-appeal-expected\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a federal judge in San Jose ruled\u003c/a> Thursday evening that the census bureau cannot stop its counting operation at the end of September, as planned, but must continue until October 31 — which was the original pandemic-adjusted plan.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Relying on internal census documents, U.S. District \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/7217559-National-Urban-League-Sept-24-2020-Order.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Judge Lucy Koh found\u003c/a> that shortening the time frame, which the Trump administration did abruptly this summer, was likely to yield fatally flawed data that would not pass Constitutional muster for apportioning Congressional seats among the states and drawing legislative district lines. The federal government is expected to appeal Koh’s ruling to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, the census bureau issued a statement saying it will comply with the court’s order and continue its so-called \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/news-events/press-kits/nonresponse-followup.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Nonresponse Followup\u003c/a> operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our office of general counsel is evaluating the ultimate impact of the order on the 2020 Census,” the press release said. “Field staff have been instructed to continue with current operations until updates can be provided.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That comes as welcome news to one field supervisor working for the census bureau in a North Bay county hard hit by the recent wildfires. The person, who was not authorized to speak to the media and did not want to be identified, said the operation has been a “disaster,” in part because so many homes have burned up, and more time is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not going to get it done by the 30th,” the supervisor said. “But we’re definitely close enough to get it done by October 30. We’re probably two weeks out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11836966/cutting-census-staff-in-wildfire-zones-threatens-accurate-count-workers-warn\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Counting those displaced by the wildfires\u003c/a> is especially tricky, and many of the door to door “enumerators” in the fire zone have been going above and beyond their assigned duties to try to track down phone numbers to locate evacuated families, the supervisor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Ditas Katague, director of California Complete Count, the state’s outreach effort — which has invested almost $190 million into promoting census participation, hailed the judge’s ruling, and noted that Californians who haven’t yet been counted can also go online to \u003ca href=\"https://my2020census.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">my2020census.gov\u003c/a> to fill out the census form themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the time being, the ruling by Judge Koh helps alleviate the pressures of the current enumeration timeline to better achieve a complete count,” said Katague. “However, as the legal battle continues, Californians should not wait — the time is now… to ensure you, your family and your community get your fair share of resources and representation for the next 10 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Census Bureau officials emphasized that the \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/response-rates/nrfu.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">count is close to complete\u003c/a>, as 97% of all households nationally — and close to 98% in California — have been enumerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as documents disclosed in the lawsuit show, census officials insist that “in order to achieve an acceptable level of accuracy, 99% of Housing Units in every state must be resolved.” That was achieved in 2010, according to the census bureau, but would be in jeopardy if the count were ended on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley Public Library was shuttered because of the coronavirus pandemic, but a big banner promoting the 2020 Census hung over the door. In the shade, Moretti interviewed a talkative, older man with deep roots in the Bay Area, who agreed to accept her help to fill out the census questionnaire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839884\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839884\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Douglas Allen Freitag (L) tells Annette Moretti of Dorothy Day House about his family roots going back to the 1906 earthquake in San Francisco, as she helps him get counted in the 2020 Census, on Kittredge Street in Berkeley on Sep. 24, 2020. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“My name is Douglas Allen Freitag,” he told her, as she tapped at the screen on her tablet. “Allen with two Ls. My father was born here in Berkeley. His parents met during the earthquake in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sitting nearby, Abraham Santo said he had already been counted. He said he thought more people would participate in the census if they knew what’s at stake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montoya, the program director from Dorothy Day House, agreed. People who lack a home of their own may feel distrust about participating in a government count, she said, but the census is something most would get behind if they understood it was for the long-term benefit of the whole community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If nothing else, the folks on the streets, in encampments, they have a sense of community, because sometimes that’s all they have,” Montoya said. “That’s a key word out here: community.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A motel, a mountain lodge and a village of tiny homes are just some of the buildings that will soon become permanent homes to hundreds of formerly homeless people across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The projects are among 10 sites the state selected on Sept. 16 for its first round of funding, totaling $79.5 million. Officials in two of the counties receiving funds say the projects will functionally end homelessness in their jurisdictions. In another, it will be the county’s first homeless shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the housing is part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/cdss-programs/housing-programs/project-roomkey\">Project Homekey\u003c/a>, which draws from $600 million in mostly federal CARES Act funds to help California cities and counties convert hotels, motels, apartments and other buildings into permanent housing for formerly homeless people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s new podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America\u003c/a> explains how this program, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, can be like giving someone a prescription for better health. Listen to the first episode, “Hotel Corona,” to hear how.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch5 id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC9791597532&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/h5>\n\u003cp>Read a \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3iRVEIG\">transcript\u003c/a> of the episode.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Project Homekey is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825653/california-found-hotels-for-10000-homeless-residents-what-next\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">second phase\u003c/a> in California’s effort to house homeless people since the start of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first phase, known as Project Roomkey, is an ongoing effort to temporarily house homeless people who are particularly vulnerable to COVID-19. Since it began, over 22,000 people, or roughly 15% of the state’s more than \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/resources/documents/2019-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">151,000 homeless residents, \u003c/a>have stayed in hotel rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s how it has all happened:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>March 25:\u003c/strong> Alameda County officials open a hotel for homeless people in Oakland to safely shelter during the pandemic, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11810570/alameda-county-mobilizes-to-get-at-risk-homeless-residents-into-hotels\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the first\u003c/a> site in what will soon become an official, statewide program.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>April 3:\u003c/strong> Two weeks after California Gov. Gavin Newsom issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/03/19/governor-gavin-newsom-issues-stay-at-home-order/\">stay-at-home orders\u003c/a> to slow the spread of the coronavirus, he formally announces \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/04/03/at-newly-converted-motel-governor-newsom-launches-project-roomkey-a-first-in-the-nation-initiative-to-secure-hotel-motel-rooms-to-protect-homeless-individuals-from-covid-19/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Project Roomkey. \u003c/a>The program sets a goal of securing 15,000 hotel rooms statewide for people experiencing homelessness. \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/views/COVID-19HomelessImpactDashboard/HomelessImpact?:embed=y&:showVizHome=no\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">As of Sept. 16\u003c/a>, cities and counties across the state had leased more than 16,500 rooms, of which, a little over 11,600 were occupied.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>April 10:\u003c/strong> San Francisco Mayor London Breed announces that more than 70 people at the Multi-Service Center South, the city’s largest homeless shelter, have \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2020/04/outbreak-at-sfs-largest-homeless-shelter-as-70-test-positive-for-covid-19/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tested positive for COVID-19\u003c/a>. The number soon grows to more than 100 residents and staff, prompting the city to transition more people from homeless shelters into hotel rooms. Advocacy organizations begin calling on the state to get more people into hotel rooms. Several groups eventually launch the \u003ca href=\"https://novacancyca.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">No Vacancy California\u003c/a> campaign to demand the state expand the program to the more than 151,000 homeless residents living here.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>July 16:\u003c/strong> Project Roomkey becomes \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/07/16/governor-newsom-announces-600-million-in-homekey-funds-now-immediately-available-for-local-governments-to-purchase-housing-for-homeless-californians/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Project Homekey\u003c/a>, a $600 million program that uses funding from the CARES Act for cities and counties to convert hotels into permanent affordable housing for formerly homeless people.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Sept. 16:\u003c/strong> The state awards the first \u003ca href=\"https://www.bcsh.ca.gov/homekey/first_awards_fact_sheet.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$79.5 million for 10 sites\u003c/a> in seven cities and counties, including Lake Elsinore, South Lake Tahoe, El Centro, Contra Costa County, San Jose, Kern County and Mendocino County.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>For more in-depth reporting on the housing crisis, check out our new podcast, SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America. Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/sold-out-rethinking-housing-in-america/id1531354937?itsct=podcast_box&itscg=30200\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/38dTBSk2ISFoPiyYNoKn1X\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/911586047/s-o-l-d-o-u-t-rethinking-housing-in-america#:~:text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20%3A%20NPR&text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20A%20podcast%20that%20examines,solutions%20to%20high%20housing%20costs.\">NPR One\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://tun.in/pj2qf\">TuneIn\u003c/a> or on your favorite podcast listening app.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "When the pandemic hit, California did something it's never done before: provide shelter to thousands of homeless people, fast. And now, some of those temporary homes are becoming permanent. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A motel, a mountain lodge and a village of tiny homes are just some of the buildings that will soon become permanent homes to hundreds of formerly homeless people across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The projects are among 10 sites the state selected on Sept. 16 for its first round of funding, totaling $79.5 million. Officials in two of the counties receiving funds say the projects will functionally end homelessness in their jurisdictions. In another, it will be the county’s first homeless shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the housing is part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/cdss-programs/housing-programs/project-roomkey\">Project Homekey\u003c/a>, which draws from $600 million in mostly federal CARES Act funds to help California cities and counties convert hotels, motels, apartments and other buildings into permanent housing for formerly homeless people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s new podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America\u003c/a> explains how this program, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, can be like giving someone a prescription for better health. Listen to the first episode, “Hotel Corona,” to hear how.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch5 id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC9791597532&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/h5>\n\u003cp>Read a \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3iRVEIG\">transcript\u003c/a> of the episode.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Project Homekey is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825653/california-found-hotels-for-10000-homeless-residents-what-next\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">second phase\u003c/a> in California’s effort to house homeless people since the start of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first phase, known as Project Roomkey, is an ongoing effort to temporarily house homeless people who are particularly vulnerable to COVID-19. Since it began, over 22,000 people, or roughly 15% of the state’s more than \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/resources/documents/2019-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">151,000 homeless residents, \u003c/a>have stayed in hotel rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s how it has all happened:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>March 25:\u003c/strong> Alameda County officials open a hotel for homeless people in Oakland to safely shelter during the pandemic, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11810570/alameda-county-mobilizes-to-get-at-risk-homeless-residents-into-hotels\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the first\u003c/a> site in what will soon become an official, statewide program.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>April 3:\u003c/strong> Two weeks after California Gov. Gavin Newsom issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/03/19/governor-gavin-newsom-issues-stay-at-home-order/\">stay-at-home orders\u003c/a> to slow the spread of the coronavirus, he formally announces \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/04/03/at-newly-converted-motel-governor-newsom-launches-project-roomkey-a-first-in-the-nation-initiative-to-secure-hotel-motel-rooms-to-protect-homeless-individuals-from-covid-19/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Project Roomkey. \u003c/a>The program sets a goal of securing 15,000 hotel rooms statewide for people experiencing homelessness. \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/views/COVID-19HomelessImpactDashboard/HomelessImpact?:embed=y&:showVizHome=no\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">As of Sept. 16\u003c/a>, cities and counties across the state had leased more than 16,500 rooms, of which, a little over 11,600 were occupied.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>April 10:\u003c/strong> San Francisco Mayor London Breed announces that more than 70 people at the Multi-Service Center South, the city’s largest homeless shelter, have \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2020/04/outbreak-at-sfs-largest-homeless-shelter-as-70-test-positive-for-covid-19/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tested positive for COVID-19\u003c/a>. The number soon grows to more than 100 residents and staff, prompting the city to transition more people from homeless shelters into hotel rooms. Advocacy organizations begin calling on the state to get more people into hotel rooms. Several groups eventually launch the \u003ca href=\"https://novacancyca.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">No Vacancy California\u003c/a> campaign to demand the state expand the program to the more than 151,000 homeless residents living here.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>July 16:\u003c/strong> Project Roomkey becomes \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/07/16/governor-newsom-announces-600-million-in-homekey-funds-now-immediately-available-for-local-governments-to-purchase-housing-for-homeless-californians/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Project Homekey\u003c/a>, a $600 million program that uses funding from the CARES Act for cities and counties to convert hotels into permanent affordable housing for formerly homeless people.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Sept. 16:\u003c/strong> The state awards the first \u003ca href=\"https://www.bcsh.ca.gov/homekey/first_awards_fact_sheet.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$79.5 million for 10 sites\u003c/a> in seven cities and counties, including Lake Elsinore, South Lake Tahoe, El Centro, Contra Costa County, San Jose, Kern County and Mendocino County.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>For more in-depth reporting on the housing crisis, check out our new podcast, SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America. Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/sold-out-rethinking-housing-in-america/id1531354937?itsct=podcast_box&itscg=30200\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/38dTBSk2ISFoPiyYNoKn1X\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/911586047/s-o-l-d-o-u-t-rethinking-housing-in-america#:~:text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20%3A%20NPR&text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20A%20podcast%20that%20examines,solutions%20to%20high%20housing%20costs.\">NPR One\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://tun.in/pj2qf\">TuneIn\u003c/a> or on your favorite podcast listening app.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"id": "city-arts",
"title": "City Arts & Lectures",
"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
"title": "Close All Tabs",
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"info": "Close All Tabs breaks down how digital culture shapes our world through thoughtful insights and irreverent humor.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
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"id": "code-switch-life-kit",
"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
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},
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"freakonomics-radio": {
"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/4s8b",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/6c3dd23c-93fb-4aab-97ba-1725fa6315f1/hyphenaci%C3%B3n",
"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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},
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"filters": [
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},
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"restaurantDataById": {},
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"userAgentReducer": {
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"isBot": true
},
"requestOutcomesReducer": {
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}
}
