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"content": "\u003cp>California’s Education Department today released student test scores showing a statewide decline that nearly wiped out the academic progress made since the state overhauled how it funds education in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gist of the scores, the most extensive measure so far of the COVID-19 pandemic’s impact on student achievement: The percentage of California students meeting state math standards plummeted 7 percentage points to 33%, and the percentage meeting English language standards dropped 4 percentage points, to 47%.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11929574,mindshift_59856,news_11897034\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some scores for students of color and those from lower-income households dropped less dramatically than their counterparts, an indication that the state’s funding formula, which sends more money to high-needs districts, worked to soften the blow of two years of disrupted learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results of the state’s Smarter Balanced test left education officials and experts neither surprised nor hopeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s useful data, and it gets everybody talking,” said Li Cai, education professor at UCLA. “Everybody comes up with creative ideas, and they say let’s do it. That’s pretty fundamentally an American ideal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/11564390/embed?auto=1#amp=1\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As if to prove that pandemic learning loss is not just a California problem, officials released the state data to the public on the same day that results of a different test, nicknamed the Nation’s Report Card, revealed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.nationsreportcard.gov/highlights/mathematics/2022/\">unprecedented score dive\u003c/a> among a sampling of students nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/10/23/california-outperforms-most-states-in-minimizing-learning-loss-in-national-student-assessment-with-record-investments-to-improve-education/?utm_source=CalMatters+Newsletters&utm_campaign=d2f03a16d6-WHATMATTERS&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_faa7be558d-d2f03a16d6-150179953&mc_cid=d2f03a16d6&mc_eid=aa09c6a201\">swiftly issued a press release\u003c/a> headlined “California outperforms most states in minimizing learning loss … .” Various state officials credited the state’s investments in summer school and other recovery efforts for minimizing the blow to pupils. Yet the national test, in contradiction to the state test, indicated that the achievement gap among students of color widened in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nor will the national comparison data settle a fiery political debate about which school pandemic strategy worked best: Students in California, almost the last to return to in-person learning as the state strove to safeguard public health, fared about as well as students in states such as Florida and Texas, who returned to their classrooms much sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California focused on keeping kids safe during the pandemic,” Newsom said in a statement, “while making record investments to mitigate learning loss and transforming our education system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The test upon which the Nation’s Report Card is based is older and was given to only about 4,000 California students, while the state’s Smarter Balanced tests are administered every spring to virtually all Californians in grades three through eight and grade 11. The states set those tests, prompting some criticism that they encourage “teaching to the test.” The goal of those Smarter Balanced tests: to measure how well students have mastered the state’s Common Core standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initial reluctance of state officials to promptly share the Smarter Balanced test data — and the way they timed and managed today’s release — raised questions about whether elected state schools Superintendent Tony Thurmond and others were trying to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2022/10/student-test-scores-california-pandemic/\">minimize the impact of bad news\u003c/a> landing before voters cast November ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No sooner were the state results made public than Republicans pounced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Democrat policies get an F,” Senate GOP leader Scott Wilk of Lancaster declared in a statement. “It is no wonder these scores were kept under lock and key. They are a clear referendum on the failed policies advocated by the governor, legislative leaders, and the state superintendent of public instruction for years — not just during the pandemic. After shuttering schools for the better part of two years, student failure is on steroids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930022\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930022\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"a broken pencil on a scantron\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut-1536x1021.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">According to recent test scores, the percentage of California students meeting state math standards plummeted 7 percentage points to 33%, and the percentage meeting English language standards dropped 4 percentage points, to 47%. \u003ccite>(Michael Quirk/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In spring of 2020, the first year of the pandemic, the state canceled its testing. In 2021, only 1 in 4 eligible students took the tests because not all students were back on campuses. In 2022, nearly all eligible students participated, making these results a key data point for understanding widespread pandemic-triggered learning loss in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Education experts say they are optimistic because school funding is at an all-time high, giving educators unprecedented resources to address learning loss. But some are calling for school officials to produce a clearer road map to recovery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think civic leaders owe it to the voters to explain how we’re going to get out of this hole,” said Bruce Fuller, an education professor at UC Berkeley. “Politicians kept schools closed beyond what occurred in other states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There had been concern that the pandemic would completely undercut California’s efforts to close a persistent achievement gap among certain groups of students. The results show that all students and economically disadvantaged students dropped the same 4 percentage points in English language arts, although that leaves economically disadvantaged students lagging their peers, with just 35% meeting standards. The rates for English learners and students with disabilities both dropped less than a single percentage point, from 12.8% to 12.5% and 16% to 15% respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Bruce Fuller, education professor, UC Berkeley\"]‘Civic leaders owe it to the voters to explain how we’re going to get out of this hole.’[/pullquote]For math, rates for economically disadvantaged students actually dropped slightly less than the average drop for all students, falling 6 percentage points but still resulting in an abysmal 21% meeting standards. English learners went from 13% to 10%. Students with disabilities went from 13% to 11%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The achievement gap for Black students closed slightly, from a 33 percentage-point difference from their white peers in 2019 to 31 percentage points in 2022. Native American, Asian and Latino students also saw drops that were largely proportional to that of their white peers. Latino students saw their achievement gap grow in math scores by one percentage point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When separated by grade level, third-grade students saw the largest drops in both subjects. In 2019, 48.5% of third graders met English language arts standards. Compare that to 42.2% in 2022, a 6.4 percentage-point decline. For math, the rate for third graders meeting standards dropped by 6.7 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Megan Bacigalupi is the executive director of CA Parent Power, a parent advocacy group that rallied parents to fight for school reopenings earlier in the pandemic. She said these scores aren’t just the reckoning for prolonged school closures but a wake-up call for parents. California’s test scores were always abysmal, and they couldn’t afford to sink any lower, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not a state that’s performing well, so for kids to backslide … We were never in a good place,” Bacigalupi said. “What I hope is eye-opening to parents is that, guess what, prior to all this, our kids weren’t doing that well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out how your school compares:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://calmatters-2022-test-results.netlify.app/\" width=\"800\" height=\"950\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the alarm caused by these signs of pandemic-era learning loss, experts in California want the state to remain on the path it was on before the public health crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Julien Lafortune is a research fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California who specializes in K-12 education finance. He said there was some evidence that the state’s formula for funding public schools was working to close achievement gaps before the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Local Control Funding Formula gives additional money to school districts and charter schools for their English learners, foster children and students from lower-income households. Districts with high percentages of students who fall into at least one of these student groups get an additional pot of money called a “concentration grant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lafortune said there was some “strong evidence” showing districts receiving concentration grants were performing better on standardized tests prior to the pandemic. That said, helping those same districts with additional funding might be a faster route to recovery for those districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe that’s how we want to do it, by targeting the concentration grants,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Richard Barrera, school board member, San Diego Unified School District\"]‘Our students and educators have just gone through the two most difficult years of their entire experience. What was supposed to be the return-to-normal year in ’21-’22 was anything but a normal year.’[/pullquote]But Lafortune said there’s no evidence that the state needs to overhaul its formula. It might just take time to get student test scores back to where they were before the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if there’s something that needs to be changed imminently,” he said. “The formula does a good job of allocating more funding for high-needs students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s funding model also gives districts more control over how they spend their money. Lance Christensen, who’s running against incumbent State Superintendent Tony Thurmond, said the state needs to play an even smaller role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state has done enough to destroy our kids’ education,” he said. “I think the state needs fewer education programs and more getting out of the way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Barrera, a school board member at San Diego Unified, said the Smarter Balanced results were “really not surprising.” But on top of that, the data isn’t very useful for educators, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many experts might jump to compare data from 2019 and 2022, Barrera said 2022 doesn’t provide the best baseline because school was still being shaped by the spread of COVID-19. Student and employee absences soared due to high case numbers. He said teachers struggled with disruptive behavior from students readjusting to in-person learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barrera said the current school year will be a more useful point of comparison to pre-pandemic student achievement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our students and educators have just gone through the two most difficult years of their entire experience,” Barrera said. “What was supposed to be the return-to-normal year in ’21-’22 was anything but a normal year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barrera added that Smarter Balanced scores are just one data point that arrives too late to be useful for classroom teachers. He said mid-year assessments are better at helping teachers keep track of their students’ progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barrera also said educators and education officials have always known what resources are needed to best support students. With the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2022/06/covid-relief-spending-california-schools/\">billions of dollars in federal grants\u003c/a> going to districts to help them recover from the pandemic, he said educators can finally fund the programs they’ve always needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pre-pandemic, the money wasn’t there to support those state strategies,” he said. “If we know what the best practices are, we’ve got to make sure we’re providing the resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this surge of funding won’t last forever. And the recent increases to state education funding might not be enough to make up for the disappearance of the federal money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bacigalupi, the parent advocate, said there’s been little explanation to parents when it comes to how districts are spending this money. She said the lack of transparency has been an alarming trend throughout the pandemic, from the rationale behind prolonged school closures, to even the release of these test scores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a pattern that parents are very aware of when it comes to public education,” Bacigalupi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s Education Department today released student test scores showing a statewide decline that nearly wiped out the academic progress made since the state overhauled how it funds education in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gist of the scores, the most extensive measure so far of the COVID-19 pandemic’s impact on student achievement: The percentage of California students meeting state math standards plummeted 7 percentage points to 33%, and the percentage meeting English language standards dropped 4 percentage points, to 47%.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some scores for students of color and those from lower-income households dropped less dramatically than their counterparts, an indication that the state’s funding formula, which sends more money to high-needs districts, worked to soften the blow of two years of disrupted learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results of the state’s Smarter Balanced test left education officials and experts neither surprised nor hopeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s useful data, and it gets everybody talking,” said Li Cai, education professor at UCLA. “Everybody comes up with creative ideas, and they say let’s do it. That’s pretty fundamentally an American ideal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/11564390/embed?auto=1#amp=1\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As if to prove that pandemic learning loss is not just a California problem, officials released the state data to the public on the same day that results of a different test, nicknamed the Nation’s Report Card, revealed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.nationsreportcard.gov/highlights/mathematics/2022/\">unprecedented score dive\u003c/a> among a sampling of students nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/10/23/california-outperforms-most-states-in-minimizing-learning-loss-in-national-student-assessment-with-record-investments-to-improve-education/?utm_source=CalMatters+Newsletters&utm_campaign=d2f03a16d6-WHATMATTERS&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_faa7be558d-d2f03a16d6-150179953&mc_cid=d2f03a16d6&mc_eid=aa09c6a201\">swiftly issued a press release\u003c/a> headlined “California outperforms most states in minimizing learning loss … .” Various state officials credited the state’s investments in summer school and other recovery efforts for minimizing the blow to pupils. Yet the national test, in contradiction to the state test, indicated that the achievement gap among students of color widened in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nor will the national comparison data settle a fiery political debate about which school pandemic strategy worked best: Students in California, almost the last to return to in-person learning as the state strove to safeguard public health, fared about as well as students in states such as Florida and Texas, who returned to their classrooms much sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California focused on keeping kids safe during the pandemic,” Newsom said in a statement, “while making record investments to mitigate learning loss and transforming our education system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The test upon which the Nation’s Report Card is based is older and was given to only about 4,000 California students, while the state’s Smarter Balanced tests are administered every spring to virtually all Californians in grades three through eight and grade 11. The states set those tests, prompting some criticism that they encourage “teaching to the test.” The goal of those Smarter Balanced tests: to measure how well students have mastered the state’s Common Core standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initial reluctance of state officials to promptly share the Smarter Balanced test data — and the way they timed and managed today’s release — raised questions about whether elected state schools Superintendent Tony Thurmond and others were trying to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2022/10/student-test-scores-california-pandemic/\">minimize the impact of bad news\u003c/a> landing before voters cast November ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No sooner were the state results made public than Republicans pounced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Democrat policies get an F,” Senate GOP leader Scott Wilk of Lancaster declared in a statement. “It is no wonder these scores were kept under lock and key. They are a clear referendum on the failed policies advocated by the governor, legislative leaders, and the state superintendent of public instruction for years — not just during the pandemic. After shuttering schools for the better part of two years, student failure is on steroids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930022\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930022\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"a broken pencil on a scantron\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut-1536x1021.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">According to recent test scores, the percentage of California students meeting state math standards plummeted 7 percentage points to 33%, and the percentage meeting English language standards dropped 4 percentage points, to 47%. \u003ccite>(Michael Quirk/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In spring of 2020, the first year of the pandemic, the state canceled its testing. In 2021, only 1 in 4 eligible students took the tests because not all students were back on campuses. In 2022, nearly all eligible students participated, making these results a key data point for understanding widespread pandemic-triggered learning loss in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Education experts say they are optimistic because school funding is at an all-time high, giving educators unprecedented resources to address learning loss. But some are calling for school officials to produce a clearer road map to recovery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think civic leaders owe it to the voters to explain how we’re going to get out of this hole,” said Bruce Fuller, an education professor at UC Berkeley. “Politicians kept schools closed beyond what occurred in other states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There had been concern that the pandemic would completely undercut California’s efforts to close a persistent achievement gap among certain groups of students. The results show that all students and economically disadvantaged students dropped the same 4 percentage points in English language arts, although that leaves economically disadvantaged students lagging their peers, with just 35% meeting standards. The rates for English learners and students with disabilities both dropped less than a single percentage point, from 12.8% to 12.5% and 16% to 15% respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Civic leaders owe it to the voters to explain how we’re going to get out of this hole.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>For math, rates for economically disadvantaged students actually dropped slightly less than the average drop for all students, falling 6 percentage points but still resulting in an abysmal 21% meeting standards. English learners went from 13% to 10%. Students with disabilities went from 13% to 11%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The achievement gap for Black students closed slightly, from a 33 percentage-point difference from their white peers in 2019 to 31 percentage points in 2022. Native American, Asian and Latino students also saw drops that were largely proportional to that of their white peers. Latino students saw their achievement gap grow in math scores by one percentage point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When separated by grade level, third-grade students saw the largest drops in both subjects. In 2019, 48.5% of third graders met English language arts standards. Compare that to 42.2% in 2022, a 6.4 percentage-point decline. For math, the rate for third graders meeting standards dropped by 6.7 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Megan Bacigalupi is the executive director of CA Parent Power, a parent advocacy group that rallied parents to fight for school reopenings earlier in the pandemic. She said these scores aren’t just the reckoning for prolonged school closures but a wake-up call for parents. California’s test scores were always abysmal, and they couldn’t afford to sink any lower, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not a state that’s performing well, so for kids to backslide … We were never in a good place,” Bacigalupi said. “What I hope is eye-opening to parents is that, guess what, prior to all this, our kids weren’t doing that well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out how your school compares:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://calmatters-2022-test-results.netlify.app/\" width=\"800\" height=\"950\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the alarm caused by these signs of pandemic-era learning loss, experts in California want the state to remain on the path it was on before the public health crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Julien Lafortune is a research fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California who specializes in K-12 education finance. He said there was some evidence that the state’s formula for funding public schools was working to close achievement gaps before the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Local Control Funding Formula gives additional money to school districts and charter schools for their English learners, foster children and students from lower-income households. Districts with high percentages of students who fall into at least one of these student groups get an additional pot of money called a “concentration grant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lafortune said there was some “strong evidence” showing districts receiving concentration grants were performing better on standardized tests prior to the pandemic. That said, helping those same districts with additional funding might be a faster route to recovery for those districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe that’s how we want to do it, by targeting the concentration grants,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Our students and educators have just gone through the two most difficult years of their entire experience. What was supposed to be the return-to-normal year in ’21-’22 was anything but a normal year.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But Lafortune said there’s no evidence that the state needs to overhaul its formula. It might just take time to get student test scores back to where they were before the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if there’s something that needs to be changed imminently,” he said. “The formula does a good job of allocating more funding for high-needs students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s funding model also gives districts more control over how they spend their money. Lance Christensen, who’s running against incumbent State Superintendent Tony Thurmond, said the state needs to play an even smaller role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state has done enough to destroy our kids’ education,” he said. “I think the state needs fewer education programs and more getting out of the way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Barrera, a school board member at San Diego Unified, said the Smarter Balanced results were “really not surprising.” But on top of that, the data isn’t very useful for educators, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many experts might jump to compare data from 2019 and 2022, Barrera said 2022 doesn’t provide the best baseline because school was still being shaped by the spread of COVID-19. Student and employee absences soared due to high case numbers. He said teachers struggled with disruptive behavior from students readjusting to in-person learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barrera said the current school year will be a more useful point of comparison to pre-pandemic student achievement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our students and educators have just gone through the two most difficult years of their entire experience,” Barrera said. “What was supposed to be the return-to-normal year in ’21-’22 was anything but a normal year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barrera added that Smarter Balanced scores are just one data point that arrives too late to be useful for classroom teachers. He said mid-year assessments are better at helping teachers keep track of their students’ progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barrera also said educators and education officials have always known what resources are needed to best support students. With the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2022/06/covid-relief-spending-california-schools/\">billions of dollars in federal grants\u003c/a> going to districts to help them recover from the pandemic, he said educators can finally fund the programs they’ve always needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pre-pandemic, the money wasn’t there to support those state strategies,” he said. “If we know what the best practices are, we’ve got to make sure we’re providing the resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this surge of funding won’t last forever. And the recent increases to state education funding might not be enough to make up for the disappearance of the federal money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bacigalupi, the parent advocate, said there’s been little explanation to parents when it comes to how districts are spending this money. She said the lack of transparency has been an alarming trend throughout the pandemic, from the rationale behind prolonged school closures, to even the release of these test scores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a pattern that parents are very aware of when it comes to public education,” Bacigalupi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "newsom-dahle-spar-over-abortion-gas-tax-and-crime-in-california-governor-debate",
"title": "Newsom, Dahle Spar Over Abortion, Gas Tax and Crime in California Governor Debate",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mx_n3PPEKcw\">Watch the debate here.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gubernatorial candidates Gov. Gavin Newsom and Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber) sparred over homelessness, abortion access, soaring gas prices and addressing climate change at the first and likely only debate between the two candidates this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage Sunday at KQED headquarters in San Francisco, Newsom and Dahle answered questions from KQED’s Senior Editor for Politics and Government Scott Shafer and Politics Correspondent Marisa Lagos. While Newsom and Dahle at times dug deep into policy disagreements, they also often retreated to more widely held positions by both political parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#prop1\">Jump to: Proposition 1: Reproductive rights\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#gas\">Jump to: Soaring gas prices\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#homeless\">Jump to: Homelessness\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#crime\">Jump to: Crime\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#common\">Jump to: Cutting remarks, finding common ground\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He does not support reproductive freedom, does not support reproductive choice, regardless of rape, regardless of incest,” Newsom said of his opponent, Dahle, taking aim at a topic \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-08-24/abortion-california-voters-2022-california-election-poll\">top of mind for Californians\u003c/a> at the opening of the debate. “I work[ed] with legislative leaders to get Proposition 1 on the ballot. It’s foundational to the core values to the state of California and is something that I enthusiastically support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle retorted with a jab at rumors Newsom is mulling a run for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to start out by thanking the governor for taking time out of his going forward on his dream of being president of the United States and actually coming to California and having a debate,” Dahle said. “I don’t know if he’s been out on the street or if you’ve been on the street talking to people who can’t afford to live in California. People are fleeing California because they can’t afford to live here. He’s driving up the cost of everything in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair traded barbs on California’s cost of living and Newsom’s record in helping Californians conserve water. Dahle also said Newsom could do more to ease high gas prices for people statewide. Newsom attacked Dahle’s opposition to funding to expand preschool and his stance against abortion access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929902\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929902\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Gov. Gavin Newsom and Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle participate in a gubernatorial debate at KQED with Senior Editor for Politics and Government Scott Shafer and Politics Correspondent Marisa Lagos in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(KQED/Beth LaBerge)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Three hundred companies have left California under his watch — in the last three years. These are worldwide companies. Tesla, Oracle, HP, have left California under his watch,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom responded, “Let me unpack, just on the issue of the economy. California has no peers. The state of California grew at 7.8% GDP last year — outperformed the United States, which was at 5.7%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preelection polls — along with voters’ solid rejection of a Newsom recall last year — suggest the outcome is a foregone conclusion. According to \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0456d0gt\">a Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies survey\u003c/a> released earlier this month, 53% of voters support Newsom while 32% support Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle’s biggest problem, however, might be simple name recognition. The same poll showed that about 52% of likely voters were “unfamiliar” with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s huge advantage in polls and fundraising have allowed him to nearly ignore his opponent, using his campaign cash to air commercials on other ballot topics, supporting Proposition 1 on abortion rights and opposing Proposition 30, which would raise taxes on the wealthy to fund climate goals and fight wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also raised eyebrows with strategic ad buys in Texas and Florida — highlighting his political differences with two Republican governors who are thought to be weighing a run for president in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom tried to put that matter to rest on Sunday. On stage, Lagos asked Newsom, “I want to ask very clearly, you’re asking voters for four more years. Do you commit to serving all four?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom answered, “Yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair then moved on to California-specific issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"prop1\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Proposition 1: Reproductive rights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In its June decision on Dobbs v. Jackson, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, letting states decide whether to allow abortions. Following those weakened protections, California lawmakers approved placing Proposition 1 on the ballot, which would amend the state constitution to leave no doubt that abortion is a legal right in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929900\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929900\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a business suit rests his hand on a desk.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom participates in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the debate, Newsom highlighted Dahle’s opposition to the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>We’re not embarrassed and we don’t apologize for having the back of women and girls all across this country that are fleeing persecution. And fleeing the kind of, well, extreme policies you are promoting,” Newsom said, referencing Dahle. “What my opponent believes is some\u003cem> \u003c/em>10-year-old that’s raped by her father should be forced to bear her brother or sister. His position is extreme. And that is something I hope the people of the state of California consider\u003ci>.”\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle shot back that Proposition 1 didn’t allow a statewide debate on how abortion access should be navigated in California, if at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, he talks about extreme. Extreme is not ever having a conversation,” Dahle said. “It’s just all or nothing. That’s what’s going to happen under this Prop. 1.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle calls himself “pro-life” and voted against putting Proposition 1 before voters to make abortion a constitutional right in California, which Newsom has championed. Throughout his campaign, however, Dahle has not exactly been vocal about his position on abortion — perhaps an acknowledgment of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/where-do-californians-stand-on-abortion/\">overwhelming approval of abortion rights\u003c/a>. When asked about \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/california-candidates-opposing-abortion-17263279.php\">his position on abortion rights\u003c/a> by The San Francisco Chronicle earlier this year, Dahle deferred to his voting record instead of answering directly.[aside postID=\"news_11926844,news_11925876,news_11916134\" label=\"Related Post\"]Although he opposes abortion rights, Dahle \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-2022-midterm-elections-california-presidential-24979cc4ce5404bcbcb536b13cced595\">voted for a 2021 bill that would have made contraceptives — including the morning-after pill — much cheaper\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"gas\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Soaring gas prices\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gas prices soared across the nation this summer because of high inflation, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and ongoing disruptions in the global supply chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while gas prices have recovered somewhat nationwide, they have continued to spike in California, hitting an average of $6.39 per gallon earlier this month — $2.58 higher than the national average, according to AAA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage at KQED, Shafer asked Dahle, “How do you propose the state bring down the gas price in a meaningful way for consumers?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929901\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a business suit makes a gesture with his hand.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle participates in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dahle said California needs to grant permits to 1,200 oil wells sitting on the desk of the governor right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He prefers not to get those permits out,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle said a gas tax holiday is “the fastest way you can actually help drive down inflation.” His experience with his own trucking business has made the gas pain all too personal, he said, seeing him pay $4,000 monthly for diesel fuel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That drives up the cost of a gallon of milk, a dozen eggs for every hardworking Californian,” Dahle said. “So if you lower that gas tax across the board, it lowers [the cost of] your food, not only the gas you put in your tank.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has the second-highest gas tax in the country and other environmental rules that increase the cost of fuel in the nation’s most populous state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Shafer pressed Dahle, “How do you guarantee that if the tax goes away, that it’s actually going to go to consumers and not just the oil companies?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, we make sure that they do it,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mx_n3PPEKcw\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch the debate in the YouTube video above. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said other states have moved forward with gas tax reductions — some of which include Maryland, New York and Georgia — and “we haven’t seen the commensurate reduction” in gas prices because “there is no guarantee.” He added that leading economists have said it’s “nothing more than a gimmick.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These companies are ripping you off and ripping us off. That’s why I want to move forward with a price-gouging penalty to address this abuse,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"Component-root-0-2-63 p Component-p-0-2-54\">The state Legislature briefly considered a proposal earlier this year that would have imposed a “windfall profits tax” on oil companies’ gross receipts when the price of a gallon of gasoline was “abnormally high compared to the price of a barrel of oil.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"Component-root-0-2-63 p Component-p-0-2-54\">That proposal would have required state regulators to determine the tax rate, making sure it recovered any oil company profit margins that exceeded $0.30 per gallon. The money from the tax would then have been returned to taxpayers via rebates. It’s unclear how closely Newsom’s final proposal will resemble this earlier effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"homeless\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Dahle frequently says California spends too much money on homelessness with little to show for it. He has said that, if elected to office, he would declare homelessness a “public health crisis” and “stop the state’s misguided attempt to throw money” at the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage, Dahle said he would declare a state of emergency over fentanyl in California. Lagos asked what a state of emergency would do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would focus on the fact that fentanyl is an issue in California. People on the streets are addicted, to get them off of drugs. That’s the first thing you do to get them on the projection out is get them off of drugs. You fund the counties with the mental health programs that they need and the clinicians, and then drive down the cost of housing in California are the three things that would need to happen for to take care of homelessness,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, however, said Dahle’s proposal had no meat to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Somehow, a ‘state of emergency’ [will be enacted], and we’re going to magically solve fentanyl. That’s what my opponent just said, somehow, [fentanyl] magically will disappear on the basis of a state of emergency,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has also taken aim at homeless spending in his career. During his time as San Francisco mayor, he said there was nothing “liberal or compassionate” about letting people sleep on the streets, and championed a program called Care Not Cash to end cash subsidies to unhoused people in favor of services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s taking that proposal to a statewide scale, saying California will hold local governments accountable. Lagos asked Newsom to respond to Californians who are concerned about the growing number of people living on the state’s streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re right. This is an outrage,” Newsom said. “We’re not going to hand out money any longer if local governments can’t produce results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed a budget this year that would spend $10 billion on affordable housing and \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/07/19/governor-newsom-signs-historic-housing-and-homelessness-funding-package-as-part-of-100-billion-california-comeback-plan/\">more than $12 billion — over two years — on the homelessness crisis\u003c/a>. That includes funding toward 42,000 housing units under Homekey, a program to convert motels, hotels and other buildings into housing to address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Newsom signed his controversial new program, CARE Court, into law. The Community Assistance, Recovery and Empowerment Act would compel some people with schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders to either accept treatment plans or, if they refuse, be placed under conservatorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, my opponent opposed the funding for CARE Court,” Newsom said. “When I got here, there was no homeless strategy, no plan, no resources of any merit. Today, there’s $15.3 billion and there’s a real strategy, real plan, and there’s accountability for the first time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11927968/california-unhoused-population-grew-by-more-than-22000-since-start-of-pandemic\">Californians without homes grew by at least 22,500 over the last three years\u003c/a>, according to a CalMatters analysis of the federal government’s last point-in-time count. California enacted a number of safeguards against homelessness during the pandemic, from rental assistance to a moratorium on evictions. The rate of homelessness among Californians grew 15% over the last year, on par with steady growth in homelessness from 2015 to today.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"crime\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Crime\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In television interviews and on social media, Dahle has echoed Republican criticism of Democrats for being what they call “soft on crime.” Dahle has advocated increasing\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/04/brian-dahle-california-governor/\"> funding to local law enforcement\u003c/a>, according to CalMatters, and weakening Proposition 47, which reduced punishments for some property and drug crimes. Conservatives have long pointed to Proposition 47 as a turning point that lowered consequences and led to rising crime, though \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/the-impact-of-proposition-47-on-crime-and-recidivism/#:~:text=Did%20Proposition%2047%20increase%20crime,in%20crime%20reporting%20after%202014.\">research has not backed up that claim\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This issue remains a vexing issue, but Proposition 47 is not the culprit. It’s not the reason why we have seen an increase in crime in the state and or in this country,” Newsom said Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/crime-trends-in-california/\">Crime statewide is lower now than it has been since at least 1992\u003c/a>, according to crime data analyzed by the Public Policy Institute of California. Violent crime and property crime rates did marginally increase between 2020 and 2021, but remain historically low, and even somewhat lower than in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The narratives don’t fit the facts,” Newsom said, saying California is “average” for felony rates in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is a uniquely large state, however, and different regions experience crime rates differently: The San Joaquin Valley saw large upticks in violent crime, while the highest rate of property crime in California last year was in the San Francisco Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Viral videos of smash-and-grab-style burglaries and brazen attacks against Asian and Asian American people have led to fear and outrage in some California cities, including San Francisco. Dahle referenced those disparities in the crimes Californians are seeing rise as a way for Newsom to obscure ugly truths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Murders went up 40% in the last two years in California,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/crime-trends-in-california/\">Homicides are up in California since 2019\u003c/a>, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe in commonsense criminal justice reform. The reality is, (Dahle) also opposed our crime reduction plan, a $758 million investment,” Newsom said, which included 1,000 new California Highway Patrol officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And eight of the top 10 states with the highest murder rates are Republican-led, Newsom claimed. Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2022/10/19/murder-rates-red-states-myth/\">have pushed back on that frequent Democratic talking point\u003c/a>, saying the crime rate is high in Democratic-led urban areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an issue that has no political jurisdiction,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeking to protect Californians from gun violence, Newsom signed a bevy of bills this legislative session to \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/07/21/governor-newsom-signs-new-measures-to-protect-californians-from-gun-violence/\">toughen gun-safety laws\u003c/a>. Among them are new laws to conduct inspections of gun dealers, reducing the number of guns a person can manufacture, restricting ghost-gun and prohibiting the sale of firearms on state property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle \u003ca href=\"https://justfacts.votesmart.org/candidate/key-votes/82387/brian-dahle/37/guns\">voted against a slew of firearm-related bills\u003c/a> in the state Senate this session, including AB 1594, a controversial proposal by Newsom to allow people harmed by gun violence to file civil lawsuits against gun manufacturers. Still, Dahle did vote in favor of some gun-reform measures, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/local/2022/07/22/bill-law-decade-ban-gun-ownership-child-elder-abuse\">a bill that would ban anyone convicted of child or elder abuse from possessing firearms for a decade\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"common\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cutting remarks, finding common ground\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout the debate, Dahle and Newsom took potshots at the other’s policies, frequently relying on party talking points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re in a constant state of crisis under your leadership. Your leadership has not solved one problem. We have fires that you haven’t solved. We have water storage you haven’t solved. We have electricity you haven’t solved. All those things you talk about, but what are the results? Zero,” Dahle said, of Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">“\u003c/b>With respect, you’re not pro-life. You’re pro-government-mandated birth. If you were pro-life, you would support our efforts to provide support for child care and preschool and prenatal programs. You’ve consistently opposed those programs,” Newsom said, of Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929904\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929904\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"Two men wearing business suits shake hands on stage.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle and Gov. Gavin Newsom shake hands after participating in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But near the end of the debate, Shafer and Lagos asked each candidate to talk about a time in life when they learned they were wrong, and how they remedied that mistake, a question that set them down the road toward common ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom spoke about iterating in his life, and about overcoming a significant learning disability and taking speech therapy as a kid. As a result, he said, “I don’t like bullies, I don’t like cruelty, I don’t like people that humiliate other people.” And as a younger person, he said, he did “not learn quickly enough that all of us are unique.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle said he learned a lot about environmentalism earlier on in his political career in a way that “helped me expand on my ability to be able to be very sensitive to the environment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair even found agreement on one issue: reparations. Dahle supported the study to explore paying back Black Californians for injustices of the past and present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>I think it’s a step in the right [direction] for those people, to those people who were wronged,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lagos voiced her surprise, saying, “We found one thing you two agree on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>The Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Homelessness, soaring gas prices and addressing climate change were among the topics gubernatorial candidates Gov. Gavin Newsom and Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber) sparred over at the debate between the two candidates before this year's gubernatorial election.",
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"title": "Newsom, Dahle Spar Over Abortion, Gas Tax and Crime in California Governor Debate | KQED",
"description": "Homelessness, soaring gas prices and addressing climate change were among the topics gubernatorial candidates Gov. Gavin Newsom and Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber) sparred over at the debate between the two candidates before this year's gubernatorial election.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mx_n3PPEKcw\">Watch the debate here.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gubernatorial candidates Gov. Gavin Newsom and Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber) sparred over homelessness, abortion access, soaring gas prices and addressing climate change at the first and likely only debate between the two candidates this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage Sunday at KQED headquarters in San Francisco, Newsom and Dahle answered questions from KQED’s Senior Editor for Politics and Government Scott Shafer and Politics Correspondent Marisa Lagos. While Newsom and Dahle at times dug deep into policy disagreements, they also often retreated to more widely held positions by both political parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#prop1\">Jump to: Proposition 1: Reproductive rights\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#gas\">Jump to: Soaring gas prices\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#homeless\">Jump to: Homelessness\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#crime\">Jump to: Crime\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#common\">Jump to: Cutting remarks, finding common ground\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He does not support reproductive freedom, does not support reproductive choice, regardless of rape, regardless of incest,” Newsom said of his opponent, Dahle, taking aim at a topic \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-08-24/abortion-california-voters-2022-california-election-poll\">top of mind for Californians\u003c/a> at the opening of the debate. “I work[ed] with legislative leaders to get Proposition 1 on the ballot. It’s foundational to the core values to the state of California and is something that I enthusiastically support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle retorted with a jab at rumors Newsom is mulling a run for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to start out by thanking the governor for taking time out of his going forward on his dream of being president of the United States and actually coming to California and having a debate,” Dahle said. “I don’t know if he’s been out on the street or if you’ve been on the street talking to people who can’t afford to live in California. People are fleeing California because they can’t afford to live here. He’s driving up the cost of everything in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair traded barbs on California’s cost of living and Newsom’s record in helping Californians conserve water. Dahle also said Newsom could do more to ease high gas prices for people statewide. Newsom attacked Dahle’s opposition to funding to expand preschool and his stance against abortion access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929902\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929902\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Gov. Gavin Newsom and Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle participate in a gubernatorial debate at KQED with Senior Editor for Politics and Government Scott Shafer and Politics Correspondent Marisa Lagos in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(KQED/Beth LaBerge)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Three hundred companies have left California under his watch — in the last three years. These are worldwide companies. Tesla, Oracle, HP, have left California under his watch,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom responded, “Let me unpack, just on the issue of the economy. California has no peers. The state of California grew at 7.8% GDP last year — outperformed the United States, which was at 5.7%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preelection polls — along with voters’ solid rejection of a Newsom recall last year — suggest the outcome is a foregone conclusion. According to \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0456d0gt\">a Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies survey\u003c/a> released earlier this month, 53% of voters support Newsom while 32% support Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle’s biggest problem, however, might be simple name recognition. The same poll showed that about 52% of likely voters were “unfamiliar” with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s huge advantage in polls and fundraising have allowed him to nearly ignore his opponent, using his campaign cash to air commercials on other ballot topics, supporting Proposition 1 on abortion rights and opposing Proposition 30, which would raise taxes on the wealthy to fund climate goals and fight wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also raised eyebrows with strategic ad buys in Texas and Florida — highlighting his political differences with two Republican governors who are thought to be weighing a run for president in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom tried to put that matter to rest on Sunday. On stage, Lagos asked Newsom, “I want to ask very clearly, you’re asking voters for four more years. Do you commit to serving all four?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom answered, “Yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair then moved on to California-specific issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"prop1\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Proposition 1: Reproductive rights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In its June decision on Dobbs v. Jackson, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, letting states decide whether to allow abortions. Following those weakened protections, California lawmakers approved placing Proposition 1 on the ballot, which would amend the state constitution to leave no doubt that abortion is a legal right in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929900\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929900\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a business suit rests his hand on a desk.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom participates in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the debate, Newsom highlighted Dahle’s opposition to the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>We’re not embarrassed and we don’t apologize for having the back of women and girls all across this country that are fleeing persecution. And fleeing the kind of, well, extreme policies you are promoting,” Newsom said, referencing Dahle. “What my opponent believes is some\u003cem> \u003c/em>10-year-old that’s raped by her father should be forced to bear her brother or sister. His position is extreme. And that is something I hope the people of the state of California consider\u003ci>.”\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle shot back that Proposition 1 didn’t allow a statewide debate on how abortion access should be navigated in California, if at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, he talks about extreme. Extreme is not ever having a conversation,” Dahle said. “It’s just all or nothing. That’s what’s going to happen under this Prop. 1.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle calls himself “pro-life” and voted against putting Proposition 1 before voters to make abortion a constitutional right in California, which Newsom has championed. Throughout his campaign, however, Dahle has not exactly been vocal about his position on abortion — perhaps an acknowledgment of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/where-do-californians-stand-on-abortion/\">overwhelming approval of abortion rights\u003c/a>. When asked about \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/california-candidates-opposing-abortion-17263279.php\">his position on abortion rights\u003c/a> by The San Francisco Chronicle earlier this year, Dahle deferred to his voting record instead of answering directly.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Although he opposes abortion rights, Dahle \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-2022-midterm-elections-california-presidential-24979cc4ce5404bcbcb536b13cced595\">voted for a 2021 bill that would have made contraceptives — including the morning-after pill — much cheaper\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"gas\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Soaring gas prices\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gas prices soared across the nation this summer because of high inflation, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and ongoing disruptions in the global supply chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while gas prices have recovered somewhat nationwide, they have continued to spike in California, hitting an average of $6.39 per gallon earlier this month — $2.58 higher than the national average, according to AAA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage at KQED, Shafer asked Dahle, “How do you propose the state bring down the gas price in a meaningful way for consumers?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929901\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a business suit makes a gesture with his hand.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle participates in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dahle said California needs to grant permits to 1,200 oil wells sitting on the desk of the governor right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He prefers not to get those permits out,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle said a gas tax holiday is “the fastest way you can actually help drive down inflation.” His experience with his own trucking business has made the gas pain all too personal, he said, seeing him pay $4,000 monthly for diesel fuel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That drives up the cost of a gallon of milk, a dozen eggs for every hardworking Californian,” Dahle said. “So if you lower that gas tax across the board, it lowers [the cost of] your food, not only the gas you put in your tank.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has the second-highest gas tax in the country and other environmental rules that increase the cost of fuel in the nation’s most populous state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Shafer pressed Dahle, “How do you guarantee that if the tax goes away, that it’s actually going to go to consumers and not just the oil companies?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, we make sure that they do it,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/mx_n3PPEKcw'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/mx_n3PPEKcw'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch the debate in the YouTube video above. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said other states have moved forward with gas tax reductions — some of which include Maryland, New York and Georgia — and “we haven’t seen the commensurate reduction” in gas prices because “there is no guarantee.” He added that leading economists have said it’s “nothing more than a gimmick.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These companies are ripping you off and ripping us off. That’s why I want to move forward with a price-gouging penalty to address this abuse,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"Component-root-0-2-63 p Component-p-0-2-54\">The state Legislature briefly considered a proposal earlier this year that would have imposed a “windfall profits tax” on oil companies’ gross receipts when the price of a gallon of gasoline was “abnormally high compared to the price of a barrel of oil.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"Component-root-0-2-63 p Component-p-0-2-54\">That proposal would have required state regulators to determine the tax rate, making sure it recovered any oil company profit margins that exceeded $0.30 per gallon. The money from the tax would then have been returned to taxpayers via rebates. It’s unclear how closely Newsom’s final proposal will resemble this earlier effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"homeless\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Dahle frequently says California spends too much money on homelessness with little to show for it. He has said that, if elected to office, he would declare homelessness a “public health crisis” and “stop the state’s misguided attempt to throw money” at the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage, Dahle said he would declare a state of emergency over fentanyl in California. Lagos asked what a state of emergency would do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would focus on the fact that fentanyl is an issue in California. People on the streets are addicted, to get them off of drugs. That’s the first thing you do to get them on the projection out is get them off of drugs. You fund the counties with the mental health programs that they need and the clinicians, and then drive down the cost of housing in California are the three things that would need to happen for to take care of homelessness,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, however, said Dahle’s proposal had no meat to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Somehow, a ‘state of emergency’ [will be enacted], and we’re going to magically solve fentanyl. That’s what my opponent just said, somehow, [fentanyl] magically will disappear on the basis of a state of emergency,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has also taken aim at homeless spending in his career. During his time as San Francisco mayor, he said there was nothing “liberal or compassionate” about letting people sleep on the streets, and championed a program called Care Not Cash to end cash subsidies to unhoused people in favor of services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s taking that proposal to a statewide scale, saying California will hold local governments accountable. Lagos asked Newsom to respond to Californians who are concerned about the growing number of people living on the state’s streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re right. This is an outrage,” Newsom said. “We’re not going to hand out money any longer if local governments can’t produce results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed a budget this year that would spend $10 billion on affordable housing and \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/07/19/governor-newsom-signs-historic-housing-and-homelessness-funding-package-as-part-of-100-billion-california-comeback-plan/\">more than $12 billion — over two years — on the homelessness crisis\u003c/a>. That includes funding toward 42,000 housing units under Homekey, a program to convert motels, hotels and other buildings into housing to address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Newsom signed his controversial new program, CARE Court, into law. The Community Assistance, Recovery and Empowerment Act would compel some people with schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders to either accept treatment plans or, if they refuse, be placed under conservatorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, my opponent opposed the funding for CARE Court,” Newsom said. “When I got here, there was no homeless strategy, no plan, no resources of any merit. Today, there’s $15.3 billion and there’s a real strategy, real plan, and there’s accountability for the first time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11927968/california-unhoused-population-grew-by-more-than-22000-since-start-of-pandemic\">Californians without homes grew by at least 22,500 over the last three years\u003c/a>, according to a CalMatters analysis of the federal government’s last point-in-time count. California enacted a number of safeguards against homelessness during the pandemic, from rental assistance to a moratorium on evictions. The rate of homelessness among Californians grew 15% over the last year, on par with steady growth in homelessness from 2015 to today.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"crime\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Crime\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In television interviews and on social media, Dahle has echoed Republican criticism of Democrats for being what they call “soft on crime.” Dahle has advocated increasing\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/04/brian-dahle-california-governor/\"> funding to local law enforcement\u003c/a>, according to CalMatters, and weakening Proposition 47, which reduced punishments for some property and drug crimes. Conservatives have long pointed to Proposition 47 as a turning point that lowered consequences and led to rising crime, though \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/the-impact-of-proposition-47-on-crime-and-recidivism/#:~:text=Did%20Proposition%2047%20increase%20crime,in%20crime%20reporting%20after%202014.\">research has not backed up that claim\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This issue remains a vexing issue, but Proposition 47 is not the culprit. It’s not the reason why we have seen an increase in crime in the state and or in this country,” Newsom said Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/crime-trends-in-california/\">Crime statewide is lower now than it has been since at least 1992\u003c/a>, according to crime data analyzed by the Public Policy Institute of California. Violent crime and property crime rates did marginally increase between 2020 and 2021, but remain historically low, and even somewhat lower than in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The narratives don’t fit the facts,” Newsom said, saying California is “average” for felony rates in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is a uniquely large state, however, and different regions experience crime rates differently: The San Joaquin Valley saw large upticks in violent crime, while the highest rate of property crime in California last year was in the San Francisco Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Viral videos of smash-and-grab-style burglaries and brazen attacks against Asian and Asian American people have led to fear and outrage in some California cities, including San Francisco. Dahle referenced those disparities in the crimes Californians are seeing rise as a way for Newsom to obscure ugly truths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Murders went up 40% in the last two years in California,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/crime-trends-in-california/\">Homicides are up in California since 2019\u003c/a>, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe in commonsense criminal justice reform. The reality is, (Dahle) also opposed our crime reduction plan, a $758 million investment,” Newsom said, which included 1,000 new California Highway Patrol officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And eight of the top 10 states with the highest murder rates are Republican-led, Newsom claimed. Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2022/10/19/murder-rates-red-states-myth/\">have pushed back on that frequent Democratic talking point\u003c/a>, saying the crime rate is high in Democratic-led urban areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an issue that has no political jurisdiction,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeking to protect Californians from gun violence, Newsom signed a bevy of bills this legislative session to \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/07/21/governor-newsom-signs-new-measures-to-protect-californians-from-gun-violence/\">toughen gun-safety laws\u003c/a>. Among them are new laws to conduct inspections of gun dealers, reducing the number of guns a person can manufacture, restricting ghost-gun and prohibiting the sale of firearms on state property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle \u003ca href=\"https://justfacts.votesmart.org/candidate/key-votes/82387/brian-dahle/37/guns\">voted against a slew of firearm-related bills\u003c/a> in the state Senate this session, including AB 1594, a controversial proposal by Newsom to allow people harmed by gun violence to file civil lawsuits against gun manufacturers. Still, Dahle did vote in favor of some gun-reform measures, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/local/2022/07/22/bill-law-decade-ban-gun-ownership-child-elder-abuse\">a bill that would ban anyone convicted of child or elder abuse from possessing firearms for a decade\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"common\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cutting remarks, finding common ground\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout the debate, Dahle and Newsom took potshots at the other’s policies, frequently relying on party talking points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re in a constant state of crisis under your leadership. Your leadership has not solved one problem. We have fires that you haven’t solved. We have water storage you haven’t solved. We have electricity you haven’t solved. All those things you talk about, but what are the results? Zero,” Dahle said, of Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">“\u003c/b>With respect, you’re not pro-life. You’re pro-government-mandated birth. If you were pro-life, you would support our efforts to provide support for child care and preschool and prenatal programs. You’ve consistently opposed those programs,” Newsom said, of Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929904\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929904\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"Two men wearing business suits shake hands on stage.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle and Gov. Gavin Newsom shake hands after participating in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But near the end of the debate, Shafer and Lagos asked each candidate to talk about a time in life when they learned they were wrong, and how they remedied that mistake, a question that set them down the road toward common ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom spoke about iterating in his life, and about overcoming a significant learning disability and taking speech therapy as a kid. As a result, he said, “I don’t like bullies, I don’t like cruelty, I don’t like people that humiliate other people.” And as a younger person, he said, he did “not learn quickly enough that all of us are unique.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle said he learned a lot about environmentalism earlier on in his political career in a way that “helped me expand on my ability to be able to be very sensitive to the environment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair even found agreement on one issue: reparations. Dahle supported the study to explore paying back Black Californians for injustices of the past and present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>I think it’s a step in the right [direction] for those people, to those people who were wronged,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lagos voiced her surprise, saying, “We found one thing you two agree on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>The Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>The original version of this post was published on October 3, 2022.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Watch live on \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mx_n3PPEKcw\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Youtube\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Watch live on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/event/2726\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Facebook\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Listen live via \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">KQED 88.5\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Watch on KQED Public Television 9 at 6 p.m.\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom and state Sen. Brian Dahle, R-Bieber, will face off at KQED on Oct. 23, 2022, at 1 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The forum is the only confirmed meeting between the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/governor\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">two candidates in this year’s gubernatorial election\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. Newsom finished nearly 40 points ahead of Dahle in the June primary, and has led public polling throughout the summer. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Dahle has traveled the state blasting Newsom for high gas prices and rising homelessness. But\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925876/brian-dahle-on-running-for-governor-and-his-unique-marriage-proposal\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> the Republican senator has at times struggled\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to reconcile his anti-abortion-rights position with the overwhelming support for reproductive rights among California’s electorate. \u003c/span>[aside postID=\"news_11925757,news_11925876,news_11916134\" label=\"Related Posts\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saying that “survey after survey shows Californians think the state is going in the wrong direction,” Dahle said “Californians deserve better, and I appreciate KQED for giving voters the opportunity to hear from both candidates for governor, so they know there is an alternative to turn this state around.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Newsom has eschewed a traditional reelection campaign and instead focused his messaging on the national stage by denouncing the rollback of reproductive and civil rights in Republican-led states. Newsom has run ads needling GOP governors in Florida and Texas, purchased billboards in seven states advertising the abortion services available in California, and last week traveled to Texas to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/elections-texas-california-campaigns-gun-politics-a1e55ff228a38c6bc915c4eb12830b6b\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">urge the Democratic Party to take a more pugilistic approach\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to social issues. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Newsom \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925757/newsom-agrees-to-debate-dahle-in-gubernatorial-forum-at-kqed\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">accepted KQED’s invitation for an October debate\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> earlier this month. In 2018, the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11697413/gavin-newsom-john-cox-spar-on-housing-criminal-justice-in-wide-ranging-debate\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">lone face-off between Newsom and Republican John Cox\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> took place on KQED’s Forum program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Oct. 23 debate will be moderated by KQED’s Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos, who will question the candidates in conversational format without strict time limits on answers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This election, like every election, is a critical moment for the state, and Californians deserve to hear straight from the gubernatorial candidates themselves their visions for the future,” said Ethan Toven-Lindsey, KQED’s vice president of news. “KQED is honored and excited that Sen. Dahle and Gov. Newsom have agreed to talk with our journalists in this important conversation.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The debate will air live at 1 p.m. on KQED Public Radio 88.5, with a live video stream for digital audiences. A recorded television broadcast will air at 6 p.m. on KQED 9. Both the radio and television broadcasts will be made available to any station interested in simulcasting the debate. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>The original version of this post was published on October 3, 2022.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Watch live on \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mx_n3PPEKcw\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Youtube\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Watch live on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/event/2726\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Facebook\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Listen live via \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">KQED 88.5\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Watch on KQED Public Television 9 at 6 p.m.\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom and state Sen. Brian Dahle, R-Bieber, will face off at KQED on Oct. 23, 2022, at 1 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The forum is the only confirmed meeting between the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/governor\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">two candidates in this year’s gubernatorial election\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. Newsom finished nearly 40 points ahead of Dahle in the June primary, and has led public polling throughout the summer. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Dahle has traveled the state blasting Newsom for high gas prices and rising homelessness. But\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925876/brian-dahle-on-running-for-governor-and-his-unique-marriage-proposal\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> the Republican senator has at times struggled\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to reconcile his anti-abortion-rights position with the overwhelming support for reproductive rights among California’s electorate. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saying that “survey after survey shows Californians think the state is going in the wrong direction,” Dahle said “Californians deserve better, and I appreciate KQED for giving voters the opportunity to hear from both candidates for governor, so they know there is an alternative to turn this state around.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Newsom has eschewed a traditional reelection campaign and instead focused his messaging on the national stage by denouncing the rollback of reproductive and civil rights in Republican-led states. Newsom has run ads needling GOP governors in Florida and Texas, purchased billboards in seven states advertising the abortion services available in California, and last week traveled to Texas to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/elections-texas-california-campaigns-gun-politics-a1e55ff228a38c6bc915c4eb12830b6b\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">urge the Democratic Party to take a more pugilistic approach\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to social issues. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Newsom \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925757/newsom-agrees-to-debate-dahle-in-gubernatorial-forum-at-kqed\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">accepted KQED’s invitation for an October debate\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> earlier this month. In 2018, the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11697413/gavin-newsom-john-cox-spar-on-housing-criminal-justice-in-wide-ranging-debate\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">lone face-off between Newsom and Republican John Cox\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> took place on KQED’s Forum program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Oct. 23 debate will be moderated by KQED’s Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos, who will question the candidates in conversational format without strict time limits on answers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This election, like every election, is a critical moment for the state, and Californians deserve to hear straight from the gubernatorial candidates themselves their visions for the future,” said Ethan Toven-Lindsey, KQED’s vice president of news. “KQED is honored and excited that Sen. Dahle and Gov. Newsom have agreed to talk with our journalists in this important conversation.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The debate will air live at 1 p.m. on KQED Public Radio 88.5, with a live video stream for digital audiences. A recorded television broadcast will air at 6 p.m. on KQED 9. Both the radio and television broadcasts will be made available to any station interested in simulcasting the debate. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s COVID-19 emergency will officially end in February as Gov. Gavin Newsom said the state has enough resources and plans to manage the pandemic without the need for a formal declaration that gives the governor the power to suspend or change laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His office made the announcement Monday, touting the state’s relatively low transmission and hospitalization rates, and saying the delay until next year will give the state’s health care system any flexibility it still needs for a possible winter surge in cases and hospitalizations, and give everyone enough time to prepare for the phaseout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Throughout the pandemic, we’ve been guided by the science and data – moving quickly and strategically to save lives. The State of Emergency was an effective and necessary tool that we utilized to protect our state, and we wouldn’t have gotten to this point without it,” Newsom said in a statement. “With the operational preparedness that we’ve built up and the measures that we’ll continue to employ moving forward, California is ready to phase out this tool.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11890715,news_11876747\"]Newsom declared a state of emergency for the coronavirus on March 4, 2020, shortly after an older adult was the first confirmed death from the disease in California — the first of nearly 95,000 deaths in the state to date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Newsom has used his authority under the emergency declaration to issue 596 orders. Some were small, like delaying deadlines for filing taxes or renewing driver’s licenses. But others were life-changing, including issuing a statewide stay-at-home order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the threat of this virus is still real, our preparedness and collective work have helped turn this once crisis emergency into a manageable situation,” California Health and Human Services Secretary Mark Ghaly said in the statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the state of emergency is officially over at the end of February, Newsom’s pandemic-related executive orders will no longer be in effect. But this will largely be a symbolic marker for most residents, as the majority of those orders either have already expired or been lifted. As of October, just 27 of Newsom’s orders remain in place, according to the governor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The formal end of the emergency will also not affect public health orders, which are issued and enforced by state and local public health officers. That includes a statewide mandate that schoolchildren be vaccinated against the coronavirus — a requirement that has been delayed until next summer at the earliest.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How ripple effects could affect Bay Area renters and landlords\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Still, Newsom’s decision could result in very tangible effects for some Bay Area renters and landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California’s statewide eviction moratorium expired at the beginning of September, renter protections remain in place in some cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/information/covid-19-emergency-tenant-protections#:~:text=AB%2D2179%20permanently%20prohibits%20evictions,rent%20that%20is%20still%20unpaid\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/cda/hcd/documents/EvictionMoratoriumOrdinanceSummaryFAQ8.11.20.pdf\">Alameda County\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/FAQ-Sheet_Emergency-Moratorium_EN_6.9.22_Final_2022-08-16-215127_pkib.pdf#:~:text=California's%20Eviction%20Moratorium%20expired%20on,Council%20lifts%20the%20local%20emergency\">Oakland\u003c/a>, those protections are tied to local states of emergency. If local leaders follow the governor’s cue and lift those orders, renters in those cities and counties will once again be subject to eviction for nonpayment of rent related to COVID financial hardships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the \u003ca href=\"https://abc7.com/los-angeles-city-council-covid-eviction-moratorium-la-rent-controlled-apartments-landlord-rights/12294767/\">Los Angeles City Council voted to lift its eviction moratorium starting on February 1\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Oakland and Alameda County’s eviction moratoriums are facing a court challenge from property owners. A federal judge is expected to determine in the coming weeks whether the lawsuit will move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom says he will ask the state Legislature to put two of his other orders into law, making them permanent. One would continue to allow nurses to order and dispense certain COVID-19 medications, and another would allow laboratory workers to continue processing COVID-19 tests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The emergency orders issued by Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/health-california-coronavirus-pandemic-7c43d6bbe95927266342fa1ca94662e6\">survived a legal challenge\u003c/a> from key state Republican leaders. The California Supreme Court last year left in place a lower court’s ruling that the governor acted within his authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting by Adam Beam of The Associated Press and KQED’s Erika Kelly.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s COVID-19 emergency will officially end in February as Gov. Gavin Newsom said the state has enough resources and plans to manage the pandemic without the need for a formal declaration that gives the governor the power to suspend or change laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His office made the announcement Monday, touting the state’s relatively low transmission and hospitalization rates, and saying the delay until next year will give the state’s health care system any flexibility it still needs for a possible winter surge in cases and hospitalizations, and give everyone enough time to prepare for the phaseout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Throughout the pandemic, we’ve been guided by the science and data – moving quickly and strategically to save lives. The State of Emergency was an effective and necessary tool that we utilized to protect our state, and we wouldn’t have gotten to this point without it,” Newsom said in a statement. “With the operational preparedness that we’ve built up and the measures that we’ll continue to employ moving forward, California is ready to phase out this tool.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Newsom declared a state of emergency for the coronavirus on March 4, 2020, shortly after an older adult was the first confirmed death from the disease in California — the first of nearly 95,000 deaths in the state to date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Newsom has used his authority under the emergency declaration to issue 596 orders. Some were small, like delaying deadlines for filing taxes or renewing driver’s licenses. But others were life-changing, including issuing a statewide stay-at-home order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the threat of this virus is still real, our preparedness and collective work have helped turn this once crisis emergency into a manageable situation,” California Health and Human Services Secretary Mark Ghaly said in the statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the state of emergency is officially over at the end of February, Newsom’s pandemic-related executive orders will no longer be in effect. But this will largely be a symbolic marker for most residents, as the majority of those orders either have already expired or been lifted. As of October, just 27 of Newsom’s orders remain in place, according to the governor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The formal end of the emergency will also not affect public health orders, which are issued and enforced by state and local public health officers. That includes a statewide mandate that schoolchildren be vaccinated against the coronavirus — a requirement that has been delayed until next summer at the earliest.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How ripple effects could affect Bay Area renters and landlords\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Still, Newsom’s decision could result in very tangible effects for some Bay Area renters and landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California’s statewide eviction moratorium expired at the beginning of September, renter protections remain in place in some cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/information/covid-19-emergency-tenant-protections#:~:text=AB%2D2179%20permanently%20prohibits%20evictions,rent%20that%20is%20still%20unpaid\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/cda/hcd/documents/EvictionMoratoriumOrdinanceSummaryFAQ8.11.20.pdf\">Alameda County\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/FAQ-Sheet_Emergency-Moratorium_EN_6.9.22_Final_2022-08-16-215127_pkib.pdf#:~:text=California's%20Eviction%20Moratorium%20expired%20on,Council%20lifts%20the%20local%20emergency\">Oakland\u003c/a>, those protections are tied to local states of emergency. If local leaders follow the governor’s cue and lift those orders, renters in those cities and counties will once again be subject to eviction for nonpayment of rent related to COVID financial hardships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the \u003ca href=\"https://abc7.com/los-angeles-city-council-covid-eviction-moratorium-la-rent-controlled-apartments-landlord-rights/12294767/\">Los Angeles City Council voted to lift its eviction moratorium starting on February 1\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Oakland and Alameda County’s eviction moratoriums are facing a court challenge from property owners. A federal judge is expected to determine in the coming weeks whether the lawsuit will move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom says he will ask the state Legislature to put two of his other orders into law, making them permanent. One would continue to allow nurses to order and dispense certain COVID-19 medications, and another would allow laboratory workers to continue processing COVID-19 tests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The emergency orders issued by Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/health-california-coronavirus-pandemic-7c43d6bbe95927266342fa1ca94662e6\">survived a legal challenge\u003c/a> from key state Republican leaders. The California Supreme Court last year left in place a lower court’s ruling that the governor acted within his authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting by Adam Beam of The Associated Press and KQED’s Erika Kelly.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Californians are just weeks away from voting on Proposition 30 in November. The plan to raise the income tax on Californians who make more than $2 million by 1.75% each year to pay for electric-vehicle incentives and wildfire prevention has split Democrats from Gov. Gavin Newsom, their standard-bearer in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State analysts estimate that the new tax on the state’s wealthiest would raise between $3.5 billion and $5 billion annually, growing over time until it expires in 2043.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposition requires that the state spend 80% of that revenue on EV rebates, to help people, businesses and government pay for electric trucks, cars and buses, and to pay for the installation of charging stations in public and in homes and apartment buildings. The remainder would be spent on hiring and training firefighters, and other wildfire mitigation measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why is the EV-loving Newsom opposing this measure?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom has vocally and publicly opposed the proposition, “warning” Californians not to be “fooled” by the campaign in support. He called it a “Trojan horse” and a “cynical scheme.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His opposition surprised a lot of his fellow Democrats. Investing in electric vehicles is a top priority of his administration. He ordered the state to phase out the sale of new gasoline-powered cars by 2035 and said he wants to “\u003ca href=\"https://wamu.org/story/20/09/24/california-governor-on-his-order-to-ban-sale-of-new-gasoline-vehicles-by-2035/\">accelerate investment, accelerate innovation, research, development, accelerate manufacturing\u003c/a>” in that industry.[aside postID=news_11926998 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS32599_ElectricCars_AW_03-qut-1020x680.jpg']So why is he opposing? He has said that the plan is unnecessary, pointing to the fact that the state invested billions of dollars this year on clean car rebates, electric vehicle chargers and other transportation projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In opposing Proposition 30, Newsom villainized Lyft, saying the ride-hailing company “devised” the measure to “funnel state income tax to benefit their company.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyft certainly has skin in this game — and has dumped, at this writing, more than\u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1443818&session=2021&view=received\"> $45 million into the Yes on 30 campaign\u003c/a>. Last year, California required that nearly all trips on ride-hailing platforms be in electric vehicles by the end of this decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 30 doesn’t mention the company’s name, nor would it funnel money directly to it. But it would make electric vehicles cheaper for its drivers (and all Californians) and pay to install public charging stations that these cars would use.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Did Lyft devise the measure to direct state tax money its way?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom has claimed that Proposition 30 was “devised by a single corporation” (read: Lyft).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the measure was actually designed by a coalition of environmental and other advocacy groups, including the Natural Resources Defense Council, SPUR and other groups. (Environmental attorneys told The Sacramento Bee that \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/article266237371.html\">Lyft was involved in drafting the measure\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are receipts here. Back in 2020, Denny Zane, former mayor of Santa Monica and head of Move LA, a transit advocacy group based around Los Angeles, hosted a series of events about air pollution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one event, he asked state climate leaders, including Mary Nichols, Newsom’s former top air regulator, this question: \u003ca href=\"https://www.movela.org/climate_change_the_zoom_series\">If you had $30 billion to spend fighting climate change, what would you do?\u003c/a> Many responded by saying they would invest in electric vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zane has a long history of pushing Californians to raise taxes to pay for clean transportation. He persuaded Los Angeles voters to pass a sales tax hike to pay for public transit with \u003ca href=\"https://www.metro.net/about/measure-r/\">Measure R\u003c/a> in 2008 and again with \u003ca href=\"https://www.metro.net/about/measure-m/\">Measure M\u003c/a> in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We went to the ballot and it worked,” Zane told KQED in an interview. “LA now has about $120 billion over the next 40 years coming to invest in transportation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He thought Newsom would be a partner on a statewide version.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We finally had somebody who was going to help back the signature drive,” he said. “Suddenly, it’s like a scheme. That’s just wrong. It’s just a mistake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyft President John Zimmer has also pushed back on Newsom’s assertion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is about the health of our neighbors and communities,” he said. “That’s why we agreed to get involved when environmental leaders approached us with their plan to reduce California emissions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How would it affect the state’s finances?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s opposition has him siding with conservatives and anti-tax groups like the California Chamber of Commerce and the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They point out that the state already has the highest income tax rate in the country. But they also argue that it could disrupt the state’s notoriously complicated finances, in a couple of ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remember, the measure would raise the income tax only on the state’s wealthiest, many of whom rely on the stock market and other investments for their income. Their taxes can fluctuate widely, and one strong recession could crater the program; that’s one reason the LA Times editorial board issued an \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2022-09-20/endorsement-no-on-proposition-30\">endorsement for No on Prop. 30\u003c/a>. “It doesn’t make sense to pin another priority on such a volatile funding stream,” they wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, California’s constitution limits how much the state can spend, and it has reached that limit in recent years. Here, the measure could have another unintended consequence, as it requires California to spend more money, up to $3 billion each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nCalifornia’s Legislative Analyst’s Office found that the proposition could “require the state to reduce an equal amount of spending from other programs to ‘make room’ for the new required spending on ZEV [zero-emission vehicle] programs and wildfire activities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Would the measure help the state reduce its greenhouse gas emissions?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 30 campaign has trotted out prominent Democrats like Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf, who supports the measure, at a series of campaign events around the state. They note that California’s top source of greenhouse gas emissions is transportation and argue that climate change and air pollution are killing Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 30 is an innovative measure that all Californians must support, as if their lives depend on it,” Schaaf said at a campaign kickoff event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the main impact of the measure, if it were to pass, would not be to increase the number of electric vehicles on the road — although, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/environment/newsletter/2022-10-13/how-proposition-30-could-help-california-tackle-climate-change-boiling-point\">as Sammy Roth wrote in The LA Times, the measure “could definitely speed things up.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, the state’s powerful Air Resources Board passed California’s new EV mandate, which bans the sale of gasoline-powered cars and trucks in the state after 2035.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s new mandate requires a significant increase in the number of electric cars sold in California, no matter what happens with Proposition 30 in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure passes, it would shift who pays for the vehicles, moving some cost onto higher-income taxpayers and away from consumers or carmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was made possible as part of The California Newsroom, a collaboration of California’s public radio stations, NPR and CalMatters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Californians are just weeks away from voting on Proposition 30 in November. The plan to raise the income tax on Californians who make more than $2 million by 1.75% each year to pay for electric-vehicle incentives and wildfire prevention has split Democrats from Gov. Gavin Newsom, their standard-bearer in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State analysts estimate that the new tax on the state’s wealthiest would raise between $3.5 billion and $5 billion annually, growing over time until it expires in 2043.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposition requires that the state spend 80% of that revenue on EV rebates, to help people, businesses and government pay for electric trucks, cars and buses, and to pay for the installation of charging stations in public and in homes and apartment buildings. The remainder would be spent on hiring and training firefighters, and other wildfire mitigation measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why is the EV-loving Newsom opposing this measure?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom has vocally and publicly opposed the proposition, “warning” Californians not to be “fooled” by the campaign in support. He called it a “Trojan horse” and a “cynical scheme.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His opposition surprised a lot of his fellow Democrats. Investing in electric vehicles is a top priority of his administration. He ordered the state to phase out the sale of new gasoline-powered cars by 2035 and said he wants to “\u003ca href=\"https://wamu.org/story/20/09/24/california-governor-on-his-order-to-ban-sale-of-new-gasoline-vehicles-by-2035/\">accelerate investment, accelerate innovation, research, development, accelerate manufacturing\u003c/a>” in that industry.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>So why is he opposing? He has said that the plan is unnecessary, pointing to the fact that the state invested billions of dollars this year on clean car rebates, electric vehicle chargers and other transportation projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In opposing Proposition 30, Newsom villainized Lyft, saying the ride-hailing company “devised” the measure to “funnel state income tax to benefit their company.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyft certainly has skin in this game — and has dumped, at this writing, more than\u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1443818&session=2021&view=received\"> $45 million into the Yes on 30 campaign\u003c/a>. Last year, California required that nearly all trips on ride-hailing platforms be in electric vehicles by the end of this decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 30 doesn’t mention the company’s name, nor would it funnel money directly to it. But it would make electric vehicles cheaper for its drivers (and all Californians) and pay to install public charging stations that these cars would use.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Did Lyft devise the measure to direct state tax money its way?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom has claimed that Proposition 30 was “devised by a single corporation” (read: Lyft).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the measure was actually designed by a coalition of environmental and other advocacy groups, including the Natural Resources Defense Council, SPUR and other groups. (Environmental attorneys told The Sacramento Bee that \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/article266237371.html\">Lyft was involved in drafting the measure\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are receipts here. Back in 2020, Denny Zane, former mayor of Santa Monica and head of Move LA, a transit advocacy group based around Los Angeles, hosted a series of events about air pollution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one event, he asked state climate leaders, including Mary Nichols, Newsom’s former top air regulator, this question: \u003ca href=\"https://www.movela.org/climate_change_the_zoom_series\">If you had $30 billion to spend fighting climate change, what would you do?\u003c/a> Many responded by saying they would invest in electric vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zane has a long history of pushing Californians to raise taxes to pay for clean transportation. He persuaded Los Angeles voters to pass a sales tax hike to pay for public transit with \u003ca href=\"https://www.metro.net/about/measure-r/\">Measure R\u003c/a> in 2008 and again with \u003ca href=\"https://www.metro.net/about/measure-m/\">Measure M\u003c/a> in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We went to the ballot and it worked,” Zane told KQED in an interview. “LA now has about $120 billion over the next 40 years coming to invest in transportation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He thought Newsom would be a partner on a statewide version.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We finally had somebody who was going to help back the signature drive,” he said. “Suddenly, it’s like a scheme. That’s just wrong. It’s just a mistake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyft President John Zimmer has also pushed back on Newsom’s assertion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is about the health of our neighbors and communities,” he said. “That’s why we agreed to get involved when environmental leaders approached us with their plan to reduce California emissions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How would it affect the state’s finances?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s opposition has him siding with conservatives and anti-tax groups like the California Chamber of Commerce and the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They point out that the state already has the highest income tax rate in the country. But they also argue that it could disrupt the state’s notoriously complicated finances, in a couple of ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remember, the measure would raise the income tax only on the state’s wealthiest, many of whom rely on the stock market and other investments for their income. Their taxes can fluctuate widely, and one strong recession could crater the program; that’s one reason the LA Times editorial board issued an \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2022-09-20/endorsement-no-on-proposition-30\">endorsement for No on Prop. 30\u003c/a>. “It doesn’t make sense to pin another priority on such a volatile funding stream,” they wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, California’s constitution limits how much the state can spend, and it has reached that limit in recent years. Here, the measure could have another unintended consequence, as it requires California to spend more money, up to $3 billion each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nCalifornia’s Legislative Analyst’s Office found that the proposition could “require the state to reduce an equal amount of spending from other programs to ‘make room’ for the new required spending on ZEV [zero-emission vehicle] programs and wildfire activities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Would the measure help the state reduce its greenhouse gas emissions?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 30 campaign has trotted out prominent Democrats like Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf, who supports the measure, at a series of campaign events around the state. They note that California’s top source of greenhouse gas emissions is transportation and argue that climate change and air pollution are killing Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 30 is an innovative measure that all Californians must support, as if their lives depend on it,” Schaaf said at a campaign kickoff event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the main impact of the measure, if it were to pass, would not be to increase the number of electric vehicles on the road — although, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/environment/newsletter/2022-10-13/how-proposition-30-could-help-california-tackle-climate-change-boiling-point\">as Sammy Roth wrote in The LA Times, the measure “could definitely speed things up.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, the state’s powerful Air Resources Board passed California’s new EV mandate, which bans the sale of gasoline-powered cars and trucks in the state after 2035.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s new mandate requires a significant increase in the number of electric cars sold in California, no matter what happens with Proposition 30 in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure passes, it would shift who pays for the vehicles, moving some cost onto higher-income taxpayers and away from consumers or carmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was made possible as part of The California Newsroom, a collaboration of California’s public radio stations, NPR and CalMatters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>During the pandemic, California’s lower-income families that are required to pay a fee to receive subsidized child care got a waiver from paying. That waiver is set to expire next year, worrying parents who have struggled to afford it in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB92\">vetoed a bill\u003c/a> last month that would have made the waiver permanent. Parents say the waiver, which will end in June 2023, allowed them to pay other expenses or get caught up on delinquent bills. Now they will have to stop paying down debt, saving for emergencies and enrolling their children in extra activities like dance lessons to pay the fees instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In South Los Angeles, Marisol Rosales has already started to save money for the coming bill. Before their fees were waived last year, the family paid $400 a month for child care for their four children. After paying for rent, necessities and child care there was no money left, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are expecting people that make a little bit of money to pay more money on top of expenses and cost of living and everything else,” Rosales said. “The whole point of why we have the subsidy is because our income is within the limits. So it doesn’t make sense to ask someone to pay another bill that could go toward something else.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Chris Hoene, executive director, California Budget and Policy Center\"]‘If you are an individual with lower income and you are trying to access subsidized child care, the fees are a barrier. And if you can afford the fees, then the next barrier is finding a provider.’[/pullquote]California helps lower-income families afford child care through several programs. For most families, the programs are free, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/calworks-child-care/program-eligibility\">others must pay a share of their subsidized child care costs\u003c/a> — what the state refers to as a “family fee.” Families pay the fee directly to their child care provider or to the contractor who manages their subsidized child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, to qualify for state-subsidized child care, a family must earn 85% or less of the state median household income. Those who earn less than 40% of that amount pay nothing for child care. Families earning between 40% and 85% of the state median income pay \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/CDSS_Famfeeschedule_SubChildCare_FY2022-23.pdf\">child care fees on a sliding scale\u003c/a> that could be as much as 10% of their household income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, a family earning $50,000 a year would pay $175 a month in family fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic put a spotlight on the child care challenges facing families with the lowest incomes, who got hit hardest by COVID-19. Many worked service jobs that were frozen or eliminated, or worked essential jobs they were required to do in person. Their circumstances drove state officials to waive the fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Social Services, which oversees the state’s subsidized child care program, declined a request for an interview and only responded to questions via email. Spokesperson Scott Murray wrote that more than 26,000 families in various child care assistance programs “may have benefited from family fee waivers in the 2021-22 fiscal year.” He said the agency estimates about $88 million in fees will be waived in this fiscal year, which runs through June 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928091\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11928091\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy.jpg\" alt=\"A Latina woman helps her two small kids out of the car, one of the kids is kissing her on the cheek as the other gets out.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marisol Rosales and her children go out for dinner in Los Angeles on Sept. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The family fees were first established in 1998, Murray wrote, and are based on a federal requirement for programs funded by the Child Care and Development Fund, a federal grant program that funds child care nationwide. The \u003ca href=\"https://childcareta.acf.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/public/family_co-payment_brief_0.pdf#:~:text=While%20the%20definition%20did%20not%20change%2C%20the%20Administration,access%20section%20of%20the%20CCDF%20Final%203%20Rule.\">law allows states to set their own fees\u003c/a> and determine the sliding scale for families, but it also outlines how fees “must be affordable and not be a barrier to families receiving assistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A legislative analysis of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB92\">the bill that would have permanently waived the fees\u003c/a> found that eliminating the fees for some families and decreasing the fees for others would cost $136 million a year. A 2021 study by the \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/california-families-pay-high-price-for-subsidized-child-care/\">California Budget and Policy Center\u003c/a> found that the state collects about $68 million annually in child care fees from families with low and moderate incomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July of 2020 the state started \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/sp/cd/ci/mb2019a.asp\">waiving the fees\u003c/a> for some families and eventually agreed to offer waivers to all families for the rest of that fiscal year as part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/Documents/2021.04.20%20COVID%20Relief%20Agreement.pdf\">its agreement with the Child Care Providers United union\u003c/a>. In 2021, the state and the union again agreed that waivers would continue through June of 2022. This summer the state budgeted $136 million to \u003ca href=\"https://cdss.ca.gov/Portals/9/Additional-Resources/Fiscal-and-Financial-Information/Local-Assistance-Estimates/2022/2022-May-Revision-CCD-Tab.pdf\">extend the waivers\u003c/a> for all families one more year, through June 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The benefits of the waiver have been felt by families across the state, said Mary Ignatius, a statewide organizer at Parent Voices, a grassroots organization focused on child care accessibility and affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the rising costs of just about everything and inflation, and the fact that the child tax credit expired at the federal level, these dollars came at a time of critical importance,” Ignatius said. “Families have been reducing debt, eliminating predatory credit cards, raising credit scores, going back to school full-time … paying down utility bills that were in delinquency, just paying rent and putting their kids in extracurricular activities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, by San Bernardino Assemblymember Eloise Gómez Reyes, would have \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB92\">ended fees\u003c/a> for all families that earn below 75% of the state median income and created a sliding scale for those who earn between 75% and 85%. The fees would amount to no more than 1% of a family’s income.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Mary Ignatius, statewide organizer, Parent Voices\"]‘Scraping together money for these fees instead of spending it on food, on housing, on activities for their children, for bills, for paying down debt — that’s financial pressure. What the state is experiencing pales in comparison.’[/pullquote]Newsom said the bill’s cost was prohibitive, writing in \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/AB-92-VETO-message.pdf?emrc=fee16d\">his veto message for this bill\u003c/a> and several others that state revenue is expected to decrease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates were critical, saying Newsom does not understand the struggle of families that need child care to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom started his tenure as governor with promises to help families with child care costs and access. Since then, his administration has budgeted for more subsidized child care slots and has led an expansion of transitional kindergarten. Despite this, advocates say the state is still not doing enough for child care providers and struggling families with young children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There has been some progress made on child care, but the significant reform and expansion that the governor actually promised and signaled in his first budget address hasn’t been there,” said Chris Hoene, executive director of the California Budget and Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the biggest issues that have gone unattended are the lack of child care workers and the low pay rate for those workers. Without these workers, parents struggle to find care, even if they are approved for a subsidy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you are an individual with lower income and you are trying to access subsidized child care, the fees are a barrier,” Hoene said. “And if you can afford the fees, then the next barrier is finding a provider.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill Newsom vetoed was popular in the Legislature, where it passed with no dissenting votes, and had strong support from parent and child care advocates. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB92\">No opposition was filed against the bill\u003c/a>, according to the Assembly analysis. That’s why Reyes and advocates plan to use the next eight months to try again through the budget process or another bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Rosales, the child care fee waiver has given her and her husband a chance to catch up financially. With that $400 a month savings, she got caught up on utility bills and paid off a student loan. Most exciting for her: paying for football for her sons and folklorico dance lessons for her daughters and herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Learning the traditional Mexican dance was a childhood dream her family could never afford. But this month Rosales dropped the class for herself to start saving money for child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m already stressing out about the $400 payment that is coming back next year and already trying to cut back on expenses,” she said. “It’s very upsetting. After football season I’m not going to enroll my boys in anything else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ignatius, of Parent Voices, said eliminating the fees is critical for the survival of families already living paycheck to paycheck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Real cost pressures are what families are facing every single day,” she said. “Scraping together money for these fees instead of spending it on food, on housing, on activities for their children, for bills, for paying down debt — that’s financial pressure. What the state is experiencing pales in comparison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928090\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11928090\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy.jpg\" alt=\"A Latina woman in her 30s looks at the camera while standing in front of a white house.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Micaela Mota received a $277 subsidized child care fee waiver from the state. With the waiver set to expire next year, she doesn’t know how she’ll make ends meet. \u003ccite>(Marissa Leshnov/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Richmond mom Micaela Mota has used her $277 in monthly fee savings to pay student loans and PG&E bills and to enroll her son in baseball and swim lessons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before that it was, ‘Do I pay PG&E or do I pay for child care?’ and if I don’t pay for child care, how am I able to work?” she said. “It’s this or that in order to move forward to succeed in life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A school psychologist, she said the fee waiver helped her finish her intern year and her graduate degree. She was also able to stop driving for Uber on Friday and Saturday nights and spent that time with her son instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor could have been more graceful in what he could provide for us,” Mota said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Families who received a waiver of fees for subsidized child care are feeling anxious after Gov. Newsom vetoed a bill last month that would have permanently extended the waiver beyond June 2023.",
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"title": "California Families Brace for Higher Child Care Fees Amid Looming Cut in Subsidies | KQED",
"description": "Families who received a waiver of fees for subsidized child care are feeling anxious after Gov. Newsom vetoed a bill last month that would have permanently extended the waiver beyond June 2023.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>During the pandemic, California’s lower-income families that are required to pay a fee to receive subsidized child care got a waiver from paying. That waiver is set to expire next year, worrying parents who have struggled to afford it in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB92\">vetoed a bill\u003c/a> last month that would have made the waiver permanent. Parents say the waiver, which will end in June 2023, allowed them to pay other expenses or get caught up on delinquent bills. Now they will have to stop paying down debt, saving for emergencies and enrolling their children in extra activities like dance lessons to pay the fees instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In South Los Angeles, Marisol Rosales has already started to save money for the coming bill. Before their fees were waived last year, the family paid $400 a month for child care for their four children. After paying for rent, necessities and child care there was no money left, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are expecting people that make a little bit of money to pay more money on top of expenses and cost of living and everything else,” Rosales said. “The whole point of why we have the subsidy is because our income is within the limits. So it doesn’t make sense to ask someone to pay another bill that could go toward something else.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘If you are an individual with lower income and you are trying to access subsidized child care, the fees are a barrier. And if you can afford the fees, then the next barrier is finding a provider.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>California helps lower-income families afford child care through several programs. For most families, the programs are free, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/calworks-child-care/program-eligibility\">others must pay a share of their subsidized child care costs\u003c/a> — what the state refers to as a “family fee.” Families pay the fee directly to their child care provider or to the contractor who manages their subsidized child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, to qualify for state-subsidized child care, a family must earn 85% or less of the state median household income. Those who earn less than 40% of that amount pay nothing for child care. Families earning between 40% and 85% of the state median income pay \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/CDSS_Famfeeschedule_SubChildCare_FY2022-23.pdf\">child care fees on a sliding scale\u003c/a> that could be as much as 10% of their household income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, a family earning $50,000 a year would pay $175 a month in family fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic put a spotlight on the child care challenges facing families with the lowest incomes, who got hit hardest by COVID-19. Many worked service jobs that were frozen or eliminated, or worked essential jobs they were required to do in person. Their circumstances drove state officials to waive the fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Social Services, which oversees the state’s subsidized child care program, declined a request for an interview and only responded to questions via email. Spokesperson Scott Murray wrote that more than 26,000 families in various child care assistance programs “may have benefited from family fee waivers in the 2021-22 fiscal year.” He said the agency estimates about $88 million in fees will be waived in this fiscal year, which runs through June 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928091\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11928091\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy.jpg\" alt=\"A Latina woman helps her two small kids out of the car, one of the kids is kissing her on the cheek as the other gets out.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marisol Rosales and her children go out for dinner in Los Angeles on Sept. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The family fees were first established in 1998, Murray wrote, and are based on a federal requirement for programs funded by the Child Care and Development Fund, a federal grant program that funds child care nationwide. The \u003ca href=\"https://childcareta.acf.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/public/family_co-payment_brief_0.pdf#:~:text=While%20the%20definition%20did%20not%20change%2C%20the%20Administration,access%20section%20of%20the%20CCDF%20Final%203%20Rule.\">law allows states to set their own fees\u003c/a> and determine the sliding scale for families, but it also outlines how fees “must be affordable and not be a barrier to families receiving assistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A legislative analysis of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB92\">the bill that would have permanently waived the fees\u003c/a> found that eliminating the fees for some families and decreasing the fees for others would cost $136 million a year. A 2021 study by the \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/california-families-pay-high-price-for-subsidized-child-care/\">California Budget and Policy Center\u003c/a> found that the state collects about $68 million annually in child care fees from families with low and moderate incomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July of 2020 the state started \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/sp/cd/ci/mb2019a.asp\">waiving the fees\u003c/a> for some families and eventually agreed to offer waivers to all families for the rest of that fiscal year as part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/Documents/2021.04.20%20COVID%20Relief%20Agreement.pdf\">its agreement with the Child Care Providers United union\u003c/a>. In 2021, the state and the union again agreed that waivers would continue through June of 2022. This summer the state budgeted $136 million to \u003ca href=\"https://cdss.ca.gov/Portals/9/Additional-Resources/Fiscal-and-Financial-Information/Local-Assistance-Estimates/2022/2022-May-Revision-CCD-Tab.pdf\">extend the waivers\u003c/a> for all families one more year, through June 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The benefits of the waiver have been felt by families across the state, said Mary Ignatius, a statewide organizer at Parent Voices, a grassroots organization focused on child care accessibility and affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the rising costs of just about everything and inflation, and the fact that the child tax credit expired at the federal level, these dollars came at a time of critical importance,” Ignatius said. “Families have been reducing debt, eliminating predatory credit cards, raising credit scores, going back to school full-time … paying down utility bills that were in delinquency, just paying rent and putting their kids in extracurricular activities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, by San Bernardino Assemblymember Eloise Gómez Reyes, would have \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB92\">ended fees\u003c/a> for all families that earn below 75% of the state median income and created a sliding scale for those who earn between 75% and 85%. The fees would amount to no more than 1% of a family’s income.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Scraping together money for these fees instead of spending it on food, on housing, on activities for their children, for bills, for paying down debt — that’s financial pressure. What the state is experiencing pales in comparison.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Newsom said the bill’s cost was prohibitive, writing in \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/AB-92-VETO-message.pdf?emrc=fee16d\">his veto message for this bill\u003c/a> and several others that state revenue is expected to decrease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates were critical, saying Newsom does not understand the struggle of families that need child care to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom started his tenure as governor with promises to help families with child care costs and access. Since then, his administration has budgeted for more subsidized child care slots and has led an expansion of transitional kindergarten. Despite this, advocates say the state is still not doing enough for child care providers and struggling families with young children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There has been some progress made on child care, but the significant reform and expansion that the governor actually promised and signaled in his first budget address hasn’t been there,” said Chris Hoene, executive director of the California Budget and Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the biggest issues that have gone unattended are the lack of child care workers and the low pay rate for those workers. Without these workers, parents struggle to find care, even if they are approved for a subsidy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you are an individual with lower income and you are trying to access subsidized child care, the fees are a barrier,” Hoene said. “And if you can afford the fees, then the next barrier is finding a provider.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill Newsom vetoed was popular in the Legislature, where it passed with no dissenting votes, and had strong support from parent and child care advocates. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB92\">No opposition was filed against the bill\u003c/a>, according to the Assembly analysis. That’s why Reyes and advocates plan to use the next eight months to try again through the budget process or another bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Rosales, the child care fee waiver has given her and her husband a chance to catch up financially. With that $400 a month savings, she got caught up on utility bills and paid off a student loan. Most exciting for her: paying for football for her sons and folklorico dance lessons for her daughters and herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Learning the traditional Mexican dance was a childhood dream her family could never afford. But this month Rosales dropped the class for herself to start saving money for child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m already stressing out about the $400 payment that is coming back next year and already trying to cut back on expenses,” she said. “It’s very upsetting. After football season I’m not going to enroll my boys in anything else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ignatius, of Parent Voices, said eliminating the fees is critical for the survival of families already living paycheck to paycheck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Real cost pressures are what families are facing every single day,” she said. “Scraping together money for these fees instead of spending it on food, on housing, on activities for their children, for bills, for paying down debt — that’s financial pressure. What the state is experiencing pales in comparison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928090\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11928090\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy.jpg\" alt=\"A Latina woman in her 30s looks at the camera while standing in front of a white house.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Micaela Mota received a $277 subsidized child care fee waiver from the state. With the waiver set to expire next year, she doesn’t know how she’ll make ends meet. \u003ccite>(Marissa Leshnov/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Richmond mom Micaela Mota has used her $277 in monthly fee savings to pay student loans and PG&E bills and to enroll her son in baseball and swim lessons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before that it was, ‘Do I pay PG&E or do I pay for child care?’ and if I don’t pay for child care, how am I able to work?” she said. “It’s this or that in order to move forward to succeed in life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A school psychologist, she said the fee waiver helped her finish her intern year and her graduate degree. She was also able to stop driving for Uber on Friday and Saturday nights and spent that time with her son instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor could have been more graceful in what he could provide for us,” Mota said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "New Polls Show Gambling Measures Props. 26 and 27 'Foundering' With Voters",
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"content": "\u003cp>Despite the record $340 million spent on two gambling-related state ballot measures this campaign season,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926864/props-26-and-27-what-should-sports-betting-look-like\"> both Propositions 26 and 27\u003c/a> are tanking in the polls just six weeks from the end of the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according to a \u003ca href=\"https://igs.berkeley.edu/research/berkeley-igs-poll\">Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies survey\u003c/a> released Tuesday, which reached out to 8,725 registered voters in English and Spanish between September 22 and 27.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/proposition-26-sports-betting-tribal-casinos\">Proposition 26\u003c/a> is backed by 27 tribes and tribal organizations and would legalize sports betting at tribal casinos, as well as allow roulette and dice games there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/proposition-27-sports-betting-online\">Proposition 27\u003c/a>, which is backed by gambling websites like FanDuel and DraftKings, would legalize online betting in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 26 have raised $112 million to trumpet it online and on TV, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2022/propositions/prop-27-sports-betting-online/\">while supporters of Proposition 27 have poured in $228 million\u003c/a>. In fact, so much has been spent on Prop. 27 that it’s\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926864/props-26-and-27-what-should-sports-betting-look-like\"> the most expensive ballot measure in state history\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with supporters putting all their chips in on two gambling ballot measures, voters are betting “no” in overwhelming numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 26 is trailing, with 31% of likely voters saying they’ll vote yes, to 42% saying no. Prop. 27 is behind 27% to 53%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In both cases, more than one-fifth of the electorate remains undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These results suggest that the sports wagering initiatives are foundering in the face of the opposition advertising campaigns,” said Berkeley IGS co-director Eric Schickler, in a statement. “The lack of support among key demographic groups makes passage of each an uphill climb, at best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poor outlook for Prop. 27 is a continuing trend: Another poll conducted just a few weeks before from the Public Policy Institute of California found similarly damning numbers for it — so much so, that its proponents pulled advertising from television, \u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/prop-27-california-sports-betting-proposition-tv-ads-yes-on/12248218/\">citing a need to refocus on “direct communication with voters.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least two weeks later, the Berkeley IGS polling numbers are nearly identical to the PPIC numbers from a few weeks before — though the newer poll does note that voters who have seen TV ads for both measures overwhelmingly say they’ll vote no, versus a more divided position from voters who haven’t seen the ads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opposition to the two measures is also consistent across the political spectrum: Republicans, Democrats and independents alike don’t favor either gambling proposition. Women oppose Prop. 26 two-to-one, while men are more divided, and younger voters tend to support it far more than older voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new Berkeley IGS poll also found tough news for Proposition 30, the Lyft-backed effort to raise taxes on California millionaires to fund a “Clean Cars and Clean Air Trust Fund”; it would pay for electric vehicle rebates, statewide car-charging infrastructure, wildfire mitigation and firefighter training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s lagging behind a full majority, with just 49% of respondents saying they’d vote for Prop. 30, and 37% against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the measure \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2022/propositions/prop-30-income-tax-electric-cars/\">have raised more than $46 million to pass it\u003c/a>, while the opposition has raised more than $13 million, according to the latest state records. But the timing of the survey is notable — pollsters spoke to voters about a week after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/news/shows/press-play-with-madeleine-brand/climate-russia-taxes-abigail-disney-acfc/prop-30\">Gov. Gavin Newsom came out against Prop. 30 in a television ad\u003c/a>, calling it a “cynical scheme to grab a huge taxpayer subsidy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 30 targets those making more than $2 million annually, and it has the backing of the California Democratic party, as well as major Democrats across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Newsom himself as a candidate? Well, in addition to the referendum to uphold a ban on the sale of flavored tobacco (which is polling at 57% “yes”), he’s one of the few statewide winners in the Berkeley IGS poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom is enjoying a sizable lead in his gubernatorial race against state Sen. Brian Dahle, his Republican opponent, with 53% of voters supporting Newsom versus 32% for Dahle. That’s virtually unchanged from a similar poll conducted by Berkeley IGS in August, showing Dahle gaining virtually no ground — not a surprise in a state with an overwhelming Democratic majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps an even more pernicious problem for Dahle, besides a Democratic majority state, is simple name recognition. About 52% of likely voters were “unfamiliar” with him, according to the poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED can help you get more familiar with both candidates for governor at their first — and so far \u003cem>only \u003c/em>— confirmed meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926844/gubernatorial-candidates-newsom-and-dahle-agree-to-debate-at-kqed\">The gubernatorial debate\u003c/a> will be broadcast live on October 23 at 1 p.m. on KQED Public Radio 88.5 FM, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926844/gubernatorial-candidates-newsom-and-dahle-agree-to-debate-at-kqed\">as well as streamed on KQED social channels and kqed.org\u003c/a>. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It will be televised on KQED Public Television 9 at 6 p.m. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Propositions to legalize sports betting at tribal casinos and to legalize online betting in California both are facing overwhelming opposition from voters.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Despite the record $340 million spent on two gambling-related state ballot measures this campaign season,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926864/props-26-and-27-what-should-sports-betting-look-like\"> both Propositions 26 and 27\u003c/a> are tanking in the polls just six weeks from the end of the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according to a \u003ca href=\"https://igs.berkeley.edu/research/berkeley-igs-poll\">Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies survey\u003c/a> released Tuesday, which reached out to 8,725 registered voters in English and Spanish between September 22 and 27.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/proposition-26-sports-betting-tribal-casinos\">Proposition 26\u003c/a> is backed by 27 tribes and tribal organizations and would legalize sports betting at tribal casinos, as well as allow roulette and dice games there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/proposition-27-sports-betting-online\">Proposition 27\u003c/a>, which is backed by gambling websites like FanDuel and DraftKings, would legalize online betting in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 26 have raised $112 million to trumpet it online and on TV, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2022/propositions/prop-27-sports-betting-online/\">while supporters of Proposition 27 have poured in $228 million\u003c/a>. In fact, so much has been spent on Prop. 27 that it’s\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926864/props-26-and-27-what-should-sports-betting-look-like\"> the most expensive ballot measure in state history\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with supporters putting all their chips in on two gambling ballot measures, voters are betting “no” in overwhelming numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 26 is trailing, with 31% of likely voters saying they’ll vote yes, to 42% saying no. Prop. 27 is behind 27% to 53%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In both cases, more than one-fifth of the electorate remains undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These results suggest that the sports wagering initiatives are foundering in the face of the opposition advertising campaigns,” said Berkeley IGS co-director Eric Schickler, in a statement. “The lack of support among key demographic groups makes passage of each an uphill climb, at best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poor outlook for Prop. 27 is a continuing trend: Another poll conducted just a few weeks before from the Public Policy Institute of California found similarly damning numbers for it — so much so, that its proponents pulled advertising from television, \u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/prop-27-california-sports-betting-proposition-tv-ads-yes-on/12248218/\">citing a need to refocus on “direct communication with voters.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least two weeks later, the Berkeley IGS polling numbers are nearly identical to the PPIC numbers from a few weeks before — though the newer poll does note that voters who have seen TV ads for both measures overwhelmingly say they’ll vote no, versus a more divided position from voters who haven’t seen the ads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opposition to the two measures is also consistent across the political spectrum: Republicans, Democrats and independents alike don’t favor either gambling proposition. Women oppose Prop. 26 two-to-one, while men are more divided, and younger voters tend to support it far more than older voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new Berkeley IGS poll also found tough news for Proposition 30, the Lyft-backed effort to raise taxes on California millionaires to fund a “Clean Cars and Clean Air Trust Fund”; it would pay for electric vehicle rebates, statewide car-charging infrastructure, wildfire mitigation and firefighter training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s lagging behind a full majority, with just 49% of respondents saying they’d vote for Prop. 30, and 37% against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the measure \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2022/propositions/prop-30-income-tax-electric-cars/\">have raised more than $46 million to pass it\u003c/a>, while the opposition has raised more than $13 million, according to the latest state records. But the timing of the survey is notable — pollsters spoke to voters about a week after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/news/shows/press-play-with-madeleine-brand/climate-russia-taxes-abigail-disney-acfc/prop-30\">Gov. Gavin Newsom came out against Prop. 30 in a television ad\u003c/a>, calling it a “cynical scheme to grab a huge taxpayer subsidy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 30 targets those making more than $2 million annually, and it has the backing of the California Democratic party, as well as major Democrats across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Newsom himself as a candidate? Well, in addition to the referendum to uphold a ban on the sale of flavored tobacco (which is polling at 57% “yes”), he’s one of the few statewide winners in the Berkeley IGS poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom is enjoying a sizable lead in his gubernatorial race against state Sen. Brian Dahle, his Republican opponent, with 53% of voters supporting Newsom versus 32% for Dahle. That’s virtually unchanged from a similar poll conducted by Berkeley IGS in August, showing Dahle gaining virtually no ground — not a surprise in a state with an overwhelming Democratic majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps an even more pernicious problem for Dahle, besides a Democratic majority state, is simple name recognition. About 52% of likely voters were “unfamiliar” with him, according to the poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED can help you get more familiar with both candidates for governor at their first — and so far \u003cem>only \u003c/em>— confirmed meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926844/gubernatorial-candidates-newsom-and-dahle-agree-to-debate-at-kqed\">The gubernatorial debate\u003c/a> will be broadcast live on October 23 at 1 p.m. on KQED Public Radio 88.5 FM, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926844/gubernatorial-candidates-newsom-and-dahle-agree-to-debate-at-kqed\">as well as streamed on KQED social channels and kqed.org\u003c/a>. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It will be televised on KQED Public Television 9 at 6 p.m. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The end of September marks a major milestone in campaigns across California, as legal deadlines require candidates’ campaigns to reveal how much money they’ve raised over the past few months, tallying that alongside expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a roundup of some key races both large and small — from Gov. Gavin Newsom defending his job against his Republican challenger, to Board of Supervisors races in the city of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While we’re focusing on campaign finance in the coverage below, we’ve also got extensive reporting of candidates’ positions on top issues in our \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED Election 2022 California Voter Guide.\u003c/a> Be sure to read it if you want to know what each candidate intends to do in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Governor\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The governor’s race might top the ballot in November but the latest fundraising totals show why the contest between \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1414018&session=2021\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1444621&session=2021\">State Senator Brian Dahle\u003c/a> isn’t attracting much attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’d expect a Democratic governor to outraise a Republican counterpart, but the numbers show how the state and national Republican parties are ignoring this race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom reports raising $2.1 million in the third quarter of 2022, bringing his total for the year to nearly $9 million. He has a whopping $23.2 million cash on hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By comparison, Dahle reports raising $590,579 in the last three months for a total of just over $2 million for the year. He has just $408,741 to spend between now and the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, Newsom has almost 57 times more cash than Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These financial reports do not include independent expenditures made for or against these candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>State Controller\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the race to succeed termed-out State Controller Betty Yee, it’s the Republican candidate who has the huge cash advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1439261&session=2021&psort=AMOUNT&view=general\">Lanhee Chen\u003c/a>, a Stanford scholar and GOP political advisor who worked on the presidential campaigns of Mitt Romney and George W. Bush, reports raising $4.15 million overall, including $1.14 million in the third quarter. He has just over $3 million cash on hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By comparison, \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1437983&session=2021\">Democrat Malia Cohen\u003c/a> has raised $1.2 million in all of 2022, including $559,943 in the third quarter, with a relatively small $529,468 cash on hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen will need every penny of that cash and more to overcome the structural deficit his party faces among registered voters in California. As of May, the breakdown is roughly 47% registered Democratic, 24% Republican and 23% no party preference voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These financial reports do not include independent expenditures made for or against these candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bay Area Mayor Races\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Filings also show spending ramping up in the region’s two high-profile mayor races, in San Jose and Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11915899/cindy-chavez-and-matt-mahan-headed-to-runoff-in-san-jose-mayoral-race\">The two contenders for the top job in San Jose\u003c/a>, City Council member Matt Mahan and Santa Clara County Supervisor Cindy Chavez, both enter the final stretch of the campaign with ample war chests. Mahan reported raising $672,914 over the summer, while Chavez brought in close to $557,679. With just over a week until voting begins, Chavez is sitting on over $458,282 while Mahan reported nearly $444,552 on hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the primary, voters saw a deluge of spending from outside groups: Labor unions spent heavily in support of Chavez while current Mayor Sam Liccardo recruited business and developer dollars into his super PAC supporting Mahan. The outside spending cooled off over the summer, but filings this week show that could change. On Tuesday, the San Francisco 49ers dropped a whopping $420,000 into their committee backing Chavez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, filings show City Council members Loren Taylor and Sheng Thao emerging as the leading fundraisers in the 10-candidate field. So far this year, Taylor has raised $266,141 and spent $168,143, ending the filing period with $276,602 on hand. Thao has raised $242,700, spent $209,841 and reported $161,693 on hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, Thao has been the beneficiary of outside spending by a group called “Working Families for a Better Oakland,” which is bankrolled by some of the region’s leading labor unions. The committee reported spending $190,271 to support Thao’s run.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Francisco District Attorney Race\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918804/breed-taps-boudin-critic-brooke-jenkins-as-new-san-francisco-da\">District Attorney Brooke Jenkins\u003c/a> has outraised her opponents in the election for San Francisco district attorney, the newest numbers show — though, with a caveat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins, the tough-on-crime district attorney appointed by Mayor London Breed to replace progressive DA Chesa Boudin after he was recalled, raised $126,000 through the end of September. Her challenger from the left, former police commissioner John Hamasaki, raised $87,000, and another former police commissioner, and former fire commissioner, Joe Alioto Veronese, raised $56,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While that may make it seem like Alioto Veronese is trailing behind in fundraising, this is where things get a little muddy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a tweet, Friday, Alioto Veronese claimed he raised more money than Jenkins and Hamasaki.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Early results of our campaign fundraiser are in and they’re good. We’ve outraised incumbent DA @BrookeUnionCity two-to-one and public defender @HamasakiLaw three-to-one. The momentum is strong in this one!” he wrote, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/joeavero/status/1575938538121592841\">on Twitter\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/joeavero/status/1575824490390376450\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s only half-true.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you count the money he’s been raising since the start of the year — well before his opponents declared their intention to run in the race — then yes, he did outraise them financially. Veronese started his 2023 campaign committee in January this year. Jenkins started her campaign committee mid-July, and Hamasaki started in mid-August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But recent contributions are arguably the best indicator of momentum. Measured in that way, Jenkins is handily leading the pack, with Hamasaki close behind, and Alioto Veronese in the dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar to Alioto Veronese, on Twitter, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/HamasakiLaw/status/1575932326063722497\">Hamasaki touted\u003c/a> raising more than Jenkins in the period in which he raised money, since he filed to run later than Jenkins — not counting the total money she raised the month before. Maggie Muir, a campaign consultant for Jenkins, said Alioto Veronese and Hamasaki’s campaigns played fast and loose with the numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hamasaki doesn’t seem to understand simple math. Joe Alioto Veronese is potentially illegally double dipping, counting the same donors twice. These two need to go back to school,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking to KQED, Alioto Veronese countered that much of the funding from his older campaign accounts, though not all of it, can be transferred to the new one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last note: Some independent groups have raised their own money to support candidates. Most notably, the Alice B. Toklas LGBTQ Democratic Club has a cash balance of $41,492 to spend on candidates. They solely endorsed Jenkins for district attorney — expect to see her on their mailers advertising candidates to vote for. They’ve already spent roughly $5,000 on a billboard for her.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Francisco Board of Supervisors District 6 and District 4\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the race to represent San Francisco’s District 6, including downtown, South of Market, Mission Bay, and Treasure Island neighborhoods, among others, candidate Honey Mahogany is leading, though not overwhelmingly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahogany, a former aide to former supervisor and current Assembly member Matt Haney, has raised $389,000 so far. That sees Mahogany outraising the recently appointed District 6 Supervisor Matt Dorsey, who counts $348,000 in the bank. Roughly half of each of their contributions are through public financing provided by the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Accounting for how much they’ve spent already promoting their campaigns, Mahogany has a fairly sizable chunk of cash left in the bank relative to her opponent, with $233,000 compared to Dorsey’s $177,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in the election to represent the Sunset, Parkside, and other west side neighborhoods of San Francisco’s District 4, challenger Joel Engardio has raised $376,000 compared to incumbent Supervisor Gordon Mar, who has raised $308,000. More than half of those funds for each candidate came from public financing provided by the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As far as fundraising from voters — an often-times helpful indicator on voter support — Engardio raised $120,000 this year through September, and Mar raised $92,000. Engardio is hoping to generate momentum based on his support for the recall in the district, which records show voted overwhelmingly to remove Boudin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lastly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924844/judge-bars-former-sf-supervisor-candidate-leanna-louie-from-appearing-on-november-ballot\">though she was stricken from the ballot by a judge\u003c/a> in early September for not living in the district she intended to represent in the required time period, former candidate Leanne Louie had previously raised $41,000, records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Alameda County District Attorney\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Terry Wiley and Pamela Price are competing for the seat previously held by Nancy O’Malley, who was Alameda County’s district attorney for 13 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candidates \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/06/07/alameda-county-district-attorney-primary-election-results-2022/\">Pamela Price and Terry Wiley\u003c/a> both raised nearly half of their total fundraising this year in the last three months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Terry Wiley is clearly out-fundraising Pamela Price, having raised just over $581,612 since the year began, more than $200,000 more than what Price raised in that same time period, roughly $314,580.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving into the final month before the election, Wiley has $173,560 on hand. Price has less to work with, counting $86,357 in hand and $92,875 in outstanding debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "From Gov. Gavin Newsom's gubernatorial race to San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins' move to win elected office, a look at the campaign finance totals in California and local races as of Oct. 1. ",
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"title": "Which CA and Bay Area Candidates Are Outraising Their Opponents, and Which Are Trailing Behind? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The end of September marks a major milestone in campaigns across California, as legal deadlines require candidates’ campaigns to reveal how much money they’ve raised over the past few months, tallying that alongside expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a roundup of some key races both large and small — from Gov. Gavin Newsom defending his job against his Republican challenger, to Board of Supervisors races in the city of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While we’re focusing on campaign finance in the coverage below, we’ve also got extensive reporting of candidates’ positions on top issues in our \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED Election 2022 California Voter Guide.\u003c/a> Be sure to read it if you want to know what each candidate intends to do in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Governor\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The governor’s race might top the ballot in November but the latest fundraising totals show why the contest between \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1414018&session=2021\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1444621&session=2021\">State Senator Brian Dahle\u003c/a> isn’t attracting much attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’d expect a Democratic governor to outraise a Republican counterpart, but the numbers show how the state and national Republican parties are ignoring this race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom reports raising $2.1 million in the third quarter of 2022, bringing his total for the year to nearly $9 million. He has a whopping $23.2 million cash on hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By comparison, Dahle reports raising $590,579 in the last three months for a total of just over $2 million for the year. He has just $408,741 to spend between now and the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, Newsom has almost 57 times more cash than Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These financial reports do not include independent expenditures made for or against these candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>State Controller\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the race to succeed termed-out State Controller Betty Yee, it’s the Republican candidate who has the huge cash advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1439261&session=2021&psort=AMOUNT&view=general\">Lanhee Chen\u003c/a>, a Stanford scholar and GOP political advisor who worked on the presidential campaigns of Mitt Romney and George W. Bush, reports raising $4.15 million overall, including $1.14 million in the third quarter. He has just over $3 million cash on hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By comparison, \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1437983&session=2021\">Democrat Malia Cohen\u003c/a> has raised $1.2 million in all of 2022, including $559,943 in the third quarter, with a relatively small $529,468 cash on hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen will need every penny of that cash and more to overcome the structural deficit his party faces among registered voters in California. As of May, the breakdown is roughly 47% registered Democratic, 24% Republican and 23% no party preference voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These financial reports do not include independent expenditures made for or against these candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bay Area Mayor Races\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Filings also show spending ramping up in the region’s two high-profile mayor races, in San Jose and Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11915899/cindy-chavez-and-matt-mahan-headed-to-runoff-in-san-jose-mayoral-race\">The two contenders for the top job in San Jose\u003c/a>, City Council member Matt Mahan and Santa Clara County Supervisor Cindy Chavez, both enter the final stretch of the campaign with ample war chests. Mahan reported raising $672,914 over the summer, while Chavez brought in close to $557,679. With just over a week until voting begins, Chavez is sitting on over $458,282 while Mahan reported nearly $444,552 on hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the primary, voters saw a deluge of spending from outside groups: Labor unions spent heavily in support of Chavez while current Mayor Sam Liccardo recruited business and developer dollars into his super PAC supporting Mahan. The outside spending cooled off over the summer, but filings this week show that could change. On Tuesday, the San Francisco 49ers dropped a whopping $420,000 into their committee backing Chavez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, filings show City Council members Loren Taylor and Sheng Thao emerging as the leading fundraisers in the 10-candidate field. So far this year, Taylor has raised $266,141 and spent $168,143, ending the filing period with $276,602 on hand. Thao has raised $242,700, spent $209,841 and reported $161,693 on hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, Thao has been the beneficiary of outside spending by a group called “Working Families for a Better Oakland,” which is bankrolled by some of the region’s leading labor unions. The committee reported spending $190,271 to support Thao’s run.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Francisco District Attorney Race\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918804/breed-taps-boudin-critic-brooke-jenkins-as-new-san-francisco-da\">District Attorney Brooke Jenkins\u003c/a> has outraised her opponents in the election for San Francisco district attorney, the newest numbers show — though, with a caveat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins, the tough-on-crime district attorney appointed by Mayor London Breed to replace progressive DA Chesa Boudin after he was recalled, raised $126,000 through the end of September. Her challenger from the left, former police commissioner John Hamasaki, raised $87,000, and another former police commissioner, and former fire commissioner, Joe Alioto Veronese, raised $56,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While that may make it seem like Alioto Veronese is trailing behind in fundraising, this is where things get a little muddy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a tweet, Friday, Alioto Veronese claimed he raised more money than Jenkins and Hamasaki.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Early results of our campaign fundraiser are in and they’re good. We’ve outraised incumbent DA @BrookeUnionCity two-to-one and public defender @HamasakiLaw three-to-one. The momentum is strong in this one!” he wrote, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/joeavero/status/1575938538121592841\">on Twitter\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>That’s only half-true.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you count the money he’s been raising since the start of the year — well before his opponents declared their intention to run in the race — then yes, he did outraise them financially. Veronese started his 2023 campaign committee in January this year. Jenkins started her campaign committee mid-July, and Hamasaki started in mid-August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But recent contributions are arguably the best indicator of momentum. Measured in that way, Jenkins is handily leading the pack, with Hamasaki close behind, and Alioto Veronese in the dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar to Alioto Veronese, on Twitter, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/HamasakiLaw/status/1575932326063722497\">Hamasaki touted\u003c/a> raising more than Jenkins in the period in which he raised money, since he filed to run later than Jenkins — not counting the total money she raised the month before. Maggie Muir, a campaign consultant for Jenkins, said Alioto Veronese and Hamasaki’s campaigns played fast and loose with the numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hamasaki doesn’t seem to understand simple math. Joe Alioto Veronese is potentially illegally double dipping, counting the same donors twice. These two need to go back to school,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking to KQED, Alioto Veronese countered that much of the funding from his older campaign accounts, though not all of it, can be transferred to the new one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last note: Some independent groups have raised their own money to support candidates. Most notably, the Alice B. Toklas LGBTQ Democratic Club has a cash balance of $41,492 to spend on candidates. They solely endorsed Jenkins for district attorney — expect to see her on their mailers advertising candidates to vote for. They’ve already spent roughly $5,000 on a billboard for her.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Francisco Board of Supervisors District 6 and District 4\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the race to represent San Francisco’s District 6, including downtown, South of Market, Mission Bay, and Treasure Island neighborhoods, among others, candidate Honey Mahogany is leading, though not overwhelmingly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahogany, a former aide to former supervisor and current Assembly member Matt Haney, has raised $389,000 so far. That sees Mahogany outraising the recently appointed District 6 Supervisor Matt Dorsey, who counts $348,000 in the bank. Roughly half of each of their contributions are through public financing provided by the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Accounting for how much they’ve spent already promoting their campaigns, Mahogany has a fairly sizable chunk of cash left in the bank relative to her opponent, with $233,000 compared to Dorsey’s $177,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in the election to represent the Sunset, Parkside, and other west side neighborhoods of San Francisco’s District 4, challenger Joel Engardio has raised $376,000 compared to incumbent Supervisor Gordon Mar, who has raised $308,000. More than half of those funds for each candidate came from public financing provided by the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As far as fundraising from voters — an often-times helpful indicator on voter support — Engardio raised $120,000 this year through September, and Mar raised $92,000. Engardio is hoping to generate momentum based on his support for the recall in the district, which records show voted overwhelmingly to remove Boudin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lastly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924844/judge-bars-former-sf-supervisor-candidate-leanna-louie-from-appearing-on-november-ballot\">though she was stricken from the ballot by a judge\u003c/a> in early September for not living in the district she intended to represent in the required time period, former candidate Leanne Louie had previously raised $41,000, records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Alameda County District Attorney\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Terry Wiley and Pamela Price are competing for the seat previously held by Nancy O’Malley, who was Alameda County’s district attorney for 13 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candidates \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/06/07/alameda-county-district-attorney-primary-election-results-2022/\">Pamela Price and Terry Wiley\u003c/a> both raised nearly half of their total fundraising this year in the last three months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Terry Wiley is clearly out-fundraising Pamela Price, having raised just over $581,612 since the year began, more than $200,000 more than what Price raised in that same time period, roughly $314,580.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving into the final month before the election, Wiley has $173,560 on hand. Price has less to work with, counting $86,357 in hand and $92,875 in outstanding debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Oakland’s Wood Street Encampment\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to The San Francisco Chronicle, the largest tent city in Northern California is the Wood Street encampment in Oakland, stretching more than 25 city blocks. Caltrans is in the process of \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925169/residents-activists-decry-evictions-at-oaklands-largest-homeless-encampment\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">clearing the site\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, which was home to an estimated 200 residents when evictions began this summer.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Out of all the states in the nation, California has the highest concentration of people who don’t have a home. The latest count, from two years ago, indicated that 161,000 people in the state were unhoused. The problem is — in part — a serious lack of housing across the state. We talk with \u003c/span>\u003cb>Oakland City Councilmember Carroll Fife (District 3)\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Midterm Election 2022 Preview\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">New legislation lives and dies this week by a stroke of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s pen. Which bills will he sign into law, and which are getting tossed aside? We talk with KQED’s politics and government team about the important races and ballot measures in the coming midterm election. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Scott Shafer, KQED politics and government senior editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marisa Lagos, KQED politics and government correspondent\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guy Marzorati, KQED politics and government reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Chabot Space and Science Center\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For over a century, Californians have peered into the universe from the telescopes of the Chabot Space and Science Center. After three years, Chabot has reopened its doors to field trips, welcoming the next generation of astronomers, astronauts and dreamers.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Oakland’s Wood Street Encampment\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to The San Francisco Chronicle, the largest tent city in Northern California is the Wood Street encampment in Oakland, stretching more than 25 city blocks. Caltrans is in the process of \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925169/residents-activists-decry-evictions-at-oaklands-largest-homeless-encampment\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">clearing the site\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, which was home to an estimated 200 residents when evictions began this summer.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Out of all the states in the nation, California has the highest concentration of people who don’t have a home. The latest count, from two years ago, indicated that 161,000 people in the state were unhoused. The problem is — in part — a serious lack of housing across the state. We talk with \u003c/span>\u003cb>Oakland City Councilmember Carroll Fife (District 3)\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>They've become a familiar sight along the wide commercial corridors of America: empty buildings once filled by big retailers who have closed their doors, in part because many of their customers shop online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, two new laws in California would let developers build housing on that land and largely prevent revenue-hungry local governments from stopping them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the two bills into law Wednesday, opening up much of the state’s commercial land for residential development. It’s a long-sought victory for affordable housing advocates, who say such sites are ready-made for apartments because they are often near populated areas and come with ample parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a moment on a journey to reconcile the original sin of the state of California, and that's the issue of housing and affordability,” Newsom said in San Francisco before the signing. “We need to all be a little bit more accountable to this crisis of affordability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also signed dozens of other bills aimed at boosting housing production, including streamlining the process for building accessory dwelling units, commonly referred to as in-law units, as well as requiring local governments to approve or deny certain building permits within a specific time frame to cut down on delays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related coverage\" tag=\"housing\"]Local government officials say the laws undermine their authority and upend years of careful planning that reflects community preferences. But there's also a financial consequence, they say, because stores generate more property taxes for local governments than homes do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's a concern when state law is going to override these local decisions, particularly when these local decisions are made in a public process with the community as part of a larger housing plan,” said Jason Rhine, assistant director of legislative affairs for the League of California Cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, the nation's most populous state with just over 39 million residents, has a housing shortage that has driven up home prices and contributed to a homelessness crisis. State officials say California needs to build about 310,000 new housing units each year over the next eight years, more than 2 1/2 times the number the state normally builds each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Just build housing. It's not even that complicated. It's, you know, Econ. 101,\" Newsom said Wednesday. \"Build more housing. Stop talking about it. Enough processing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers in the Democratic-controlled state Legislature introduce dozens of bills each year to try to increase housing production, but many of their boldest ideas often fail in the face of opposition from local governments, labor unions and neighborhood groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One popular idea in recent years has been to override local laws about where housing can be built. Housing advocates complain that local governments are often content to let commercial buildings sit vacant for years — sometimes for decades — hoping for a replacement that will generate more property taxes, rather than change the law to allow housing there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Previous efforts to do so have failed to pass the Legislature, but this year, lawmakers passed two bills, both of which Newsom signed Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2011\">One law\u003c/a> will let developers build housing on some commercial land without having to ask permission from local governments, as long as a certain percentage of the housing is affordable. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB6\">Another law\u003c/a> will let developers build all market-rate housing on some commercial land — which would be more lucrative — but the projects would still have to go through an environmental review process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Stores are leaving permanently. The Sears, the Toys 'R' Us, the JCPenneys, the Kmarts — they are closing,” said Democratic Sen. Anna Caballero, author of one of the laws. “There is not a thing that is going to take the place here commercially, and so the ability to actually transform the property and to do it in an expedited way ... is invaluable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he was running for governor in 2017, \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@GavinNewsom/the-california-dream-starts-at-home-9dbb38c51cae\">Newsom pledged to develop 3.5 million new housing units by 2025\u003c/a> — a number the state is likely to fall far short of. Newsom said Wednesday that he's now shooting for 2.5 million new housing units by 2030, saying his original number “was always a stretch goal\" that “in the process of trying to achieve it will allow us to see what's possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We intend to continue to have audacious goals because Californians deserve them,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new laws reflect a compromise between labor unions and housing developers. Some labor unions, including the powerful State Building and Construction Trades Council of California, had insisted that legislation should require a “skilled and trained” workforce to build the housing. That means a certain percentage of workers would have participated in a state-approved apprenticeship program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But housing developers argue there aren't enough workers available to meet that standard, which would make some projects difficult to complete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The solution was to give homebuilders a choice. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Local government officials say the laws undermine their authority and upend years of careful planning that reflects community preferences. But there's also a financial consequence, they say, because stores generate more property taxes for local governments than homes do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's a concern when state law is going to override these local decisions, particularly when these local decisions are made in a public process with the community as part of a larger housing plan,” said Jason Rhine, assistant director of legislative affairs for the League of California Cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, the nation's most populous state with just over 39 million residents, has a housing shortage that has driven up home prices and contributed to a homelessness crisis. State officials say California needs to build about 310,000 new housing units each year over the next eight years, more than 2 1/2 times the number the state normally builds each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Just build housing. It's not even that complicated. It's, you know, Econ. 101,\" Newsom said Wednesday. \"Build more housing. Stop talking about it. Enough processing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers in the Democratic-controlled state Legislature introduce dozens of bills each year to try to increase housing production, but many of their boldest ideas often fail in the face of opposition from local governments, labor unions and neighborhood groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One popular idea in recent years has been to override local laws about where housing can be built. Housing advocates complain that local governments are often content to let commercial buildings sit vacant for years — sometimes for decades — hoping for a replacement that will generate more property taxes, rather than change the law to allow housing there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Previous efforts to do so have failed to pass the Legislature, but this year, lawmakers passed two bills, both of which Newsom signed Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2011\">One law\u003c/a> will let developers build housing on some commercial land without having to ask permission from local governments, as long as a certain percentage of the housing is affordable. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB6\">Another law\u003c/a> will let developers build all market-rate housing on some commercial land — which would be more lucrative — but the projects would still have to go through an environmental review process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Stores are leaving permanently. The Sears, the Toys 'R' Us, the JCPenneys, the Kmarts — they are closing,” said Democratic Sen. Anna Caballero, author of one of the laws. “There is not a thing that is going to take the place here commercially, and so the ability to actually transform the property and to do it in an expedited way ... is invaluable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he was running for governor in 2017, \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@GavinNewsom/the-california-dream-starts-at-home-9dbb38c51cae\">Newsom pledged to develop 3.5 million new housing units by 2025\u003c/a> — a number the state is likely to fall far short of. Newsom said Wednesday that he's now shooting for 2.5 million new housing units by 2030, saying his original number “was always a stretch goal\" that “in the process of trying to achieve it will allow us to see what's possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We intend to continue to have audacious goals because Californians deserve them,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new laws reflect a compromise between labor unions and housing developers. Some labor unions, including the powerful State Building and Construction Trades Council of California, had insisted that legislation should require a “skilled and trained” workforce to build the housing. That means a certain percentage of workers would have participated in a state-approved apprenticeship program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But housing developers argue there aren't enough workers available to meet that standard, which would make some projects difficult to complete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The solution was to give homebuilders a choice. The bill that requires affordable housing does not require a skilled and trained workforce, while the bill that doesn't require affordable housing does require one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Doing anything that is big or consequential in the Legislature isn't easy. And it can be messy. But at the end of the day, all sides came together,\" state Senate Democratic Leader Mike McGuire said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED reporter Erin Baldassari contributed to this article. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a package of 12 bills Tuesday, establishing some of the strongest abortion protections in the nation — a direct reaction to the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision to\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917776/supreme-court-overturns-roe-v-wade\"> overturn federal abortion guarantees\u003c/a> earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Collectively, the new laws aim to improve access and protect patients and clinicians by strengthening privacy safeguards, ensuring providers and patients cannot be sued or prosecuted, and funding procedures and travel costs for individuals with lower incomes. They also seek to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917541/californians-ready-to-help-people-from-out-of-state-receive-abortion-care-state-may-offer-money-for-travel-child-care\">shore up the state’s network of abortion clinics\u003c/a> as more patients from states where abortion is now severely limited or banned seek procedures in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An alarming number of states continue to outlaw abortion and criminalize women, and it’s more important than ever to fight like hell for those who need these essential services,” Newsom said. “Our Legislature has been on the front lines of this fight, and no other legislative body in the country is doing more to protect these fundamental rights. I’m proud to stand with them again and sign these critical bills into law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom first announced the signing privately to stakeholders. Jodi Hicks, CEO of Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California, said many in the virtual room got emotional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a long year of a lot of hard work,” Hicks said. “You could see a lot of emotion and pride.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The package was supported by the California Future of Abortion Council, a 46-member coalition of reproductive rights and health and justice groups convened by Newsom in 2021 to identify abortion-rights shortcomings and recommend policy solutions. Tuesday’s announcement also included Newsom signing a measure making over-the-counter birth control more affordable.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"abortion\"]“It is certainly by design that we are leading in this effort and backing up our values,” Hicks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without the council’s work throughout the legislative session, lawmakers would not have been able to respond so quickly to the Supreme Court’s ruling, Hicks said. Many of the bills included amendments reacting to bans and restrictions announced in other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My entire generation has lived with Roe v. Wade being the law of the land, so it’s not like we had a map on how to navigate a system without those protections,” Hicks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really took everyone coming together to design this collection of bills to become a reproductive freedom state and beacon of hope.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, an Arizona judge reinstated a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-us-supreme-court-health-arizona-legislature-8120658e7f965855fba3f23b950321f0\">near-total abortion ban dating to 1864\u003c/a>, and Southern California abortion clinics are already preparing for an influx of patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom\u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/AB-2320-VETO.pdf?emrc=bc17d8\"> vetoed one bill in the package\u003c/a> last week, citing “lower-than-expected revenues” and the need for fiscal responsibility. That bill would have required the state to fund reproductive health pilot programs in five counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although fiercely opposed by a minority of religious groups and conservatives, the measures sailed through the Democratic supermajorities in both houses of the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters will decide in November \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918098/california-lawmakers-place-constitutional-right-to-abortion-on-november-ballot\">whether to add a state constitutional amendment\u003c/a> protecting the right to obtain an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has made abortion a central part of his reelection campaign, drawing on California’s reputation as a reproductive health “safe haven” in his frequent attacks on other states’ politics. Likewise, many Democrats battling for a seat have hopped on abortion as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/05/abortion-rights-california-election/\">the defining issue of the upcoming state and midterm elections\u003c/a>. In June, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918268/new-state-budget-will-cover-some-abortion-transportation-costs-but-only-for-travel-within-california\">Newsom approved a budget\u003c/a> investing more than $200 million in reproductive health services. He also spent $100,000 in campaign money on \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2022/09/15/gavin-newsom-california-abortion-sanctuary-red-state-billboards-00057060\">billboards in conservative states\u003c/a> promoting California as an abortion sanctuary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most contentious pieces of legislation were \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-legislature-bills-passed-2022/#111b3825-c088-4f7d-93f0-6eb9c0c71db7\">Assembly Bill 2223\u003c/a>, by Democratic Assemblymember Buffy Wicks of Oakland, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-legislature-bills-passed-2022/#bf30180a-e242-47c4-9a0b-3f7a14c1670c\">Senate Bill 1142\u003c/a>, by Democratic senators Anna Caballero of Merced and Nancy Skinner of Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wicks’ measure abolishes the requirement that coroners investigate stillbirths and prohibits the prosecution of anyone who ends their pregnancy even if the abortion is self-induced or happens outside of the medical system. Protesters outside the Capitol and conservative lawmakers claimed the legislation would legalize infanticide, which Wicks has characterized as “disinformation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement following the measure’s signing, Wicks said Californians will no longer have to fear having their “pregnancy policed by state systems.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caballero and Skinner’s measure introduced the $20 million Abortion Practical Support Fund to help pregnant people pay for travel, lodging and other expenses that advocates say create access barriers. Although the money was secured in the state budget, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918268/new-state-budget-will-cover-some-abortion-transportation-costs-but-only-for-travel-within-california\">Newsom restricted its use to California residents\u003c/a>, a move abortion-rights advocates rallied hard to overturn in the final days of the legislative session. Last-minute amendments to the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB204\">health omnibus budget bill\u003c/a> allow out-of-state patients to receive grants from the fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caballero and Skinner’s measure also required the state to create an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925505/we-have-your-back-california-launches-online-hub-for-abortion-resources\">abortion information website\u003c/a> detailing state laws and resources, which Newsom launched two weeks ahead of the bill’s signing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://abortion.ca.gov/\">The website\u003c/a> has had immediate impact, Hicks said, adding that colleagues in other states have shared how difficult it is for people seeking an abortion to find information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The website, I tear up every time I look through it. For a patient that doesn’t know where to go or what to do, the impact is immediate and huge,” Hicks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other measures in the package allow nurse practitioners to perform some abortion procedures without the supervision of a doctor; provide loans and scholarships for clinicians-in-training who commit to providing reproductive health care in underserved areas; and prohibit law enforcement, medical providers and California-based tech companies from cooperating with law enforcement in states where abortion is criminalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate President Pro Tem Toni Atkins said in a statement that the package will ensure that anyone who comes to California will “receive the essential health care they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My colleagues and I saw the imminent danger headed for national abortion access more than a year ago and have spent every day since working to not only protect reproductive rights, but expand them,” Atkins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918170/california-fails-to-collect-basic-abortion-data-even-as-it-invites-an-out-of-state-influx\">California does not collect comprehensive abortion data\u003c/a>, an estimated \u003ca href=\"https://www.guttmacher.org/article/2022/06/long-term-decline-us-abortions-reverses-showing-rising-need-abortion-supreme-court\">154,000 abortions were performed in 2020\u003c/a>, according to the Guttmacher Institute, a national reproductive rights think tank that periodically surveys abortion providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guttmacher estimates that California has become the nearest abortion provider for 1.3 million women of reproductive age as other states institute bans. More conservative estimates suggest between \u003ca href=\"https://law.ucla.edu/sites/default/files/PDFs/Center_on_Reproductive_Health/California_Abortion_Estimates.pdf?campaign_id=49&emc=edit_ca_20220627&instance_id=65130&nl=california-today®i_id=76640136&segment_id=96906&te=1&user_id=c120963d91c8afc63788786e6663d8bb\">8,000 and 16,100 more women\u003c/a> will flock to California for abortions, according to UCLA Law’s Center on Reproductive Health, Law and Policy.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a package of 12 bills Tuesday, establishing some of the strongest abortion protections in the nation — a direct reaction to the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision to\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917776/supreme-court-overturns-roe-v-wade\"> overturn federal abortion guarantees\u003c/a> earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Collectively, the new laws aim to improve access and protect patients and clinicians by strengthening privacy safeguards, ensuring providers and patients cannot be sued or prosecuted, and funding procedures and travel costs for individuals with lower incomes. They also seek to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917541/californians-ready-to-help-people-from-out-of-state-receive-abortion-care-state-may-offer-money-for-travel-child-care\">shore up the state’s network of abortion clinics\u003c/a> as more patients from states where abortion is now severely limited or banned seek procedures in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An alarming number of states continue to outlaw abortion and criminalize women, and it’s more important than ever to fight like hell for those who need these essential services,” Newsom said. “Our Legislature has been on the front lines of this fight, and no other legislative body in the country is doing more to protect these fundamental rights. I’m proud to stand with them again and sign these critical bills into law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom first announced the signing privately to stakeholders. Jodi Hicks, CEO of Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California, said many in the virtual room got emotional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a long year of a lot of hard work,” Hicks said. “You could see a lot of emotion and pride.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The package was supported by the California Future of Abortion Council, a 46-member coalition of reproductive rights and health and justice groups convened by Newsom in 2021 to identify abortion-rights shortcomings and recommend policy solutions. Tuesday’s announcement also included Newsom signing a measure making over-the-counter birth control more affordable.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It is certainly by design that we are leading in this effort and backing up our values,” Hicks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without the council’s work throughout the legislative session, lawmakers would not have been able to respond so quickly to the Supreme Court’s ruling, Hicks said. Many of the bills included amendments reacting to bans and restrictions announced in other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My entire generation has lived with Roe v. Wade being the law of the land, so it’s not like we had a map on how to navigate a system without those protections,” Hicks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really took everyone coming together to design this collection of bills to become a reproductive freedom state and beacon of hope.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, an Arizona judge reinstated a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-us-supreme-court-health-arizona-legislature-8120658e7f965855fba3f23b950321f0\">near-total abortion ban dating to 1864\u003c/a>, and Southern California abortion clinics are already preparing for an influx of patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom\u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/AB-2320-VETO.pdf?emrc=bc17d8\"> vetoed one bill in the package\u003c/a> last week, citing “lower-than-expected revenues” and the need for fiscal responsibility. That bill would have required the state to fund reproductive health pilot programs in five counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although fiercely opposed by a minority of religious groups and conservatives, the measures sailed through the Democratic supermajorities in both houses of the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters will decide in November \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918098/california-lawmakers-place-constitutional-right-to-abortion-on-november-ballot\">whether to add a state constitutional amendment\u003c/a> protecting the right to obtain an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has made abortion a central part of his reelection campaign, drawing on California’s reputation as a reproductive health “safe haven” in his frequent attacks on other states’ politics. Likewise, many Democrats battling for a seat have hopped on abortion as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/05/abortion-rights-california-election/\">the defining issue of the upcoming state and midterm elections\u003c/a>. In June, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918268/new-state-budget-will-cover-some-abortion-transportation-costs-but-only-for-travel-within-california\">Newsom approved a budget\u003c/a> investing more than $200 million in reproductive health services. He also spent $100,000 in campaign money on \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2022/09/15/gavin-newsom-california-abortion-sanctuary-red-state-billboards-00057060\">billboards in conservative states\u003c/a> promoting California as an abortion sanctuary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most contentious pieces of legislation were \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-legislature-bills-passed-2022/#111b3825-c088-4f7d-93f0-6eb9c0c71db7\">Assembly Bill 2223\u003c/a>, by Democratic Assemblymember Buffy Wicks of Oakland, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-legislature-bills-passed-2022/#bf30180a-e242-47c4-9a0b-3f7a14c1670c\">Senate Bill 1142\u003c/a>, by Democratic senators Anna Caballero of Merced and Nancy Skinner of Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wicks’ measure abolishes the requirement that coroners investigate stillbirths and prohibits the prosecution of anyone who ends their pregnancy even if the abortion is self-induced or happens outside of the medical system. Protesters outside the Capitol and conservative lawmakers claimed the legislation would legalize infanticide, which Wicks has characterized as “disinformation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement following the measure’s signing, Wicks said Californians will no longer have to fear having their “pregnancy policed by state systems.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caballero and Skinner’s measure introduced the $20 million Abortion Practical Support Fund to help pregnant people pay for travel, lodging and other expenses that advocates say create access barriers. Although the money was secured in the state budget, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918268/new-state-budget-will-cover-some-abortion-transportation-costs-but-only-for-travel-within-california\">Newsom restricted its use to California residents\u003c/a>, a move abortion-rights advocates rallied hard to overturn in the final days of the legislative session. Last-minute amendments to the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB204\">health omnibus budget bill\u003c/a> allow out-of-state patients to receive grants from the fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caballero and Skinner’s measure also required the state to create an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925505/we-have-your-back-california-launches-online-hub-for-abortion-resources\">abortion information website\u003c/a> detailing state laws and resources, which Newsom launched two weeks ahead of the bill’s signing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://abortion.ca.gov/\">The website\u003c/a> has had immediate impact, Hicks said, adding that colleagues in other states have shared how difficult it is for people seeking an abortion to find information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The website, I tear up every time I look through it. For a patient that doesn’t know where to go or what to do, the impact is immediate and huge,” Hicks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other measures in the package allow nurse practitioners to perform some abortion procedures without the supervision of a doctor; provide loans and scholarships for clinicians-in-training who commit to providing reproductive health care in underserved areas; and prohibit law enforcement, medical providers and California-based tech companies from cooperating with law enforcement in states where abortion is criminalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate President Pro Tem Toni Atkins said in a statement that the package will ensure that anyone who comes to California will “receive the essential health care they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My colleagues and I saw the imminent danger headed for national abortion access more than a year ago and have spent every day since working to not only protect reproductive rights, but expand them,” Atkins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918170/california-fails-to-collect-basic-abortion-data-even-as-it-invites-an-out-of-state-influx\">California does not collect comprehensive abortion data\u003c/a>, an estimated \u003ca href=\"https://www.guttmacher.org/article/2022/06/long-term-decline-us-abortions-reverses-showing-rising-need-abortion-supreme-court\">154,000 abortions were performed in 2020\u003c/a>, according to the Guttmacher Institute, a national reproductive rights think tank that periodically surveys abortion providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guttmacher estimates that California has become the nearest abortion provider for 1.3 million women of reproductive age as other states institute bans. More conservative estimates suggest between \u003ca href=\"https://law.ucla.edu/sites/default/files/PDFs/Center_on_Reproductive_Health/California_Abortion_Estimates.pdf?campaign_id=49&emc=edit_ca_20220627&instance_id=65130&nl=california-today®i_id=76640136&segment_id=96906&te=1&user_id=c120963d91c8afc63788786e6663d8bb\">8,000 and 16,100 more women\u003c/a> will flock to California for abortions, according to UCLA Law’s Center on Reproductive Health, Law and Policy.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "still-no-mandatory-kindergarten-in-california-as-gov-newsom-vetoes-bill-citing-budgetary-reasons",
"title": "Still No Mandatory Kindergarten in California As Gov. Newsom Vetoes Bill, Citing Budgetary Reasons",
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"headTitle": "Still No Mandatory Kindergarten in California As Gov. Newsom Vetoes Bill, Citing Budgetary Reasons | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Beyond what they learn academically in kindergarten, students learn everyday routines like how to take care of class materials and how to be kind to their peers, according to Golden Empire Elementary School kindergarten teacher Carla Randazzo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While developing those skills became more difficult for students going to school online during the pandemic, occasionally a student entering first grade at Golden Empire will not have attended kindergarten at all, Randazzo said. Furthermore, nearly two-thirds of students at the Sacramento school are English learners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those kids just start out having to climb uphill,” she said. “They need a lot of support to be successful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Randazzo always thought it was “peculiar” that kindergarten is not mandatory in California. For now, though, California won’t join 20 other states with mandatory kindergarten.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Samantha Fee, parent of a 7-year-old at Golden Empire Elementary School\"]‘They learn a lot in that first year — how to sit at their desks, and how to raise their hand and all that they’re expected to know in the first grade. Without kindergarten, they don’t have that.’[/pullquote]Gov. Gavin Newsom, a Democrat, vetoed legislation Sunday night that would have required children to attend kindergarten — whether through homeschooling or public or private school — before entering first grade at a public school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As he has with other recent legislative vetoes, Newsom cited the costs associated with providing mandatory kindergarten — about $268 million annually, which he said was not accounted for in the state budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has supported similar legislation in the past. Last year, he signed a package of education bills, including one transitioning the state to universal pre-K starting in the 2025-26 school year. But the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://esd.dof.ca.gov/LegAnalysis/getPdf/E56AA19C-580F-ED11-913B-00505685B5D1\">Department of Finance opposed the mandatory kindergarten bill\u003c/a>, stating it would strain funds by adding up to 20,000 new public school students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of mandatory kindergarten say it could help close the academic opportunity gap for students from lower-income families and students of color, as well as help children develop important social skills before first grade. The bill was introduced after K-12 attendance rates dropped during the pandemic and some students struggled with online learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kindergarten enrollment in California dropped nearly 12% in the 2020-21 academic year compared to the previous year, according to the state Department of Education. Nationwide, public school enrollment dropped by 3% in 2020-21 compared to the previous school year, with preschool and kindergarten enrollment dropping at higher rates, according to the National Center for Education Statistics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samantha Fee of Citrus Heights said her 7-year-old son could solve practically any math equation during the 2020-21 school year while he attended kindergarten online. But by the end of the school year, he still couldn’t read and didn’t know all his letters.[aside label='related coverage' tag='kindergarten']She said the family made the difficult decision to have her son, who attends Golden Empire, repeat kindergarten to prepare him for first grade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They learn a lot in that first year — how to sit at their desks, and how to raise their hand and all that they’re expected to know in the first grade,” Fee said. “Without kindergarten, they don’t have that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research from the Economic Policy Institute shows that \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/press/achievement-gaps-exist-as-early-as-when-children-begin-kindergarten/\">disparities in academic opportunity begin as early as kindergarten\u003c/a>. Children who develop their social and emotional skills by the time they reach kindergarten age can be \u003ca href=\"https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/full/10.2105/AJPH.2015.302630\">more likely to go to college\u003c/a>, according to a 2015 study by the American Public Health Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pandemic led to a startling drop in K-12 enrollment, raising concerns about a widening opportunity gap,” said Jessica Lall, president and CEO of the Central City Association of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the legislation to make kindergarten mandatory passed overwhelmingly in both houses of the Legislature, Sen. Brian Jones of San Diego County opposed it, saying the state should focus instead on education reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also vetoed separate legislation that would have required every school with kindergarten to offer at least one full-day class option, saying it “will create one-time and ongoing costs in the hundreds of millions of dollars,” noting that the 2022-23 budget included $4 billion in funding for expanded learning opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Beyond what they learn academically in kindergarten, students learn everyday routines like how to take care of class materials and how to be kind to their peers, according to Golden Empire Elementary School kindergarten teacher Carla Randazzo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While developing those skills became more difficult for students going to school online during the pandemic, occasionally a student entering first grade at Golden Empire will not have attended kindergarten at all, Randazzo said. Furthermore, nearly two-thirds of students at the Sacramento school are English learners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those kids just start out having to climb uphill,” she said. “They need a lot of support to be successful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Randazzo always thought it was “peculiar” that kindergarten is not mandatory in California. For now, though, California won’t join 20 other states with mandatory kindergarten.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom, a Democrat, vetoed legislation Sunday night that would have required children to attend kindergarten — whether through homeschooling or public or private school — before entering first grade at a public school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As he has with other recent legislative vetoes, Newsom cited the costs associated with providing mandatory kindergarten — about $268 million annually, which he said was not accounted for in the state budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has supported similar legislation in the past. Last year, he signed a package of education bills, including one transitioning the state to universal pre-K starting in the 2025-26 school year. But the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://esd.dof.ca.gov/LegAnalysis/getPdf/E56AA19C-580F-ED11-913B-00505685B5D1\">Department of Finance opposed the mandatory kindergarten bill\u003c/a>, stating it would strain funds by adding up to 20,000 new public school students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of mandatory kindergarten say it could help close the academic opportunity gap for students from lower-income families and students of color, as well as help children develop important social skills before first grade. The bill was introduced after K-12 attendance rates dropped during the pandemic and some students struggled with online learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kindergarten enrollment in California dropped nearly 12% in the 2020-21 academic year compared to the previous year, according to the state Department of Education. Nationwide, public school enrollment dropped by 3% in 2020-21 compared to the previous school year, with preschool and kindergarten enrollment dropping at higher rates, according to the National Center for Education Statistics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samantha Fee of Citrus Heights said her 7-year-old son could solve practically any math equation during the 2020-21 school year while he attended kindergarten online. But by the end of the school year, he still couldn’t read and didn’t know all his letters.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>She said the family made the difficult decision to have her son, who attends Golden Empire, repeat kindergarten to prepare him for first grade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They learn a lot in that first year — how to sit at their desks, and how to raise their hand and all that they’re expected to know in the first grade,” Fee said. “Without kindergarten, they don’t have that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research from the Economic Policy Institute shows that \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/press/achievement-gaps-exist-as-early-as-when-children-begin-kindergarten/\">disparities in academic opportunity begin as early as kindergarten\u003c/a>. Children who develop their social and emotional skills by the time they reach kindergarten age can be \u003ca href=\"https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/full/10.2105/AJPH.2015.302630\">more likely to go to college\u003c/a>, according to a 2015 study by the American Public Health Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pandemic led to a startling drop in K-12 enrollment, raising concerns about a widening opportunity gap,” said Jessica Lall, president and CEO of the Central City Association of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the legislation to make kindergarten mandatory passed overwhelmingly in both houses of the Legislature, Sen. Brian Jones of San Diego County opposed it, saying the state should focus instead on education reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also vetoed separate legislation that would have required every school with kindergarten to offer at least one full-day class option, saying it “will create one-time and ongoing costs in the hundreds of millions of dollars,” noting that the 2022-23 budget included $4 billion in funding for expanded learning opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
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