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"disqusTitle": "Farmworkers' 24-Day March Culminates in Sacramento, Pressuring Newsom to Sign Union Bill",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 6 p.m. Friday: \u003c/strong>A broadly smiling California Gov. Gavin Newsom joined about two dozen jubilant, cheering farmworkers camped outside the state Capitol on Wednesday, September 28, to sign a measure aimed at helping farmworkers unionize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom initially announced his intention to veto the bill — one of the most contentious bills before the governor this year — but reversed course after President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris publicly backed it, pinning him in a difficult political position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, however, approved the bill only after he, the United Farm Workers and the California Labor Federation agreed on \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/9.28.22-clarifying-language.pdf?emrc=c31a79\">clarifying language\u003c/a> to be considered during \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/9.28.22-letter-to-Governor.pdf?emrc=026267\">next year’s legislative session\u003c/a> to address his concerns around implementation and voting integrity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law gives California farmworkers, who harvest much of the nation’s fruit and vegetables, new ways to vote in union elections beyond physical polling places on farm property. Proponents say that will help protect workers from union busting and other intimidation, while many farm owners say such a system lacks necessary safeguards to prevent fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement includes a cap on the number of unionization petitions over the next five years and will allow state regulators to better protect worker confidentiality and safety, Newsom's office said. It drops the option for workers to unionize through mail-in voting — as the UFW had pushed for — but allows for a “card check” election process, offering farmworkers a chance to vote from home in an effort to limit the chances of employer intimidation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post, August 26: \u003c/strong>Thousands of farmworkers and their allies finished a march to California’s Capitol in Sacramento on Friday, completing the last leg of a 24-day journey that began 350 miles away in Delano. The United Farm Workers union designed the march to pressure Gov. Gavin Newsom to sign a bill that would give farmworkers the option to vote by mail in union elections, mirroring the way Californians vote for candidates for political office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As state law currently stands, farmworkers must vote in union elections in person on sites owned by the growers that employ them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That creates a lot of intimidation. Many employers have security there, all the supervisors are there, and that doesn’t promote participation,” said United Farm Workers President Teresa Romero in an interview with KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Agricultural Labor Relations Voting Choice Act, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2183\">Assembly Bill 2183\u003c/a>, would change that in-person voting requirement and would also prohibit growers from encouraging or discouraging union membership. Under the new bill, growers could also face fines of up to $25,000 for certain specific labor rights violations, and up to $10,000 for general labor rights violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in a statement released hours before farmworkers were set to march the last mile to the Capitol, Newsom said he would not support the bill as it currently stands. The governor's office \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnobee.com/news/politics-government/article264941129.html\">told The Fresno Bee that Newsom remains open to negotiations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Veronica Mota, one of the 19 farmworkers who braved triple-digit temperatures for the entire 24-day march, said she was sad to hear that news, but that she remained motivated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not going to take away my motivation to continue pushing for what is right,” Mota told KQED. “It doesn’t end here. It starts here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923836\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923836\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"smiling woman holds red flag as she walks at front of line of marchers along rural road in the sunshine\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Izabella Gonzalez walks with her family during the United Farm Workers march leaving Walnut Grove on Day 22 of a 24-day 'March for the Governor's Signature' on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Fifty-six years ago, César Chavez did this march to bring awareness to the issues of farmworkers,” Romero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We thought it was important enough to recreate that march, so people and the consumers understand that farmworkers still need the rights that other workers have. We all eat because of their hard work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/UFWupdates/status/1562326316786954240?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Flor Martinez Zaragoza, creator, @flowerinspanish\"]'It's blood, tears and sweat. It's what it takes to create change, bring awareness, be seen and be heard.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lourdes Cardenas, a farmworker and union member, had been marching for days when KQED spoke with her in Spanish on Thursday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though our feet hurt, and our ankles hurt, it’s been a very strong [march]. We’re reaching for victory,” Cardenas said. “It would give us all better benefits, rights and equality. We’re people — we may have a lower salary, but we’re parents, we’re people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923841\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923841\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"line of marchers walks down a rural highway\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers and their supporters leave Walnut Grove on Day 22 of a 24-day 'March for the Governor’s Signature' on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=arts_13918088 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/2/2022/08/RS58048_044_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before reaching Sacramento, the march attracted hundreds of people over the 24 days since it started in the Kern County city of Delano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13918088/bay-area-chefs-united-farm-workers-march-al-pastor-papi\">Food vendors provided sopas, tacos and other cuisine\u003c/a> for marchers; \u003ca href=\"https://health.ucdavis.edu/cppn/news/headlines/medical-students-help-soothe-farmworkers-on-300-mile-trek/2022/08\">UC Davis medical students tended to blistered feet and swollen legs\u003c/a>; and children of farmworkers came to support their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flor Martinez Zaragoza, a prominent activist on \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/flowerinspanish/?hl=en\">Instagram\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@flowerinspanish\">TikTok\u003c/a>, said social media has helped her spread the word to a younger generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923839\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923839\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"smiling woman holds bright union flag against bright blue sky\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Flor Martinez Zaragoza walks with farmworkers and their supporters as they march through Walnut Grove on Day 22 of a 24-day 'March for the Governor’s Signature' on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This march has definitely felt historic. It’s from the heart, it’s raw emotions. It's blood, tears and sweat. It’s what it takes to create change, bring awareness, be seen and be heard,” Martinez Zaragoza said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Social media is a tool that we have now, and I think it’s important that we utilize it to organize and be able to make an impact. The youth have their phones on them 24/7.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923706\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923706\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"line or marchers, one draped in union flag, walk away from the camera along a rural highway next to a river\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers and their supporters march next to the Sacramento River as they pass through Walnut Grove on Day 22 of a 24-day 'March for the Governor’s Signature' on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although the march has gained the support of thousands of people in person and even more online, there is still opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Allen, \u003ca href=\"https://www.wga.com/blog/card-check-bill-ab-2183-heads-california-assembly-floor\">vice president of state government affairs for the Western Growers Association\u003c/a>, which represents family farmers in California, Arizona, Colorado and New Mexico, said the bill is “the latest attempt to undermine the secret ballot election process as established by the Agricultural Labor Relations Act.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Teresa Romero, president, United Farm Workers\"]'It's been 330 miles. Our bodies hurt, our feet are blistered. We're exhausted, but our spirits are high.'[/pullquote]If Gov. Newsom does not eventually sign the bill, Romero said the UFW “will regroup and plan because we are not going to give up. This is something that is that important to us, that is that important to farmworkers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923831\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923831\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"woman with long grey hair wearing hat and light by early morning sun speaks as others listen\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teresa Romero, president of the United Farm Workers union, speaks to marchers in Walnut Grove before setting out on Day 22 of their 24-day 'March for the Governor’s Signature' on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When KQED spoke to Romero on Thursday, she was preparing to march 14 miles, the second-to-last leg of the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been 330 miles. Our bodies hurt, our feet are blistered,” Romero said. “We’re exhausted, but our spirits are high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED's Madi Bolaños and Don Thompson of The Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Farmworkers and their allies finished a march from Delano to Sacramento Friday, rallying behind a new bill that aims to provide increased labor protections. But Gov. Newsom said he won't support it in its current form.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 6 p.m. Friday: \u003c/strong>A broadly smiling California Gov. Gavin Newsom joined about two dozen jubilant, cheering farmworkers camped outside the state Capitol on Wednesday, September 28, to sign a measure aimed at helping farmworkers unionize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom initially announced his intention to veto the bill — one of the most contentious bills before the governor this year — but reversed course after President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris publicly backed it, pinning him in a difficult political position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, however, approved the bill only after he, the United Farm Workers and the California Labor Federation agreed on \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/9.28.22-clarifying-language.pdf?emrc=c31a79\">clarifying language\u003c/a> to be considered during \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/9.28.22-letter-to-Governor.pdf?emrc=026267\">next year’s legislative session\u003c/a> to address his concerns around implementation and voting integrity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law gives California farmworkers, who harvest much of the nation’s fruit and vegetables, new ways to vote in union elections beyond physical polling places on farm property. Proponents say that will help protect workers from union busting and other intimidation, while many farm owners say such a system lacks necessary safeguards to prevent fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement includes a cap on the number of unionization petitions over the next five years and will allow state regulators to better protect worker confidentiality and safety, Newsom's office said. It drops the option for workers to unionize through mail-in voting — as the UFW had pushed for — but allows for a “card check” election process, offering farmworkers a chance to vote from home in an effort to limit the chances of employer intimidation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post, August 26: \u003c/strong>Thousands of farmworkers and their allies finished a march to California’s Capitol in Sacramento on Friday, completing the last leg of a 24-day journey that began 350 miles away in Delano. The United Farm Workers union designed the march to pressure Gov. Gavin Newsom to sign a bill that would give farmworkers the option to vote by mail in union elections, mirroring the way Californians vote for candidates for political office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As state law currently stands, farmworkers must vote in union elections in person on sites owned by the growers that employ them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That creates a lot of intimidation. Many employers have security there, all the supervisors are there, and that doesn’t promote participation,” said United Farm Workers President Teresa Romero in an interview with KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Agricultural Labor Relations Voting Choice Act, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2183\">Assembly Bill 2183\u003c/a>, would change that in-person voting requirement and would also prohibit growers from encouraging or discouraging union membership. Under the new bill, growers could also face fines of up to $25,000 for certain specific labor rights violations, and up to $10,000 for general labor rights violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in a statement released hours before farmworkers were set to march the last mile to the Capitol, Newsom said he would not support the bill as it currently stands. The governor's office \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnobee.com/news/politics-government/article264941129.html\">told The Fresno Bee that Newsom remains open to negotiations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Veronica Mota, one of the 19 farmworkers who braved triple-digit temperatures for the entire 24-day march, said she was sad to hear that news, but that she remained motivated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not going to take away my motivation to continue pushing for what is right,” Mota told KQED. “It doesn’t end here. It starts here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923836\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923836\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"smiling woman holds red flag as she walks at front of line of marchers along rural road in the sunshine\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Izabella Gonzalez walks with her family during the United Farm Workers march leaving Walnut Grove on Day 22 of a 24-day 'March for the Governor's Signature' on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Fifty-six years ago, César Chavez did this march to bring awareness to the issues of farmworkers,” Romero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We thought it was important enough to recreate that march, so people and the consumers understand that farmworkers still need the rights that other workers have. We all eat because of their hard work.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lourdes Cardenas, a farmworker and union member, had been marching for days when KQED spoke with her in Spanish on Thursday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though our feet hurt, and our ankles hurt, it’s been a very strong [march]. We’re reaching for victory,” Cardenas said. “It would give us all better benefits, rights and equality. We’re people — we may have a lower salary, but we’re parents, we’re people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923841\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923841\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"line of marchers walks down a rural highway\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers and their supporters leave Walnut Grove on Day 22 of a 24-day 'March for the Governor’s Signature' on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before reaching Sacramento, the march attracted hundreds of people over the 24 days since it started in the Kern County city of Delano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13918088/bay-area-chefs-united-farm-workers-march-al-pastor-papi\">Food vendors provided sopas, tacos and other cuisine\u003c/a> for marchers; \u003ca href=\"https://health.ucdavis.edu/cppn/news/headlines/medical-students-help-soothe-farmworkers-on-300-mile-trek/2022/08\">UC Davis medical students tended to blistered feet and swollen legs\u003c/a>; and children of farmworkers came to support their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flor Martinez Zaragoza, a prominent activist on \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/flowerinspanish/?hl=en\">Instagram\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@flowerinspanish\">TikTok\u003c/a>, said social media has helped her spread the word to a younger generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923839\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923839\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"smiling woman holds bright union flag against bright blue sky\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Flor Martinez Zaragoza walks with farmworkers and their supporters as they march through Walnut Grove on Day 22 of a 24-day 'March for the Governor’s Signature' on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This march has definitely felt historic. It’s from the heart, it’s raw emotions. It's blood, tears and sweat. It’s what it takes to create change, bring awareness, be seen and be heard,” Martinez Zaragoza said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Social media is a tool that we have now, and I think it’s important that we utilize it to organize and be able to make an impact. The youth have their phones on them 24/7.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923706\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923706\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"line or marchers, one draped in union flag, walk away from the camera along a rural highway next to a river\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers and their supporters march next to the Sacramento River as they pass through Walnut Grove on Day 22 of a 24-day 'March for the Governor’s Signature' on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although the march has gained the support of thousands of people in person and even more online, there is still opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Allen, \u003ca href=\"https://www.wga.com/blog/card-check-bill-ab-2183-heads-california-assembly-floor\">vice president of state government affairs for the Western Growers Association\u003c/a>, which represents family farmers in California, Arizona, Colorado and New Mexico, said the bill is “the latest attempt to undermine the secret ballot election process as established by the Agricultural Labor Relations Act.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>If Gov. Newsom does not eventually sign the bill, Romero said the UFW “will regroup and plan because we are not going to give up. This is something that is that important to us, that is that important to farmworkers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923831\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923831\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"woman with long grey hair wearing hat and light by early morning sun speaks as others listen\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teresa Romero, president of the United Farm Workers union, speaks to marchers in Walnut Grove before setting out on Day 22 of their 24-day 'March for the Governor’s Signature' on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When KQED spoke to Romero on Thursday, she was preparing to march 14 miles, the second-to-last leg of the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been 330 miles. Our bodies hurt, our feet are blistered,” Romero said. “We’re exhausted, but our spirits are high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED's Madi Bolaños and Don Thompson of The Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>San Francisco News and Politics \u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Overdoses due to fentanyl have become one of the most pressing public health concerns in the United States. In San Francisco alone, roughly 1,300 people died from drug overdoses in 2020 \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">and 2021 — almost twice the toll of the COVID-19 pandemic, according to The San Francisco Chronicle. We analyze what California is doing to combat the overdose crisis and why Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a bill this week to create more safe injection sites, along with other stories from this week.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez, KQED political reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Trisha Thadani, San Francisco Chronicle city hall reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Women in Politics With Aimee Allison\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Friday is Women’s Equality Day and a day to celebrate women earning the right to vote. According to the Center for American Women and Politics, there are now about 10 million more women registered to vote than men, and, in presidential elections, more women than men are casting ballots. The number of women running for elected office also continues to grow. We discuss what this trend means for fall elections and for the future of our country with \u003c/span>\u003cb>Aimee Allison\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, founder of She the People.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Chapel of the Chimes\u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At the turn of the 20th century, a streetcar station in Oakland was transformed into a labyrinth of gardens, fountains and stained glass windows. The current structure, designed by Julia Morgan with Moorish and Gothic influences, is the final resting place of famous icons such as blues singer John Lee Hooker, and Al Davis, late owner of the Oakland Raiders.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco health clinic leaders are livid with Gov. Gavin Newsom over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1980034/california-allows-supervised-illicit-drug-use-to-prevent-overdoses\">his veto Monday of a safe-drug-consumption bill\u003c/a> that would have piloted sites where people could use illegal drugs under the supervision of health care workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Newsom owns every overdose death in San Francisco, Oakland and Los Angeles,” said Vitka Eisen, CEO of HealthRIGHT 360, a San Francisco community health care nonprofit, referencing the three cities that would have participated in the pilot program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite Newsom’s veto, HealthRIGHT 360 and the San Francisco AIDS Foundation say they will move to set up at least one safe consumption site in the city. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"David Chiu, SF city attorney\"]‘Every day we don’t act, two more people will die tragically on our streets.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are ready, we’ve done the work,” said Laura Thomas, director of harm reduction policy at the SF AIDS Foundation, the city’s largest provider of harm-reduction services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear when a site would open, however, as the groups still need to find a location and seek out funding to run it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Newsom had signed SB 57, it would have provided legal protections for health care workers who operate the sites. But the two organizations are confident they can run the clinic without interference from law enforcement, after City Attorney David Chiu on Monday pledged his support for such a site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The tragedies on our streets have to stop,” Chiu told KQED. “We have to stop the deaths.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every day we don’t act, two more people will die tragically on our streets,” he added. “Overdose prevention programs have been proven in over 100 places around the world. There have been 22 studies of these sites that have found that they reduce deaths and improve access to care while not increasing public safety issues to the surrounding community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/resource/2020/ocme-accidental-overdose-reports\">More than 1,700 people have fatally overdosed in San Francisco\u003c/a> since 2020, often after inadvertently consuming fentanyl, a synthetic opioid up to 50 times stronger than heroin, according to the latest figures from San Francisco’s medical examiner — far outpacing the number of residents in the city who have died from COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal law still prohibits operating, owning or renting a location for the purpose of using illegal drugs. But the U.S. Department of Justice has allowed two supervised consumption sites to operate in New York, and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-health-new-york-c4e6d999583d7b7abce2189fba095011\">Attorney General Merrick Garland’s office has said it is “evaluating” the idea\u003c/a> and talking with regulators about “appropriate guardrails.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco wouldn’t fund or operate a site in the city, Chiu told KQED. But he wouldn’t stop one either, he said, pointing to the model currently in operation in New York, where city leaders authorized the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2021/11/30/nyregion/supervised-injection-sites-nyc.html\">New York Harm Reduction Educators and Washington Heights Corner Project to run two sites\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s veto message said the unlimited number of sites authorized by SB 57 could create a “world of unintended consequences” and exacerbate current drug problems.[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"fentanyl\"]Jerry Brown vetoed a similar bill in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, however, still voiced some support for the idea, but in a more limited form, and directed the state’s health agency to study the issue through a working group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many local leaders say that’s too little, too late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t need a working group,” said state Sen. Scott Wiener, a San Francisco Democrat who introduced the legislation. The state, he said “lost a huge opportunity” to address one of its most deadly problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This coalition has been working to get state legislation passed that does nothing more than give permission to cities to open these sites,” Wiener told KQED. “It’s just very, very devastating to have yet another gubernatorial veto as so many people die on our streets, two people a day in San Francisco alone.”\u003cbr>\n\u003ci>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/i>In Newsom’s veto statement, the governor said he first wanted to see “strong, engaged local leadership and well-documented, vetted, and thoughtful operational and sustainability plans” before throwing his support behind these sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That statement, in particular, seems to have hit a nerve with San Francisco community health organizers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AIDS Foundation’s Thomas called it “disingenuous and insulting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It clearly wasn’t motivated by a desire to save lives,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We spent 20 months working on this bill in the Legislature,” Thomas added. “Multiple meetings with the governor’s staff. They never raised any concerns. There was no substance to any of the concerns he raised in the veto. It was entirely a political maneuver.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are ready, we’ve done the work,” said Laura Thomas, director of harm reduction policy at the SF AIDS Foundation, the city’s largest provider of harm-reduction services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear when a site would open, however, as the groups still need to find a location and seek out funding to run it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Newsom had signed SB 57, it would have provided legal protections for health care workers who operate the sites. But the two organizations are confident they can run the clinic without interference from law enforcement, after City Attorney David Chiu on Monday pledged his support for such a site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The tragedies on our streets have to stop,” Chiu told KQED. “We have to stop the deaths.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every day we don’t act, two more people will die tragically on our streets,” he added. “Overdose prevention programs have been proven in over 100 places around the world. There have been 22 studies of these sites that have found that they reduce deaths and improve access to care while not increasing public safety issues to the surrounding community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/resource/2020/ocme-accidental-overdose-reports\">More than 1,700 people have fatally overdosed in San Francisco\u003c/a> since 2020, often after inadvertently consuming fentanyl, a synthetic opioid up to 50 times stronger than heroin, according to the latest figures from San Francisco’s medical examiner — far outpacing the number of residents in the city who have died from COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal law still prohibits operating, owning or renting a location for the purpose of using illegal drugs. But the U.S. Department of Justice has allowed two supervised consumption sites to operate in New York, and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-health-new-york-c4e6d999583d7b7abce2189fba095011\">Attorney General Merrick Garland’s office has said it is “evaluating” the idea\u003c/a> and talking with regulators about “appropriate guardrails.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco wouldn’t fund or operate a site in the city, Chiu told KQED. But he wouldn’t stop one either, he said, pointing to the model currently in operation in New York, where city leaders authorized the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2021/11/30/nyregion/supervised-injection-sites-nyc.html\">New York Harm Reduction Educators and Washington Heights Corner Project to run two sites\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s veto message said the unlimited number of sites authorized by SB 57 could create a “world of unintended consequences” and exacerbate current drug problems.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Jerry Brown vetoed a similar bill in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, however, still voiced some support for the idea, but in a more limited form, and directed the state’s health agency to study the issue through a working group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many local leaders say that’s too little, too late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t need a working group,” said state Sen. Scott Wiener, a San Francisco Democrat who introduced the legislation. The state, he said “lost a huge opportunity” to address one of its most deadly problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This coalition has been working to get state legislation passed that does nothing more than give permission to cities to open these sites,” Wiener told KQED. “It’s just very, very devastating to have yet another gubernatorial veto as so many people die on our streets, two people a day in San Francisco alone.”\u003cbr>\n\u003ci>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/i>In Newsom’s veto statement, the governor said he first wanted to see “strong, engaged local leadership and well-documented, vetted, and thoughtful operational and sustainability plans” before throwing his support behind these sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That statement, in particular, seems to have hit a nerve with San Francisco community health organizers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AIDS Foundation’s Thomas called it “disingenuous and insulting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It clearly wasn’t motivated by a desire to save lives,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We spent 20 months working on this bill in the Legislature,” Thomas added. “Multiple meetings with the governor’s staff. They never raised any concerns. There was no substance to any of the concerns he raised in the veto. It was entirely a political maneuver.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "California to Extend Health Care Benefits for Undocumented Young Adult Immigrants Through 2023",
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"content": "\u003cp>About 40,000 undocumented adults with low incomes won't lose their government-funded health insurance over the next year under a new policy announced Monday by Gov. Gavin Newsom's administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California already pays for the health care expenses of lower-income adults age 25 and younger, regardless of their immigration status. A new law scheduled to take effect in January 2024 would extend those benefits to cover all adults who, but for their immigration status, would qualify for the state's Medicaid program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11914800,news_11882852,news_11879266\"]But between now and when that new law takes effect in 2024, about 40,000 young adults who already have Medicaid in California are expected to lose their benefits because they are older than 25. Monday, the state Department of Health Care Services announced it would continue to cover those young adults through the end of 2023 to make sure they won't lose their benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Providing continuous coverage means that tens of thousands of young Californians won’t face a disruption in care, keeping them covered and healthier as a result,” said Jose Torres Casillas, policy and legislative advocate for Health Access California, a consumer health care advocacy group. “California is again leading the way in making our health care system work better for all communities, regardless of income, age or immigration status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, about 22.1 million people, or about 7% of the population, were undocumented in 2020, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation, a health care nonprofit. They are not eligible for most federal public benefit programs, even though many have jobs and pay taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some states, including California, have used their own money to cover the health care expenses of this group. Eighteen states provide prenatal care to people regardless of their immigration status, while five states and the District of Columbia cover all children from lower-income families regardless of their immigration status. California and Illinois recently made older adult immigrants eligible for their Medicaid programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was the first state to pay for the health care expenses of some undocumented adults when, in 2019, state lawmakers voted to make people 25 and younger eligible for Medicaid regardless of their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That policy took effect in 2020, right when the COVID-19 pandemic started. The federal government issued a public health emergency, meaning no one could lose their Medicaid benefits. That's why lots of young immigrants in California have been able to stay on Medicaid, even though they are now older than 25 and are technically no longer eligible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal public health emergency is expected to end soon. When it does, all of those young adults who are now older than 25 would lose their benefits once they came up for renewal. Instead, the Newsom administration said it would delay those renewals until the end of 2023, giving them time for the new law to take effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Protecting these young adults — who currently have Medi-Cal — from losing coverage, only to become eligible again shortly thereafter, will prevent needless gaps in health care services and medication that people need,\" said Connie Choi, policy director at the California Immigrant Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But between now and when that new law takes effect in 2024, about 40,000 young adults who already have Medicaid in California are expected to lose their benefits because they are older than 25. Monday, the state Department of Health Care Services announced it would continue to cover those young adults through the end of 2023 to make sure they won't lose their benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Providing continuous coverage means that tens of thousands of young Californians won’t face a disruption in care, keeping them covered and healthier as a result,” said Jose Torres Casillas, policy and legislative advocate for Health Access California, a consumer health care advocacy group. “California is again leading the way in making our health care system work better for all communities, regardless of income, age or immigration status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, about 22.1 million people, or about 7% of the population, were undocumented in 2020, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation, a health care nonprofit. They are not eligible for most federal public benefit programs, even though many have jobs and pay taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some states, including California, have used their own money to cover the health care expenses of this group. Eighteen states provide prenatal care to people regardless of their immigration status, while five states and the District of Columbia cover all children from lower-income families regardless of their immigration status. California and Illinois recently made older adult immigrants eligible for their Medicaid programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was the first state to pay for the health care expenses of some undocumented adults when, in 2019, state lawmakers voted to make people 25 and younger eligible for Medicaid regardless of their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That policy took effect in 2020, right when the COVID-19 pandemic started. The federal government issued a public health emergency, meaning no one could lose their Medicaid benefits. That's why lots of young immigrants in California have been able to stay on Medicaid, even though they are now older than 25 and are technically no longer eligible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal public health emergency is expected to end soon. When it does, all of those young adults who are now older than 25 would lose their benefits once they came up for renewal. Instead, the Newsom administration said it would delay those renewals until the end of 2023, giving them time for the new law to take effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Protecting these young adults — who currently have Medi-Cal — from losing coverage, only to become eligible again shortly thereafter, will prevent needless gaps in health care services and medication that people need,\" said Connie Choi, policy director at the California Immigrant Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "SF Political Leaders Speak at Rally Opposing Safe Injection Sites, Even as Many Privately Say They Support Them",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Franciscans rallied against fentanyl Sunday at an event marking National Fentanyl Prevention and Awareness Day — but even as they stood at City Hall in unity over a broader shared goal, opinions split over a bill that would allow the city to create safe injection sites for drug users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rally was hosted by Mothers Against Drug Deaths, an advocacy group that favors stricter penalties for drug users; group members argue that supervised injection sites will worsen addictions. But local officials are mostly in favor of the sites, arguing that pilot programs in the country and a growing body of science show \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2018/09/07/645609248/whats-the-evidence-that-supervised-drug-injection-sites-save-lives\">they prevent deaths among drug users\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Notably, even District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, who has billed herself as tough on crime, has said she’s in favor of such spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11922301,news_11691210,news_11911092\"]Safe injection sites, which are controversial because they allow drugs to be consumed on-site under the supervision of health care workers, may soon be a reality in California. Senate Bill 57, authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, would allow a pilot program for safe injection sites to move forward in San Francisco, Oakland and Los Angeles. Several elected leaders who took part in Sunday’s event said they support the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom is expected to announce his decision either to sign or veto the bill on Monday, timing that the rally’s organizers used to deliver their message against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Franciscan Tanya Tilghman told the crowd her son became addicted to drugs after seeking prescription drug treatment for his attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder. Their family’s life soon spiraled into chaos, she said, including an incident where her son held himself hostage in North Beach until more than 15 SFPD officers managed to talk him down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her experience sharpened her opposition to SB 57.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am a mother, and I do kind of have an idea. Maybe we shouldn’t be passing SB 57 and funding it. Maybe we should take the money and put it into residential treatment programs and rehabilitation,” said Tilghman, one of several speakers at the rally who spoke out against the bill. She said putting government resources toward such sites was akin to “saying that it is OK to use illegal drugs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923138\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57926_20220821_111507.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923138\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57926_20220821_111507.jpg\" alt=\"a line of women prepare to speak on the steps of San Francisco City Hall at a rally against fentanyl deaths\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57926_20220821_111507.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57926_20220821_111507-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57926_20220821_111507-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57926_20220821_111507-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57926_20220821_111507-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Moms Against Drug Deaths hold a City Hall rally to raise awareness for fentanyl deaths in San Francisco on Aug. 21. \u003ccite>(Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>City officials who spoke at the rally — including Supervisors Rafael Mandelman and Matt Dorsey in addition to Jenkins — said they support the group's larger aim: to prevent drug deaths. But all three also told KQED they back supervised injection sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mandelman, for his part, said speaking at a rally held by Mothers Against Drug Deaths was natural for him as he pushes for more ways to ease suffering on San Francisco streets — even if he does believe in safe injection sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don't have to agree on everything,” he said, “but we're real strong allies around a whole bunch of stuff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Walking a fine political line\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jenkins might be in a more sensitive political position as she runs to keep the seat to which she was appointed following the recall of her predecessor, Chesa Boudin. Perhaps in recognition of that, she walked a particularly fine line at the rally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the podium, Jenkins promised Mothers Against Drug Deaths her support of their broader efforts to curb drug use, and promoted her \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfdistrictattorney.org/press-release/district-attorney-brooke-jenkins-announces-new-policy-to-hold-drug-dealers-accountable-revokes-misdemeanor-plea-offers-for-fentanyl-dealers/\">newly announced policy to revoke misdemeanor plea deals for fentanyl dealers\u003c/a>. She avoided the topic of supervised consumption sites in her speech, while advocates who spoke touched on it repeatedly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Drug sales is not a victimless crime. And I think today really tells the story of how many people have been victims of this illegal conduct,” Jenkins told the crowd of about 50 people. “Yes, we are in a war against fentanyl. We are in a war against making sure that our children don't get what looks like candy in their hands, but that will kill them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when asked if she supports SB 57, Jenkins told KQED in an interview that she does support safe injection sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I agree with safe injection sites, safe consumption sites. We need to be saving lives. We're in a different universe right now. You know, 10 years ago, we didn't have as lethal a drug as fentanyl on the market,” she said.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Brooke Jenkins, San Francisco district attorney\"]'I agree with safe injection sites, safe consumption sites. We need to be saving lives.'[/pullquote]Appearing at a rally championed by a group so staunchly against safe consumption sites may be a natural choice for a district attorney who has branded herself as a bastion of law and order, and depends on supporters who value that punishment-focused message. In public statements made against former DA Chesa Boudin, Jenkins criticized his policies as sending a message that San Francisco wouldn’t prosecute crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet she also needs the support of politicos like Mayor London Breed, who has been a longtime champion of legalizing safe injection sites, and Sen. Wiener, who authored the safe injection sites bill and also endorsed Jenkins. Breed appointed Jenkins as district attorney after Boudin was recalled in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed believes in safe injection sites so strongly, she touted them in her \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/mayor-london-n-breeds-2020-inauguration-speech\">2020 inauguration speech\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are working to open meth sobering centers, safe injection sites and managed alcohol facilities so we can stop walking by addiction spilling out on our streets, and start treating it like the health care issue that it is,” Breed said at the steps of City Hall in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jason McDaniel, associate professor of political science at San Francisco State University, said navigating those differing viewpoints may test Jenkins’ relationships with major supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is perhaps risky to create the possibility of daylight between her view and important supporters,” McDaniel said. “I think it is a recognition that this is a difficult issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Painful personal histories\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s also an issue that has affected a growing number of families. There were \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/resource/2020/ocme-accidental-overdose-reports\">641 accidental drug overdose deaths in San Francisco in 2021, and more than 300 so far this year\u003c/a>, according to the Office of the Chief Medical Examiner. The majority of those overdoses came from fentanyl use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keneda Gibson of Oakland, who spoke at the San Francisco rally Sunday, said her younger brother fell into drug addiction after being treated for gunshot wounds with opiates. The medical system failed him, she said, and he found himself in San Francisco seeking drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He had gone to seek heroin in the streets,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point, she said, someone mistakenly informed her family that he had died. They searched in San Francisco and Oakland looking for John Doe's who fit his description. Her family mourned him. It was only later that someone reached out and said they had found him alive. But his quality of life and his drug addiction were still daunting, she said, and sent her family into a depression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked if she supported SB 57, Gibson said, “I think that Governor Newsom is absolutely insane for even considering such an idea.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923139\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57927_20220821_105401.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923139\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57927_20220821_105401.jpg\" alt='a sign that reads \"What has fentanyl stolen from you?\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57927_20220821_105401.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57927_20220821_105401-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57927_20220821_105401-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57927_20220821_105401-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57927_20220821_105401-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign produced by Moms Against Drug Deaths at a City Hall rally to raise awareness for fentanyl deaths in San Francisco on Aug. 21. \u003ccite>(Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gibson hopes California studies the use of psychedelics to aid those suffering from addiction. (Studying the broader benefits of psychedelics is another effort by Sen. Wiener, in the form of \u003ca href=\"https://www.marijuanamoment.net/california-senator-gives-up-psychedelics-reform-push-for-2022-after-bill-gutted-by-key-committee/\">Senate Bill 519\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safe consumption sites have long been controversial because they allow drugs to be consumed on-site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet because safe consumption sites are usually staffed with medical professionals and social workers — people who can connect drug users to services and administer lifesaving treatments if someone overdoses — the sites have been hailed by proponents for saving lives and for allowing opportunities for drug users to end the cycle of addiction. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/2022/supervised-drug-use-sites/\">Two such sites opened in New York City last year\u003c/a> to much fanfare, and more than 100 sites exist around the world. San Francisco has considered the use of safe consumption sites for close to a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ellen Grantz, a co-founder of Mothers Against Drug Deaths, told KQED she believes SB 57 is “premature at best.” The group would prefer the state focus on committing more resources to preventing the epidemic of drug use, instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is that there are people who are trying to get clean. They actually have appointments with treatment intake, but they're being turned away from their appointment because there isn't enough staff,” Grantz said. “So before doing something else around helping people to use a safe consumption site, we want these treatment issues to be addressed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, Jenkins appeared on those same steps with a group that decries the use of safe injection sites. The day before they met at City Hall’s steps, Grantz of Mothers Against Drug Deaths praised Jenkins for agreeing to appear at their event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We're super excited to have her, also talking about what her role is in helping to address the fentanyl situation and the drug overdose situation,” Grantz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Annelise Finney contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "At a rally the day before Gov. Newsom is expected to sign or veto a bill allowing safe injection sites to move forward, an advocacy group and elected officials came together to speak out against fentanyl deaths — despite opposing views on the proposed legislation. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Franciscans rallied against fentanyl Sunday at an event marking National Fentanyl Prevention and Awareness Day — but even as they stood at City Hall in unity over a broader shared goal, opinions split over a bill that would allow the city to create safe injection sites for drug users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rally was hosted by Mothers Against Drug Deaths, an advocacy group that favors stricter penalties for drug users; group members argue that supervised injection sites will worsen addictions. But local officials are mostly in favor of the sites, arguing that pilot programs in the country and a growing body of science show \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2018/09/07/645609248/whats-the-evidence-that-supervised-drug-injection-sites-save-lives\">they prevent deaths among drug users\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Notably, even District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, who has billed herself as tough on crime, has said she’s in favor of such spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Safe injection sites, which are controversial because they allow drugs to be consumed on-site under the supervision of health care workers, may soon be a reality in California. Senate Bill 57, authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, would allow a pilot program for safe injection sites to move forward in San Francisco, Oakland and Los Angeles. Several elected leaders who took part in Sunday’s event said they support the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom is expected to announce his decision either to sign or veto the bill on Monday, timing that the rally’s organizers used to deliver their message against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Franciscan Tanya Tilghman told the crowd her son became addicted to drugs after seeking prescription drug treatment for his attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder. Their family’s life soon spiraled into chaos, she said, including an incident where her son held himself hostage in North Beach until more than 15 SFPD officers managed to talk him down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her experience sharpened her opposition to SB 57.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am a mother, and I do kind of have an idea. Maybe we shouldn’t be passing SB 57 and funding it. Maybe we should take the money and put it into residential treatment programs and rehabilitation,” said Tilghman, one of several speakers at the rally who spoke out against the bill. She said putting government resources toward such sites was akin to “saying that it is OK to use illegal drugs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923138\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57926_20220821_111507.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923138\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57926_20220821_111507.jpg\" alt=\"a line of women prepare to speak on the steps of San Francisco City Hall at a rally against fentanyl deaths\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57926_20220821_111507.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57926_20220821_111507-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57926_20220821_111507-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57926_20220821_111507-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57926_20220821_111507-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Moms Against Drug Deaths hold a City Hall rally to raise awareness for fentanyl deaths in San Francisco on Aug. 21. \u003ccite>(Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>City officials who spoke at the rally — including Supervisors Rafael Mandelman and Matt Dorsey in addition to Jenkins — said they support the group's larger aim: to prevent drug deaths. But all three also told KQED they back supervised injection sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mandelman, for his part, said speaking at a rally held by Mothers Against Drug Deaths was natural for him as he pushes for more ways to ease suffering on San Francisco streets — even if he does believe in safe injection sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don't have to agree on everything,” he said, “but we're real strong allies around a whole bunch of stuff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Walking a fine political line\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jenkins might be in a more sensitive political position as she runs to keep the seat to which she was appointed following the recall of her predecessor, Chesa Boudin. Perhaps in recognition of that, she walked a particularly fine line at the rally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the podium, Jenkins promised Mothers Against Drug Deaths her support of their broader efforts to curb drug use, and promoted her \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfdistrictattorney.org/press-release/district-attorney-brooke-jenkins-announces-new-policy-to-hold-drug-dealers-accountable-revokes-misdemeanor-plea-offers-for-fentanyl-dealers/\">newly announced policy to revoke misdemeanor plea deals for fentanyl dealers\u003c/a>. She avoided the topic of supervised consumption sites in her speech, while advocates who spoke touched on it repeatedly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Drug sales is not a victimless crime. And I think today really tells the story of how many people have been victims of this illegal conduct,” Jenkins told the crowd of about 50 people. “Yes, we are in a war against fentanyl. We are in a war against making sure that our children don't get what looks like candy in their hands, but that will kill them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when asked if she supports SB 57, Jenkins told KQED in an interview that she does support safe injection sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I agree with safe injection sites, safe consumption sites. We need to be saving lives. We're in a different universe right now. You know, 10 years ago, we didn't have as lethal a drug as fentanyl on the market,” she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Appearing at a rally championed by a group so staunchly against safe consumption sites may be a natural choice for a district attorney who has branded herself as a bastion of law and order, and depends on supporters who value that punishment-focused message. In public statements made against former DA Chesa Boudin, Jenkins criticized his policies as sending a message that San Francisco wouldn’t prosecute crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet she also needs the support of politicos like Mayor London Breed, who has been a longtime champion of legalizing safe injection sites, and Sen. Wiener, who authored the safe injection sites bill and also endorsed Jenkins. Breed appointed Jenkins as district attorney after Boudin was recalled in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed believes in safe injection sites so strongly, she touted them in her \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/mayor-london-n-breeds-2020-inauguration-speech\">2020 inauguration speech\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are working to open meth sobering centers, safe injection sites and managed alcohol facilities so we can stop walking by addiction spilling out on our streets, and start treating it like the health care issue that it is,” Breed said at the steps of City Hall in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jason McDaniel, associate professor of political science at San Francisco State University, said navigating those differing viewpoints may test Jenkins’ relationships with major supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is perhaps risky to create the possibility of daylight between her view and important supporters,” McDaniel said. “I think it is a recognition that this is a difficult issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Painful personal histories\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s also an issue that has affected a growing number of families. There were \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/resource/2020/ocme-accidental-overdose-reports\">641 accidental drug overdose deaths in San Francisco in 2021, and more than 300 so far this year\u003c/a>, according to the Office of the Chief Medical Examiner. The majority of those overdoses came from fentanyl use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keneda Gibson of Oakland, who spoke at the San Francisco rally Sunday, said her younger brother fell into drug addiction after being treated for gunshot wounds with opiates. The medical system failed him, she said, and he found himself in San Francisco seeking drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He had gone to seek heroin in the streets,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point, she said, someone mistakenly informed her family that he had died. They searched in San Francisco and Oakland looking for John Doe's who fit his description. Her family mourned him. It was only later that someone reached out and said they had found him alive. But his quality of life and his drug addiction were still daunting, she said, and sent her family into a depression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked if she supported SB 57, Gibson said, “I think that Governor Newsom is absolutely insane for even considering such an idea.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923139\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57927_20220821_105401.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923139\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57927_20220821_105401.jpg\" alt='a sign that reads \"What has fentanyl stolen from you?\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57927_20220821_105401.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57927_20220821_105401-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57927_20220821_105401-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57927_20220821_105401-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57927_20220821_105401-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign produced by Moms Against Drug Deaths at a City Hall rally to raise awareness for fentanyl deaths in San Francisco on Aug. 21. \u003ccite>(Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gibson hopes California studies the use of psychedelics to aid those suffering from addiction. (Studying the broader benefits of psychedelics is another effort by Sen. Wiener, in the form of \u003ca href=\"https://www.marijuanamoment.net/california-senator-gives-up-psychedelics-reform-push-for-2022-after-bill-gutted-by-key-committee/\">Senate Bill 519\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safe consumption sites have long been controversial because they allow drugs to be consumed on-site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet because safe consumption sites are usually staffed with medical professionals and social workers — people who can connect drug users to services and administer lifesaving treatments if someone overdoses — the sites have been hailed by proponents for saving lives and for allowing opportunities for drug users to end the cycle of addiction. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/2022/supervised-drug-use-sites/\">Two such sites opened in New York City last year\u003c/a> to much fanfare, and more than 100 sites exist around the world. San Francisco has considered the use of safe consumption sites for close to a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ellen Grantz, a co-founder of Mothers Against Drug Deaths, told KQED she believes SB 57 is “premature at best.” The group would prefer the state focus on committing more resources to preventing the epidemic of drug use, instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is that there are people who are trying to get clean. They actually have appointments with treatment intake, but they're being turned away from their appointment because there isn't enough staff,” Grantz said. “So before doing something else around helping people to use a safe consumption site, we want these treatment issues to be addressed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, Jenkins appeared on those same steps with a group that decries the use of safe injection sites. The day before they met at City Hall’s steps, Grantz of Mothers Against Drug Deaths praised Jenkins for agreeing to appear at their event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We're super excited to have her, also talking about what her role is in helping to address the fentanyl situation and the drug overdose situation,” Grantz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Annelise Finney contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California's $2.7 Billion Plan to Expand Transitional Kindergarten Is Off to an Uneven Start",
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"headTitle": "California’s $2.7 Billion Plan to Expand Transitional Kindergarten Is Off to an Uneven Start | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Gov. Gavin Newsom held \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uwii7zCZmBM\">a press conference\u003c/a> at a Monterey County elementary school in May 2021, he announced historic funding for a pre-kindergarten grade, hailing his multibillion-dollar proposal as key to California’s pandemic recovery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Achieving universal access to transitional kindergarten for 4-year-olds, he said, “is so foundational and so important” toward narrowing the so-called \u003ca href=\"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/2332858416657343\">readiness gap\u003c/a> between kids in lower-income families and those in middle-income families before their traditional schooling begins. Providing a free, high-quality early education program not only benefits youngsters but allows parents to return to the workforce, Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the beginning of a three-year, $2.7 billion plan to expand transitional kindergarten, or TK, is off to an uneven start. Administrators at some public school districts who had hoped expansion would offset the statewide decline in student enrollment are seeing low turnouts at the start of this school year. Other districts report high demand from parents seeking child care relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Early Childhood Education and Care' tag='early-childhood-education-and-care']In Salinas, about 400 students are eligible by age to enter transitional kindergarten, but less than half were enrolled when school began last week. It’s a sharp drop-off from pre-pandemic years, when nearly all children who were qualified for TK showed up, according to Jim Koenig, superintendent of Alisal Union School District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the superintendent of the state’s largest school district, Los Angeles Unified, estimates that more than 10,000 school-age children weren’t registered for the school year that began Monday. He believes many of them are concentrated in the earliest grades, from transitional kindergarten through first grade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re very concerned about that loss of enrollment because we’re not seeing a spike of enrollment in other school settings,” Alberto M. Carvahlo said at a recent news conference, referring to private and charter schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carvahlo said school administrators went into neighborhoods to track the missing students, and found that many of their families moved out of state or shifted to homeschooling. In some cases, older students were staying home to care for their younger siblings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Participation in TK was rising statewide before COVID-19, but dropped by 23% for the 2020-21 school year. The greatest decline was among Black and Native American children and kids from lower-income families, according to an analysis of enrollment data by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/what-do-enrollment-declines-mean-for-transitional-kindergarten/\">Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The lingering toll of COVID\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the Salinas Valley, the coronavirus hit the working class hard — and the toll has lingered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Alisal Union district serves about 7,500 students, mostly children of immigrants and farmworkers in East Salinas, 70% of whom are English learners. Koenig thinks some of these working parents are still worried about COVID. Salinas, about 85 miles southeast of San Francisco, is the most populous city in Monterey County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think they’re just still concerned about enrolling these very young kids in school and possibly exposing them to the virus,” Koenig said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rate of COVID infection among farmworkers in the Salinas Valley was \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/url?q=https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamanetworkopen/fullarticle/2784117&sa=D&source=docs&ust=1660681526314875&usg=AOvVaw0i9rhHkjup2AbnredunNuv\">four times higher\u003c/a> than in the rest of the local population during the later half of 2020, according to a study that suggested crowded housing as a contributing factor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922723\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57715_IMG_0017-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922723\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57715_IMG_0017-qut.jpg\" alt=\"a banner hangs on a school fence against a blue sky\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57715_IMG_0017-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57715_IMG_0017-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57715_IMG_0017-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57715_IMG_0017-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57715_IMG_0017-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A banner hangs on the fence outside Jesse G. Sanchez Elementary School in Salinas, encouraging parents to enroll students. The area is home to many migrant workers who were hit hard by COVID, and some educators think low enrollment is due to fears about exposing kids to the virus. \u003ccite>(Daisy Nguyen/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.co.monterey.ca.us/government/departments-a-h/health/diseases/2019-novel-coronavirus-covid-19/2019-novel-coronavirus-2019-ncov-local-data/vaccines\">Only 5% of children under 4\u003c/a> in Monterey County have gotten the COVID vaccine, though it’s not clear whether that is driving under-enrollment. Nationwide, children are behind on routine immunizations against illnesses such as measles, mumps and pertussis, which are required to attend public school. In California, the COVID vaccine will not be a requirement for students until at least the 2023-24 school year. Many school districts have relaxed masking rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School is not mandatory in California until kids turn 6, but years of research have detailed how pre-kindergarten shapes young brains and \u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/duke_prekstudy_final_4-4-17_hires.pdf\">advances children’s development\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Julie Ellis, administrator for the TK rollout at the Simi Valley Unified School District\"]‘Pre-K education (was) mostly available through private preschools. And now we have a public institution that’s welcoming these 4-year-olds. It kind of levels the playing field for students to have early access to public education.’[/pullquote]Transitional kindergarten was created in California a decade ago to provide an extra year of schooling for kids who narrowly miss the cutoff to go to kindergarten. Until now, only older 4-year-olds were eligible to participate. Under the expansion plan, districts must gradually add more children, grouping them by their birth months so that by fall 2025, anyone who turns 4 by Sept. 1 can go to TK. As the program increases in size, the student-to-teacher ratio must lower to 10-to-1 by 2025 to ensure students get the attention they need. This year, the ratio is 12-to-1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luz Alonso said she looked into enrolling her 4-year-old daughter at a school operated by Alisal Union School District, and asked a school official if there would be enough staff to assist her child with potty training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I asked for support, they just said, ‘Well, she’s just going to have to do it on her own.’ I was like, ‘Oh, my goodness, that’s not what I want for her. That’s not right. I mean, they are too little (for TK),’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alonso said she decided her child would be better off spending another year in a Head Start program, where class sizes are typically smaller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Leveling the playing field\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, school districts in San Diego and Simi Valley, which went ahead and accepted all 4-year-old children this school year, reported high application rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It shows how much the community needs it,” said Julie Ellis, who helped oversee the TK rollout at the Simi Valley Unified School District. “Pre-K education (was) mostly available through private preschools. And now we have a public institution that’s welcoming these 4-year-olds. It kind of levels the playing field for students to have early access to public education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922719\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57713_FullSizeRender-2-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922719\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57713_FullSizeRender-2-qut.jpg\" alt=\"a woman with black hair prepares an elementary school classroom with colorful decorations\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57713_FullSizeRender-2-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57713_FullSizeRender-2-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57713_FullSizeRender-2-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57713_FullSizeRender-2-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57713_FullSizeRender-2-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Flordeliza Dalit prepares her transitional kindergarten classroom on July 29, 2022, before welcoming students at Jesse G. Sanchez Elementary School in Salinas. \u003ccite>(Daisy Nguyen/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Koenig said his district tried to get out information about the new program to the parent community by word of mouth and through a bilingual ad campaign on local television. The week before school started, teachers like Flordeliza Dalit held open houses to introduce themselves and their classrooms to new students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dalit is teaching the only TK classroom at Sanchez Elementary School in Salinas. Low enrollment led the school district to consolidate a TK classroom at another school with hers. Right before the school year began, she prepared homework folders and care packages stuffed with wooden puzzles, pencils, erasers and candy to welcome her new students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When some kids stopped coming to her spacious and colorful classroom last year, the 64-year-old teacher called parents to learn why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of these parents are migrant workers, so they work really early in the morning and the children had no one to drop them off,” Dalit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because TK will be most of her students’ first exposure to school or an adult who speaks English, she said she tries to make learning fun so children will hopefully want to come back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She does this by providing a play-based curriculum where students are developing social-emotional, preliteracy and motor skills at their own pace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t even know that they are learning,” Dalit said. “A lot of it is self-exploration and they are learning (by) themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Gov. Gavin Newsom held \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uwii7zCZmBM\">a press conference\u003c/a> at a Monterey County elementary school in May 2021, he announced historic funding for a pre-kindergarten grade, hailing his multibillion-dollar proposal as key to California’s pandemic recovery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Achieving universal access to transitional kindergarten for 4-year-olds, he said, “is so foundational and so important” toward narrowing the so-called \u003ca href=\"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/2332858416657343\">readiness gap\u003c/a> between kids in lower-income families and those in middle-income families before their traditional schooling begins. Providing a free, high-quality early education program not only benefits youngsters but allows parents to return to the workforce, Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the beginning of a three-year, $2.7 billion plan to expand transitional kindergarten, or TK, is off to an uneven start. Administrators at some public school districts who had hoped expansion would offset the statewide decline in student enrollment are seeing low turnouts at the start of this school year. Other districts report high demand from parents seeking child care relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In Salinas, about 400 students are eligible by age to enter transitional kindergarten, but less than half were enrolled when school began last week. It’s a sharp drop-off from pre-pandemic years, when nearly all children who were qualified for TK showed up, according to Jim Koenig, superintendent of Alisal Union School District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the superintendent of the state’s largest school district, Los Angeles Unified, estimates that more than 10,000 school-age children weren’t registered for the school year that began Monday. He believes many of them are concentrated in the earliest grades, from transitional kindergarten through first grade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re very concerned about that loss of enrollment because we’re not seeing a spike of enrollment in other school settings,” Alberto M. Carvahlo said at a recent news conference, referring to private and charter schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carvahlo said school administrators went into neighborhoods to track the missing students, and found that many of their families moved out of state or shifted to homeschooling. In some cases, older students were staying home to care for their younger siblings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Participation in TK was rising statewide before COVID-19, but dropped by 23% for the 2020-21 school year. The greatest decline was among Black and Native American children and kids from lower-income families, according to an analysis of enrollment data by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/what-do-enrollment-declines-mean-for-transitional-kindergarten/\">Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The lingering toll of COVID\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the Salinas Valley, the coronavirus hit the working class hard — and the toll has lingered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Alisal Union district serves about 7,500 students, mostly children of immigrants and farmworkers in East Salinas, 70% of whom are English learners. Koenig thinks some of these working parents are still worried about COVID. Salinas, about 85 miles southeast of San Francisco, is the most populous city in Monterey County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think they’re just still concerned about enrolling these very young kids in school and possibly exposing them to the virus,” Koenig said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rate of COVID infection among farmworkers in the Salinas Valley was \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/url?q=https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamanetworkopen/fullarticle/2784117&sa=D&source=docs&ust=1660681526314875&usg=AOvVaw0i9rhHkjup2AbnredunNuv\">four times higher\u003c/a> than in the rest of the local population during the later half of 2020, according to a study that suggested crowded housing as a contributing factor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922723\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57715_IMG_0017-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922723\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57715_IMG_0017-qut.jpg\" alt=\"a banner hangs on a school fence against a blue sky\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57715_IMG_0017-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57715_IMG_0017-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57715_IMG_0017-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57715_IMG_0017-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57715_IMG_0017-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A banner hangs on the fence outside Jesse G. Sanchez Elementary School in Salinas, encouraging parents to enroll students. The area is home to many migrant workers who were hit hard by COVID, and some educators think low enrollment is due to fears about exposing kids to the virus. \u003ccite>(Daisy Nguyen/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.co.monterey.ca.us/government/departments-a-h/health/diseases/2019-novel-coronavirus-covid-19/2019-novel-coronavirus-2019-ncov-local-data/vaccines\">Only 5% of children under 4\u003c/a> in Monterey County have gotten the COVID vaccine, though it’s not clear whether that is driving under-enrollment. Nationwide, children are behind on routine immunizations against illnesses such as measles, mumps and pertussis, which are required to attend public school. In California, the COVID vaccine will not be a requirement for students until at least the 2023-24 school year. Many school districts have relaxed masking rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School is not mandatory in California until kids turn 6, but years of research have detailed how pre-kindergarten shapes young brains and \u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/duke_prekstudy_final_4-4-17_hires.pdf\">advances children’s development\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Pre-K education (was) mostly available through private preschools. And now we have a public institution that’s welcoming these 4-year-olds. It kind of levels the playing field for students to have early access to public education.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Transitional kindergarten was created in California a decade ago to provide an extra year of schooling for kids who narrowly miss the cutoff to go to kindergarten. Until now, only older 4-year-olds were eligible to participate. Under the expansion plan, districts must gradually add more children, grouping them by their birth months so that by fall 2025, anyone who turns 4 by Sept. 1 can go to TK. As the program increases in size, the student-to-teacher ratio must lower to 10-to-1 by 2025 to ensure students get the attention they need. This year, the ratio is 12-to-1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luz Alonso said she looked into enrolling her 4-year-old daughter at a school operated by Alisal Union School District, and asked a school official if there would be enough staff to assist her child with potty training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I asked for support, they just said, ‘Well, she’s just going to have to do it on her own.’ I was like, ‘Oh, my goodness, that’s not what I want for her. That’s not right. I mean, they are too little (for TK),’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alonso said she decided her child would be better off spending another year in a Head Start program, where class sizes are typically smaller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Leveling the playing field\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, school districts in San Diego and Simi Valley, which went ahead and accepted all 4-year-old children this school year, reported high application rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It shows how much the community needs it,” said Julie Ellis, who helped oversee the TK rollout at the Simi Valley Unified School District. “Pre-K education (was) mostly available through private preschools. And now we have a public institution that’s welcoming these 4-year-olds. It kind of levels the playing field for students to have early access to public education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922719\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57713_FullSizeRender-2-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922719\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57713_FullSizeRender-2-qut.jpg\" alt=\"a woman with black hair prepares an elementary school classroom with colorful decorations\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57713_FullSizeRender-2-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57713_FullSizeRender-2-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57713_FullSizeRender-2-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57713_FullSizeRender-2-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57713_FullSizeRender-2-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Flordeliza Dalit prepares her transitional kindergarten classroom on July 29, 2022, before welcoming students at Jesse G. Sanchez Elementary School in Salinas. \u003ccite>(Daisy Nguyen/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Koenig said his district tried to get out information about the new program to the parent community by word of mouth and through a bilingual ad campaign on local television. The week before school started, teachers like Flordeliza Dalit held open houses to introduce themselves and their classrooms to new students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dalit is teaching the only TK classroom at Sanchez Elementary School in Salinas. Low enrollment led the school district to consolidate a TK classroom at another school with hers. Right before the school year began, she prepared homework folders and care packages stuffed with wooden puzzles, pencils, erasers and candy to welcome her new students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When some kids stopped coming to her spacious and colorful classroom last year, the 64-year-old teacher called parents to learn why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of these parents are migrant workers, so they work really early in the morning and the children had no one to drop them off,” Dalit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because TK will be most of her students’ first exposure to school or an adult who speaks English, she said she tries to make learning fun so children will hopefully want to come back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She does this by providing a play-based curriculum where students are developing social-emotional, preliteracy and motor skills at their own pace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t even know that they are learning,” Dalit said. “A lot of it is self-exploration and they are learning (by) themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Amid Grid and Climate Challenges, Newsom Moves to Keep Diablo Canyon Nuclear Plant Open",
"title": "Amid Grid and Climate Challenges, Newsom Moves to Keep Diablo Canyon Nuclear Plant Open",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 2:05 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Gov. Gavin Newsom on Friday proposed extending the life of the state’s last operating nuclear power plant by at least 5 to 10 years to maintain reliable power supplies in the climate-change era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under a complex agreement struck between state agencies, labor unions, environmentalists and plant owner PG&E, the plant was scheduled to shut down by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom administration's draft proposal, obtained by The Associated Press, includes a possible state loan to PG&E of as much as $1.4 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal was confirmed by Newsom spokesman Anthony York. The bill says impacts of climate change are occurring sooner than anticipated and are simultaneously driving up electrical demand while reducing power supplies.[aside postID=\"news_11897239,news_11681597,science_801694\" label=\"Related Posts\"]“The governor has been clear for months about the potential need to extend the life of Diablo Canyon,” York said. He added that Newsom's administration has stressed the need to keep all options on the table to maintain reliable power and that “this proposal reflects the continued need to keep that flexibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal said the continued operation of the Diablo Canyon Power Plant beyond 2025 is “critical to ensure statewide energy system reliability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nuclear power doesn’t produce carbon pollution like fossil fuels do, but it does leave behind waste that remains dangerously radioactive for centuries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plant has been controversial from its very inception more than half a century ago. Opponents have cited seismic risks at the plant site, the facility's impact on the local marine environment and potential health risks to nearby communities. More recently, critics have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11681597/business-group-asks-state-supreme-court-to-hear-case-on-diablo-canyon-safety\">raised questions\u003c/a> about whether the aging plant is safe to run indefinitely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom proposal was obtained just hours ahead of \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/event/workshop/2022-08/joint-agency-workshop-diablo-canyon-power-plant\">a Friday afternoon California Energy Commission meeting\u003c/a> on the state’s energy needs and the role that the seaside plant near San Luis Obispo might play in meeting them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom's plan was met by immediate criticism from environmentalists who called it a huge financial giveaway for PG&E that pushes aside state environmental safeguards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved, the state would “give PG&E over $1 billion in loans at below the interest rate even state agencies charge among themselves,” said David Weisman, legislative director of the \u003ca href=\"http://a4nr.org/\">Alliance for Nuclear Responsibility\u003c/a>, a San Luis Obispo County group that has fought to close Diablo Canyon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Touching on the fact that PG&E's service area is concentrated in Northern California, Weisman asked: “What are taxpayers in Southern California getting out of this?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ralph Cavanagh of the Natural Resources Defense Council said the plan would provide sweeping exemptions from environmental rules, including the California Environmental Quality Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This draft was prepared by someone with little understanding of California energy policy or history,” Cavanagh said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature has less than three weeks to determine if it will take an extraordinary step and attempt to extend the life of the plant — a decision that would be made amid looming questions over the cost, who would pay and earthquake safety risks.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ralph Cavanagh, Natural Resources Defense Council\"]'This draft was prepared by someone with little understanding of California energy policy or history'[/pullquote]The legislative session ends Aug. 31 — when all business is suspended — and only a rare special session called by Newsom could provide a longer period to consider the move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democratic governor, who is seen as a possible future White House candidate, has urged PG&E for months to pursue a longer run beyond a scheduled closing by 2025, warning that the plant's power is needed to maintain reliable service as the state transitions to solar, wind and other renewable sources of energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those raising questions with Newsom include state Sen. John Laird, a Santa Cruz Democrat whose district extends down the coast and includes the seaside power plant near San Luis Obispo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the plant is kept open, “Who pays, and is there fairness in who pays?” Laird asked in an interview. “There have been additional earthquake faults discovered near the plant, and seismic upgrades were never totally completed. Will they address that?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laird outlined other issues too, including who would pay for maintenance that has been put off because the plant is scheduled to close by 2025; whether there is time for PG&E to order and receive additional radioactive fuel and casks to store spent fuel; and whether electricity from the reactors would get in the way of transmission for wind power that is expected to come on line in coming years, adding that it could cost billions to keep the plant running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are under a tight time-frame,” Laird said. “That begs the question of could they do everything it needs to be extended by 2025?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really waiting to see whether ... and how they address all the issues that are associated with a possible extension before I decide what I’m going to do,” Laird said, referring to a possible vote.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"State Sen. John Laird, D-Santa Cruz\"]'There have been additional earthquake faults discovered near the plant, and seismic upgrades were never totally completed. Will they address that?'[/pullquote]For Diablo Canyon, the issue is whether the Newsom administration, in concert with investor-owned PG&E, can find a way to reverse the 2016 agreement among environmentalists, plant worker unions and the utility to close the plant by 2025. The joint decision to shut down the facility was also endorsed by California utility regulators, the Legislature and Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E CEO Patti Poppe told investors in a call last month that state legislation would have to be enacted by September to open the way for PG&E to change course.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E, which has long said the plant is seismically safe, hasn’t said much about whether it will push to extend operations beyond 2025. It is assessing that possibility while continuing to plan for closing and dismantling the plant “unless those actions are superseded by new state policies,” PG&E spokesperson Suzanne Hosn said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom's push for a longer run for the reactors doesn't square easily with his assessment in 2016, when as lieutenant governor he supported the closure agreement as part of the State Lands Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seismic issues at the plant “are not insignificant concerns,” he said at the time. “This is not the preeminent site if you’re ... concerned about seismic safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Draft bill from governor's office would loan PG&E up to $1.4 billion to keep the aging power plant running for up to a decade beyond its planned 2025 closure date.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 2:05 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Gov. Gavin Newsom on Friday proposed extending the life of the state’s last operating nuclear power plant by at least 5 to 10 years to maintain reliable power supplies in the climate-change era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under a complex agreement struck between state agencies, labor unions, environmentalists and plant owner PG&E, the plant was scheduled to shut down by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom administration's draft proposal, obtained by The Associated Press, includes a possible state loan to PG&E of as much as $1.4 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal was confirmed by Newsom spokesman Anthony York. The bill says impacts of climate change are occurring sooner than anticipated and are simultaneously driving up electrical demand while reducing power supplies.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The governor has been clear for months about the potential need to extend the life of Diablo Canyon,” York said. He added that Newsom's administration has stressed the need to keep all options on the table to maintain reliable power and that “this proposal reflects the continued need to keep that flexibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal said the continued operation of the Diablo Canyon Power Plant beyond 2025 is “critical to ensure statewide energy system reliability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nuclear power doesn’t produce carbon pollution like fossil fuels do, but it does leave behind waste that remains dangerously radioactive for centuries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plant has been controversial from its very inception more than half a century ago. Opponents have cited seismic risks at the plant site, the facility's impact on the local marine environment and potential health risks to nearby communities. More recently, critics have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11681597/business-group-asks-state-supreme-court-to-hear-case-on-diablo-canyon-safety\">raised questions\u003c/a> about whether the aging plant is safe to run indefinitely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom proposal was obtained just hours ahead of \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/event/workshop/2022-08/joint-agency-workshop-diablo-canyon-power-plant\">a Friday afternoon California Energy Commission meeting\u003c/a> on the state’s energy needs and the role that the seaside plant near San Luis Obispo might play in meeting them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom's plan was met by immediate criticism from environmentalists who called it a huge financial giveaway for PG&E that pushes aside state environmental safeguards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved, the state would “give PG&E over $1 billion in loans at below the interest rate even state agencies charge among themselves,” said David Weisman, legislative director of the \u003ca href=\"http://a4nr.org/\">Alliance for Nuclear Responsibility\u003c/a>, a San Luis Obispo County group that has fought to close Diablo Canyon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Touching on the fact that PG&E's service area is concentrated in Northern California, Weisman asked: “What are taxpayers in Southern California getting out of this?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ralph Cavanagh of the Natural Resources Defense Council said the plan would provide sweeping exemptions from environmental rules, including the California Environmental Quality Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This draft was prepared by someone with little understanding of California energy policy or history,” Cavanagh said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature has less than three weeks to determine if it will take an extraordinary step and attempt to extend the life of the plant — a decision that would be made amid looming questions over the cost, who would pay and earthquake safety risks.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The legislative session ends Aug. 31 — when all business is suspended — and only a rare special session called by Newsom could provide a longer period to consider the move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democratic governor, who is seen as a possible future White House candidate, has urged PG&E for months to pursue a longer run beyond a scheduled closing by 2025, warning that the plant's power is needed to maintain reliable service as the state transitions to solar, wind and other renewable sources of energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those raising questions with Newsom include state Sen. John Laird, a Santa Cruz Democrat whose district extends down the coast and includes the seaside power plant near San Luis Obispo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the plant is kept open, “Who pays, and is there fairness in who pays?” Laird asked in an interview. “There have been additional earthquake faults discovered near the plant, and seismic upgrades were never totally completed. Will they address that?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laird outlined other issues too, including who would pay for maintenance that has been put off because the plant is scheduled to close by 2025; whether there is time for PG&E to order and receive additional radioactive fuel and casks to store spent fuel; and whether electricity from the reactors would get in the way of transmission for wind power that is expected to come on line in coming years, adding that it could cost billions to keep the plant running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are under a tight time-frame,” Laird said. “That begs the question of could they do everything it needs to be extended by 2025?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really waiting to see whether ... and how they address all the issues that are associated with a possible extension before I decide what I’m going to do,” Laird said, referring to a possible vote.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>For Diablo Canyon, the issue is whether the Newsom administration, in concert with investor-owned PG&E, can find a way to reverse the 2016 agreement among environmentalists, plant worker unions and the utility to close the plant by 2025. The joint decision to shut down the facility was also endorsed by California utility regulators, the Legislature and Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E CEO Patti Poppe told investors in a call last month that state legislation would have to be enacted by September to open the way for PG&E to change course.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E, which has long said the plant is seismically safe, hasn’t said much about whether it will push to extend operations beyond 2025. It is assessing that possibility while continuing to plan for closing and dismantling the plant “unless those actions are superseded by new state policies,” PG&E spokesperson Suzanne Hosn said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom's push for a longer run for the reactors doesn't square easily with his assessment in 2016, when as lieutenant governor he supported the closure agreement as part of the State Lands Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seismic issues at the plant “are not insignificant concerns,” he said at the time. “This is not the preeminent site if you’re ... concerned about seismic safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Establishing supervised drug injection sites has been a long-standing goal for some progressive California leaders looking to address the burgeoning overdose crisis. Efforts to launch such programs have come close, but never to the finish line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, as the latest legislation seeking to sanction these sites heads to the governor’s desk, proponents are gearing up to make these injection sites a reality — and, they hope, a success — in the Golden State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 57 would authorize these overdose prevention pilot programs in Oakland, San Francisco and Los Angeles, which would operate through Jan. 1, 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11695653/brown-rejects-supervised-injection-site-for-san-francisco\">Gov. Jerry Brown rejected similar legislation in 2018\u003c/a>, supporters are hopeful Gov. Gavin Newsom will sign this one after he said he was open to the idea during his campaign for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have been engaging with the governor’s office for the past four years on this measure. We haven’t heard that he’s not going to sign it, so we’re hopeful that he’ll stick to his word from 2018,” said Jeannette Zanipatin, California state director of the Drug Policy Alliance, an advocacy group that works to decriminalize drugs and a co-sponsor of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Stack, a spokesperson for the governor’s office, said they don’t comment on pending legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if Newsom does sign it, what exactly would these sites look like? Who would be responsible for staffing them and how will they be funded? The details and logistics will be left to local officials.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"State Senator Scott Wiener\"]‘They are asking us to help them address the escalations and crisis of overdose deaths that we’re experiencing in California’[/pullquote]Because San Francisco has been considering this idea for almost a decade, it would likely be the first city ready to launch a program in early 2023, Zanipatin said. Supervised injection sites could cost a couple of million dollars per year to run, and cities and counties that choose to establish these programs will have to find their own source of funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, New York City became the first to establish supervised injection sites in the U.S. Cities in other countries have operated such centers for years, including \u003ca href=\"http://www.vch.ca/public-health/harm-reduction/supervised-consumption-sites\">Vancouver\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.eluniversal.com.mx/english/mexicali-offers-safe-spot-for-heroin-addicts\">Mexicali\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://ssir.org/articles/entry/Wary_of_an_Opioid_Epidemic_Europe_Pushes_Safe_Sites_for_Drug_Use#\">Barcelona\u003c/a>. The Vancouver site is often \u003ca href=\"https://www.rti.org/impact/cost-benefit-analysis-opening-safe-consumption-site-san-francisco\">referenced as a model\u003c/a> — with about 1,700 individuals using it each month, the center is credited with \u003ca href=\"https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(10)62353-7/fulltext\">reducing overdose deaths\u003c/a> in its neighborhood and city. Switzerland was the first country to open a supervised injection site in 1986.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal of these programs, supporters say, is to provide drug users a safe, hygienic space where they can get clean needles and administer their own drugs under the supervision of trained staff. Staff members would monitor users and be ready to administer overdose reversal medications if needed, which could ultimately save lives. Medical groups in support of these programs have pointed out injection sites could also \u003ca href=\"https://www.aafp.org/pubs/afp/issues/2022/0500/p454.html\">help reduce the risk of Hepatitis C and HIV infections\u003c/a> associated with intravenous drug use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Scott Wiener, author of the bill, said the jurisdictions that would pilot the programs asked to be included in the bill. “They are asking us to help them address the escalations and crisis of overdose deaths that we’re experiencing in California,” Wiener, a San Francisco Democrat, said during an Aug. 1 legislative hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those in opposition to Wiener’s bill, including Republican legislators and law enforcement groups, argue these programs are a type of addiction maintenance that normalize illegal behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before setting up their overdose prevention programs, the cities and counties must provide local health and law enforcement officials the opportunity to weigh in. Once set up, these centers must make referrals to substance-use-disorder treatment programs and other social services if the user wishes to access them. The bill would also protect people from criminal charges for using the sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The overdose crisis has become one of the most pressing public health issues, with deaths and emergency room visits spiking in recent years, in large part due to the infiltration of the synthetic opioid fentanyl. Overdose deaths from fentanyl jumped from 1,603 in 2019 to 3,946 in 2020, and then to 5,722 in 2021, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://skylab.cdph.ca.gov/ODdash/?tab=Home\">California Opioid Overdose Surveillance Dashboard\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/d37b51d7-b97d-4947-b813-0653e3bf0ff7?src=embed\" title=\"overdose deaths - all drugs\" width=\"550\" height=\"820\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s second swing at this policy comes as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/ondcp/briefing-room/2022/03/28/president-biden-calls-for-increased-funding-to-address-addiction-and-the-overdose-epidemic/\">Biden administration is also embracing “harm reduction” strategies\u003c/a> — which focus on keeping drug users alive and safe rather than punishing them. Needle exchange programs and programs that distribute the overdose reversal drug naloxone are some examples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those urging the governor to veto the bill is the Senate Republican Caucus. “Fueling the drug epidemic with drug dens and needle supplies is like pouring gasoline on a forest fire. It merely worsens the problem,” the caucus wrote in an \u003ca href=\"https://cssrc.us/sites/default/files/SB%2057%20%28Wiener%29%20Senate%20Republican%20Caucus%20Veto%20Letter%20FINAL.pdf\">Aug. 1 letter to Newsom\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement organizations have stated their opposition to the bill, saying it sends the wrong message to the public and fails to address addiction at its root.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and supporters of the bill say supervised injection sites will not solve the overdose crisis. Rather, the goal is to prevent deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents have also raised concerns about the bill not providing a “cognizable strategy for figuring out how to get the addict to the injection site,” John Lovell, a lobbyist with the California Narcotic Officers’ Association, said during last week’s hearing. “What injection sites do is there is a magnet effect so that people come into the area,” but that doesn’t mean they will actually go inside the facility, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Thomas, director of HIV and harm reduction policy at the San Francisco AIDS Foundation, another co-sponsor of the bill, said she doesn’t think getting people into these centers will be a challenge. “Overwhelmingly, people would prefer to use in a clean space. No one wants to be using drugs on the sidewalk. If we give people a better option they will use it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An often-referenced \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2885552/\">survey of 602 injection drug users in San Francisco\u003c/a> showed that 85% would use a supervised injection site. About 75% of them said they would use it at least three days per week.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11909484,news_11910405,news_11922249\" align=\"left\"]\u003c/span>The idea, according to supporters, is to build trust with people who come in, prompting them to spread the word and eventually link people to treatment when they are ready. These centers often look like a clinic, and people usually go through a brief interview when they first walk in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas said that while it would be ideal for such centers to be open 24/7, realistically, hours of operation would be dependent on funding. That same San Francisco study showed that 62% of the drug users surveyed preferred a supervised injection site to be open from 8 a.m. to 4 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funding could prove to be a challenge in the long term. In New York City, where two safe injection sites opened last fall, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/04/1103114131/supervised-injection-sites-in-nyc-have-saved-lives-but-officials-wont-provide-fu\">the city and state do not pay for them\u003c/a>. The nonprofits running the programs seek private donations, making it difficult for the centers to extend their hours or expand into other neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A supervised injection site in San Francisco is \u003ca href=\"https://www.rti.org/impact/cost-benefit-analysis-opening-safe-consumption-site-san-francisco\">estimated to cost about $2.6 million a year\u003c/a>, according to RTI International, a nonprofit research institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas said California community organizations that already work in the field of substance use disorders would be best-equipped to run the programs, but funding should come from public health departments because they are a public benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the cities and counties included in the bill have potential public funding streams. For example, Los Angeles County \u003ca href=\"https://ceo.lacounty.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Updated_MeasureJ_Report-Revised-06.14.21.pdf\">voters in 2020 passed Measure J\u003c/a>, which allows the county to use at least 10% of its locally generated, unrestricted funding for community investment programs, which could include overdose prevention programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re also hoping that these pilot projects serve as a catalyst and identify some private-public partnerships,” Zanipatin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/addiction/2022/08/supervised-injection-sites/\">This story first appeared in CalMatters.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Establishing supervised drug injection sites has been a long-standing goal for some progressive California leaders looking to address the burgeoning overdose crisis. Efforts to launch such programs have come close, but never to the finish line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, as the latest legislation seeking to sanction these sites heads to the governor’s desk, proponents are gearing up to make these injection sites a reality — and, they hope, a success — in the Golden State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 57 would authorize these overdose prevention pilot programs in Oakland, San Francisco and Los Angeles, which would operate through Jan. 1, 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11695653/brown-rejects-supervised-injection-site-for-san-francisco\">Gov. Jerry Brown rejected similar legislation in 2018\u003c/a>, supporters are hopeful Gov. Gavin Newsom will sign this one after he said he was open to the idea during his campaign for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have been engaging with the governor’s office for the past four years on this measure. We haven’t heard that he’s not going to sign it, so we’re hopeful that he’ll stick to his word from 2018,” said Jeannette Zanipatin, California state director of the Drug Policy Alliance, an advocacy group that works to decriminalize drugs and a co-sponsor of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Stack, a spokesperson for the governor’s office, said they don’t comment on pending legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if Newsom does sign it, what exactly would these sites look like? Who would be responsible for staffing them and how will they be funded? The details and logistics will be left to local officials.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Because San Francisco has been considering this idea for almost a decade, it would likely be the first city ready to launch a program in early 2023, Zanipatin said. Supervised injection sites could cost a couple of million dollars per year to run, and cities and counties that choose to establish these programs will have to find their own source of funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, New York City became the first to establish supervised injection sites in the U.S. Cities in other countries have operated such centers for years, including \u003ca href=\"http://www.vch.ca/public-health/harm-reduction/supervised-consumption-sites\">Vancouver\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.eluniversal.com.mx/english/mexicali-offers-safe-spot-for-heroin-addicts\">Mexicali\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://ssir.org/articles/entry/Wary_of_an_Opioid_Epidemic_Europe_Pushes_Safe_Sites_for_Drug_Use#\">Barcelona\u003c/a>. The Vancouver site is often \u003ca href=\"https://www.rti.org/impact/cost-benefit-analysis-opening-safe-consumption-site-san-francisco\">referenced as a model\u003c/a> — with about 1,700 individuals using it each month, the center is credited with \u003ca href=\"https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(10)62353-7/fulltext\">reducing overdose deaths\u003c/a> in its neighborhood and city. Switzerland was the first country to open a supervised injection site in 1986.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal of these programs, supporters say, is to provide drug users a safe, hygienic space where they can get clean needles and administer their own drugs under the supervision of trained staff. Staff members would monitor users and be ready to administer overdose reversal medications if needed, which could ultimately save lives. Medical groups in support of these programs have pointed out injection sites could also \u003ca href=\"https://www.aafp.org/pubs/afp/issues/2022/0500/p454.html\">help reduce the risk of Hepatitis C and HIV infections\u003c/a> associated with intravenous drug use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Scott Wiener, author of the bill, said the jurisdictions that would pilot the programs asked to be included in the bill. “They are asking us to help them address the escalations and crisis of overdose deaths that we’re experiencing in California,” Wiener, a San Francisco Democrat, said during an Aug. 1 legislative hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those in opposition to Wiener’s bill, including Republican legislators and law enforcement groups, argue these programs are a type of addiction maintenance that normalize illegal behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before setting up their overdose prevention programs, the cities and counties must provide local health and law enforcement officials the opportunity to weigh in. Once set up, these centers must make referrals to substance-use-disorder treatment programs and other social services if the user wishes to access them. The bill would also protect people from criminal charges for using the sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The overdose crisis has become one of the most pressing public health issues, with deaths and emergency room visits spiking in recent years, in large part due to the infiltration of the synthetic opioid fentanyl. Overdose deaths from fentanyl jumped from 1,603 in 2019 to 3,946 in 2020, and then to 5,722 in 2021, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://skylab.cdph.ca.gov/ODdash/?tab=Home\">California Opioid Overdose Surveillance Dashboard\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/d37b51d7-b97d-4947-b813-0653e3bf0ff7?src=embed\" title=\"overdose deaths - all drugs\" width=\"550\" height=\"820\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s second swing at this policy comes as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/ondcp/briefing-room/2022/03/28/president-biden-calls-for-increased-funding-to-address-addiction-and-the-overdose-epidemic/\">Biden administration is also embracing “harm reduction” strategies\u003c/a> — which focus on keeping drug users alive and safe rather than punishing them. Needle exchange programs and programs that distribute the overdose reversal drug naloxone are some examples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those urging the governor to veto the bill is the Senate Republican Caucus. “Fueling the drug epidemic with drug dens and needle supplies is like pouring gasoline on a forest fire. It merely worsens the problem,” the caucus wrote in an \u003ca href=\"https://cssrc.us/sites/default/files/SB%2057%20%28Wiener%29%20Senate%20Republican%20Caucus%20Veto%20Letter%20FINAL.pdf\">Aug. 1 letter to Newsom\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement organizations have stated their opposition to the bill, saying it sends the wrong message to the public and fails to address addiction at its root.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and supporters of the bill say supervised injection sites will not solve the overdose crisis. Rather, the goal is to prevent deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents have also raised concerns about the bill not providing a “cognizable strategy for figuring out how to get the addict to the injection site,” John Lovell, a lobbyist with the California Narcotic Officers’ Association, said during last week’s hearing. “What injection sites do is there is a magnet effect so that people come into the area,” but that doesn’t mean they will actually go inside the facility, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Thomas, director of HIV and harm reduction policy at the San Francisco AIDS Foundation, another co-sponsor of the bill, said she doesn’t think getting people into these centers will be a challenge. “Overwhelmingly, people would prefer to use in a clean space. No one wants to be using drugs on the sidewalk. If we give people a better option they will use it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An often-referenced \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2885552/\">survey of 602 injection drug users in San Francisco\u003c/a> showed that 85% would use a supervised injection site. About 75% of them said they would use it at least three days per week.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>The idea, according to supporters, is to build trust with people who come in, prompting them to spread the word and eventually link people to treatment when they are ready. These centers often look like a clinic, and people usually go through a brief interview when they first walk in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas said that while it would be ideal for such centers to be open 24/7, realistically, hours of operation would be dependent on funding. That same San Francisco study showed that 62% of the drug users surveyed preferred a supervised injection site to be open from 8 a.m. to 4 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funding could prove to be a challenge in the long term. In New York City, where two safe injection sites opened last fall, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/04/1103114131/supervised-injection-sites-in-nyc-have-saved-lives-but-officials-wont-provide-fu\">the city and state do not pay for them\u003c/a>. The nonprofits running the programs seek private donations, making it difficult for the centers to extend their hours or expand into other neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A supervised injection site in San Francisco is \u003ca href=\"https://www.rti.org/impact/cost-benefit-analysis-opening-safe-consumption-site-san-francisco\">estimated to cost about $2.6 million a year\u003c/a>, according to RTI International, a nonprofit research institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas said California community organizations that already work in the field of substance use disorders would be best-equipped to run the programs, but funding should come from public health departments because they are a public benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the cities and counties included in the bill have potential public funding streams. For example, Los Angeles County \u003ca href=\"https://ceo.lacounty.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Updated_MeasureJ_Report-Revised-06.14.21.pdf\">voters in 2020 passed Measure J\u003c/a>, which allows the county to use at least 10% of its locally generated, unrestricted funding for community investment programs, which could include overdose prevention programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re also hoping that these pilot projects serve as a catalyst and identify some private-public partnerships,” Zanipatin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/addiction/2022/08/supervised-injection-sites/\">This story first appeared in CalMatters.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "the-return-of-bounty-law-as-gun-and-abortion-bills-empower-citizens-experts-warn-of-dangerous-precedent",
"title": "The Return of 'Bounty Law': As Gun and Abortion Bills Empower Citizens, Experts Warn of Dangerous Precedent",
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"headTitle": "The Return of ‘Bounty Law’: As Gun and Abortion Bills Empower Citizens, Experts Warn of Dangerous Precedent | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In Texas and California, new laws call on the people of each state to watch and report their neighbors — and reap a reward for doing so. Unusual, yes — although it’s a concept that dates back to the earliest days of the American republic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what do Civil War-era legislators raging about sick mules and wet gunpowder have to do with \u003ca href=\"https://capitol.texas.gov/tlodocs/87R/billtext/pdf/SB00008F.pdf\">Texas Senate Bill 8\u003c/a>, its “heartbeat” abortion law, and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1327\">California Senate Bill 1327\u003c/a>, its newest gun act?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They all \u003ca href=\"https://cite.case.law/cal/106/113/\">set out bounties\u003c/a>, with the state entrusting its citizens to enforce the law and promising remuneration to those who do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Texas law, passed in 2021, bans abortions if a doctor detects a fetal heartbeat, usually at about six weeks — but it’s not up to the state to enforce it. Instead, people anywhere in the United States can sue anyone who helped a Texan get an abortion. Successful lawsuits offer at least $10,000 per reported abortion, and the defendant, not the state, pays the plaintiff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As U.S. Chief Justice John Roberts noted, the law ran contrary to abortion rights guaranteed under Roe v. Wade, then the law of the land. Instead, he wrote in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/cases/2021/21-463\">concurring opinion\u003c/a>, “Texas has employed an array of stratagems designed to shield its unconstitutional law from judicial review.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents included the firearms industry, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/21/21-463/197884/20211027164758725_21-463%20tsac%20WWH%20-amicus-FPC-final.pdf\">started getting nervous\u003c/a> about the implications for gun owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sure enough, by the time the U.S. Supreme Court later jettisoned Roe’s right to abortion, perhaps making the machinations of Texas unnecessary, California was already fighting fire with fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-07-22/newsom-signs-gun-bill-modeled-after-texas-abortion-ban-setting-up\">signed a bounty law\u003c/a> targeting \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-gun-laws-policy-explained/\">not abortion but guns\u003c/a>. It allows private citizens to sue anyone for $10,000 for selling, distributing or importing ghost guns or \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/firearms/regagunfaqs#1\">assault weapons\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2022/04/19/abortion-texas-wendy-davis/\">new legal challenge to the Texas law\u003c/a> was filed in April. Gun rights supporters have promised to challenge California’s law as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entrusting the public to enforce the laws and paying them with bounties was once how this country kept the lights on — or, at least, the lanterns lit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before you had a really strong central state, and before you had a professional civil service, a lot of government services were provided on a bounty or a fee-for-service basis,” said Stanford Law School professor David Freeman Engstrom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To catch wrongdoing back then, the state had to rely on people watching their neighbors — and maybe hauling them to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922056\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-1242055989-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922056\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-1242055989-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-1242055989-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-1242055989-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-1242055989-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-1242055989-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-1242055989-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-1242055989-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-1242055989-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a news conference on gun legislation at Santa Monica College, where five people were shot and killed in 2013 by a gunman. In July, Newsom signed a bounty law that allows private citizens to sue anyone for $10,000 for selling, distributing or importing so-called ghost guns. \u003ccite>(Hans Gutknecht/MediaNews Group/Los Angeles Daily News via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Today the U.S. government rewards people who report fraudulent war contracts, \u003ca href=\"https://rewardsforjustice.net/\">terrorism\u003c/a>, violations of federal environmental law and Medicaid fraud. The state of California allows financial rewards for people who sue to enforce its Proposition 65 toxics warning law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, of course, there’s bail-jumping, for which we still have “professional” bounty hunters, though the subjects of bail bounties \u003ca href=\"https://static.prisonpolicy.org/scans/UCLA_Devil%20_in_the_Details.pdf\">sign a contract surrendering many of their rights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all bounties pay in money, Engstrom said — under federal environmental laws, a nonprofit is only able to recover attorney’s fees, from a successful injunction either against a polluter; against other violations of environmental law; or to protect an endangered species of animals. But the nonprofit is also able to demonstrate to potential donors that they’re “doing important work out in the world,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Texas and California bounty laws are relatively novel now, said University of Georgia School of Law professor Randy Beck, but he worries about what could come next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a long history with these things that is not very happy,” Beck said. “There’s a good reason that legislators have stopped using them, and I think I’m worried that a bunch of legislators are repeating history that we don’t want to repeat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We’ve created a monster’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/151514455.pdf\">One of the first bounty laws in history\u003c/a> was enacted in England in the early 1300s. Local officials were supposed to set uniform prices for wine, but some of them were also wine sellers. That conflict of interest complicated King Edward II’s effort to reassert political control over a fractious kingdom.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11920270,news_11918271\"]But he couldn’t be everywhere. So, he deputized every man in England: If they found local officials selling wine, the Crown would seize that wine — and the person who made the complaint would receive one-third of the seizure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the pond and 500 years later, Abraham Lincoln was tiring of fraudulent war contractors. The Union Army had been sold lame horses, sick mules, rancid food, guns that wouldn’t fire and artillery shells filled with sawdust. Sometimes they erroneously purchased them twice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Sen. Jacob Howard of Michigan in 1863 led the charge for what would become the False Claims Act, the gold standard for bounty laws that, in its modern form, triples the damages for fraud and allots the person who reports it one-third of the award. The idea, said Howard: “Setting a rogue to catch a rogue, which is the safest and most expeditious way I have ever discovered of bringing rogues to justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For most of its history, the U.S. government operated on bribes and bounties, argued Yale law and history professor Nicholas Parrillo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His book “\u003ca href=\"https://academic.oup.com/yale-scholarship-online/book/29766?login=false\">Against the Profit Motive\u003c/a>” details how until the early 1900s, states often left unpaid tax collections to bounty hunters and rewarded them with a portion of the proceeds. Bounties also went to naval officers who captured enemy ships and took a percentage of their value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People would rush to punish murder and thievery, Parrillo wrote, but getting communities to follow federal laws that the community itself didn’t agree with — or care about — was impossible without incentives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922061\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1349px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/080822-WANTED-SIGN-OAC-CM-scaled-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922061\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/080822-WANTED-SIGN-OAC-CM-scaled-1.jpg\" alt=\"a wanted sign from 1912 announcing a reward for a wanted man\" width=\"1349\" height=\"2048\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/080822-WANTED-SIGN-OAC-CM-scaled-1.jpg 1349w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/080822-WANTED-SIGN-OAC-CM-scaled-1-800x1215.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/080822-WANTED-SIGN-OAC-CM-scaled-1-1020x1549.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/080822-WANTED-SIGN-OAC-CM-scaled-1-160x243.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/080822-WANTED-SIGN-OAC-CM-scaled-1-1012x1536.jpg 1012w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1349px) 100vw, 1349px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A wanted poster issued by the San Francisco chief of police in 1912. \u003ccite>(Image courtesy of UC Berkeley, Bancroft Library via Online Archive of California)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The concept may evoke romantic notions of the California Rangers chasing the \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Five_Joaquins_Gang\">Five Joaquins Gang\u003c/a> through the goldfields for a \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3058&context=etd\">$6,000 bounty\u003c/a>. But bounties had a darker history in the 1800s. The Fugitive Slave Act offered \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/transcripts/1035741353#:~:text=HERSHIPS%3A%20Back%20in%201850%2C%20the,the%20one%20Texas%20just%20enacted.\">rewards for catching enslaved people who had escaped\u003c/a>, and Mexico once offered bounties for Native American scalps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. lawmakers had created a system that encouraged bounty hunters to maximize their earnings by finding the most crimes, not the most serious crimes. That meant punishing people for the smallest technical violations of the tax code.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When officials live by bounties, it becomes impossible for laypersons to attribute good motives to those people,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?app=desktop&v=6Uim8TRTWvU\">Parrillo explained\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parrillo read from a lengthy speech by Maine Republican Thomas Brackett Reed, former speaker of the House in the 1890s: “What community ever bestirred itself against frauds on the internal revenue, against moonshine distilleries, against smuggling, against a hundred other things which are crimes against the United States?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You need to have the officials stimulated by a similar self-interest to that which excites and supports and sustains the criminal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that, it should be noted, was in a speech in favor of bounties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“American lawmakers recoiled from what they had done,” Parrillo said. “They said, ‘Oh, my God, we’ve created a monster. We need to shut it down right now.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So out went bounties, and, eventually, in came paid professional IRS agents and beat cops, creating a system of salaried civil service employees. In the late 1800s and early 1900s, Congress and state legislatures gradually removed bounties and replaced bounty hunters with paid police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lincoln’s False Claims Act remained in effect, though Congress significantly diluted it in 1943, after a successful False Claims Act lawsuit worried military contractors during World War II. Then came the 1980s, when the Department of Defense was charged \u003ca href=\"https://www.grassley.senate.gov/news/news-releases/qanda-whistleblowers-shine-light-on-fraud\">$7,000 for a coffee pot and $640 for a toilet seat\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a hearing, Rep. Andy Ireland of Florida read from a list of fraudulent sales to the military during the Civil War and harkened back to the False Claims Act. “Here we are \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/jmd/legacy/2014/02/09/hear-48-1986.pdf\">120 years later\u003c/a>,” he said, “and we are still confronted with the same problems in military procurement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Nicholas Parrillo, Yale law and history professor\"]‘American lawmakers recoiled from what they had done. They said, ‘Oh, my God, we’ve created a monster. We need to shut it down right now.’[/pullquote]The act came roaring back, and today, Engstrom said, it’s the “purest form” of a bounty statute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And California created its own modern version of bounty hunting with voter-approved \u003ca href=\"https://oehha.ca.gov/proposition-65\">Prop. 65\u003c/a>. Since 1986, the state has invited residents to report violations of the environmental law that seeks to warn people about carcinogenic chemicals or those that affect reproduction in the products they consume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state permits citizens to bring private lawsuits for violations — and reap the rewards if they prevail in court or the company they sued decides to settle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, the California Chamber of Commerce fought a new \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2019/03/prop-65-toxic-warning-online-wine-coffee/\">proposed Prop. 65 warning\u003c/a> on acrylamide, a chemical created by cooking food, and one that the state couldn’t say definitively caused cancer. \u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/cal-chamber-of-commerce-v-becerra-2\">The chamber won\u003c/a>, and the chamber’s attorneys said the court action halted “hundreds of pending — but not yet filed — private enforcement actions” about that one chemical alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the new abortion and gun moves in Texas and California take the resurgence of bounty laws to a new level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Texas State Sen. Bryan Hughes, the author of the state’s new abortion law, wrote last September in \u003ca href=\"https://www.bryanhughes.com/wsj-heartbeat-bill\">a Wall Street Journal op-ed\u003c/a> that though the law is unconventional, legislators were out of options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The law departs from conventional enforcement channels, obviously,” Hughes wrote. “In almost every case, the person wronged, and therefore the person who brings the claim, is the plaintiff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the case of abortion, the wronged party has been extinguished.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Newsom didn’t discourage accusations that California’s gun law is aimed at merely trolling conservative states, when he took out ads in Florida urging residents to move to California and \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1550492943441485824?s=20&t=0Sf1Fxbzc2j9_yfZ9Z1QOQ\">tweeted at Texas Gov. Greg Abbott on July 22\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Texans will wake up this morning to this simple message,” Newsom wrote on Twitter. “If Texas can ban abortion and endanger lives, California can ban deadly weapons of war and save lives. If [Abbott] truly wants to protect the right to life, he should follow California’s lead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"American Civil Liberties Union\"]‘Replicating the reprehensible Texas model only serves to legitimize and promote it.’[/pullquote]The \u003ca href=\"https://aclucalaction.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/SB-1327-5.2.22.pdf\">American Civil Liberties Union isn’t having it\u003c/a> from either side. In opposing California’s law allowing citizens to sue over ghost guns and assault weapons, the ACLU called the law “an attack on the Constitution.” It said that despite California’s aim to force the Supreme Court to choose between states’ rights and gun rights, California was following a dangerous precedent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Replicating the reprehensible Texas model only serves to legitimize and promote it,” the group wrote in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beck, the Georgia law professor, notes in \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4029815\">a forthcoming paper\u003c/a> that red-state \u003ca href=\"https://idahocapitalsun.com/2022/03/23/idaho-governor-signs-bill-effectively-banning-most-abortions/\">Idaho has already adopted\u003c/a> a scaled-down version of the Texas abortion law, and blue-state Illinois is already considering legislation mirroring California’s gun law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Idaho Gov. Brad Little has \u003ca href=\"https://www.courthousenews.com/idaho-governor-signs-texas-styled-abortion-bill-into-law/\">expressed doubts\u003c/a> about the law’s civil enforcement: “While I support the pro-life policy in this legislation, I fear the novel civil enforcement mechanism will, in short order, be proven both unconstitutional and unwise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It becomes kind of part of this culture war, one state retaliating against another state,” Beck said. “These things are not good in practice, and in my view, I think they have lots of problems. I’d like to kind of keep them in the corners for very, very infrequent use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Texas put a bounty on abortion providers and California did the same for illegal gun sales. But bounties have a long and troubled history — and critics say bringing them back is not a good idea.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In Texas and California, new laws call on the people of each state to watch and report their neighbors — and reap a reward for doing so. Unusual, yes — although it’s a concept that dates back to the earliest days of the American republic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what do Civil War-era legislators raging about sick mules and wet gunpowder have to do with \u003ca href=\"https://capitol.texas.gov/tlodocs/87R/billtext/pdf/SB00008F.pdf\">Texas Senate Bill 8\u003c/a>, its “heartbeat” abortion law, and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1327\">California Senate Bill 1327\u003c/a>, its newest gun act?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They all \u003ca href=\"https://cite.case.law/cal/106/113/\">set out bounties\u003c/a>, with the state entrusting its citizens to enforce the law and promising remuneration to those who do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Texas law, passed in 2021, bans abortions if a doctor detects a fetal heartbeat, usually at about six weeks — but it’s not up to the state to enforce it. Instead, people anywhere in the United States can sue anyone who helped a Texan get an abortion. Successful lawsuits offer at least $10,000 per reported abortion, and the defendant, not the state, pays the plaintiff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As U.S. Chief Justice John Roberts noted, the law ran contrary to abortion rights guaranteed under Roe v. Wade, then the law of the land. Instead, he wrote in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/cases/2021/21-463\">concurring opinion\u003c/a>, “Texas has employed an array of stratagems designed to shield its unconstitutional law from judicial review.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents included the firearms industry, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/21/21-463/197884/20211027164758725_21-463%20tsac%20WWH%20-amicus-FPC-final.pdf\">started getting nervous\u003c/a> about the implications for gun owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sure enough, by the time the U.S. Supreme Court later jettisoned Roe’s right to abortion, perhaps making the machinations of Texas unnecessary, California was already fighting fire with fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-07-22/newsom-signs-gun-bill-modeled-after-texas-abortion-ban-setting-up\">signed a bounty law\u003c/a> targeting \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-gun-laws-policy-explained/\">not abortion but guns\u003c/a>. It allows private citizens to sue anyone for $10,000 for selling, distributing or importing ghost guns or \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/firearms/regagunfaqs#1\">assault weapons\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2022/04/19/abortion-texas-wendy-davis/\">new legal challenge to the Texas law\u003c/a> was filed in April. Gun rights supporters have promised to challenge California’s law as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entrusting the public to enforce the laws and paying them with bounties was once how this country kept the lights on — or, at least, the lanterns lit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before you had a really strong central state, and before you had a professional civil service, a lot of government services were provided on a bounty or a fee-for-service basis,” said Stanford Law School professor David Freeman Engstrom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To catch wrongdoing back then, the state had to rely on people watching their neighbors — and maybe hauling them to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922056\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-1242055989-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922056\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-1242055989-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-1242055989-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-1242055989-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-1242055989-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-1242055989-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-1242055989-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-1242055989-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-1242055989-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a news conference on gun legislation at Santa Monica College, where five people were shot and killed in 2013 by a gunman. In July, Newsom signed a bounty law that allows private citizens to sue anyone for $10,000 for selling, distributing or importing so-called ghost guns. \u003ccite>(Hans Gutknecht/MediaNews Group/Los Angeles Daily News via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Today the U.S. government rewards people who report fraudulent war contracts, \u003ca href=\"https://rewardsforjustice.net/\">terrorism\u003c/a>, violations of federal environmental law and Medicaid fraud. The state of California allows financial rewards for people who sue to enforce its Proposition 65 toxics warning law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, of course, there’s bail-jumping, for which we still have “professional” bounty hunters, though the subjects of bail bounties \u003ca href=\"https://static.prisonpolicy.org/scans/UCLA_Devil%20_in_the_Details.pdf\">sign a contract surrendering many of their rights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all bounties pay in money, Engstrom said — under federal environmental laws, a nonprofit is only able to recover attorney’s fees, from a successful injunction either against a polluter; against other violations of environmental law; or to protect an endangered species of animals. But the nonprofit is also able to demonstrate to potential donors that they’re “doing important work out in the world,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Texas and California bounty laws are relatively novel now, said University of Georgia School of Law professor Randy Beck, but he worries about what could come next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a long history with these things that is not very happy,” Beck said. “There’s a good reason that legislators have stopped using them, and I think I’m worried that a bunch of legislators are repeating history that we don’t want to repeat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We’ve created a monster’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/151514455.pdf\">One of the first bounty laws in history\u003c/a> was enacted in England in the early 1300s. Local officials were supposed to set uniform prices for wine, but some of them were also wine sellers. That conflict of interest complicated King Edward II’s effort to reassert political control over a fractious kingdom.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But he couldn’t be everywhere. So, he deputized every man in England: If they found local officials selling wine, the Crown would seize that wine — and the person who made the complaint would receive one-third of the seizure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the pond and 500 years later, Abraham Lincoln was tiring of fraudulent war contractors. The Union Army had been sold lame horses, sick mules, rancid food, guns that wouldn’t fire and artillery shells filled with sawdust. Sometimes they erroneously purchased them twice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Sen. Jacob Howard of Michigan in 1863 led the charge for what would become the False Claims Act, the gold standard for bounty laws that, in its modern form, triples the damages for fraud and allots the person who reports it one-third of the award. The idea, said Howard: “Setting a rogue to catch a rogue, which is the safest and most expeditious way I have ever discovered of bringing rogues to justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For most of its history, the U.S. government operated on bribes and bounties, argued Yale law and history professor Nicholas Parrillo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His book “\u003ca href=\"https://academic.oup.com/yale-scholarship-online/book/29766?login=false\">Against the Profit Motive\u003c/a>” details how until the early 1900s, states often left unpaid tax collections to bounty hunters and rewarded them with a portion of the proceeds. Bounties also went to naval officers who captured enemy ships and took a percentage of their value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People would rush to punish murder and thievery, Parrillo wrote, but getting communities to follow federal laws that the community itself didn’t agree with — or care about — was impossible without incentives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922061\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1349px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/080822-WANTED-SIGN-OAC-CM-scaled-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922061\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/080822-WANTED-SIGN-OAC-CM-scaled-1.jpg\" alt=\"a wanted sign from 1912 announcing a reward for a wanted man\" width=\"1349\" height=\"2048\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/080822-WANTED-SIGN-OAC-CM-scaled-1.jpg 1349w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/080822-WANTED-SIGN-OAC-CM-scaled-1-800x1215.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/080822-WANTED-SIGN-OAC-CM-scaled-1-1020x1549.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/080822-WANTED-SIGN-OAC-CM-scaled-1-160x243.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/080822-WANTED-SIGN-OAC-CM-scaled-1-1012x1536.jpg 1012w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1349px) 100vw, 1349px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A wanted poster issued by the San Francisco chief of police in 1912. \u003ccite>(Image courtesy of UC Berkeley, Bancroft Library via Online Archive of California)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The concept may evoke romantic notions of the California Rangers chasing the \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Five_Joaquins_Gang\">Five Joaquins Gang\u003c/a> through the goldfields for a \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3058&context=etd\">$6,000 bounty\u003c/a>. But bounties had a darker history in the 1800s. The Fugitive Slave Act offered \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/transcripts/1035741353#:~:text=HERSHIPS%3A%20Back%20in%201850%2C%20the,the%20one%20Texas%20just%20enacted.\">rewards for catching enslaved people who had escaped\u003c/a>, and Mexico once offered bounties for Native American scalps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. lawmakers had created a system that encouraged bounty hunters to maximize their earnings by finding the most crimes, not the most serious crimes. That meant punishing people for the smallest technical violations of the tax code.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When officials live by bounties, it becomes impossible for laypersons to attribute good motives to those people,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?app=desktop&v=6Uim8TRTWvU\">Parrillo explained\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parrillo read from a lengthy speech by Maine Republican Thomas Brackett Reed, former speaker of the House in the 1890s: “What community ever bestirred itself against frauds on the internal revenue, against moonshine distilleries, against smuggling, against a hundred other things which are crimes against the United States?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You need to have the officials stimulated by a similar self-interest to that which excites and supports and sustains the criminal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that, it should be noted, was in a speech in favor of bounties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“American lawmakers recoiled from what they had done,” Parrillo said. “They said, ‘Oh, my God, we’ve created a monster. We need to shut it down right now.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So out went bounties, and, eventually, in came paid professional IRS agents and beat cops, creating a system of salaried civil service employees. In the late 1800s and early 1900s, Congress and state legislatures gradually removed bounties and replaced bounty hunters with paid police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lincoln’s False Claims Act remained in effect, though Congress significantly diluted it in 1943, after a successful False Claims Act lawsuit worried military contractors during World War II. Then came the 1980s, when the Department of Defense was charged \u003ca href=\"https://www.grassley.senate.gov/news/news-releases/qanda-whistleblowers-shine-light-on-fraud\">$7,000 for a coffee pot and $640 for a toilet seat\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a hearing, Rep. Andy Ireland of Florida read from a list of fraudulent sales to the military during the Civil War and harkened back to the False Claims Act. “Here we are \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/jmd/legacy/2014/02/09/hear-48-1986.pdf\">120 years later\u003c/a>,” he said, “and we are still confronted with the same problems in military procurement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘American lawmakers recoiled from what they had done. They said, ‘Oh, my God, we’ve created a monster. We need to shut it down right now.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The act came roaring back, and today, Engstrom said, it’s the “purest form” of a bounty statute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And California created its own modern version of bounty hunting with voter-approved \u003ca href=\"https://oehha.ca.gov/proposition-65\">Prop. 65\u003c/a>. Since 1986, the state has invited residents to report violations of the environmental law that seeks to warn people about carcinogenic chemicals or those that affect reproduction in the products they consume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state permits citizens to bring private lawsuits for violations — and reap the rewards if they prevail in court or the company they sued decides to settle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, the California Chamber of Commerce fought a new \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2019/03/prop-65-toxic-warning-online-wine-coffee/\">proposed Prop. 65 warning\u003c/a> on acrylamide, a chemical created by cooking food, and one that the state couldn’t say definitively caused cancer. \u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/cal-chamber-of-commerce-v-becerra-2\">The chamber won\u003c/a>, and the chamber’s attorneys said the court action halted “hundreds of pending — but not yet filed — private enforcement actions” about that one chemical alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the new abortion and gun moves in Texas and California take the resurgence of bounty laws to a new level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Texas State Sen. Bryan Hughes, the author of the state’s new abortion law, wrote last September in \u003ca href=\"https://www.bryanhughes.com/wsj-heartbeat-bill\">a Wall Street Journal op-ed\u003c/a> that though the law is unconventional, legislators were out of options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The law departs from conventional enforcement channels, obviously,” Hughes wrote. “In almost every case, the person wronged, and therefore the person who brings the claim, is the plaintiff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the case of abortion, the wronged party has been extinguished.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Newsom didn’t discourage accusations that California’s gun law is aimed at merely trolling conservative states, when he took out ads in Florida urging residents to move to California and \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1550492943441485824?s=20&t=0Sf1Fxbzc2j9_yfZ9Z1QOQ\">tweeted at Texas Gov. Greg Abbott on July 22\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Texans will wake up this morning to this simple message,” Newsom wrote on Twitter. “If Texas can ban abortion and endanger lives, California can ban deadly weapons of war and save lives. If [Abbott] truly wants to protect the right to life, he should follow California’s lead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Replicating the reprehensible Texas model only serves to legitimize and promote it.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://aclucalaction.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/SB-1327-5.2.22.pdf\">American Civil Liberties Union isn’t having it\u003c/a> from either side. In opposing California’s law allowing citizens to sue over ghost guns and assault weapons, the ACLU called the law “an attack on the Constitution.” It said that despite California’s aim to force the Supreme Court to choose between states’ rights and gun rights, California was following a dangerous precedent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Replicating the reprehensible Texas model only serves to legitimize and promote it,” the group wrote in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beck, the Georgia law professor, notes in \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4029815\">a forthcoming paper\u003c/a> that red-state \u003ca href=\"https://idahocapitalsun.com/2022/03/23/idaho-governor-signs-bill-effectively-banning-most-abortions/\">Idaho has already adopted\u003c/a> a scaled-down version of the Texas abortion law, and blue-state Illinois is already considering legislation mirroring California’s gun law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Idaho Gov. Brad Little has \u003ca href=\"https://www.courthousenews.com/idaho-governor-signs-texas-styled-abortion-bill-into-law/\">expressed doubts\u003c/a> about the law’s civil enforcement: “While I support the pro-life policy in this legislation, I fear the novel civil enforcement mechanism will, in short order, be proven both unconstitutional and unwise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It becomes kind of part of this culture war, one state retaliating against another state,” Beck said. “These things are not good in practice, and in my view, I think they have lots of problems. I’d like to kind of keep them in the corners for very, very infrequent use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The latest statewide water conservation numbers are improving, having more than doubled from May to June, and the Bay Area is leading the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, statewide water consumption dropped by 7.6% compared to June 2020, whereas in May, Californians reduced water use by just 3.1%, according to a report from the State Water Resources Control Board on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The second round of the drought emergency regulations took effect at the end of May and the numbers seem to indicate we’re seeing some positive impacts from that,” said Marielle Pinheiro, a data specialist with the Water Board’s Office of Research, Planning and Performance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' citation='Dave Eggerton Association of California Water Agencies']‘I think the numbers are definitely heading in the right direction.’[/pullquote]The emergency regulations require all of the state’s 436 urban water suppliers to implement Water Shortage Contingency Plans, which vary from supplier to supplier but can include things like incentives for conservation and for replacing water-intensive landscaping as well as fines or additional charges for overconsuming water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, the East Bay Municipal Utility District (EBMUD), which delivers drinking water to 1.4 million customers in Alameda and Contra Costa counties, mandated a 10% water-use reduction, tightened restrictions on outdoor water use and reinstated its Excessive Use Penalty Ordinance, which includes fines of $2 for every 748 gallons of water used above a 1,646-gallon threshold, among other things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district says it has recorded water-use reductions of 6% in May, 12% in June and 16% in July, compared to those months two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Customer savings figures are moving in the right direction, but we know we must do more,” said EBMUD General Manager Clifford Chan in a news release Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“EBMUD asks its customers to continue to conserve, and if they are able, make more changes to make long-term impacts to their water use habits,” Chan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=water,drought label='Related Coverage']Also in June, the Water Board banned the use of potable water on “decorative or non-functional grass” at commercial, industrial and institutional properties across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the numbers are definitely heading in the right direction,” said Dave Eggerton, executive director of the Association of California Water Agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s positive and only getting better,” said Eggerton, whose association represents hundreds of water systems that collectively deliver about 90% of the state’s water to residential and commercial users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Water Board chairman E. Joaquin Esquivel said June’s conservation numbers are heartening since they come on the heels of two months, March and April, when statewide water-use numbers rose by 18.7% and 17.8% respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is important to see is that turnaround,” Esquivel said. “We did pass in late May our regs; all water agencies are now at Level 2 of their Water Shortage Contingency Plan and we began banning the irrigation of non-functional turf.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, all of the state’s 10 hydrologic regions reported a decrease in water use\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> — \u003c/span>the Bay Area heading up the list with 12.6%, followed by the North Coast and San Joaquin River regions with a bit over 10% each.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin County residents saved the most at 24.7% in May. Napa and Sonoma counties also beat Gov. Gavin Newsom’s targeted 15% conservation goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco and Solano lagged behind, each at only around 5% savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]The South Coast region, which includes Los Angeles and San Diego and is home to more than 55% of the state’s population, recorded a nearly 6% drop in water use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From July 2021 to June 2022, the state’s cumulative water use dropped by 2.7% compared to 2020, well below the governor’s conservation goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We met with the governor recently and he made it very clear that he wants to see this happen,” Eggerton said. “It’s a critical part of our response to the drought.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eggerton also said the state needs to continue investing in water storage and delivery systems in order to build resiliency in the face of ongoing temperature rise and precipitation declines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really need to capture as much (water) as we can when we do have wet years so we’re in a better position to deal with the challenges we have now,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Kevin Stark and Bay City News contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"headline": "Bay Area Leads State in Latest Water Conservation Numbers",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The latest statewide water conservation numbers are improving, having more than doubled from May to June, and the Bay Area is leading the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, statewide water consumption dropped by 7.6% compared to June 2020, whereas in May, Californians reduced water use by just 3.1%, according to a report from the State Water Resources Control Board on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The second round of the drought emergency regulations took effect at the end of May and the numbers seem to indicate we’re seeing some positive impacts from that,” said Marielle Pinheiro, a data specialist with the Water Board’s Office of Research, Planning and Performance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The emergency regulations require all of the state’s 436 urban water suppliers to implement Water Shortage Contingency Plans, which vary from supplier to supplier but can include things like incentives for conservation and for replacing water-intensive landscaping as well as fines or additional charges for overconsuming water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, the East Bay Municipal Utility District (EBMUD), which delivers drinking water to 1.4 million customers in Alameda and Contra Costa counties, mandated a 10% water-use reduction, tightened restrictions on outdoor water use and reinstated its Excessive Use Penalty Ordinance, which includes fines of $2 for every 748 gallons of water used above a 1,646-gallon threshold, among other things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district says it has recorded water-use reductions of 6% in May, 12% in June and 16% in July, compared to those months two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Customer savings figures are moving in the right direction, but we know we must do more,” said EBMUD General Manager Clifford Chan in a news release Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“EBMUD asks its customers to continue to conserve, and if they are able, make more changes to make long-term impacts to their water use habits,” Chan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Also in June, the Water Board banned the use of potable water on “decorative or non-functional grass” at commercial, industrial and institutional properties across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the numbers are definitely heading in the right direction,” said Dave Eggerton, executive director of the Association of California Water Agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s positive and only getting better,” said Eggerton, whose association represents hundreds of water systems that collectively deliver about 90% of the state’s water to residential and commercial users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Water Board chairman E. Joaquin Esquivel said June’s conservation numbers are heartening since they come on the heels of two months, March and April, when statewide water-use numbers rose by 18.7% and 17.8% respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is important to see is that turnaround,” Esquivel said. “We did pass in late May our regs; all water agencies are now at Level 2 of their Water Shortage Contingency Plan and we began banning the irrigation of non-functional turf.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, all of the state’s 10 hydrologic regions reported a decrease in water use\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> — \u003c/span>the Bay Area heading up the list with 12.6%, followed by the North Coast and San Joaquin River regions with a bit over 10% each.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin County residents saved the most at 24.7% in May. Napa and Sonoma counties also beat Gov. Gavin Newsom’s targeted 15% conservation goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco and Solano lagged behind, each at only around 5% savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The South Coast region, which includes Los Angeles and San Diego and is home to more than 55% of the state’s population, recorded a nearly 6% drop in water use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From July 2021 to June 2022, the state’s cumulative water use dropped by 2.7% compared to 2020, well below the governor’s conservation goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We met with the governor recently and he made it very clear that he wants to see this happen,” Eggerton said. “It’s a critical part of our response to the drought.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eggerton also said the state needs to continue investing in water storage and delivery systems in order to build resiliency in the face of ongoing temperature rise and precipitation declines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really need to capture as much (water) as we can when we do have wet years so we’re in a better position to deal with the challenges we have now,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Kevin Stark and Bay City News contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Leasing for new oil and gas drilling on federal land in Central California is temporarily blocked under \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/84-1%20Stipulated%20Settlement%20Agreement.pdf\">a settlement\u003c/a> announced Monday between the state and the U.S. Bureau of Land Management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal, which still needs court approval, centers on more than 2,500 square miles of land and subsurface mineral rights owned by the federal government in California’s Central Valley, a hub for oil and gas activity. It prohibits the federal government from leasing any of the land for drilling until it completes a fresh review of environmental harms that may be caused by fracking, a process used to extract oil and gas from rock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fracking is dangerous for our communities, damaging to our environment, and out of step with California’s climate goals,” California Attorney General Rob Bonta said in a statement announcing the settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Rob Bonta, California Attorney General\"]‘Fracking is dangerous for our communities, damaging to our environment, and out of step with California’s climate goals.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dispute over federal drilling activity on the land began in 2014, when the Obama administration wanted to lease the land. Environmental groups sued, arguing the plan failed to assess environmental harms. In 2017, the bureau agreed to provide additional environmental review, according to the settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later, the Trump administration moved forward with the 2014 plan without substantial changes, the settlement said. The environmental groups sued again and so did the state of California, arguing that the federal government failed to evaluate how fracking would affect water, air quality, greenhouse gas emissions, recreational use of the lands, seismic impacts and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fracking is the process of injecting a high-pressure mix of mostly water with some sand and chemical additives into rock to create or expand fractures that allow oil and gas to be extracted. It’s a controversial practice due to concerns about the injected chemicals contaminating groundwater.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement puts a moratorium on any sales of oil and gas leases on federal land around Bakersfield until the appropriate environmental reviews are completed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration tried to suspend sales of leases for oil and gas drilling on federal land but was blocked by a court. The first auctions for onshore leasing since Biden took office began at \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/climate-biden-billings-and-environment-9ed80ac0373cf202f730f5ad8ccc13d0\">the end of June\u003c/a>. The available land covered about 225 square miles \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-business-billings-environment-4f5213bcc57da138e4d9ae859841b74d\">in mostly Western states\u003c/a>, but none in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"fracking\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Gov. Gavin Newsom has called for a ban on new fracking permits on state-permitted land starting in 2024. Fracking accounts for just a small percentage of oil production in the state. Newsom’s administration has already begun \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/climate-business-environment-and-nature-california-gavin-newsom-1671bce1013b33ba9013b8c06ac2c645\">denying fracking permits\u003c/a> solely based on climate change concerns, prompting oil and gas groups to sue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin Slagle, a spokesman for the Western States Petroleum Association, said decisions that make it harder to produce energy in California will cause prices to rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unfortunate that President Biden travels the world asking other countries to increase production while our governor is working hard to eliminate domestic resources,” he said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Leasing for new oil and gas drilling on federal land in Central California is temporarily blocked under \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/84-1%20Stipulated%20Settlement%20Agreement.pdf\">a settlement\u003c/a> announced Monday between the state and the U.S. Bureau of Land Management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal, which still needs court approval, centers on more than 2,500 square miles of land and subsurface mineral rights owned by the federal government in California’s Central Valley, a hub for oil and gas activity. It prohibits the federal government from leasing any of the land for drilling until it completes a fresh review of environmental harms that may be caused by fracking, a process used to extract oil and gas from rock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fracking is dangerous for our communities, damaging to our environment, and out of step with California’s climate goals,” California Attorney General Rob Bonta said in a statement announcing the settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dispute over federal drilling activity on the land began in 2014, when the Obama administration wanted to lease the land. Environmental groups sued, arguing the plan failed to assess environmental harms. In 2017, the bureau agreed to provide additional environmental review, according to the settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later, the Trump administration moved forward with the 2014 plan without substantial changes, the settlement said. The environmental groups sued again and so did the state of California, arguing that the federal government failed to evaluate how fracking would affect water, air quality, greenhouse gas emissions, recreational use of the lands, seismic impacts and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fracking is the process of injecting a high-pressure mix of mostly water with some sand and chemical additives into rock to create or expand fractures that allow oil and gas to be extracted. It’s a controversial practice due to concerns about the injected chemicals contaminating groundwater.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement puts a moratorium on any sales of oil and gas leases on federal land around Bakersfield until the appropriate environmental reviews are completed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration tried to suspend sales of leases for oil and gas drilling on federal land but was blocked by a court. The first auctions for onshore leasing since Biden took office began at \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/climate-biden-billings-and-environment-9ed80ac0373cf202f730f5ad8ccc13d0\">the end of June\u003c/a>. The available land covered about 225 square miles \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-business-billings-environment-4f5213bcc57da138e4d9ae859841b74d\">in mostly Western states\u003c/a>, but none in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Gov. Gavin Newsom has called for a ban on new fracking permits on state-permitted land starting in 2024. Fracking accounts for just a small percentage of oil production in the state. Newsom’s administration has already begun \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/climate-business-environment-and-nature-california-gavin-newsom-1671bce1013b33ba9013b8c06ac2c645\">denying fracking permits\u003c/a> solely based on climate change concerns, prompting oil and gas groups to sue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin Slagle, a spokesman for the Western States Petroleum Association, said decisions that make it harder to produce energy in California will cause prices to rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unfortunate that President Biden travels the world asking other countries to increase production while our governor is working hard to eliminate domestic resources,” he said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom declared a public health state of emergency Monday to boost California’s monkeypox vaccination efforts as the virus continues its rapid spread in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor said the declaration will help California coordinate a government-wide response, acquire and distribute more vaccines and steer outreach efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is working urgently across all levels of government to slow the spread of monkeypox, leveraging our robust testing, contact tracing and community partnerships strengthened during the pandemic to ensure that those most at risk are our focus for vaccines, treatment and outreach,” Newsom said in a statement. “We’ll continue to work with the federal government to secure more vaccines, raise awareness about reducing risk, and stand with the LGBTQ community fighting stigmatization.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/KQEDnews/status/1554527744767041537\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proclamation comes amid a spike in monkeypox cases in recent weeks. As of July 28, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/Monkeypox.aspx\">786 people in California\u003c/a> had tested positive for the virus. More than 98% of them have been men, and the vast majority live in San Francisco and Los Angeles, according to state health officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"monkeypox\"]In San Francisco alone, the case count had \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/information/monkeypox-cases\">risen to 310\u003c/a> as of Monday, accounting for nearly 40% of the state’s total.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The monkeypox virus spreads through prolonged and close skin-to-skin contact, which can include hugging, cuddling and kissing, as well as through the sharing of bedding, towels and clothing. It has so far overwhelmingly spread among men who have sex with men, and disproportionately impacted young Latino men, recent state data shows, though health officials stress that anyone can be infected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The type of monkeypox virus identified in this outbreak is rarely fatal, and people usually recover within weeks. But the lesions and blisters caused by the virus are painful, and can prevent swallowing or bowel movements if they develop in the throat or anus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/8.1.22-Monkeypox-SOE-signed.pdf?emrc=2a3e09\">Newsom’s proclamation\u003c/a> allows emergency medical personnel to administer federally approved monkeypox vaccines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s similar to a recent law that allows pharmacists to administer vaccines, the governor’s office said. The state’s response, it noted, is building on steps developed during the coronavirus pandemic to set up vaccination clinics and make sure outreach is available to vulnerable populations in coordination with local and community-based organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s declaration follows an equivalent measure \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/health-africa-new-york-city-public-ee7bdc51b22ebe65a92f3056feceb3b9\">announced in New York state\u003c/a> on Saturday, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11920764/an-epicenter-for-the-country-san-francisco-declares-state-of-emergency-over-monkeypox-outbreak\">one in San Francisco on Thursday\u003c/a>. Illinois on Monday also \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/08/02/1115104209/california-illinois-state-of-emergency-monkeypox\">proclaimed a state of emergency\u003c/a> over the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s administration had said as recently as Friday that it was too soon for such a declaration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After pressing for Newsom to make the move, Democratic state Sen. Scott Wiener of San Francisco hailed the governor’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The monkeypox outbreak is an emergency, and we need to use every tool we have to control it,” Wiener said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11921210\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57504_008_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11921210\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57504_008_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Men wait in a long line on the street.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57504_008_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57504_008_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57504_008_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57504_008_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57504_008_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The line to receive a monkeypox vaccine stretches for multiple blocks, outside San Francisco General Hospital on Monday, Aug. 1, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California has received more than 61,000 vaccine doses and distributed more than 25,000 doses, officials said. And as of last week, the state had expanded its testing capacity to process more than 1,000 tests a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But state and federal health officials have come under fire for what many say has been a lackluster response to the outbreak, with vaccines still in short supply despite rapidly rising demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, Peter Tran was among hundreds who lined up sometimes for hours to receive the monkeypox vaccine at the Zuckerberg San Francisco General Hospital (ZSFG) after the clinic was forced to close last week because it did not receive enough doses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s horrible. Like this is a vaccine that’s been out for such a long time. And like, it’s not even a deadly disease. It’s harder to be transmitted than COVID. But the rollout of the vaccines throughout this nation is absolutely horrible,” Tran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the science shows that protection is greatly improved with the vaccine. So that’s why I’m doing it,” he added. “And I honestly just don’t want the lesions on my body. I heard the lesions are painful and leave scarring. So I think that’s another motivation to go out and get it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city received about 4,000 doses on Friday and hopes to administer them by mid-week, said Dr. Lukejohn Day, chief medical officer at ZSFG.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post includes reporting from Don Thompson of The Associated Press and KQED’s Matthew Green.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The declaration, which comes just days after a similar action in New York state, is intended to boost California's vaccination and outreach efforts, allowing emergency medical personnel to administer federally approved monkeypox vaccines.",
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"title": "Newsom Declares Statewide Emergency Amid Rapid Spread of Monkeypox Virus | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom declared a public health state of emergency Monday to boost California’s monkeypox vaccination efforts as the virus continues its rapid spread in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor said the declaration will help California coordinate a government-wide response, acquire and distribute more vaccines and steer outreach efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is working urgently across all levels of government to slow the spread of monkeypox, leveraging our robust testing, contact tracing and community partnerships strengthened during the pandemic to ensure that those most at risk are our focus for vaccines, treatment and outreach,” Newsom said in a statement. “We’ll continue to work with the federal government to secure more vaccines, raise awareness about reducing risk, and stand with the LGBTQ community fighting stigmatization.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>The proclamation comes amid a spike in monkeypox cases in recent weeks. As of July 28, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/Monkeypox.aspx\">786 people in California\u003c/a> had tested positive for the virus. More than 98% of them have been men, and the vast majority live in San Francisco and Los Angeles, according to state health officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In San Francisco alone, the case count had \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/information/monkeypox-cases\">risen to 310\u003c/a> as of Monday, accounting for nearly 40% of the state’s total.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The monkeypox virus spreads through prolonged and close skin-to-skin contact, which can include hugging, cuddling and kissing, as well as through the sharing of bedding, towels and clothing. It has so far overwhelmingly spread among men who have sex with men, and disproportionately impacted young Latino men, recent state data shows, though health officials stress that anyone can be infected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The type of monkeypox virus identified in this outbreak is rarely fatal, and people usually recover within weeks. But the lesions and blisters caused by the virus are painful, and can prevent swallowing or bowel movements if they develop in the throat or anus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/8.1.22-Monkeypox-SOE-signed.pdf?emrc=2a3e09\">Newsom’s proclamation\u003c/a> allows emergency medical personnel to administer federally approved monkeypox vaccines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s similar to a recent law that allows pharmacists to administer vaccines, the governor’s office said. The state’s response, it noted, is building on steps developed during the coronavirus pandemic to set up vaccination clinics and make sure outreach is available to vulnerable populations in coordination with local and community-based organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s declaration follows an equivalent measure \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/health-africa-new-york-city-public-ee7bdc51b22ebe65a92f3056feceb3b9\">announced in New York state\u003c/a> on Saturday, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11920764/an-epicenter-for-the-country-san-francisco-declares-state-of-emergency-over-monkeypox-outbreak\">one in San Francisco on Thursday\u003c/a>. Illinois on Monday also \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/08/02/1115104209/california-illinois-state-of-emergency-monkeypox\">proclaimed a state of emergency\u003c/a> over the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s administration had said as recently as Friday that it was too soon for such a declaration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After pressing for Newsom to make the move, Democratic state Sen. Scott Wiener of San Francisco hailed the governor’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The monkeypox outbreak is an emergency, and we need to use every tool we have to control it,” Wiener said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11921210\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57504_008_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11921210\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57504_008_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Men wait in a long line on the street.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57504_008_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57504_008_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57504_008_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57504_008_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57504_008_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The line to receive a monkeypox vaccine stretches for multiple blocks, outside San Francisco General Hospital on Monday, Aug. 1, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California has received more than 61,000 vaccine doses and distributed more than 25,000 doses, officials said. And as of last week, the state had expanded its testing capacity to process more than 1,000 tests a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But state and federal health officials have come under fire for what many say has been a lackluster response to the outbreak, with vaccines still in short supply despite rapidly rising demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, Peter Tran was among hundreds who lined up sometimes for hours to receive the monkeypox vaccine at the Zuckerberg San Francisco General Hospital (ZSFG) after the clinic was forced to close last week because it did not receive enough doses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s horrible. Like this is a vaccine that’s been out for such a long time. And like, it’s not even a deadly disease. It’s harder to be transmitted than COVID. But the rollout of the vaccines throughout this nation is absolutely horrible,” Tran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the science shows that protection is greatly improved with the vaccine. 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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"order": 9
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
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},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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},
"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"meta": {
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},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
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"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Political Breakdown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/572155894/political-breakdown",
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