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"slug": "we-get-it-we-want-election-results-too-but-its-going-to-be-awhile",
"title": "We Get It – We Want Election Results, Too. But California's Will Take a While",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s finally here. The day we’ve all been waiting for — or at least the political junkies among us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Super Tuesday is upon us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The polls close at 8 p.m. in California, which for the first time in many a moon will play a major role in deciding which Democrat gets the nomination and goes on to challenge President Trump in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many Democrats, it probably feels like this election has been going on for three years already. And although the end is in sight, it’s really, really unlikely that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/03/01/809941998/on-super-tuesday-dont-expect-quick-election-results-from-the-west?utm_medium=social&utm_term=nprnews&utm_source=twitter.com&utm_campaign=npr\">any definitive winner\u003c/a> will emerge tonight — either here in California or in many of the other states voting today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that delay doesn’t mean the voting system is broken or that something has gone wrong (although there’s always that possibility); it actually means things are probably working as designed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s why:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>1. A huge electorate + state laws aimed at getting as many people to vote as possible = weeks of counting.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to most other states, California has really \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Voting_in_California\">progressive voting laws\u003c/a>. That means people have more time to vote at the polls (both early and late) and return their mail-in ballots. As of this election, California voters can also register and vote on Election Day!\u003cbr>\n[aside postID=\"news_11803519\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/GettyImages-583543004-1020x691.jpg\" label=\"Related Coverage\"]All of which is to say, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11799938/no-california-isnt-iowa-but-dont-expect-definitive-results-on-election-night-either\">the final count is gonna take awhile\u003c/a>. Between the millions of vote-by-mail ballots — which don’t have to arrive at county election offices until Friday — and the many \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/research/elections-and-campaigns/provisional-ballots.aspx\">provisional ballots\u003c/a> that will be cast at polling places today, it could take a couple of weeks to verify and count every ballot. In fact, counties have until April 3 to certify their final results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>2. Delegate math ain’t easy.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much like how the Electoral College, not the popular vote, actually decides the presidency (as we were all reminded of in 2016), it’s the Democratic Party delegates — not the voters — who ultimately determine which candidate receives the nomination. And how those\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11803519/chasing-californias-massive-delegate-haul-your-guide-to-election-night-math\"> delegates are doled out\u003c/a> is pretty complicated business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The short of it: California has 415 delegates up for grabs. Roughly 65% of them are split among the state’s 53 congressional districts. The rest are statewide delegates. A candidate needs to get at least 15% of the popular vote in a given congressional district to qualify for any of that district’s delegates (which are then awarded proportionally). Same deal for statewide delegates: Candidates don’t get squat unless they receive at least 15% of the statewide vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And all the votes first need to be tallied to figure out that math.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that doesn’t mean tonight won’t be fun to watch. With 14 states and a territory (American Somoa) weighing in, there’ll be plenty of news to chew on. Here in California, we’ll at least have a pretty good idea by later tonight — based on ballots already counted — of who’s likely to come in first, second and third in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for the nitty-gritty details — it could take awhile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Correction: A previous version of this story incorrectly stated that the American territory of Guam was voting on Super Tuesday. Rather, voting took place in American Samoa.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" id=\"iframe_88c24a725ff699bc74a693fb0477ef08\" style=\"overflow: hidden; min-width: 100%; border: none;\" src=\"https://elections.ap.org/widgets/content/88c24a725ff699bc74a693fb0477ef08\" width=\"100%\" height=\"700px;\" frameborder=\"1\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s finally here. The day we’ve all been waiting for — or at least the political junkies among us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Super Tuesday is upon us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The polls close at 8 p.m. in California, which for the first time in many a moon will play a major role in deciding which Democrat gets the nomination and goes on to challenge President Trump in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many Democrats, it probably feels like this election has been going on for three years already. And although the end is in sight, it’s really, really unlikely that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/03/01/809941998/on-super-tuesday-dont-expect-quick-election-results-from-the-west?utm_medium=social&utm_term=nprnews&utm_source=twitter.com&utm_campaign=npr\">any definitive winner\u003c/a> will emerge tonight — either here in California or in many of the other states voting today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that delay doesn’t mean the voting system is broken or that something has gone wrong (although there’s always that possibility); it actually means things are probably working as designed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s why:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>1. A huge electorate + state laws aimed at getting as many people to vote as possible = weeks of counting.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to most other states, California has really \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Voting_in_California\">progressive voting laws\u003c/a>. That means people have more time to vote at the polls (both early and late) and return their mail-in ballots. As of this election, California voters can also register and vote on Election Day!\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>All of which is to say, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11799938/no-california-isnt-iowa-but-dont-expect-definitive-results-on-election-night-either\">the final count is gonna take awhile\u003c/a>. Between the millions of vote-by-mail ballots — which don’t have to arrive at county election offices until Friday — and the many \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/research/elections-and-campaigns/provisional-ballots.aspx\">provisional ballots\u003c/a> that will be cast at polling places today, it could take a couple of weeks to verify and count every ballot. In fact, counties have until April 3 to certify their final results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>2. Delegate math ain’t easy.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much like how the Electoral College, not the popular vote, actually decides the presidency (as we were all reminded of in 2016), it’s the Democratic Party delegates — not the voters — who ultimately determine which candidate receives the nomination. And how those\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11803519/chasing-californias-massive-delegate-haul-your-guide-to-election-night-math\"> delegates are doled out\u003c/a> is pretty complicated business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The short of it: California has 415 delegates up for grabs. Roughly 65% of them are split among the state’s 53 congressional districts. The rest are statewide delegates. A candidate needs to get at least 15% of the popular vote in a given congressional district to qualify for any of that district’s delegates (which are then awarded proportionally). Same deal for statewide delegates: Candidates don’t get squat unless they receive at least 15% of the statewide vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And all the votes first need to be tallied to figure out that math.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that doesn’t mean tonight won’t be fun to watch. With 14 states and a territory (American Somoa) weighing in, there’ll be plenty of news to chew on. Here in California, we’ll at least have a pretty good idea by later tonight — based on ballots already counted — of who’s likely to come in first, second and third in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for the nitty-gritty details — it could take awhile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Correction: A previous version of this story incorrectly stated that the American territory of Guam was voting on Super Tuesday. Rather, voting took place in American Samoa.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" id=\"iframe_88c24a725ff699bc74a693fb0477ef08\" style=\"overflow: hidden; min-width: 100%; border: none;\" src=\"https://elections.ap.org/widgets/content/88c24a725ff699bc74a693fb0477ef08\" width=\"100%\" height=\"700px;\" frameborder=\"1\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>With the landscape of Democratic primary candidates quickly changing (Tom Steyer, Pete Buttigieg and Amy Klobuchar have all dropped out in recent days), California voters have a lot of questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election officials mailed out 15 million California ballots last month — and more than 3 million voters have already turned their ballots in. If you’re one of those voters — or if you haven’t yet gone to the polls, you may have some questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some of the most frequently asked questions and our answers:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Can I vote again if I already submitted my ballot and the person I voted for has since dropped out?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"California Voter Resources\" link1=\"https://voterstatus.sos.ca.gov/,Check Registration Status/Find Your Polling Place\" link2=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/ballot-status/,Check Your Ballot Status\" link3=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/same-day-reg/,Same-Day Voter Registration\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SFVoter.jpg\"]No. Once you’ve voted, you cannot vote again. Under \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/publications-and-resources/voting-law-compliance-handbook/\">state law\u003c/a>, it’s a crime to vote twice, and if you do, both ballots will be disqualified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Can I change my vote if I filled out my ballot but haven’t turned it in yet?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes. To do so, you must go to a polling place, election center or county election office, tell an official there what happened, turn in your old ballot to be destroyed and request a new one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Can I register to vote on Election Day?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s important to note, however, that your ballot will take a few days, or maybe even weeks, to be counted if you register on Election Day, because voting officials must verify your eligibility before they can count it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If I’m not a registered Democrat, can I vote in Tuesday’s primary?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes — but at this late time, you must request a Democratic primary ballot at a polling location, county election office or vote center. If you were mailed a different ballot, bring it with you so you can exchange it for one with the Democratic presidential candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What happens to the votes (and delegates) for the candidates who already dropped out?\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you already voted for Steyer, Buttigieg, Klobuchar or Andrew Yang — all candidates on the ballot who have since dropped out — they will still get your vote in California’s final tally, and will also still receive any delegates they might end up qualifying for. However, with their campaigns suspended, none of that really matters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Now that four candidates on the ballot have dropped out, does that change the delegate math?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nope. All candidates still \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11803519/chasing-californias-massive-delegate-haul-your-guide-to-election-night-math\">need to clear 15% of the vote\u003c/a> — in their districts and statewide — to qualify for any delegates. That threshold is simply based on the total voter turnout in any given congressional district or statewide, regardless of how many candidates are left standing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If I haven’t mailed in my vote-by-mail ballot yet, what should I do?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can drop it off at any voting center, polling location or county elections office. Or, you can mail it — as long as it’s postmarked by Tuesday, March 3 and arrives by Friday, it will still be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How can I make sure my vote was counted?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check with your county election office. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/ballot-status/\">Here’s a handy list\u003c/a> to help with that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What other states are voting on Super Tuesday?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A whole bunch of them: Alabama, Arkansas, Colorado, Maine, Massachusetts, Minnesota, North Carolina, Oklahoma, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Vermont and Virginia are all voting, as well as American Samoa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How many delegates are up for grabs, both in California and all Super Tuesday states combined?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes. Under a new state law you \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/same-day-reg/\">can register to vote\u003c/a> and cast a ballot on Election Day — but you must go to a county election office, polling place or vote center. Find a nearby polling place or vote center \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/polling-place/\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California will dole out 415 delegates. In the 14 states and one territory holding primary contests on Super Tuesday, there are a total of 1,344 delegates up for grabs — or about a third of all “pledged” delegates in the entire Democratic primary (3,979). To put that in context, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/us/elections/delegate-count-primary-results.html\">only 155 delegates\u003c/a> have been awarded so far from the first four states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How many delegates are needed to secure the nomination?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To secure the Democratic nomination, a candidate needs 1,991 delegates, or a majority of the total delegates awarded in the primaries and caucuses in all 50 states, the District of Columbia and U.S. territories. (Superdelegates won’t come into play unless no candidate gets that majority on the first ballot.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>When will we have California’s election results? When will we know exactly how many delegates each candidate is getting from California?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"election2020\"]We should have a pretty good idea by late Tuesday/early Wednesday who the top vote-getters are in California — but it could take \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11799938/no-california-isnt-iowa-but-dont-expect-definitive-results-on-election-night-either\">days or weeks\u003c/a> to sort out exactly how many delegates each candidate receives. That’s because all the votes must be counted before delegates can be apportioned. (Read more about the delegate math \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11803519/chasing-californias-massive-delegate-haul-your-guide-to-election-night-math\">here\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>April 3 is the deadline in California for counties to certify their results, and April 10 is when the statewide results will be certified. And, California\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/03/01/809941998/on-super-tuesday-dont-expect-quick-election-results-from-the-west?utm_medium=social&utm_term=nprnews&utm_source=twitter.com&utm_campaign=npr\"> isn’t the only Western state\u003c/a> that could take awhile to come out with final results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What happens if no one has the minimum number of delegates going into the Democratic National Convention?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then it becomes a contested convention. \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2020/03/01/contested-democratic-convention-rules-118377\">Things get really complicated\u003c/a> and superdelegates come into play. But let’s cross that bridge if and when we come to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With the landscape of Democratic primary candidates quickly changing (Tom Steyer, Pete Buttigieg and Amy Klobuchar have all dropped out in recent days), California voters have a lot of questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election officials mailed out 15 million California ballots last month — and more than 3 million voters have already turned their ballots in. If you’re one of those voters — or if you haven’t yet gone to the polls, you may have some questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some of the most frequently asked questions and our answers:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Can I vote again if I already submitted my ballot and the person I voted for has since dropped out?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>No. Once you’ve voted, you cannot vote again. Under \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/publications-and-resources/voting-law-compliance-handbook/\">state law\u003c/a>, it’s a crime to vote twice, and if you do, both ballots will be disqualified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Can I change my vote if I filled out my ballot but haven’t turned it in yet?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes. To do so, you must go to a polling place, election center or county election office, tell an official there what happened, turn in your old ballot to be destroyed and request a new one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Can I register to vote on Election Day?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s important to note, however, that your ballot will take a few days, or maybe even weeks, to be counted if you register on Election Day, because voting officials must verify your eligibility before they can count it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If I’m not a registered Democrat, can I vote in Tuesday’s primary?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes — but at this late time, you must request a Democratic primary ballot at a polling location, county election office or vote center. If you were mailed a different ballot, bring it with you so you can exchange it for one with the Democratic presidential candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What happens to the votes (and delegates) for the candidates who already dropped out?\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you already voted for Steyer, Buttigieg, Klobuchar or Andrew Yang — all candidates on the ballot who have since dropped out — they will still get your vote in California’s final tally, and will also still receive any delegates they might end up qualifying for. However, with their campaigns suspended, none of that really matters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Now that four candidates on the ballot have dropped out, does that change the delegate math?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nope. All candidates still \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11803519/chasing-californias-massive-delegate-haul-your-guide-to-election-night-math\">need to clear 15% of the vote\u003c/a> — in their districts and statewide — to qualify for any delegates. That threshold is simply based on the total voter turnout in any given congressional district or statewide, regardless of how many candidates are left standing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If I haven’t mailed in my vote-by-mail ballot yet, what should I do?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can drop it off at any voting center, polling location or county elections office. Or, you can mail it — as long as it’s postmarked by Tuesday, March 3 and arrives by Friday, it will still be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How can I make sure my vote was counted?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check with your county election office. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/ballot-status/\">Here’s a handy list\u003c/a> to help with that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What other states are voting on Super Tuesday?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A whole bunch of them: Alabama, Arkansas, Colorado, Maine, Massachusetts, Minnesota, North Carolina, Oklahoma, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Vermont and Virginia are all voting, as well as American Samoa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How many delegates are up for grabs, both in California and all Super Tuesday states combined?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes. Under a new state law you \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/same-day-reg/\">can register to vote\u003c/a> and cast a ballot on Election Day — but you must go to a county election office, polling place or vote center. Find a nearby polling place or vote center \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/polling-place/\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California will dole out 415 delegates. In the 14 states and one territory holding primary contests on Super Tuesday, there are a total of 1,344 delegates up for grabs — or about a third of all “pledged” delegates in the entire Democratic primary (3,979). To put that in context, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/us/elections/delegate-count-primary-results.html\">only 155 delegates\u003c/a> have been awarded so far from the first four states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How many delegates are needed to secure the nomination?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To secure the Democratic nomination, a candidate needs 1,991 delegates, or a majority of the total delegates awarded in the primaries and caucuses in all 50 states, the District of Columbia and U.S. territories. (Superdelegates won’t come into play unless no candidate gets that majority on the first ballot.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>When will we have California’s election results? When will we know exactly how many delegates each candidate is getting from California?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>We should have a pretty good idea by late Tuesday/early Wednesday who the top vote-getters are in California — but it could take \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11799938/no-california-isnt-iowa-but-dont-expect-definitive-results-on-election-night-either\">days or weeks\u003c/a> to sort out exactly how many delegates each candidate receives. That’s because all the votes must be counted before delegates can be apportioned. (Read more about the delegate math \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11803519/chasing-californias-massive-delegate-haul-your-guide-to-election-night-math\">here\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>April 3 is the deadline in California for counties to certify their results, and April 10 is when the statewide results will be certified. And, California\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/03/01/809941998/on-super-tuesday-dont-expect-quick-election-results-from-the-west?utm_medium=social&utm_term=nprnews&utm_source=twitter.com&utm_campaign=npr\"> isn’t the only Western state\u003c/a> that could take awhile to come out with final results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What happens if no one has the minimum number of delegates going into the Democratic National Convention?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then it becomes a contested convention. \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2020/03/01/contested-democratic-convention-rules-118377\">Things get really complicated\u003c/a> and superdelegates come into play. But let’s cross that bridge if and when we come to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After years of not making much difference in the presidential primaries because the state’s election took place in June, California’s earlier primary this year \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11803519/chasing-californias-massive-delegate-haul-your-guide-to-election-night-math\">will have a huge impact\u003c/a> on the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delegate count to date is puny compared to the 415 pledged Democratic delegates California has to offer on Super Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iowa weighs in at a cute 41 delegates and New Hampshire contributes a dainty 24.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Golden State is by far the biggest delegate haul of the presidential primaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s hope we have as big of an impact on the general election in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After years of not making much difference in the presidential primaries because the state’s election took place in June, California’s earlier primary this year \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11803519/chasing-californias-massive-delegate-haul-your-guide-to-election-night-math\">will have a huge impact\u003c/a> on the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delegate count to date is puny compared to the 415 pledged Democratic delegates California has to offer on Super Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iowa weighs in at a cute 41 delegates and New Hampshire contributes a dainty 24.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Golden State is by far the biggest delegate haul of the presidential primaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s hope we have as big of an impact on the general election in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The process of doling out the hundreds of Democratic delegates up for grabs in California’s presidential primary Tuesday is enough to make a mathematician’s head hurt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, some context.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To win the Democratic nomination on the first ballot — meaning a candidate gets to the convention in July with the votes needed to be nominated — a candidate needs to win just over 1,990 delegates by the time all the primaries are finished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California alone has 415 “pledged delegates,” the most of any state by far. (There are also another 79 “unpledged,” or “superdelegates,” available, but we’ll get to that in a bit.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After California, New York is next with 274 pledged delegates — so yes, we are the 800-pound gorilla here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those 415 delegates get split up in two different ways: by congressional district (271) and by statewide vote (144).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Before we get into the nitty gritty, check out this short video, from CalMatters, which does a nice job breaking it down.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/Qfs2fpHdgQY\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Congressional District Delegates\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The first is by congressional district. Each of California’s 53 congressinal districtss is allocated between four and seven delegates, depending on the district’s population and how many votes the Democratic nominee received there in the 2012 and 2016 presidential elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only two Bay Area districts — the ones represented by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-San Francisco, and Rep. Barbara Lee, D-Oakland — have seven delegates. The rest have between four and six. You can find the full list \u003ca href=\"https://www.cadem.org/body/2020-Delegate-Selection-FInal-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">here\u003c/a> (pages 13-15).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That amounts to a total of 271 district-level delegates up for grabs across California’s 53 districts. And to get any delegates from a given district, a candidate has to win at least 15% of the vote there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given that there will be millions of ballots left to count after Election Day, candidates hovering around the 15% threshold in any district will likely have to wait weeks to find out how many delegates they’ve potentially won. And again, any candidate who falls below the 15% threshold in that district gets nothing, freeing up the remaining delegates to be distributed to the other candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the days or weeks it will take to finish counting all the mail-in and provisional ballots, “we typically have a pretty good sense where most contests are headed on election night,” Secretary of State Alex Padilla said Thursday. “But it is still not unusual for the outcomes of the closest contests to change in the weeks after Election Day as final ballots are counted.”\u003cbr>\n[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"election2020\"]Also keep in mind that not all congressional districts are alike. In fact, the lines drawn by the California Redistricting Commission are intended to empower different “communities of interest,” such as Latinos, LGBTQ people and African Americans. So a candidate who does especially well with one of those groups may try to maximize their delegate count by focusing extra resources in those districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so if you’re a political campaign, you can say, ‘OK, campaign team, get me the five most heavily LGBT congressional districts and let’s put campaign staff there, or find me the five heaviest suburban, high-educated Asian districts and let me put my efforts there,’ ” said Paul Mitchell, whose firm Political Data, Inc. analyzes voter behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So if you can find a place where your core demographic is two or three times larger and you’re polling 8% statewide, that might mean that you’re going to get 16% or 24% of the vote in that particular district,” he added. “It makes for a really interesting thing to analyze.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Statewide Delegates\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The other way to get a slice of California’s 415 pledged delegates is to win 15% or more of the\u003cem> statewide\u003c/em> vote. There are 144 delegates, independent of congressional districts, that get allocated based on a candidates’ statewide vote totals. And similar to the district rules, candidates who receive less than 15% of the statewide vote don’t get any delegates from this pot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a candidate gets, say, 20% of the vote statewide they’ll get at least 20% of those 144 delegates — or nearly 29 delegates — and possibly more if some of the other candidates have failed to exceed the 15% threshold, which is very likely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If any one candidate approaches 45-50% of the statewide vote — which Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders has the best shot at, according to a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11803348/kqed-poll-bernie-sanders-dominates-the-field-in-california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">KQED/Change Research poll\u003c/a> — it will make it that much harder for other candidates to hit the 15% statewide threshold needed to win a share of the 144 statewide delegates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But if Bernie stays in the 30s, there’s plenty of room for two or maybe even three candidates to get above 15%,” said San Francisco political consultant Ace Smith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other group of delegates are the so-called superdelegates — California has 79 of them. These are generally elected, high-profile California Democrats including the governor, members of Congress and Democratic National Committee officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ace Smith, political consultant\"]‘This is a new experience and I think Californians love being part of the presidential process.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That gives California a grand total of 494 delegates, 415 of which will be based on the outcome of Tuesday’s election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those 79 superdelegates are considered unpledged, meaning they can support whoever they want. However, (as if this wasn’t confusing enough), they’re only allowed to vote on the nomination at the convention in Milwaukee after no candidate wins a majority of the delegates on the first round of voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that scenario would only take place if there’s a “brokered convention.” Think of it like a game of “Survivor,” where candidates try to make deals with other candidates and delegates to win enough support to secure the nomination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That hasn’t happened in more than half a century, but with so many candidates running, it’s at least possible this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever happens Tuesday and the days afterward, California finally has the relevance it has long sought in a presidential primary campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So this is a new experience and I think Californians love being part of the presidential process,” Smith said. The last truly competitive presidential primary in California, he noted, was in 1968, when Bobby Kennedy won, only to be fatally shot on election night while giving his victory speech in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet, come Super Tuesday, California’s voice will be somewhat muted by the other states holding primaries that day, predicts UC San Diego political science professor Thad Kousser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re gonna be one of the last of those to come in on election night, and everyone on the East Coast will have gone to bed before our first returns are rolling in,” Kousser said, adding it will take weeks to finish counting the late ballots. “California’s voice will be softened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The process of doling out the hundreds of Democratic delegates up for grabs in California’s presidential primary Tuesday is enough to make a mathematician’s head hurt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, some context.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To win the Democratic nomination on the first ballot — meaning a candidate gets to the convention in July with the votes needed to be nominated — a candidate needs to win just over 1,990 delegates by the time all the primaries are finished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California alone has 415 “pledged delegates,” the most of any state by far. (There are also another 79 “unpledged,” or “superdelegates,” available, but we’ll get to that in a bit.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After California, New York is next with 274 pledged delegates — so yes, we are the 800-pound gorilla here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those 415 delegates get split up in two different ways: by congressional district (271) and by statewide vote (144).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Before we get into the nitty gritty, check out this short video, from CalMatters, which does a nice job breaking it down.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/Qfs2fpHdgQY'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/Qfs2fpHdgQY'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003ch3>Congressional District Delegates\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The first is by congressional district. Each of California’s 53 congressinal districtss is allocated between four and seven delegates, depending on the district’s population and how many votes the Democratic nominee received there in the 2012 and 2016 presidential elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only two Bay Area districts — the ones represented by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-San Francisco, and Rep. Barbara Lee, D-Oakland — have seven delegates. The rest have between four and six. You can find the full list \u003ca href=\"https://www.cadem.org/body/2020-Delegate-Selection-FInal-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">here\u003c/a> (pages 13-15).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That amounts to a total of 271 district-level delegates up for grabs across California’s 53 districts. And to get any delegates from a given district, a candidate has to win at least 15% of the vote there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given that there will be millions of ballots left to count after Election Day, candidates hovering around the 15% threshold in any district will likely have to wait weeks to find out how many delegates they’ve potentially won. And again, any candidate who falls below the 15% threshold in that district gets nothing, freeing up the remaining delegates to be distributed to the other candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the days or weeks it will take to finish counting all the mail-in and provisional ballots, “we typically have a pretty good sense where most contests are headed on election night,” Secretary of State Alex Padilla said Thursday. “But it is still not unusual for the outcomes of the closest contests to change in the weeks after Election Day as final ballots are counted.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Also keep in mind that not all congressional districts are alike. In fact, the lines drawn by the California Redistricting Commission are intended to empower different “communities of interest,” such as Latinos, LGBTQ people and African Americans. So a candidate who does especially well with one of those groups may try to maximize their delegate count by focusing extra resources in those districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so if you’re a political campaign, you can say, ‘OK, campaign team, get me the five most heavily LGBT congressional districts and let’s put campaign staff there, or find me the five heaviest suburban, high-educated Asian districts and let me put my efforts there,’ ” said Paul Mitchell, whose firm Political Data, Inc. analyzes voter behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So if you can find a place where your core demographic is two or three times larger and you’re polling 8% statewide, that might mean that you’re going to get 16% or 24% of the vote in that particular district,” he added. “It makes for a really interesting thing to analyze.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Statewide Delegates\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The other way to get a slice of California’s 415 pledged delegates is to win 15% or more of the\u003cem> statewide\u003c/em> vote. There are 144 delegates, independent of congressional districts, that get allocated based on a candidates’ statewide vote totals. And similar to the district rules, candidates who receive less than 15% of the statewide vote don’t get any delegates from this pot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a candidate gets, say, 20% of the vote statewide they’ll get at least 20% of those 144 delegates — or nearly 29 delegates — and possibly more if some of the other candidates have failed to exceed the 15% threshold, which is very likely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If any one candidate approaches 45-50% of the statewide vote — which Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders has the best shot at, according to a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11803348/kqed-poll-bernie-sanders-dominates-the-field-in-california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">KQED/Change Research poll\u003c/a> — it will make it that much harder for other candidates to hit the 15% statewide threshold needed to win a share of the 144 statewide delegates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But if Bernie stays in the 30s, there’s plenty of room for two or maybe even three candidates to get above 15%,” said San Francisco political consultant Ace Smith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other group of delegates are the so-called superdelegates — California has 79 of them. These are generally elected, high-profile California Democrats including the governor, members of Congress and Democratic National Committee officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That gives California a grand total of 494 delegates, 415 of which will be based on the outcome of Tuesday’s election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those 79 superdelegates are considered unpledged, meaning they can support whoever they want. However, (as if this wasn’t confusing enough), they’re only allowed to vote on the nomination at the convention in Milwaukee after no candidate wins a majority of the delegates on the first round of voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that scenario would only take place if there’s a “brokered convention.” Think of it like a game of “Survivor,” where candidates try to make deals with other candidates and delegates to win enough support to secure the nomination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That hasn’t happened in more than half a century, but with so many candidates running, it’s at least possible this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever happens Tuesday and the days afterward, California finally has the relevance it has long sought in a presidential primary campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So this is a new experience and I think Californians love being part of the presidential process,” Smith said. The last truly competitive presidential primary in California, he noted, was in 1968, when Bobby Kennedy won, only to be fatally shot on election night while giving his victory speech in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet, come Super Tuesday, California’s voice will be somewhat muted by the other states holding primaries that day, predicts UC San Diego political science professor Thad Kousser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re gonna be one of the last of those to come in on election night, and everyone on the East Coast will have gone to bed before our first returns are rolling in,” Kousser said, adding it will take weeks to finish counting the late ballots. “California’s voice will be softened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco’s Proposition D aims to penalize landlords who \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorestorefronts\">keep their storefronts vacant\u003c/a> while holding out for higher rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next week, voters will decide whether the city should tax property owners who keep their property vacant for more than 182 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s tough to prove that someone is keeping their property vacant in order to get more rent income in this super-heated economy, but it sure is hard to believe all those vacant storefronts would stay empty if landlords dropped the price from “exorbitant” to “ridiculous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supply and demand: Try it, you’ll like it!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco’s Proposition D aims to penalize landlords who \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorestorefronts\">keep their storefronts vacant\u003c/a> while holding out for higher rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next week, voters will decide whether the city should tax property owners who keep their property vacant for more than 182 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s tough to prove that someone is keeping their property vacant in order to get more rent income in this super-heated economy, but it sure is hard to believe all those vacant storefronts would stay empty if landlords dropped the price from “exorbitant” to “ridiculous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supply and demand: Try it, you’ll like it!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco residents will soon decide if property owners of longtime vacant storefronts should pay additional taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.spur.org/voter-guide/san-francisco-2020-03/prop-d-vacancy-tax\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition D\u003c/a>, on the March 3 primary ballot, marks the latest effort to curb the increasing number of empty storefronts that have sprung up throughout the city in recent years. Under the measure, championed by Supervisor Aaron Peskin, property owners in the city’s roughly 40 \u003ca href=\"https://default.sfplanning.org/plans-and-programs/in-your-neighborhood/invest-in-neighborhoods/excelsior-strategy/EOMWG_PlanningCode720_ExcelsiorOuterMission.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">neighborhood commercial districts\u003c/a> — including Union Street, Japantown and Haight Street — would have to pay $250 per linear foot of ground-floor retail space that has sat vacant for more than 182 days. That tax would double to $500 the following year and $1,000 annually thereafter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure requires the approval a two-thirds supermajority and would take effect in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many parts of San Francisco, the Haight-Ashbury has its fair share of shuttered storefronts. Christin Evans, who has owned The Booksmith in the neighborhood for over a decade, said long-term vacancies have spiked in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The longest vacancy is the Haight Shoe Repair, which has been vacant since 2015, since the owner retired,” she said, noting that there are more vacancies now than even during the “lean recession years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Two storefronts down you’ll see there’s also what used to be a kids clothing store, for kids only, and that one’s been vacant since 2016. And then next to it is X Generation, which has been vacant since 2017,” Evans added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803467\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/EmptyStorefrontsHaight-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman walks past a series of empty Upper Haight storefronts in San Francisco on Tuesday, Feb. 25, 2020. The store on the left was previously occupied by Kids Only, which closed in 2016. The store on the right housed X Generation, which closed in 2017.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11803467\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/EmptyStorefrontsHaight-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/EmptyStorefrontsHaight-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/EmptyStorefrontsHaight-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/EmptyStorefrontsHaight.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman walks past a series of empty Upper Haight storefronts in San Francisco on Tuesday, Feb. 25, 2020. The store on the left was previously occupied by Kids Only, which closed in 2016. The store on the right housed X Generation, which closed in 2017. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The blame, she said, rests squarely on large real estate interests in the city that have caused rents to skyrocket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So while sales are still very healthy, [and] Haight Street’s a very attractive place for people to come and spend their time, rents have gone up higher than the sales,” Evans said. “And so it makes it challenging for business owners to make a profit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The empty storefronts don’t just create blight in the neighborhood, she added. They also impact her business by reducing foot traffic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People would go to the kids clothing store and then come to the bookstore as well,” Evans said. “A good percentage of our customers were overlapping. Now, people that are looking for a kids clothing store are gonna go to another location.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.neighborsforsmallbusiness.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Yes on D\u003c/a> campaign argue that higher property values have incentivized owners to sit on vacant storefronts until wealthier renters come along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure has broad support among city leaders, including backing from Mayor London Breed, every supervisor and multiple business and merchant associations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803464\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/AnthemStorefront-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"The Anthem shoe store sits empty in the Upper Haight.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11803464\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/AnthemStorefront-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/AnthemStorefront-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/AnthemStorefront-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/AnthemStorefront.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Anthem shoe store sits empty in the Upper Haight. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the proposed vacancy tax, including the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgop.org/\">San Francisco Republican Party\u003c/a> and a number of local real estate interests and individual property owners, argue the empty storefronts are a government-created problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among them is Mark Borsuk, a San Francisco real estate broker and attorney, who cites hurdles created by city bureaucracy, such as costly, time-consuming permitting processes and the need for multiple inspections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s say you want to open a restaurant, but the space you want is zoned for retail, Borsuk posited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Election 2020' tag='election2020']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, you find out you have to go through the building department to get permission, and that permission can be held up. And then there’s always the possibility that a neighbor may not like the potential use and can throw a monkey wrench into everything,” he said, adding that the entire process can take months, and sometimes up to a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of that, Borsuk said, the proposed tax overlooks the biggest current threat to brick-and-mortar stores: online shopping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the smaller merchants, traditional merchants — not the new kind of hip merchants — they can’t keep up with the times,” Borsuk said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents also note that property owners already take a major financial hit in lost rental income when their retail spaces sit vacant for extended periods of time and argue that an additional tax would only further that deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco residents will soon decide if property owners of longtime vacant storefronts should pay additional taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.spur.org/voter-guide/san-francisco-2020-03/prop-d-vacancy-tax\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition D\u003c/a>, on the March 3 primary ballot, marks the latest effort to curb the increasing number of empty storefronts that have sprung up throughout the city in recent years. Under the measure, championed by Supervisor Aaron Peskin, property owners in the city’s roughly 40 \u003ca href=\"https://default.sfplanning.org/plans-and-programs/in-your-neighborhood/invest-in-neighborhoods/excelsior-strategy/EOMWG_PlanningCode720_ExcelsiorOuterMission.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">neighborhood commercial districts\u003c/a> — including Union Street, Japantown and Haight Street — would have to pay $250 per linear foot of ground-floor retail space that has sat vacant for more than 182 days. That tax would double to $500 the following year and $1,000 annually thereafter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure requires the approval a two-thirds supermajority and would take effect in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many parts of San Francisco, the Haight-Ashbury has its fair share of shuttered storefronts. Christin Evans, who has owned The Booksmith in the neighborhood for over a decade, said long-term vacancies have spiked in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The longest vacancy is the Haight Shoe Repair, which has been vacant since 2015, since the owner retired,” she said, noting that there are more vacancies now than even during the “lean recession years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Two storefronts down you’ll see there’s also what used to be a kids clothing store, for kids only, and that one’s been vacant since 2016. And then next to it is X Generation, which has been vacant since 2017,” Evans added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803467\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/EmptyStorefrontsHaight-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman walks past a series of empty Upper Haight storefronts in San Francisco on Tuesday, Feb. 25, 2020. The store on the left was previously occupied by Kids Only, which closed in 2016. The store on the right housed X Generation, which closed in 2017.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11803467\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/EmptyStorefrontsHaight-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/EmptyStorefrontsHaight-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/EmptyStorefrontsHaight-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/EmptyStorefrontsHaight.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman walks past a series of empty Upper Haight storefronts in San Francisco on Tuesday, Feb. 25, 2020. The store on the left was previously occupied by Kids Only, which closed in 2016. The store on the right housed X Generation, which closed in 2017. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The blame, she said, rests squarely on large real estate interests in the city that have caused rents to skyrocket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So while sales are still very healthy, [and] Haight Street’s a very attractive place for people to come and spend their time, rents have gone up higher than the sales,” Evans said. “And so it makes it challenging for business owners to make a profit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The empty storefronts don’t just create blight in the neighborhood, she added. They also impact her business by reducing foot traffic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People would go to the kids clothing store and then come to the bookstore as well,” Evans said. “A good percentage of our customers were overlapping. Now, people that are looking for a kids clothing store are gonna go to another location.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.neighborsforsmallbusiness.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Yes on D\u003c/a> campaign argue that higher property values have incentivized owners to sit on vacant storefronts until wealthier renters come along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure has broad support among city leaders, including backing from Mayor London Breed, every supervisor and multiple business and merchant associations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803464\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/AnthemStorefront-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"The Anthem shoe store sits empty in the Upper Haight.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11803464\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/AnthemStorefront-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/AnthemStorefront-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/AnthemStorefront-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/AnthemStorefront.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Anthem shoe store sits empty in the Upper Haight. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the proposed vacancy tax, including the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgop.org/\">San Francisco Republican Party\u003c/a> and a number of local real estate interests and individual property owners, argue the empty storefronts are a government-created problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among them is Mark Borsuk, a San Francisco real estate broker and attorney, who cites hurdles created by city bureaucracy, such as costly, time-consuming permitting processes and the need for multiple inspections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s say you want to open a restaurant, but the space you want is zoned for retail, Borsuk posited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, you find out you have to go through the building department to get permission, and that permission can be held up. And then there’s always the possibility that a neighbor may not like the potential use and can throw a monkey wrench into everything,” he said, adding that the entire process can take months, and sometimes up to a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of that, Borsuk said, the proposed tax overlooks the biggest current threat to brick-and-mortar stores: online shopping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the smaller merchants, traditional merchants — not the new kind of hip merchants — they can’t keep up with the times,” Borsuk said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents also note that property owners already take a major financial hit in lost rental income when their retail spaces sit vacant for extended periods of time and argue that an additional tax would only further that deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Just south of the entrance to Mount Diablo State Park, in the East Bay town of Danville, horses and livestock roam more than 400 acres of emerald-green hillsides, a rare vestige of the Bay Area’s agricultural past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The future of this pastoral land, owned for decades by the Magee family of ranchers, is at stake in one of the region’s most controversial measures on the March primary ballot. The debate over the measure has residents split over the benefits (and even the definition) of open space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes, Measure Y would uphold a plan to turn the privately owned hills into a 69-home development, while unlocking public access to hiking and bike trails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ballot fight is an example of the “development paradox” that confronts cities and environmental groups hoping to add or maintain open space in the expensive Bay Area, said Daniel Press, an environmental studies professor at UC Santa Cruz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You allow some development to happen and you charge that development in order to finance the preservation itself,” said Press, who authored the book “Saving Open Space: The Politics of Local Preservation in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is always a net loss in this development-financed or development-led preservation,” he added. “The question is, is it an adequate or OK compromise?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Bob Nealis, Danville Open Space Committee\"]‘It is blatantly illogical to have a campaign that says we’re bringing open space by slamming a 69-home development on open space.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The compromise at the heart of Measure Y would transform 410 acres of private open space into 380 acres of public open space, with 29 acres set aside for the development of single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along Diablo Road, which winds from Danville’s town center to the Magee property, signs for and against Measure Y campaign both claim to back “open space,” a source of some confusion among local residents who spent a recent Saturday afternoon at the nearby Sycamore Valley Regional Open Space Preserve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All I’ve heard is that the open space that they’re trying to vote on with Measure Y is already open space,” Mimi Dobrich said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We get mailings every day and then we see posters all over the place,” said Lee Shapiro, who said he’ll be voting for the measure. “I’m not sure what the argument is against it. I can’t figure out the other side’s argument.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The confusion stems from the meaning of the term at the center of the Measure Y debate: open space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The same term means different things to different people,” Press said. “Technically, that property could be developed. Just because it’s open right now reflects past history. So saying it’s open space now is a statement about right now and it’s not a statement about the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The history of the land’s current ownership dates back decades. The Magee family has operated the ranch since the middle of the 20th century, receiving tax benefits through California’s Williamson Act to keep the land undeveloped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Past efforts to develop the property have been unsuccessful: In 2016, a Contra Costa County Superior Court judge ruled that a previous project did not properly consider the bicycle safety impacts of building new homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, the Danville Town Council unanimously approved developer Davidon Homes’ plan for the latest development, dubbed Magee Preserve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801020\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1217px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/signs.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11801020 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/signs.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1217\" height=\"441\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/signs.png 1217w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/signs-160x58.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/signs-800x290.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/signs-1020x370.png 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1217px) 100vw, 1217px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Signs for and against Measure Y along Diablo Road in Danville. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But a group opposing the project, Danville Open Space Committee, gathered thousands of signatures to challenge the project on the March ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is blatantly illogical to have a campaign that says we’re bringing open space by slamming a 69-home development on open space,” said Bob Nealis, a member of the Danville Open Space Committee. “The open space, as you’re looking at right now, exists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nealis, who lives blocks away from the entrance to the proposed development, argued that the open space benefits being dangled to the public distract from the development’s chief impacts: namely the new traffic that will be forced onto the narrow Diablo Road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That mile-long stretch of Diablo Road is very windy, very narrow, very dangerous, frankly,” said Nealis, who believes the development “adds a tremendous amount of congestion in an already overcrowded, unsafe road.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to supporters of Measure Y, the Magee land isn’t open space, it’s private property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This view is open right now. It is a stunning vista. But you can’t hike here. You can’t be an equestrian here,” Danville Mayor Karen Stepper said. “It’s not your land to use, but it will be when it’s owned by East Bay Regional Parks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Danville Mayor Karen Stepper\"]‘It’s not your land to use, but it will be when it’s owned by East Bay Regional Parks.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Park District has \u003ca href=\"https://www.danville.ca.gov/DocumentCenter/View/3941/12-05-19-Letter-from-EBRPD-to-Town-Manager-Joe-Calabrigo-PDF\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">agreed to take on 213 acres\u003c/a> of the proposed open space, the management of which will be paid for by the developer and the project’s new residents. Opponents, however, point out that the details on the funding and management of the open space are not enshrined in the ballot language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stepper envisions the project reaping new benefits for her town: new bike lanes and stop lights on Diablo Road to mitigate the traffic impact, an extension of wildlife corridors and the creation of hiking and bike trails on the ranch land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alternative, Stepper said, could be a future development that dedicates the entire ranch land to more sprawling housing construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That would be 78 homes on five-acre lots, so that doesn’t leave you any room for trails, bikes or even the limitations and the traffic improvements,” she said. “So we don’t want to see that happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davidon Homes, the developer, has been trying to drive that message home with a flurry of campaign spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=related coverage\" tag=\"election2020\"]According to campaign filings through the end of January, the Yes on Y committee has spent $428,883 to support the measure. The No on Y committee, in comparison, has spent $32,947 to oppose the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project’s proponents have been shrewd to democratize the benefits of the development in their effort to “shape the narrative around how it’s not just protecting humble, insignificant little plants,” Press said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the political miscalculations that sometimes open space advocates have done is to advocate for getting land into some preserved status using public funds, but then not allowing for public access,” Press said. “It’s not popular with a taxpaying public to just lock up some piece of land and say, ‘Well, you know, we did a good job for habitat.’ That just doesn’t play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Danville residents like Luke Hickey will have to weigh how the changes to the Magee property will affect their use of the land and its surroundings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do a lot of hiking, I do a lot of trail running, I hike with the kids and the family. So I’d love to have access to the private land,” Hickey said. “But I also do a lot of cycling on Diablo Road and I am concerned about the traffic and the bicycle safety.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Just south of the entrance to Mount Diablo State Park, in the East Bay town of Danville, horses and livestock roam more than 400 acres of emerald-green hillsides, a rare vestige of the Bay Area’s agricultural past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The future of this pastoral land, owned for decades by the Magee family of ranchers, is at stake in one of the region’s most controversial measures on the March primary ballot. The debate over the measure has residents split over the benefits (and even the definition) of open space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes, Measure Y would uphold a plan to turn the privately owned hills into a 69-home development, while unlocking public access to hiking and bike trails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ballot fight is an example of the “development paradox” that confronts cities and environmental groups hoping to add or maintain open space in the expensive Bay Area, said Daniel Press, an environmental studies professor at UC Santa Cruz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You allow some development to happen and you charge that development in order to finance the preservation itself,” said Press, who authored the book “Saving Open Space: The Politics of Local Preservation in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is always a net loss in this development-financed or development-led preservation,” he added. “The question is, is it an adequate or OK compromise?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The compromise at the heart of Measure Y would transform 410 acres of private open space into 380 acres of public open space, with 29 acres set aside for the development of single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along Diablo Road, which winds from Danville’s town center to the Magee property, signs for and against Measure Y campaign both claim to back “open space,” a source of some confusion among local residents who spent a recent Saturday afternoon at the nearby Sycamore Valley Regional Open Space Preserve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All I’ve heard is that the open space that they’re trying to vote on with Measure Y is already open space,” Mimi Dobrich said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We get mailings every day and then we see posters all over the place,” said Lee Shapiro, who said he’ll be voting for the measure. “I’m not sure what the argument is against it. I can’t figure out the other side’s argument.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The confusion stems from the meaning of the term at the center of the Measure Y debate: open space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The same term means different things to different people,” Press said. “Technically, that property could be developed. Just because it’s open right now reflects past history. So saying it’s open space now is a statement about right now and it’s not a statement about the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The history of the land’s current ownership dates back decades. The Magee family has operated the ranch since the middle of the 20th century, receiving tax benefits through California’s Williamson Act to keep the land undeveloped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Past efforts to develop the property have been unsuccessful: In 2016, a Contra Costa County Superior Court judge ruled that a previous project did not properly consider the bicycle safety impacts of building new homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, the Danville Town Council unanimously approved developer Davidon Homes’ plan for the latest development, dubbed Magee Preserve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801020\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1217px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/signs.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11801020 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/signs.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1217\" height=\"441\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/signs.png 1217w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/signs-160x58.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/signs-800x290.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/signs-1020x370.png 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1217px) 100vw, 1217px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Signs for and against Measure Y along Diablo Road in Danville. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But a group opposing the project, Danville Open Space Committee, gathered thousands of signatures to challenge the project on the March ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is blatantly illogical to have a campaign that says we’re bringing open space by slamming a 69-home development on open space,” said Bob Nealis, a member of the Danville Open Space Committee. “The open space, as you’re looking at right now, exists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nealis, who lives blocks away from the entrance to the proposed development, argued that the open space benefits being dangled to the public distract from the development’s chief impacts: namely the new traffic that will be forced onto the narrow Diablo Road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That mile-long stretch of Diablo Road is very windy, very narrow, very dangerous, frankly,” said Nealis, who believes the development “adds a tremendous amount of congestion in an already overcrowded, unsafe road.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to supporters of Measure Y, the Magee land isn’t open space, it’s private property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This view is open right now. It is a stunning vista. But you can’t hike here. You can’t be an equestrian here,” Danville Mayor Karen Stepper said. “It’s not your land to use, but it will be when it’s owned by East Bay Regional Parks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It’s not your land to use, but it will be when it’s owned by East Bay Regional Parks.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Park District has \u003ca href=\"https://www.danville.ca.gov/DocumentCenter/View/3941/12-05-19-Letter-from-EBRPD-to-Town-Manager-Joe-Calabrigo-PDF\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">agreed to take on 213 acres\u003c/a> of the proposed open space, the management of which will be paid for by the developer and the project’s new residents. Opponents, however, point out that the details on the funding and management of the open space are not enshrined in the ballot language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stepper envisions the project reaping new benefits for her town: new bike lanes and stop lights on Diablo Road to mitigate the traffic impact, an extension of wildlife corridors and the creation of hiking and bike trails on the ranch land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alternative, Stepper said, could be a future development that dedicates the entire ranch land to more sprawling housing construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That would be 78 homes on five-acre lots, so that doesn’t leave you any room for trails, bikes or even the limitations and the traffic improvements,” she said. “So we don’t want to see that happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davidon Homes, the developer, has been trying to drive that message home with a flurry of campaign spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>According to campaign filings through the end of January, the Yes on Y committee has spent $428,883 to support the measure. The No on Y committee, in comparison, has spent $32,947 to oppose the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project’s proponents have been shrewd to democratize the benefits of the development in their effort to “shape the narrative around how it’s not just protecting humble, insignificant little plants,” Press said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the political miscalculations that sometimes open space advocates have done is to advocate for getting land into some preserved status using public funds, but then not allowing for public access,” Press said. “It’s not popular with a taxpaying public to just lock up some piece of land and say, ‘Well, you know, we did a good job for habitat.’ That just doesn’t play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Danville residents like Luke Hickey will have to weigh how the changes to the Magee property will affect their use of the land and its surroundings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do a lot of hiking, I do a lot of trail running, I hike with the kids and the family. So I’d love to have access to the private land,” Hickey said. “But I also do a lot of cycling on Diablo Road and I am concerned about the traffic and the bicycle safety.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Californians start voting Monday in a high-profile Democratic presidential primary that has no clear front-runner and could take longer to count than any previous election in a state already notorious for slow ballot counting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first time, Californians can register to vote all the way up to and including election day wherever ballots are cast, which could mean a surge of last-minute ballots, including last-minute provisional ballots that take longer to count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a lot \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/d34534cdeb8d366a6674e71582ee5635\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">at stake\u003c/a> in California’s March 3 primary. California polls show U.S. senators Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders and former vice president Joe Biden jockeying to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">advance to November\u003c/a> against President Donald Trump, who has no serious Republican challenger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The election date itself is new, moved up from its usual June to “Super Tuesday” so California’s 20 million Democratic-leaning registered voters might have a say in this year’s presidential race. Early voting begins Monday, the same day caucuses in Iowa start choosing their nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters are also weighing in on \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/a6787252161920e6041793b7829c8d79\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">congressional races\u003c/a>, state legislative seats and a statewide school bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s March election showcases expansive changes in how and where people in the country’s most populous state can vote, with speedy new voting systems in some counties that elections officials say will cut down on tardy tallying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fifteen counties, including Los Angeles, will replace traditional polling places with “vote centers” where people who live anywhere in the county can vote early, drop off ballots or register to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Secretary of State Alex Padilla, a Democrat, is telling voters and elections administrators to prepare for record presidential primary turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In my opinion, that’s great news,” he said. “The more people participate in democracy, the better. That’s the way it’s supposed to work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has previously allowed same-day voter registration, but only at county elections offices. Gov. Gavin Newsom signed legislation last year requiring all polling places and vote centers to offer the option until 8 p.m. on election day.[aside tag='election-2020' label='Election 2020']But with change comes the potential for hiccups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of ongoing efforts to increase ways to vote, fourteen counties will automatically mail ballots to voters. Fifteen counties, up from five in 2018, are replacing polling places with multi-purpose vote centers, possibly confusing people accustomed to voting at their regular polling place on election day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The expansion of same-day voter registration and a crush of last-minute voters means it could take days or even weeks to determine the Democratic primary winner. California already takes longer than other states to tally votes; ballots postmarked by March 3 will be counted as long as they arrive by March 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, it took a month before the Republican incumbent in California’s 21st U.S. House district conceded to his Democratic opponent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a very close race between three candidates and that’s been evident for months now. And unless that changes dramatically, we’re going to have a close election March 3,” says Mark Baldassare, president and CEO of the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At this point in time, it’s very unlikely we’re going to know the night of the election,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loyola Law School professor Jessica Levinson shrugs off the wait for results, saying it “is only an issue for the candidates who want to claim victory and momentum.” In any case, the way the California Democratic Party calculates delegate votes is complex and only partly related to who wins the overall popular vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she and other voting advocates worry that the state’s large number of nonpartisan voters may be shut out of the presidential race because they didn’t request a partisan ballot in advance. More than 5 million Californians are registered with “no party preference,” a percentage that has grown since 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No party preference” voters can vote in the Democratic, Libertarian or American Independent Party races. B ut those who vote by mail have to reply to a postcard to request a crossover ballot. They can also re-register as Republicans to vote in the Republican election. But if they do nothing, they’ll end up with a ballot that does not list any presidential candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only 9% of unaffiliated voters have requested crossover ballots, much lower than it should be, said Paul Mitchell, vice president of data firm Political Data Inc.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voting advocates are trying to get the word out to unaffiliated voters, hoping that early voting, new vote centers and expanded same-day registration will offset any barriers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orange County has replaced hundreds of polling places with 188 vote centers backed by a speedy new system that could cut counting time for the 1.6 million registered voters in half, said Neal Kelley, registrar of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County is pushing an “avoid-the-line” campaign encouraging voting by mail, said Eric Kurhi, spokesman for the registrar’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the whole thing: we want to make voting easy for people,” Kurhi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Californians start voting Monday in a high-profile Democratic presidential primary that has no clear front-runner and could take longer to count than any previous election in a state already notorious for slow ballot counting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first time, Californians can register to vote all the way up to and including election day wherever ballots are cast, which could mean a surge of last-minute ballots, including last-minute provisional ballots that take longer to count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a lot \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/d34534cdeb8d366a6674e71582ee5635\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">at stake\u003c/a> in California’s March 3 primary. California polls show U.S. senators Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders and former vice president Joe Biden jockeying to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">advance to November\u003c/a> against President Donald Trump, who has no serious Republican challenger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The election date itself is new, moved up from its usual June to “Super Tuesday” so California’s 20 million Democratic-leaning registered voters might have a say in this year’s presidential race. Early voting begins Monday, the same day caucuses in Iowa start choosing their nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters are also weighing in on \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/a6787252161920e6041793b7829c8d79\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">congressional races\u003c/a>, state legislative seats and a statewide school bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s March election showcases expansive changes in how and where people in the country’s most populous state can vote, with speedy new voting systems in some counties that elections officials say will cut down on tardy tallying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fifteen counties, including Los Angeles, will replace traditional polling places with “vote centers” where people who live anywhere in the county can vote early, drop off ballots or register to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Secretary of State Alex Padilla, a Democrat, is telling voters and elections administrators to prepare for record presidential primary turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In my opinion, that’s great news,” he said. “The more people participate in democracy, the better. That’s the way it’s supposed to work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has previously allowed same-day voter registration, but only at county elections offices. Gov. Gavin Newsom signed legislation last year requiring all polling places and vote centers to offer the option until 8 p.m. on election day.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But with change comes the potential for hiccups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of ongoing efforts to increase ways to vote, fourteen counties will automatically mail ballots to voters. Fifteen counties, up from five in 2018, are replacing polling places with multi-purpose vote centers, possibly confusing people accustomed to voting at their regular polling place on election day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The expansion of same-day voter registration and a crush of last-minute voters means it could take days or even weeks to determine the Democratic primary winner. California already takes longer than other states to tally votes; ballots postmarked by March 3 will be counted as long as they arrive by March 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, it took a month before the Republican incumbent in California’s 21st U.S. House district conceded to his Democratic opponent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a very close race between three candidates and that’s been evident for months now. And unless that changes dramatically, we’re going to have a close election March 3,” says Mark Baldassare, president and CEO of the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At this point in time, it’s very unlikely we’re going to know the night of the election,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loyola Law School professor Jessica Levinson shrugs off the wait for results, saying it “is only an issue for the candidates who want to claim victory and momentum.” In any case, the way the California Democratic Party calculates delegate votes is complex and only partly related to who wins the overall popular vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she and other voting advocates worry that the state’s large number of nonpartisan voters may be shut out of the presidential race because they didn’t request a partisan ballot in advance. More than 5 million Californians are registered with “no party preference,” a percentage that has grown since 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No party preference” voters can vote in the Democratic, Libertarian or American Independent Party races. B ut those who vote by mail have to reply to a postcard to request a crossover ballot. They can also re-register as Republicans to vote in the Republican election. But if they do nothing, they’ll end up with a ballot that does not list any presidential candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only 9% of unaffiliated voters have requested crossover ballots, much lower than it should be, said Paul Mitchell, vice president of data firm Political Data Inc.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voting advocates are trying to get the word out to unaffiliated voters, hoping that early voting, new vote centers and expanded same-day registration will offset any barriers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orange County has replaced hundreds of polling places with 188 vote centers backed by a speedy new system that could cut counting time for the 1.6 million registered voters in half, said Neal Kelley, registrar of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County is pushing an “avoid-the-line” campaign encouraging voting by mail, said Eric Kurhi, spokesman for the registrar’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the whole thing: we want to make voting easy for people,” Kurhi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Aspiring Democratic presidential candidates, welcome to California. You’re not in Iowa anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although a calendar packed with county fairs, barbecues and house parties might be enough to carry you through the early states that will vote and caucus in February, California — boasting the largest reserve of candidate-electing party delegates — is a different game.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our electorate is diverse. Our election procedures, complex. Our population, enormous; our costs of campaigning, even more so. And now that California’s primary has been boosted to March 3, just after the first contests in Iowa, New Hampshire, Nevada and South Carolina, the qualities that make California politics unique might actually matter this time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So consider this your primer. We spoke to five experts — two Democratic political consultants, a political data guru, a veteran campaign operator-turned-academic and a California elections researcher — to learn more about the dos and don’ts of California presidential campaigning.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Tip #1: Every vote matters — but early votes may matter more\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>On Feb. 3, hundreds of thousands of Iowans will head to their first-in-the-nation caucuses — and multiples more will start getting their ballots in the mail in California, where any registered voter can cast an absentee ballot for any reason. Campaigns have three reasons to get those vote-by-mail supporters to cast their ballots as early as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, early voters are campaign money-savers. Every California supporter who casts a vote in February is one fewer voter to target with expensive ads, phone calls and door knockers in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Second, early votes are locked in. Every passing day in February holds the possibility of a new attack ad, a new gaffe, a fresh primary defeat or something else that might give a fair-weather voter second thoughts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s a third, distinctly Californian reason to get voters to turn out early, said Paul Mitchell of Political Data Inc: Early votes are usually the first ballots to be counted — other votes can take days and days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Veteran California election watchers are accustomed to waiting weeks for county election officials to publish their final vote counts. A lot can (and frequently does) change as the tally continues. Margins dwindle or cleave open, presumed winners go down in last-minute defeat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ballots mailed or turned in before Election Day make up the bulk of the initial count that officials announce on election night. That doesn’t matter for the final outcome — every valid ballot is counted eventually. But it does matter for the story that candidates can tell voters in other states, said Mitchell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The media narrative is going to be driven by who wins in that first 24 hours of the election,” he said. “If one of the presidential candidates is more heavily tilted toward the late portion of the electorate, they could see the impact of that vote weakened because it’s simply not reported in time to affect Florida and New York and the other coming primaries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798084\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11798084 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201928781.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"701\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201928781.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201928781-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201928781-800x548.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201928781-1020x698.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic presidential candidate former South Bend, Indiana Mayor Pete Buttigieg speaks to Iowa voters while campaigning during a town hall event on Jan. 25 in Fort Dodge, Iowa. \u003ccite>(Win McNamee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Tip #2: California is less than half as white as Iowa\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If California Latinos turn out at the same rate they did in 2016, they will make up more than 1-in-5 voters this primary, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://ccep.usc.edu/fact-sheets\">analysis\u003c/a> by Mindy Romero, director of the California Civic Engagement Project at the University of Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A candidate that wants to win a lot of the delegates in California can’t do it unless they pay significant attention to the Latino vote,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that means pitching Latino Californias and other irregular voters on voting itself. Latino and Asian American citizens are much less likely to be registered to vote than non-Latino white Californias. The fact that the state now allows any eligible voter to register on Election Day could make it easier to turn out underrepresented segments of the potential electorate. That could work to the advantage of, say, Bernie Sanders, whose base is disproportionately made up of young and Latino Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course in a state as diverse as California, appealing to demographic slices can be tricky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are media markets within markets,” said Romero. “Take Los Angeles. There’s the whole world of non-English radio and other forms of media. As a campaign, you have to identify them, know that they’re there, know which outlets are most influential and impactful, and then make connections. Just buying an ad, especially if you don’t understand the political leadership in that community, isn’t going to work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And advertising to non-native English speakers can be a pricey proposition, said Rose Kapolczynski, a Democratic strategist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you buy Spanish language radio,” she said, “you’re reaching voters, non-voters, non-citizens, and a lot of people who are under 18, because the Latino community trends young.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means the cost per voter reached is high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A cheaper alternative: Take advantage of the fact that California data vendors collect more data about individual voters here (whether they’re registered, how they vote, where they live, what they do and buy and browse online) than virtually any other state. That allows for much more precise online advertising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can target voters not only by the language they set their browser to, but with this rich data, match information,” Kapolczynski said. For example, campaigns can find out which language a voter has requested for their ballot and bombard them with ads accordingly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798085\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11798085\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1202108897-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1202108897-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1202108897-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1202108897-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1202108897-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic presidential candidate Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) speaks to guests during a campaign stop at Sudlow Middle School on Jan. 26 in Davenport, Iowa. \u003ccite>(Scott Olson/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Tip #3: Think local\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In most electoral contests, the math is simple: The candidate with the most votes wins. But in California’s Democratic presidential primary, votes are translated into delegates — party members who will convene at the national party convention in July to formally elect a nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the conversion from popular vote to electoral outcome is a\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-2020-presidential-primary-voting-rules-register-democrat-republican-independent/\"> \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-2020-presidential-primary-voting-rules-register-democrat-republican-independent/\">little more complicated\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s partly because more than half of the state’s delegates are awarded based not on the statewide vote, but on each candidate’s performance in the state’s 53 congressional districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So even smaller campaigns with little hope of competing everywhere in the state can still make a California congressional district into their own private Iowa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re (Andrew) Yang and you want to ensure that you’re on that CNN big board on election night,” said Mitchell, “the easiest thing to do is go spend three days in (a single district in the Bay Area) and cobble together support from the Asian community, from across Silicon Valley and from other highly educated voters there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even better if you can find a district outside the large metro areas and make a splash inland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Los Angeles, you never know when there’s going to be a car chase or a wildfire or the mayor is doing a press conference, and that’s going to bump you off the news,” said Kapolczynski. Not so in Fresno. “It’s a red part of the state but there are still delegates there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet targeting a district with pinpoint precision isn’t always easy — or cheap. Many suburban and exurban districts still exist within the broadcast media market of their closest big city. Democratic strategist Garry South pointed to the western Riverside County district represented by GOP Rep. Ken Calvert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s crazy to buy (ads on) a very expensive radio station in the LA media market to try to beam signals in Congressional District 42,” he said. “You might think you can just cherry-pick a district here or a district there, but it just doesn’t work that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798086\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11798086\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201971516-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic presidential candidate former Vice President Joe Biden speaks during a campaign event inside the John Deere Exhibition Hall at the FFA Enrichment Center on Jan. 25 in Ankeny, Iowa. \u003ccite>(Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Tip #4: Remember the crossovers\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Registered voters who don’t belong to a political party in California are allowed to vote in the Democratic primary —\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-2020-presidential-primary-voting-rules-register-democrat-republican-independent/\"> \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-2020-presidential-primary-voting-rules-register-democrat-republican-independent/\">but only if they ask for the right ballot\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For candidates whose appeal extends outside the partisan tent, the existence of “crossover voters” creates both the opportunity to grab more voters and the challenge of having to educate millions of people about the minutiae of California election procedure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Targeting young voters and Californians of color (particularly Latinos) has been an\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/17/podcasts/the-daily/bernie-sanders-latino.html\"> \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/17/podcasts/the-daily/bernie-sanders-latino.html\">integral\u003c/a> part of the Sanders campaign’s strategy across the state. These are also voting blocs that are disproportionately likely not to belong to any party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sanders didn’t win in California last time potentially because his campaign wasn’t as adept at some of the nuances of the election system,” said Mitchell. “In a way, by being able to take a second bite at the apple, now the Sanders campaign is so much better armed to deal with these issues than they were in 2016.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California independents span the ideological spectrum. They include, said Kapolczynski, voters turned off by President Trump but without loyalties to either party — “moderates who don’t want a revolution or big structural change,” as promised by Sanders and Elizabeth Warren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think independents are a natural target for (Joe) Biden, (Michael) Bloomberg, (Amy) Klobuchar and (Pete) Buttigieg,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Older, more conservative Central Valley voters might like Biden or Buttigieg,” added Mitchell. “Higher-income white women in suburban areas might want to vote for Warren…Every campaign has someplace to gain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Tip #5: If all else fails, plan on having a boatload of money…or hope all goes well in Iowa\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The sheer size of California means the hand-shaking, baby-kissing retail politics that defines the campaign trail from Des Moines to Manchester doesn’t get you very far out here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have more registered voters than there are people living in 47 of the 49 other states — and they’re dispersed across a state almost a thousand miles long,” said South. “You couldn’t go to enough house parties in 20 years to make an impact here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, candidates rely more on (really expensive) advertising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On TV alone, which doesn’t include digital or mail or field campaigns, it can cost more than $3 million per week for one ad statewide,” said Kapolczynski. That’s prohibitively expensive for some campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are you going to spend a major portion of your resources in California and risk losing in the early states?” she said. “For some candidates, like Amy Klobuchar, she just doesn’t have the money to do both. and is hoping for a better than expected finish in those early states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A better-than-expected finish in the early states can go a long way in California, said Bob Shrum, a former political operative now at the University of Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It all depends on what happens in Iowa or New Hampshire. If any candidate wins in both — especially Biden — California might be in the position its always been in since 1972: It becomes a ratifying state rather than a deciding state,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a jumble of results in the first four states with no clear frontrunner would give California voters a bit more sway. Bloomberg, who isn’t even competing in the early states is counting on exactly that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He either needs a mess in the early states,” Shrum said, “or he needs Sanders to emerge early on and he can become the moderate alternative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the candidates not named Bloomberg or Tom Steyer, the two billionaires in the race, said Kapolczynski: “The best way to win California is to win the first four states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem> \u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The dos and don’ts of campaigning for president in the nation's largest state.",
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"title": "How to Win California: A Guide to the Nation’s Largest Presidential Primary | KQED",
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"headline": "How to Win California: A Guide to the Nation’s Largest Presidential Primary",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/ben-christopher\"> Ben Christopher \u003ca />",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Aspiring Democratic presidential candidates, welcome to California. You’re not in Iowa anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although a calendar packed with county fairs, barbecues and house parties might be enough to carry you through the early states that will vote and caucus in February, California — boasting the largest reserve of candidate-electing party delegates — is a different game.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our electorate is diverse. Our election procedures, complex. Our population, enormous; our costs of campaigning, even more so. And now that California’s primary has been boosted to March 3, just after the first contests in Iowa, New Hampshire, Nevada and South Carolina, the qualities that make California politics unique might actually matter this time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So consider this your primer. We spoke to five experts — two Democratic political consultants, a political data guru, a veteran campaign operator-turned-academic and a California elections researcher — to learn more about the dos and don’ts of California presidential campaigning.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Tip #1: Every vote matters — but early votes may matter more\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>On Feb. 3, hundreds of thousands of Iowans will head to their first-in-the-nation caucuses — and multiples more will start getting their ballots in the mail in California, where any registered voter can cast an absentee ballot for any reason. Campaigns have three reasons to get those vote-by-mail supporters to cast their ballots as early as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, early voters are campaign money-savers. Every California supporter who casts a vote in February is one fewer voter to target with expensive ads, phone calls and door knockers in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Second, early votes are locked in. Every passing day in February holds the possibility of a new attack ad, a new gaffe, a fresh primary defeat or something else that might give a fair-weather voter second thoughts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s a third, distinctly Californian reason to get voters to turn out early, said Paul Mitchell of Political Data Inc: Early votes are usually the first ballots to be counted — other votes can take days and days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Veteran California election watchers are accustomed to waiting weeks for county election officials to publish their final vote counts. A lot can (and frequently does) change as the tally continues. Margins dwindle or cleave open, presumed winners go down in last-minute defeat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ballots mailed or turned in before Election Day make up the bulk of the initial count that officials announce on election night. That doesn’t matter for the final outcome — every valid ballot is counted eventually. But it does matter for the story that candidates can tell voters in other states, said Mitchell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The media narrative is going to be driven by who wins in that first 24 hours of the election,” he said. “If one of the presidential candidates is more heavily tilted toward the late portion of the electorate, they could see the impact of that vote weakened because it’s simply not reported in time to affect Florida and New York and the other coming primaries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798084\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11798084 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201928781.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"701\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201928781.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201928781-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201928781-800x548.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201928781-1020x698.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic presidential candidate former South Bend, Indiana Mayor Pete Buttigieg speaks to Iowa voters while campaigning during a town hall event on Jan. 25 in Fort Dodge, Iowa. \u003ccite>(Win McNamee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Tip #2: California is less than half as white as Iowa\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If California Latinos turn out at the same rate they did in 2016, they will make up more than 1-in-5 voters this primary, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://ccep.usc.edu/fact-sheets\">analysis\u003c/a> by Mindy Romero, director of the California Civic Engagement Project at the University of Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A candidate that wants to win a lot of the delegates in California can’t do it unless they pay significant attention to the Latino vote,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that means pitching Latino Californias and other irregular voters on voting itself. Latino and Asian American citizens are much less likely to be registered to vote than non-Latino white Californias. The fact that the state now allows any eligible voter to register on Election Day could make it easier to turn out underrepresented segments of the potential electorate. That could work to the advantage of, say, Bernie Sanders, whose base is disproportionately made up of young and Latino Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course in a state as diverse as California, appealing to demographic slices can be tricky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are media markets within markets,” said Romero. “Take Los Angeles. There’s the whole world of non-English radio and other forms of media. As a campaign, you have to identify them, know that they’re there, know which outlets are most influential and impactful, and then make connections. Just buying an ad, especially if you don’t understand the political leadership in that community, isn’t going to work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And advertising to non-native English speakers can be a pricey proposition, said Rose Kapolczynski, a Democratic strategist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you buy Spanish language radio,” she said, “you’re reaching voters, non-voters, non-citizens, and a lot of people who are under 18, because the Latino community trends young.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means the cost per voter reached is high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A cheaper alternative: Take advantage of the fact that California data vendors collect more data about individual voters here (whether they’re registered, how they vote, where they live, what they do and buy and browse online) than virtually any other state. That allows for much more precise online advertising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can target voters not only by the language they set their browser to, but with this rich data, match information,” Kapolczynski said. For example, campaigns can find out which language a voter has requested for their ballot and bombard them with ads accordingly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798085\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11798085\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1202108897-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1202108897-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1202108897-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1202108897-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1202108897-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic presidential candidate Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) speaks to guests during a campaign stop at Sudlow Middle School on Jan. 26 in Davenport, Iowa. \u003ccite>(Scott Olson/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Tip #3: Think local\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In most electoral contests, the math is simple: The candidate with the most votes wins. But in California’s Democratic presidential primary, votes are translated into delegates — party members who will convene at the national party convention in July to formally elect a nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the conversion from popular vote to electoral outcome is a\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-2020-presidential-primary-voting-rules-register-democrat-republican-independent/\"> \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-2020-presidential-primary-voting-rules-register-democrat-republican-independent/\">little more complicated\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s partly because more than half of the state’s delegates are awarded based not on the statewide vote, but on each candidate’s performance in the state’s 53 congressional districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So even smaller campaigns with little hope of competing everywhere in the state can still make a California congressional district into their own private Iowa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re (Andrew) Yang and you want to ensure that you’re on that CNN big board on election night,” said Mitchell, “the easiest thing to do is go spend three days in (a single district in the Bay Area) and cobble together support from the Asian community, from across Silicon Valley and from other highly educated voters there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even better if you can find a district outside the large metro areas and make a splash inland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Los Angeles, you never know when there’s going to be a car chase or a wildfire or the mayor is doing a press conference, and that’s going to bump you off the news,” said Kapolczynski. Not so in Fresno. “It’s a red part of the state but there are still delegates there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet targeting a district with pinpoint precision isn’t always easy — or cheap. Many suburban and exurban districts still exist within the broadcast media market of their closest big city. Democratic strategist Garry South pointed to the western Riverside County district represented by GOP Rep. Ken Calvert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s crazy to buy (ads on) a very expensive radio station in the LA media market to try to beam signals in Congressional District 42,” he said. “You might think you can just cherry-pick a district here or a district there, but it just doesn’t work that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798086\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11798086\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1201971516-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic presidential candidate former Vice President Joe Biden speaks during a campaign event inside the John Deere Exhibition Hall at the FFA Enrichment Center on Jan. 25 in Ankeny, Iowa. \u003ccite>(Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Tip #4: Remember the crossovers\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Registered voters who don’t belong to a political party in California are allowed to vote in the Democratic primary —\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-2020-presidential-primary-voting-rules-register-democrat-republican-independent/\"> \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-2020-presidential-primary-voting-rules-register-democrat-republican-independent/\">but only if they ask for the right ballot\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For candidates whose appeal extends outside the partisan tent, the existence of “crossover voters” creates both the opportunity to grab more voters and the challenge of having to educate millions of people about the minutiae of California election procedure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Targeting young voters and Californians of color (particularly Latinos) has been an\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/17/podcasts/the-daily/bernie-sanders-latino.html\"> \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/17/podcasts/the-daily/bernie-sanders-latino.html\">integral\u003c/a> part of the Sanders campaign’s strategy across the state. These are also voting blocs that are disproportionately likely not to belong to any party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sanders didn’t win in California last time potentially because his campaign wasn’t as adept at some of the nuances of the election system,” said Mitchell. “In a way, by being able to take a second bite at the apple, now the Sanders campaign is so much better armed to deal with these issues than they were in 2016.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California independents span the ideological spectrum. They include, said Kapolczynski, voters turned off by President Trump but without loyalties to either party — “moderates who don’t want a revolution or big structural change,” as promised by Sanders and Elizabeth Warren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think independents are a natural target for (Joe) Biden, (Michael) Bloomberg, (Amy) Klobuchar and (Pete) Buttigieg,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Older, more conservative Central Valley voters might like Biden or Buttigieg,” added Mitchell. “Higher-income white women in suburban areas might want to vote for Warren…Every campaign has someplace to gain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Tip #5: If all else fails, plan on having a boatload of money…or hope all goes well in Iowa\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The sheer size of California means the hand-shaking, baby-kissing retail politics that defines the campaign trail from Des Moines to Manchester doesn’t get you very far out here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have more registered voters than there are people living in 47 of the 49 other states — and they’re dispersed across a state almost a thousand miles long,” said South. “You couldn’t go to enough house parties in 20 years to make an impact here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, candidates rely more on (really expensive) advertising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On TV alone, which doesn’t include digital or mail or field campaigns, it can cost more than $3 million per week for one ad statewide,” said Kapolczynski. That’s prohibitively expensive for some campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are you going to spend a major portion of your resources in California and risk losing in the early states?” she said. “For some candidates, like Amy Klobuchar, she just doesn’t have the money to do both. and is hoping for a better than expected finish in those early states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A better-than-expected finish in the early states can go a long way in California, said Bob Shrum, a former political operative now at the University of Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It all depends on what happens in Iowa or New Hampshire. If any candidate wins in both — especially Biden — California might be in the position its always been in since 1972: It becomes a ratifying state rather than a deciding state,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a jumble of results in the first four states with no clear frontrunner would give California voters a bit more sway. Bloomberg, who isn’t even competing in the early states is counting on exactly that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He either needs a mess in the early states,” Shrum said, “or he needs Sanders to emerge early on and he can become the moderate alternative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the candidates not named Bloomberg or Tom Steyer, the two billionaires in the race, said Kapolczynski: “The best way to win California is to win the first four states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem> \u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]V[/dropcap]oters registered as “no party preference” (NPP) are the fastest growing part of the California electorate, coveted by candidates and campaigns. But when it comes to the March presidential primary, the Republican Party has shut the door on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So too have the Green and Peace and Freedom parties, all of whom only allow party members to participate in their primaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPP voters will, however, be able to vote in the Democratic, Libertarian and American Independent Party primaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s a catch: If you plan to vote by mail, you need to let election officials know which ballot you want to receive. It’s a bit complicated and confusing but you’re in luck. Here are the steps you need to take.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How to Vote if You’re NPP\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If you’re registered as NPP and are signed up to vote by mail, check your mailbox (the physical one), because you’ve probably received a postcard from your local county election office asking which party’s ballot you want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Dan Schnur, political strategist\"]‘What causes someone to refer to themselves as independent … is not centrism or moderation. Rather, it’s a dislike and a disdain for politics and politicians.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you want to vote in the Democratic, Libertarian or American Independent Party primary by mail, you’ll need to return that postcard with your selection. (If you don’t, you’ll get a “non-partisan ballot” with no presidential candidates listed.) If you lost your postcard, get in touch with your county elections office, which can help get you a new one in time to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you want to vote in one of those three primaries in person on Election Day, no problem — just show up to your polling place and ask a poll worker for one of those ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you want to vote in the Republican, Green and Peace and Freedom Party primaries, you’ll need to \u003cem>re-register\u003c/em> with that specific party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We encourage any voter who wants to be part of the process to nominate a Republican for president to register as a Republican,” said Jessica Millan Patterson, chair of the California Republican Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We strongly believe it is the right and the duty of the Republican Party to follow a process that ensures that Republicans choose who will represent our party at the nominating convention and who is elected to our county central committees — an essential role in the infrastructure of our party — and a process that takes place during the Republican primary election,” Patterson added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can \u003ca href=\"https://registertovote.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">re-register online\u003c/a> through Feb. 18. After that date, you have to do so in person at a polling place, any vote center or at your county elections office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More questions? There’s a website for that: \u003ca href=\"http://howtovoteforpresident.sos.ca.gov\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">howtovoteforpresident.sos.ca.gov \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Growing Political Force\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The number of California residents registered as NPP has been growing for years. In 2018, NPP overtook the Republican Party as the second-largest voting block in the state after Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Oct. 1, 2019, there were nearly 5.5 million residents registered as NPP in California, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/ror/154day-presprim-2020/historical-reg-stats.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Secretary of State’s office\u003c/a>. That marks 26.7% of registered voters, compared to 23.6% for Republicans and 44.1% for Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Secretary of State Alex Padilla attributes some of that growth to the state’s open primary rules. Proposition 14, which voters passed in 2010, replaced traditional party primaries with open contests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the last several election cycles, Californians have quickly gotten used to this top-two vote-getter system,” Padilla said. “Anybody can vote for anybody … so your party registration hasn’t really mattered. But it’s not the case when it comes to voting for president.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dan Schnur, a political strategist who teaches at UC Berkeley and Pepperdine University, attributes the rise in NPP voters to three other factors: a growing number of younger voters, a voter registration process that’s made it easier to become NPP and, most importantly, an increasing rejection of the two major parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Californians who want to participate in the political process, who want to be active voters and engaged citizens, simply see the two parties as unacceptable alternatives and are looking for another option,” Schnur said. The notion that so-called “independent voters” tend to be more moderate, hovering between Democratic and Republican is a misconception, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What causes someone to refer to themselves as independent, what causes someone to re-register as a no party preference voter is not centrism or moderation,” Schnur said. “Rather, it’s a dislike and a disdain for politics and politicians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That being said, the NPP block is still a hot get for Democratic contenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How Will NPP Voters Influence California’s Primary?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Hard to say. But it will likely come down to two factors: how much Democratic contenders campaign for the NPP vote and whether the NPP block actually votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The block of no party preference voters … really does represent a huge number of potential voters,” Schnur said. “But you haven’t seen as aggressive an outreach effort from most of the campaigns yet in that direction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A couple of candidates have taken note, though.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article239261123.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">current Democratic front-runner\u003c/a> in California, according to recent polls, is among the candidates making a concerted effort to win over the state’s independents. His\u003ca href=\"https://berniesanders.com/california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> campaign website\u003c/a>, for example, has a section alerting NPP voters to the fact that they can participate in the Democratic contest without re-registering as Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an \u003ca href=\"https://bakersfieldnow.com/news/local/independents-could-decide-californias-democratic-primary\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">interview with the Associated Press\u003c/a>, Sanders’ California campaign director, Rafael Návar, called independents “a very important block of voters” who will be “supportive of the politics of the senator.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"2020-presidential-election\"]Former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg, another Democratic hopeful, who has opted not to participate in early state contests in order to focus campaign efforts on California and other Super Tuesday primaries, has also taken aim at the state’s NPP block.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Since no party preference is such a big preference for folks in the primary, we are absolutely reaching out to them, just as we are to Democrats, to ensure that they understand that their vote matters,” said Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs, who is serving as Bloomberg’s national campaign co-chair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of beating Donald Trump is ensuring that people who are independent or have no party preference also are part of our governing coalition,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the impact of NPP voters will ultimately come down to whether or not they cast a vote — and if history is any guide, independent turnout will lag, according to Paul Mitchell, vice president of the bipartisan voter data firm \u003ca href=\"https://www.politicaldata.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Political Data, Inc.\u003c/a>, who said his firm has a tally showing that less than 9% of NPP voters in California who plan to vote by mail have returned a postcard requesting a crossover ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So that means of the 4.2 million [NPP] voters in California, only 9% of them can vote in the presidential primary right now,” Mitchell said, adding that historically, the NPP block is significantly more likely to vote by mail than in person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where Democratic campaigns could make a difference, Mitchell added, is educating NPP voters on how they can vote — and making sure they request a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you want to impact nonpartisan turnout, the best way you can do it is to get those nonpartisans that top-of-ticket race, and get them that Democratic ballot,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Even though independent voters are now the second-largest voting block in California, not all state political parties want them to help nominate their presidential candidates.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">V\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>oters registered as “no party preference” (NPP) are the fastest growing part of the California electorate, coveted by candidates and campaigns. But when it comes to the March presidential primary, the Republican Party has shut the door on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So too have the Green and Peace and Freedom parties, all of whom only allow party members to participate in their primaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPP voters will, however, be able to vote in the Democratic, Libertarian and American Independent Party primaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s a catch: If you plan to vote by mail, you need to let election officials know which ballot you want to receive. It’s a bit complicated and confusing but you’re in luck. Here are the steps you need to take.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How to Vote if You’re NPP\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If you’re registered as NPP and are signed up to vote by mail, check your mailbox (the physical one), because you’ve probably received a postcard from your local county election office asking which party’s ballot you want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you want to vote in the Democratic, Libertarian or American Independent Party primary by mail, you’ll need to return that postcard with your selection. (If you don’t, you’ll get a “non-partisan ballot” with no presidential candidates listed.) If you lost your postcard, get in touch with your county elections office, which can help get you a new one in time to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you want to vote in one of those three primaries in person on Election Day, no problem — just show up to your polling place and ask a poll worker for one of those ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you want to vote in the Republican, Green and Peace and Freedom Party primaries, you’ll need to \u003cem>re-register\u003c/em> with that specific party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We encourage any voter who wants to be part of the process to nominate a Republican for president to register as a Republican,” said Jessica Millan Patterson, chair of the California Republican Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We strongly believe it is the right and the duty of the Republican Party to follow a process that ensures that Republicans choose who will represent our party at the nominating convention and who is elected to our county central committees — an essential role in the infrastructure of our party — and a process that takes place during the Republican primary election,” Patterson added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can \u003ca href=\"https://registertovote.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">re-register online\u003c/a> through Feb. 18. After that date, you have to do so in person at a polling place, any vote center or at your county elections office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More questions? There’s a website for that: \u003ca href=\"http://howtovoteforpresident.sos.ca.gov\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">howtovoteforpresident.sos.ca.gov \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Growing Political Force\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The number of California residents registered as NPP has been growing for years. In 2018, NPP overtook the Republican Party as the second-largest voting block in the state after Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Oct. 1, 2019, there were nearly 5.5 million residents registered as NPP in California, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/ror/154day-presprim-2020/historical-reg-stats.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Secretary of State’s office\u003c/a>. That marks 26.7% of registered voters, compared to 23.6% for Republicans and 44.1% for Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Secretary of State Alex Padilla attributes some of that growth to the state’s open primary rules. Proposition 14, which voters passed in 2010, replaced traditional party primaries with open contests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the last several election cycles, Californians have quickly gotten used to this top-two vote-getter system,” Padilla said. “Anybody can vote for anybody … so your party registration hasn’t really mattered. But it’s not the case when it comes to voting for president.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dan Schnur, a political strategist who teaches at UC Berkeley and Pepperdine University, attributes the rise in NPP voters to three other factors: a growing number of younger voters, a voter registration process that’s made it easier to become NPP and, most importantly, an increasing rejection of the two major parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Californians who want to participate in the political process, who want to be active voters and engaged citizens, simply see the two parties as unacceptable alternatives and are looking for another option,” Schnur said. The notion that so-called “independent voters” tend to be more moderate, hovering between Democratic and Republican is a misconception, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What causes someone to refer to themselves as independent, what causes someone to re-register as a no party preference voter is not centrism or moderation,” Schnur said. “Rather, it’s a dislike and a disdain for politics and politicians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That being said, the NPP block is still a hot get for Democratic contenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How Will NPP Voters Influence California’s Primary?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Hard to say. But it will likely come down to two factors: how much Democratic contenders campaign for the NPP vote and whether the NPP block actually votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The block of no party preference voters … really does represent a huge number of potential voters,” Schnur said. “But you haven’t seen as aggressive an outreach effort from most of the campaigns yet in that direction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A couple of candidates have taken note, though.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article239261123.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">current Democratic front-runner\u003c/a> in California, according to recent polls, is among the candidates making a concerted effort to win over the state’s independents. His\u003ca href=\"https://berniesanders.com/california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> campaign website\u003c/a>, for example, has a section alerting NPP voters to the fact that they can participate in the Democratic contest without re-registering as Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an \u003ca href=\"https://bakersfieldnow.com/news/local/independents-could-decide-californias-democratic-primary\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">interview with the Associated Press\u003c/a>, Sanders’ California campaign director, Rafael Návar, called independents “a very important block of voters” who will be “supportive of the politics of the senator.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg, another Democratic hopeful, who has opted not to participate in early state contests in order to focus campaign efforts on California and other Super Tuesday primaries, has also taken aim at the state’s NPP block.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Since no party preference is such a big preference for folks in the primary, we are absolutely reaching out to them, just as we are to Democrats, to ensure that they understand that their vote matters,” said Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs, who is serving as Bloomberg’s national campaign co-chair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of beating Donald Trump is ensuring that people who are independent or have no party preference also are part of our governing coalition,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the impact of NPP voters will ultimately come down to whether or not they cast a vote — and if history is any guide, independent turnout will lag, according to Paul Mitchell, vice president of the bipartisan voter data firm \u003ca href=\"https://www.politicaldata.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Political Data, Inc.\u003c/a>, who said his firm has a tally showing that less than 9% of NPP voters in California who plan to vote by mail have returned a postcard requesting a crossover ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So that means of the 4.2 million [NPP] voters in California, only 9% of them can vote in the presidential primary right now,” Mitchell said, adding that historically, the NPP block is significantly more likely to vote by mail than in person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where Democratic campaigns could make a difference, Mitchell added, is educating NPP voters on how they can vote — and making sure they request a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you want to impact nonpartisan turnout, the best way you can do it is to get those nonpartisans that top-of-ticket race, and get them that Democratic ballot,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Michael Bloomberg Looks to California to Bolster Grassroots Efforts",
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"content": "\u003cp>As part of his campaign’s national tour of 27 states, presidential candidate Michael Bloomberg hosted dozens of gatherings in California on Saturday to help raise money for his presidential bid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite an advertising blitz that Bloomberg has personally funded to the tune of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/2020-election/bloomberg-fund-sizable-campaign-effort-through-november-even-if-he-n1113421\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$100 million\u003c/a>, the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.mikebloomberg.com/news/mike-bloomberg-2020-announces-day-one-the-kickoff-of-a-nationwide-campaign-to-elect-mike-bloomberg?gclid=EAIaIQobChMIn8bS4M7-5gIVkfhkCh2aIQbEEAAYASAAEgJqufD_BwE\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Day One\u003c/a>” tour will attempt to spawn a grassroots effort to bolster a campaign that has mainly been \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/2020-election/bloomberg-s-campaign-hires-500-staffers-over-30-states-n1110791\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">bankrolled by the billionaire candidate himself\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one Golden State stop, guests gathered at the Pleasanton home of Mike Cordano, president and CEO of the computer hardware company Western Digital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Cordano’s guests? San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m passionate about Mike’s leadership because I want someone who is about solutions,” said Liccardo, who originally endorsed California Sen. Kamala Harris but is now one of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/14/us/politics/bloomberg-mayors-2020.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">several city leaders who are backing Bloomberg\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11795762\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11795762 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/IMG_8077-1.JPG.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/IMG_8077-1.JPG.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/IMG_8077-1.JPG-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/IMG_8077-1.JPG-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/IMG_8077-1.JPG-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/IMG_8077-1.JPG-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo speaks to attendees at a Michael Bloomberg campaign event in Pleasanton on Jan. 12. \u003ccite>(Sara Hossaini/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Liccardo said that the Pleasanton event was not aimed at raising money and described it as a “friendraiser.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bloomberg Family Foundation has offered philanthropic support to nearly 200 cities over the years. It sponsors a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityleadership.harvard.edu/program\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">mayoral training program\u003c/a> at Harvard that Liccardo himself attended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Anselmo resident Andy Bane attended the event. He said he’s a former Republican looking for a Trump alternative. [aside tag='2020-election' label='The 2020 election.']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been leaning toward Amy Klobuchar, honestly, but I think Bloomberg represents some interesting possibilities,” Bane said. “We need a leader in the White House who brings the right principles and priorities to help us come together and work together as a country, not just to grow the economy but to do it in a cleaner, healthier, safer way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bloomberg’s campaign has chosen to skip early primaries in Iowa, New Hampshire, Nevada and South Carolina and hopes to make large gains in March on Super Tuesday when Californians and others head to the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bloomberg is one of the world’s richest people, with a net worth of roughly $50 billion. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11788402/former-republican-michael-bloomberg-announces-democratic-presidential-run\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">He formally announced his candidacy\u003c/a> in November 2019, with a goal to “defeat Donald Trump and rebuild America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Bloomberg has positioned himself as a champion of the fight against gun violence and climate change, as well as a supporter of immigration, the candidate has also had trouble garnering the more progressive wing of the Democratic party. In particular, the policing strategy during his tenure as New York City mayor called “stop-and-frisk,” was found to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.nyclu.org/en/stop-and-frisk-data\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">disproportionately impacted\u003c/a> people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after announcing his candidacy, Bloomberg apologized in Brooklyn for the policing strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Sara Hossaini contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As part of his campaign’s national tour of 27 states, presidential candidate Michael Bloomberg hosted dozens of gatherings in California on Saturday to help raise money for his presidential bid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite an advertising blitz that Bloomberg has personally funded to the tune of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/2020-election/bloomberg-fund-sizable-campaign-effort-through-november-even-if-he-n1113421\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$100 million\u003c/a>, the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.mikebloomberg.com/news/mike-bloomberg-2020-announces-day-one-the-kickoff-of-a-nationwide-campaign-to-elect-mike-bloomberg?gclid=EAIaIQobChMIn8bS4M7-5gIVkfhkCh2aIQbEEAAYASAAEgJqufD_BwE\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Day One\u003c/a>” tour will attempt to spawn a grassroots effort to bolster a campaign that has mainly been \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/2020-election/bloomberg-s-campaign-hires-500-staffers-over-30-states-n1110791\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">bankrolled by the billionaire candidate himself\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one Golden State stop, guests gathered at the Pleasanton home of Mike Cordano, president and CEO of the computer hardware company Western Digital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Cordano’s guests? San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m passionate about Mike’s leadership because I want someone who is about solutions,” said Liccardo, who originally endorsed California Sen. Kamala Harris but is now one of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/14/us/politics/bloomberg-mayors-2020.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">several city leaders who are backing Bloomberg\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11795762\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11795762 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/IMG_8077-1.JPG.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/IMG_8077-1.JPG.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/IMG_8077-1.JPG-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/IMG_8077-1.JPG-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/IMG_8077-1.JPG-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/IMG_8077-1.JPG-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo speaks to attendees at a Michael Bloomberg campaign event in Pleasanton on Jan. 12. \u003ccite>(Sara Hossaini/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Liccardo said that the Pleasanton event was not aimed at raising money and described it as a “friendraiser.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bloomberg Family Foundation has offered philanthropic support to nearly 200 cities over the years. It sponsors a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityleadership.harvard.edu/program\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">mayoral training program\u003c/a> at Harvard that Liccardo himself attended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Anselmo resident Andy Bane attended the event. He said he’s a former Republican looking for a Trump alternative. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been leaning toward Amy Klobuchar, honestly, but I think Bloomberg represents some interesting possibilities,” Bane said. “We need a leader in the White House who brings the right principles and priorities to help us come together and work together as a country, not just to grow the economy but to do it in a cleaner, healthier, safer way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bloomberg’s campaign has chosen to skip early primaries in Iowa, New Hampshire, Nevada and South Carolina and hopes to make large gains in March on Super Tuesday when Californians and others head to the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bloomberg is one of the world’s richest people, with a net worth of roughly $50 billion. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11788402/former-republican-michael-bloomberg-announces-democratic-presidential-run\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">He formally announced his candidacy\u003c/a> in November 2019, with a goal to “defeat Donald Trump and rebuild America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Bloomberg has positioned himself as a champion of the fight against gun violence and climate change, as well as a supporter of immigration, the candidate has also had trouble garnering the more progressive wing of the Democratic party. In particular, the policing strategy during his tenure as New York City mayor called “stop-and-frisk,” was found to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.nyclu.org/en/stop-and-frisk-data\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">disproportionately impacted\u003c/a> people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after announcing his candidacy, Bloomberg apologized in Brooklyn for the policing strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Sara Hossaini contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "voters-say-yes-to-educator-housing-in-san-francisco-600-million-affordable-housing-bond-likely-to-pass",
"title": "Voters Say Yes to Educator Housing in San Francisco. $600 Million Affordable Housing Bond Likely to Pass",
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"headTitle": "Voters Say Yes to Educator Housing in San Francisco. $600 Million Affordable Housing Bond Likely to Pass | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco voters on Tuesday overwhelmingly gave the city permission to build housing projects for teachers and educators on publicly owned land, while a $600 million affordable housing bond, the largest in the city’s history, leads with a narrow margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition A, a plan to increase property taxes to fund affordable housing is leading with a narrow margin as of 11 p.m. Tuesday night. City officials estimate the bond will produce approximately 2,800 units of affordable housing. That money will be divided among senior, low-income and middle-income housing, including some funding to support housing projects for educators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/erikaaaguilar/status/1191967912355139588\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big bond. It’s a lot of money and some people may have been asking themselves is this going to be meaningful to me,” said Matthias Mormino, policy analyst for Chinatown Community Development Center, an affordable housing development group in San Francisco. “But being able to expand these affordable housing projects geographically in other neighborhoods is exciting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the largest affordable housing bond that San Francisco has put on the ballot. The city’s last affordable housing bond was passed in 2015 — the same year Mayor Ed Lee was reelected — and cashed in at $310 million. That bond produced about 1,600 units of affordable housing, with $100 million going toward 548 low-income housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11784862\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11784862\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/2019-SF-bond-report-on-2015-affordable-housing-bond-800x301.jpg\" alt=\"Chart from SF government on housing built with a 2015 affordable housing bond of $310 million.\" width=\"800\" height=\"301\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/2019-SF-bond-report-on-2015-affordable-housing-bond-800x301.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/2019-SF-bond-report-on-2015-affordable-housing-bond-160x60.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/2019-SF-bond-report-on-2015-affordable-housing-bond-1020x383.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/2019-SF-bond-report-on-2015-affordable-housing-bond-1200x451.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/2019-SF-bond-report-on-2015-affordable-housing-bond.jpg 1259w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This image is from a 2019 General Obligation Affordable Housing Bond Report by the San Francisco Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Before that, the last successful bond measure solely for affordable housing was passed in 1996. San Franciscans voted down affordable housing bond measures in \u003ca href=\"https://sfpl.org/index.php?pg=2000027201&propid=1666\">2002\u003c/a> for $250 million and in \u003ca href=\"https://sfpl.org/index.php?pg=2000027201&propid=1710\">2004\u003c/a> for $200 million. Voters three years ago approved reappropriating some bond money from a measure that was first passed in 1992 to buy housing units that needed earthquake retrofits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sherry Williams, executive director of One Treasure Island, which helps build affordable housing on the island, remembers the $100 million bond in 1996. “Without that bond we wouldn’t have been able to renovate our units out here,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams said a piece of this year’s $600 million bond will help fund a 138-unit housing project for low-income and homeless people on Treasure Island that’s projected to break ground in February 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are direct consequences from having these bonds passed,” Williams said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters also passed Proposition E, a rezoning measure that allows educator housing projects and developments that are 100% affordable housing to be built on publicly owned lands. Teachers, classroom aides and staff who work for the San Francisco Unified School District or City College of San Francisco would be eligible to move into the future housing developments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure also allows qualifying housing projects slated for parcels of land that are at least 10,000 square feet and zoned for residential use to bypass certain permits and approvals, essentially expediting the building process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/erikaaaguilar/status/1191963076754628609\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco city housing officials have estimated it costs about $700,000 to build one unit of housing and about five years to do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New housing construction in San Francisco has averaged 1,900 units per year since 1990, according to \u003ca href=\"https://default.sfplanning.org/publications_reports/Housing-Needs-and-Trends-Report-2018-ExecutiveSummary.pdf\">a report from the city’s planning department\u003c/a>. But in recent years, that number has gone up. Still, the influx of workers with high-wage jobs competing for housing continues to challenge affordability for residents.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big bond. It’s a lot of money and some people may have been asking themselves is this going to be meaningful to me,” said Matthias Mormino, policy analyst for Chinatown Community Development Center, an affordable housing development group in San Francisco. “But being able to expand these affordable housing projects geographically in other neighborhoods is exciting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the largest affordable housing bond that San Francisco has put on the ballot. The city’s last affordable housing bond was passed in 2015 — the same year Mayor Ed Lee was reelected — and cashed in at $310 million. That bond produced about 1,600 units of affordable housing, with $100 million going toward 548 low-income housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11784862\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11784862\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/2019-SF-bond-report-on-2015-affordable-housing-bond-800x301.jpg\" alt=\"Chart from SF government on housing built with a 2015 affordable housing bond of $310 million.\" width=\"800\" height=\"301\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/2019-SF-bond-report-on-2015-affordable-housing-bond-800x301.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/2019-SF-bond-report-on-2015-affordable-housing-bond-160x60.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/2019-SF-bond-report-on-2015-affordable-housing-bond-1020x383.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/2019-SF-bond-report-on-2015-affordable-housing-bond-1200x451.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/2019-SF-bond-report-on-2015-affordable-housing-bond.jpg 1259w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This image is from a 2019 General Obligation Affordable Housing Bond Report by the San Francisco Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Before that, the last successful bond measure solely for affordable housing was passed in 1996. San Franciscans voted down affordable housing bond measures in \u003ca href=\"https://sfpl.org/index.php?pg=2000027201&propid=1666\">2002\u003c/a> for $250 million and in \u003ca href=\"https://sfpl.org/index.php?pg=2000027201&propid=1710\">2004\u003c/a> for $200 million. Voters three years ago approved reappropriating some bond money from a measure that was first passed in 1992 to buy housing units that needed earthquake retrofits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sherry Williams, executive director of One Treasure Island, which helps build affordable housing on the island, remembers the $100 million bond in 1996. “Without that bond we wouldn’t have been able to renovate our units out here,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams said a piece of this year’s $600 million bond will help fund a 138-unit housing project for low-income and homeless people on Treasure Island that’s projected to break ground in February 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are direct consequences from having these bonds passed,” Williams said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters also passed Proposition E, a rezoning measure that allows educator housing projects and developments that are 100% affordable housing to be built on publicly owned lands. Teachers, classroom aides and staff who work for the San Francisco Unified School District or City College of San Francisco would be eligible to move into the future housing developments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure also allows qualifying housing projects slated for parcels of land that are at least 10,000 square feet and zoned for residential use to bypass certain permits and approvals, essentially expediting the building process.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>San Francisco city housing officials have estimated it costs about $700,000 to build one unit of housing and about five years to do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New housing construction in San Francisco has averaged 1,900 units per year since 1990, according to \u003ca href=\"https://default.sfplanning.org/publications_reports/Housing-Needs-and-Trends-Report-2018-ExecutiveSummary.pdf\">a report from the city’s planning department\u003c/a>. But in recent years, that number has gone up. Still, the influx of workers with high-wage jobs competing for housing continues to challenge affordability for residents.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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},
"rightnowish": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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