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"disqusTitle": "Fresno Priest Accused of Sexual Abuse of Immigrant Parishioners to Stand Trial",
"title": "Fresno Priest Accused of Sexual Abuse of Immigrant Parishioners to Stand Trial",
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"content": "\u003cp>A former Anglican priest accused of sexually abusing some of his adult immigrant parishioners in Fresno, under the guise of a supposed spiritual healing ritual, will stand trial, a judge ruled Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna walked out of the courtroom flanked by his supporters, who hugged him in the hallway as he left. Fresno County Superior Court Judge Jane A. Cardoza ruled the case will go to trial on all charges. Castañeda has been charged with 22 counts of battery, sexual battery, attempted sexual battery and attempt to dissuade a witness from prosecuting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='A man who accused Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna of sexual abuse']'You start confusing God and a human being and you have trouble making the distinction between what’s good and what’s bad.'[/pullquote]Cardoza’s ruling came after nine days of testimony by nine alleged victims, most of them adult men who said the priest massaged their genitals under the pretext of a “prayer” or “healing” ritual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The court finds that the witnesses were authentic and credible,\" said Cardoza. \"Indeed, I was taken by the tone of their testimony, being humbled, quite baffled by the defendant's actions and ultimately disillusioned by him.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda, through his attorney, has maintained his innocence. Defense attorney Ralph Torres said the alleged sexual abuse never happened and he thought they would prevail at trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This type of healing massage happens all over Latin America, Mexico and in the United States. Nothing unusual about that,\" he said after Cardoza's ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alleged victims described visiting Castañeda’s office to receive healing for physical ailments and personal issues such as drug or alcohol abuse, separation from a spouse, or the death of a child. Most said they were referred by other congregants who claimed the priest possessed spiritual gifts and the ability to heal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the eight men and one woman who testified, Castañeda told them that they had been cursed by previous wives or girlfriends, or were possessed by a demon and needed spiritual healing. (The witnesses were named in court, but KQED is not disclosing their identities because they are alleged victims of sexual abuse.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The witnesses said Castañeda instructed them to strip down to their underwear, lay on a bench or massage table, and receive “healing” or “prayer” massages that they described as very painful. One man reported he had visible bruises for days after the massages. Prosecutor Kelly Smith presented photos showing the man’s neck with red marks, which the witness said a family member took after one of the prayer massages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The massages often ended in the priest touching parishioners’ genitals, the witnesses testified. In some cases, they described a grazing that could have been accidental. In others, they said, Castañeda grabbed their penis or testicles through their underwear or attempted to masturbate them. Sometimes the priest claimed to have removed a black or yellow substance from their penis, the men said. The woman said Castañeda touched her breasts while making the sign of the cross on her chest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782043\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782043\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut-800x581.jpg\" alt=\"Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna preaches to parishioners of his new church, Iglesia del Espíritu Santo, or Holy Spirit Church. Castañeda has been charged with 22 counts of battery, sexual battery, attempted sexual battery and attempt to prevent a witness/victim from prosecuting.\" width=\"800\" height=\"581\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut-800x581.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut-160x116.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut-1020x741.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut-1200x871.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna preaches to parishioners of his new church, Iglesia del Espíritu Santo, or Holy Spirit Church. Castañeda has been charged with 22 counts of battery, sexual battery, attempted sexual battery and attempt to prevent a witness/victim from prosecuting. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The alleged victims described leaving the meetings shocked, ashamed and confused. Some said the events forever altered their trust in priests. The witnesses said the meetings took place at different times in recent years: The first accounts of the abuse date back to 2014 and the most recent to 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Bruce Taylor, U.S.-based archbishop of the World Communion of Christian Celtic Convergence Churches']'This is not some banana republic. This is the United States of America. We have due process. And everyone is presumed innocent until proven guilty.'[/pullquote]One man alleged Castañeda told him the priest needed to see his semen to determine how he should be treated. Another man said Castañeda yanked on his penis so abruptly that he heard a popping noise and urinated blood for two to three days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another witness said one prayer massage ended with Castañeda masturbating him and telling him that he was in love with him. The man, who was a parishioner and church volunteer, said the experience led him to attempt suicide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You start confusing God and a human being and you have trouble making the distinction between what’s good and what’s bad,” the man testified in Spanish through an interpreter. “And you realize that what’s happening to you isn’t right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When defense attorney Torres asked the same man whether he reported the alleged sexual touching to the priest's superiors at the church, the witness replied: “This isn’t something you can just talk about. Because there’s going to be some people who believe you, there’s going to be some people who do not believe you, and I couldn’t talk about it at the time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782022\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782022\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The offices of Our Lady of Guadalupe Parish in Fresno, where witnesses testified in court that some of the healing massages took place. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another witness testified that following an incident in which he said Castañeda attempted to masturbate him, he saw the priest at church. The witness said Castañeda patted him on the back and warned, “You better not tell anyone. You know the consequences.” The witness said he took the comment to be a threat that the priest could report his parents to immigration officials if he spoke up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The witnesses faced Castañeda in court, along with his many supporters, all churchgoers who followed the priest after he was removed from the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin because of the allegations, to his new congregation — Iglesia del Espíritu Santo, or Holy Spirit Church in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At different points during the testimony, the priest’s supporters scoffed and chuckled, or glared at witnesses when they exited the courtroom. Others talked under their breath, and smirked or laughed in response to the witness testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview at Castañeda's new church before the preliminary hearing began, a supporter of the priest said: \"What they have said is not believable.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If the father asked me to touch myself ... as an adult I would say, you know what father, this isn't normal,\" said Carolina Perea. \"You can't do this, I won't do it. Because we're not talking about kids here. These are adults.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point, Judge Cardoza stopped the hearing to chide members of the audience who were making audible noises, telling them they could not interrupt the proceedings. “I can hear you,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Bishop Eric Menees of the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin']'I essentially let him know that the allegations had been made. I did not say who the allegations were from. And his immediate response was to say ‘Yes, I learned this healing ministry in India.''[/pullquote]Defense attorney Torres questioned the alleged victims, asking them if they had applied for U visa, a visa for victims of crimes who cooperate with law enforcement in investigating or prosecuting a criminal case. Defenders of the priest have argued Castañeda's alleged victims are making accusations in an attempt to obtain legal status in the United States. The immigration status of the witnesses isn't clear, but one man said he got help applying for a U visa. Others said they didn’t know about the visa or had not applied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda led Latino parishioners in Fresno for nearly a decade before allegations surfaced that he had sexually abused parishioners. At the time, Castañeda was pastor of Our Lady of Guadalupe, a Spanish-language congregation of the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, Bishop Eric Menees of the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin said three men reported to him that Castañeda had a healing ministry where he told parishioners if he anointed their genitals, he could heal them of their sexual sins. The bishop, who said he considered the allegations to be credible, confronted Castañeda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I essentially let him know that the allegations had been made. I did not say who the allegations were from. And his immediate response was to say ‘Yes, I learned this healing ministry in India,’ ” Menees said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I just said, ‘No you didn’t. ... that’s just a lie. It certainly wasn’t a Christian healing ministry,' \" Menees told KQED at his office in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bishop Menees contacted Fresno police in October 2017 and removed Castañeda from his post at the Anglican church the next month. Fresno police began investigating the priest and arrested Castañeda in February 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To date, nine alleged victims have joined the criminal case. Over 40 people told church officials that they or a family member or friend were abused, Menees said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781960\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11781960 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">St. Juan Diego Parish in Cowiche, Washington. Castañeda was the pastor of the church in 2005, when an unidentified man has alleged the priest touched him inappropriately. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>An Earlier Allegation\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Carolina Perea, a supporter of Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna']'If the father asked me to touch myself ... as an adult I would say, you know what father, this isn't normal. You can't do this, I won't do it. Because we're not talking about kids here. These are adults.'[/pullquote]The allegations in Fresno are not the first to have been lodged against the priest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 1997-2005, Castañeda was a priest with the Catholic Diocese of Yakima in Washington. In December 2005, he was suspended from the ministry due to allegations he violated the seal of confession, Yakima Diocese Chancellor Msgr. Robert Siler told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Castañeda’s request, Siler said, he was laicized in December 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Records show that in 2009, the Yakima Diocese notified the Anglican Diocese in Fresno that the priest had allegedly touched the genitals of a young adult man under his care several years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked whether the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin, or the bishop at the time, notified parishioners of Our Lady of Guadalupe of the Yakima allegation, Bishop Menees said Tuesday that, due to the pending criminal and civil proceedings, counsel had advised him not to make any additional comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menees became the bishop in 2011. The previous head of the diocese, Bishop John-David Schofield, said in a September 2009 letter to the Yakima Diocese that “it appears to me Fr. Antonio has been wrongly accused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='sexual-assault' label='Related Coverage']Court documents show the man, who said he made the allegation in 2005, was interviewed by a Fresno police detective but did not want to come forward as a victim. In an in-person interview with KQED, the man said he hoped and prayed there would be justice for the alleged victims in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is quite similar, what happened to me, what they are describing,” the man said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a tragedy … that he was able to abuse his power in ministry for 10 years,” Msgr. Siler said. “How do we stop that? I don’t know. I can’t imagine the Diocese of Yakima having the resources to follow him around with a sign, for example, saying, ‘Don’t go near this man.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since his removal from the Anglican church, Castañeda has been re-ordained by the \u003ca href=\"http://www.celticconvergencechurch.org/\">World Communion of Christian Celtic Convergence Churches\u003c/a>, headquartered in the United Kingdom. The U.S.-based archbishop of the church, Bruce Taylor, said he believes Castañeda is innocent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not some banana republic. This is the United States of America,” Taylor said. “We have due process. And everyone is presumed innocent until proven guilty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the allegations stemming from Castañeda’s time in Yakima, Taylor said he was unaware of them. Defense attorney Torres said the Yakima allegation has no relevance to the Fresno case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If convicted, Castañeda faces up to 23½ years in prison.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Cardoza’s ruling came after nine days of testimony by nine alleged victims, most of them adult men who said the priest massaged their genitals under the pretext of a “prayer” or “healing” ritual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The court finds that the witnesses were authentic and credible,\" said Cardoza. \"Indeed, I was taken by the tone of their testimony, being humbled, quite baffled by the defendant's actions and ultimately disillusioned by him.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda, through his attorney, has maintained his innocence. Defense attorney Ralph Torres said the alleged sexual abuse never happened and he thought they would prevail at trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This type of healing massage happens all over Latin America, Mexico and in the United States. Nothing unusual about that,\" he said after Cardoza's ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alleged victims described visiting Castañeda’s office to receive healing for physical ailments and personal issues such as drug or alcohol abuse, separation from a spouse, or the death of a child. Most said they were referred by other congregants who claimed the priest possessed spiritual gifts and the ability to heal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the eight men and one woman who testified, Castañeda told them that they had been cursed by previous wives or girlfriends, or were possessed by a demon and needed spiritual healing. (The witnesses were named in court, but KQED is not disclosing their identities because they are alleged victims of sexual abuse.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The witnesses said Castañeda instructed them to strip down to their underwear, lay on a bench or massage table, and receive “healing” or “prayer” massages that they described as very painful. One man reported he had visible bruises for days after the massages. Prosecutor Kelly Smith presented photos showing the man’s neck with red marks, which the witness said a family member took after one of the prayer massages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The massages often ended in the priest touching parishioners’ genitals, the witnesses testified. In some cases, they described a grazing that could have been accidental. In others, they said, Castañeda grabbed their penis or testicles through their underwear or attempted to masturbate them. Sometimes the priest claimed to have removed a black or yellow substance from their penis, the men said. The woman said Castañeda touched her breasts while making the sign of the cross on her chest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782043\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782043\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut-800x581.jpg\" alt=\"Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna preaches to parishioners of his new church, Iglesia del Espíritu Santo, or Holy Spirit Church. Castañeda has been charged with 22 counts of battery, sexual battery, attempted sexual battery and attempt to prevent a witness/victim from prosecuting.\" width=\"800\" height=\"581\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut-800x581.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut-160x116.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut-1020x741.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut-1200x871.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna preaches to parishioners of his new church, Iglesia del Espíritu Santo, or Holy Spirit Church. Castañeda has been charged with 22 counts of battery, sexual battery, attempted sexual battery and attempt to prevent a witness/victim from prosecuting. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The alleged victims described leaving the meetings shocked, ashamed and confused. Some said the events forever altered their trust in priests. The witnesses said the meetings took place at different times in recent years: The first accounts of the abuse date back to 2014 and the most recent to 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>One man alleged Castañeda told him the priest needed to see his semen to determine how he should be treated. Another man said Castañeda yanked on his penis so abruptly that he heard a popping noise and urinated blood for two to three days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another witness said one prayer massage ended with Castañeda masturbating him and telling him that he was in love with him. The man, who was a parishioner and church volunteer, said the experience led him to attempt suicide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You start confusing God and a human being and you have trouble making the distinction between what’s good and what’s bad,” the man testified in Spanish through an interpreter. “And you realize that what’s happening to you isn’t right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When defense attorney Torres asked the same man whether he reported the alleged sexual touching to the priest's superiors at the church, the witness replied: “This isn’t something you can just talk about. Because there’s going to be some people who believe you, there’s going to be some people who do not believe you, and I couldn’t talk about it at the time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782022\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782022\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The offices of Our Lady of Guadalupe Parish in Fresno, where witnesses testified in court that some of the healing massages took place. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another witness testified that following an incident in which he said Castañeda attempted to masturbate him, he saw the priest at church. The witness said Castañeda patted him on the back and warned, “You better not tell anyone. You know the consequences.” The witness said he took the comment to be a threat that the priest could report his parents to immigration officials if he spoke up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The witnesses faced Castañeda in court, along with his many supporters, all churchgoers who followed the priest after he was removed from the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin because of the allegations, to his new congregation — Iglesia del Espíritu Santo, or Holy Spirit Church in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At different points during the testimony, the priest’s supporters scoffed and chuckled, or glared at witnesses when they exited the courtroom. Others talked under their breath, and smirked or laughed in response to the witness testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview at Castañeda's new church before the preliminary hearing began, a supporter of the priest said: \"What they have said is not believable.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If the father asked me to touch myself ... as an adult I would say, you know what father, this isn't normal,\" said Carolina Perea. \"You can't do this, I won't do it. Because we're not talking about kids here. These are adults.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point, Judge Cardoza stopped the hearing to chide members of the audience who were making audible noises, telling them they could not interrupt the proceedings. “I can hear you,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'I essentially let him know that the allegations had been made. I did not say who the allegations were from. And his immediate response was to say ‘Yes, I learned this healing ministry in India.''",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Defense attorney Torres questioned the alleged victims, asking them if they had applied for U visa, a visa for victims of crimes who cooperate with law enforcement in investigating or prosecuting a criminal case. Defenders of the priest have argued Castañeda's alleged victims are making accusations in an attempt to obtain legal status in the United States. The immigration status of the witnesses isn't clear, but one man said he got help applying for a U visa. Others said they didn’t know about the visa or had not applied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda led Latino parishioners in Fresno for nearly a decade before allegations surfaced that he had sexually abused parishioners. At the time, Castañeda was pastor of Our Lady of Guadalupe, a Spanish-language congregation of the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, Bishop Eric Menees of the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin said three men reported to him that Castañeda had a healing ministry where he told parishioners if he anointed their genitals, he could heal them of their sexual sins. The bishop, who said he considered the allegations to be credible, confronted Castañeda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I essentially let him know that the allegations had been made. I did not say who the allegations were from. And his immediate response was to say ‘Yes, I learned this healing ministry in India,’ ” Menees said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I just said, ‘No you didn’t. ... that’s just a lie. It certainly wasn’t a Christian healing ministry,' \" Menees told KQED at his office in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bishop Menees contacted Fresno police in October 2017 and removed Castañeda from his post at the Anglican church the next month. Fresno police began investigating the priest and arrested Castañeda in February 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To date, nine alleged victims have joined the criminal case. Over 40 people told church officials that they or a family member or friend were abused, Menees said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781960\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11781960 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">St. Juan Diego Parish in Cowiche, Washington. Castañeda was the pastor of the church in 2005, when an unidentified man has alleged the priest touched him inappropriately. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>An Earlier Allegation\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The allegations in Fresno are not the first to have been lodged against the priest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 1997-2005, Castañeda was a priest with the Catholic Diocese of Yakima in Washington. In December 2005, he was suspended from the ministry due to allegations he violated the seal of confession, Yakima Diocese Chancellor Msgr. Robert Siler told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Castañeda’s request, Siler said, he was laicized in December 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Records show that in 2009, the Yakima Diocese notified the Anglican Diocese in Fresno that the priest had allegedly touched the genitals of a young adult man under his care several years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked whether the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin, or the bishop at the time, notified parishioners of Our Lady of Guadalupe of the Yakima allegation, Bishop Menees said Tuesday that, due to the pending criminal and civil proceedings, counsel had advised him not to make any additional comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menees became the bishop in 2011. The previous head of the diocese, Bishop John-David Schofield, said in a September 2009 letter to the Yakima Diocese that “it appears to me Fr. Antonio has been wrongly accused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Court documents show the man, who said he made the allegation in 2005, was interviewed by a Fresno police detective but did not want to come forward as a victim. In an in-person interview with KQED, the man said he hoped and prayed there would be justice for the alleged victims in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is quite similar, what happened to me, what they are describing,” the man said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a tragedy … that he was able to abuse his power in ministry for 10 years,” Msgr. Siler said. “How do we stop that? I don’t know. I can’t imagine the Diocese of Yakima having the resources to follow him around with a sign, for example, saying, ‘Don’t go near this man.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since his removal from the Anglican church, Castañeda has been re-ordained by the \u003ca href=\"http://www.celticconvergencechurch.org/\">World Communion of Christian Celtic Convergence Churches\u003c/a>, headquartered in the United Kingdom. The U.S.-based archbishop of the church, Bruce Taylor, said he believes Castañeda is innocent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not some banana republic. This is the United States of America,” Taylor said. “We have due process. And everyone is presumed innocent until proven guilty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the allegations stemming from Castañeda’s time in Yakima, Taylor said he was unaware of them. Defense attorney Torres said the Yakima allegation has no relevance to the Fresno case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If convicted, Castañeda faces up to 23½ years in prison.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "New Meth 'Sobering Centers' Top San Francisco's Plans to Address Drug Crisis",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed convened a task force in February to address the fast-growing numbers of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11724407/meths-comeback-a-new-speed-epidemic-takes-its-toll-on-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">meth overdoses and hospitalizations\u003c/a>, and on Tuesday the force issued its report, detailing \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfdph.org/dph/files/MethTaskForce/Meth%20Task%20Force%20Final%20Report_FULL.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">17 recommendations\u003c/a> on how to improve crisis response and treatment options for people with problematic meth use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rafael Mandelman, San Francisco supervisor\"]'We need places that are not psychiatric emergency services, that are not emergency rooms, and that are not jail for people who are meth intoxicated.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number one recommendation, and one the mayor is acting on immediately, is to open a meth sobering center, a safe place where people who are too high or experiencing meth-induced psychosis can safely come down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need places that are not psychiatric emergency services, that are not emergency rooms, and that are not jail for people who are meth intoxicated,” said Rafael Mandelman, San Francisco District 8 supervisor and co-chair of the task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public health officials say a sobering center will ease the burden on San Francisco General Hospital’s psychiatric emergency services, where almost \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11737627/meth-mania-from-biker-gangs-to-the-psych-ward-how-speed-came-of-age-in-california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">half the patients admitted every year\u003c/a> are high on meth, and instead direct them to a less intensive and less costly place to sober up and learn about long-term treatment options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We've operated a sobering center — mainly for people who use alcohol — since 2003, and we will build on what we've learned from that to implement this sobering center and others,” said Grant Colfax, director of the city’s public health department and a co-chair on the task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is working “furiously” to figure out where these centers can go, Colfax said, with the plan to open the first one in the next three to six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second-highest recommendation was to strengthen the city’s behavioral health crisis response protocol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hear from constituents every day who are seeing folks in distress, folks in psychosis, and they have no idea what to do, who to call, how to get a response,” Mandelman said. “They 3-1-1 it, it doesn’t work. They feel nervous about calling the police.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11724407 label='The Methamphetamine Crisis' hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/GettyImages-458902784-1038x576.jpg\"]Instead of 311 or 911, the city plans to set up a separate number and mobile app where people can get a real-time response from street medicine team workers who are trained to recognize and de-escalate people on meth, and who generally have more success convincing people with problematic use to enter treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force met four times between April and September and included officials from government, public health, drug treatment services and law enforcement. Focus groups with business owners and residents surfaced complaints of violent encounters, property damage and thefts related to meth use. This year, methamphetamine has been the drug most frequently involved in drug arrests in San Francisco, and among people in the city’s jails, meth is the second-highest reported substance used after alcohol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that progress is not moving fast enough,” said Breed, who has come under fire from other supervisors who say she is not acting fast enough to address the city’s mental health care needs. “But we need to be responsible in how we coordinate the right system, so it actually delivers the results we need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed says her plan, Urgent Care SF, will also address the meth crisis. She wants to add 1,000 beds to the city’s mental health system, add more providers and case management services, and expand the city’s conservatorship program to force meth users with repeat hospital admissions into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that among people with at least eight 5150 psychiatric holds, nearly nine in 10 are users of meth,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781934\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11781934\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Meth-task-force-poster-e1571854716490.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The meth task force issued 17 recommendations to improve treatment, crisis response and access to housing. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other recommendations include improving access to treatment, by loosening \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11754493/in-san-francisco-new-drug-treatment-money-also-means-new-rules\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">restrictions on length of stay and number of stays\u003c/a> in residential programs, and by creating lower threshold treatment options for people who are not ready for the intensity of a residential program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11728012/lack-of-medication-treatments-for-meth-frustrates-doctors\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Contingency management\u003c/a> is one of these lower threshold treatments that got a lot of attention in the task force meetings. It involves giving people vouchers or small financial incentives to reduce or abstain from meth use over a 12-week period. Research shows that it works, but the city will have to cover the full costs, or negotiate with the state over reimbursement policies, because the Medi-Cal program for low-income Californians does not currently pay for this kind of treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing was another key focus of the task force. Lack of housing is a driver of problematic use and relapse, it prevents people from seeking treatment at all, and it fuels meth use in public spaces, according to the task force’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfdph.org/dph/files/MethTaskForce/Meth%20Task%20Force%20Final%20Report_FULL.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">final report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Something like 44 percent of homeless people who come out of a treatment program go to a shelter or the streets upon their exit,” Mandelman said. “We’ve got to do better than that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They recommend creating a fund to provide housing subsidies for people who voluntarily enter treatment, helping people find housing before exiting residential treatment, and helping those in recovery defend against evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Breed is already acting on a few of the recommendations, she said the next steps her office will take will be to carefully review the rest of the recommendations made by the task force and determine which ones will move forward.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number one recommendation, and one the mayor is acting on immediately, is to open a meth sobering center, a safe place where people who are too high or experiencing meth-induced psychosis can safely come down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need places that are not psychiatric emergency services, that are not emergency rooms, and that are not jail for people who are meth intoxicated,” said Rafael Mandelman, San Francisco District 8 supervisor and co-chair of the task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public health officials say a sobering center will ease the burden on San Francisco General Hospital’s psychiatric emergency services, where almost \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11737627/meth-mania-from-biker-gangs-to-the-psych-ward-how-speed-came-of-age-in-california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">half the patients admitted every year\u003c/a> are high on meth, and instead direct them to a less intensive and less costly place to sober up and learn about long-term treatment options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We've operated a sobering center — mainly for people who use alcohol — since 2003, and we will build on what we've learned from that to implement this sobering center and others,” said Grant Colfax, director of the city’s public health department and a co-chair on the task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is working “furiously” to figure out where these centers can go, Colfax said, with the plan to open the first one in the next three to six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second-highest recommendation was to strengthen the city’s behavioral health crisis response protocol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hear from constituents every day who are seeing folks in distress, folks in psychosis, and they have no idea what to do, who to call, how to get a response,” Mandelman said. “They 3-1-1 it, it doesn’t work. They feel nervous about calling the police.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Instead of 311 or 911, the city plans to set up a separate number and mobile app where people can get a real-time response from street medicine team workers who are trained to recognize and de-escalate people on meth, and who generally have more success convincing people with problematic use to enter treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force met four times between April and September and included officials from government, public health, drug treatment services and law enforcement. Focus groups with business owners and residents surfaced complaints of violent encounters, property damage and thefts related to meth use. This year, methamphetamine has been the drug most frequently involved in drug arrests in San Francisco, and among people in the city’s jails, meth is the second-highest reported substance used after alcohol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that progress is not moving fast enough,” said Breed, who has come under fire from other supervisors who say she is not acting fast enough to address the city’s mental health care needs. “But we need to be responsible in how we coordinate the right system, so it actually delivers the results we need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed says her plan, Urgent Care SF, will also address the meth crisis. She wants to add 1,000 beds to the city’s mental health system, add more providers and case management services, and expand the city’s conservatorship program to force meth users with repeat hospital admissions into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that among people with at least eight 5150 psychiatric holds, nearly nine in 10 are users of meth,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781934\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11781934\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Meth-task-force-poster-e1571854716490.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The meth task force issued 17 recommendations to improve treatment, crisis response and access to housing. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other recommendations include improving access to treatment, by loosening \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11754493/in-san-francisco-new-drug-treatment-money-also-means-new-rules\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">restrictions on length of stay and number of stays\u003c/a> in residential programs, and by creating lower threshold treatment options for people who are not ready for the intensity of a residential program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11728012/lack-of-medication-treatments-for-meth-frustrates-doctors\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Contingency management\u003c/a> is one of these lower threshold treatments that got a lot of attention in the task force meetings. It involves giving people vouchers or small financial incentives to reduce or abstain from meth use over a 12-week period. Research shows that it works, but the city will have to cover the full costs, or negotiate with the state over reimbursement policies, because the Medi-Cal program for low-income Californians does not currently pay for this kind of treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing was another key focus of the task force. Lack of housing is a driver of problematic use and relapse, it prevents people from seeking treatment at all, and it fuels meth use in public spaces, according to the task force’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfdph.org/dph/files/MethTaskForce/Meth%20Task%20Force%20Final%20Report_FULL.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">final report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Something like 44 percent of homeless people who come out of a treatment program go to a shelter or the streets upon their exit,” Mandelman said. “We’ve got to do better than that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They recommend creating a fund to provide housing subsidies for people who voluntarily enter treatment, helping people find housing before exiting residential treatment, and helping those in recovery defend against evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Breed is already acting on a few of the recommendations, she said the next steps her office will take will be to carefully review the rest of the recommendations made by the task force and determine which ones will move forward.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A federal appeals court in San Francisco is considering whether thousands of asylum-seekers can be locked up for months or years, or whether they have a constitutional right to ask a judge for their release on bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A three-judge panel of the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals heard arguments Tuesday in a lawsuit challenging a Trump administration order that aims to detain asylum-seekers who enter the country without proper inspection until their cases are decided, a process that can take up to several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just moments after Justice Department attorney Lauren Bingham began addressing the court, Judge Michael Hawkins cut her off with what would become a recurring question throughout the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are the people in the plaintiffs class subject to indefinite detention with no promise of a bond hearing? Yes or no?” asked Hawkins, a Clinton appointee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Detention would not be indefinite, Bingham responded, because it would last only until an immigration judge decides if the government can deport that individual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bingham said immigrants who entered the country illegally — and passed initial interviews establishing a “credible fear” of persecution or torture — are entitled only to rights expressly given to them by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a sliding scale of due process,” she said. “And the Supreme Court has said on multiple occasions that due process is a flexible concept that takes into account all of the different varying circumstances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Coverage\" tag=\"asylum\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that immigration laws do not give detained immigrants the right to periodic bond hearings. But the justices also instructed lower courts to examine whether the U.S. Constitution requires such hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, U.S. Attorney General William Barr, whose purview includes immigration courts, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/file/1154747/download\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">issued the order\u003c/a> saying asylum-seekers who entered unlawfully are no longer eligible for release on bond, despite the fact that the practice has been around for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The change is one of several efforts by the Trump administration to dramatically restrict humanitarian protections, arguing that migrants are abusing the U.S. asylum system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Barr’s order, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement can still decide to release asylum applicants. But plaintiff attorneys argue that if the policy takes effect, detainees would not have a fair shot at freedom because ICE is biased toward detaining people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In criminal cases, defendants generally have the right to ask a judge to set them free while their cases are decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, a federal judge in Seattle issued a nationwide halt to Barr’s order. U.S. District Judge Marsha J. Pechman also said the government must provide bond hearings within seven days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pechman’s ruling provides critical protections that allow migrants seeking refuge in the U.S. to have a “genuine opportunity” to make their case for asylum, plaintiffs’ attorney Matt Adams told the 9th circuit panel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have thousands of our class members who will not only have been deprived of their liberty for months and perhaps years,” said Adams, legal director at the Northwest Immigrant Rights Project. “But many will then have been deprived of the opportunity to obtain legal representation, to gather the evidence necessary to marshal their case, to present their case before the court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only one out of 10 asylum-seekers win their case without legal representation, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/491/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to\u003c/a> researchers at Syracuse University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Government attorney Bingham cautioned the judges against requiring hearings within seven days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By requiring the bond hearings to happen so quickly with the government bearing the burden of proof, it incentivizes aliens to enter the United States illegally because they would then be entitled to greater process than if they properly reported to a port of entry,” said Bingham, referring to official border crossings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump and other top administration officials argue that many asylum-seekers skip court hearings and disappear into the country after they are released from detention. But that’s not supported by several studies, including a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11756583/report-vast-majority-of-asylum-seeking-families-in-s-f-immigration-court-attend-all-hearings\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">recent analysis\u003c/a> that found that close to 98% of families applying for asylum in San Francisco’s immigration court showed up to every hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About half of asylum-seekers who go before a judge and request release are granted bond while their case is decided, Adams told the panel of judges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the face of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/national-media-release/claims-credible-fear-increase-fiscal-year-2018\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">growing numbers\u003c/a> of people claiming asylum, the Trump administration has moved aggressively to eliminate what officials call “loopholes” they say attract migrants from Central America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration advocates have challenged many of those policies — including one that denies asylum to people who fail to seek protection in a country they cross en route to the U.S., and another that forces asylum-seekers to remain in Mexico while an immigration judge decides their case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen from this administration an assault on asylum,” said Michael Tan, a senior staff attorney with the ACLU Immigrants’ Rights Project. “The sad reality — that this administration is all too aware of — is that a lot of people just give up, they’d rather risk their life and safety than stay locked up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three-judge panel is expected to issue its ruling soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A federal appeals court in San Francisco is considering whether thousands of asylum-seekers can be locked up for months or years, or whether they have a constitutional right to ask a judge for their release on bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A three-judge panel of the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals heard arguments Tuesday in a lawsuit challenging a Trump administration order that aims to detain asylum-seekers who enter the country without proper inspection until their cases are decided, a process that can take up to several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just moments after Justice Department attorney Lauren Bingham began addressing the court, Judge Michael Hawkins cut her off with what would become a recurring question throughout the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are the people in the plaintiffs class subject to indefinite detention with no promise of a bond hearing? Yes or no?” asked Hawkins, a Clinton appointee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Detention would not be indefinite, Bingham responded, because it would last only until an immigration judge decides if the government can deport that individual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bingham said immigrants who entered the country illegally — and passed initial interviews establishing a “credible fear” of persecution or torture — are entitled only to rights expressly given to them by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a sliding scale of due process,” she said. “And the Supreme Court has said on multiple occasions that due process is a flexible concept that takes into account all of the different varying circumstances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that immigration laws do not give detained immigrants the right to periodic bond hearings. But the justices also instructed lower courts to examine whether the U.S. Constitution requires such hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, U.S. Attorney General William Barr, whose purview includes immigration courts, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/file/1154747/download\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">issued the order\u003c/a> saying asylum-seekers who entered unlawfully are no longer eligible for release on bond, despite the fact that the practice has been around for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The change is one of several efforts by the Trump administration to dramatically restrict humanitarian protections, arguing that migrants are abusing the U.S. asylum system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Barr’s order, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement can still decide to release asylum applicants. But plaintiff attorneys argue that if the policy takes effect, detainees would not have a fair shot at freedom because ICE is biased toward detaining people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In criminal cases, defendants generally have the right to ask a judge to set them free while their cases are decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, a federal judge in Seattle issued a nationwide halt to Barr’s order. U.S. District Judge Marsha J. Pechman also said the government must provide bond hearings within seven days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pechman’s ruling provides critical protections that allow migrants seeking refuge in the U.S. to have a “genuine opportunity” to make their case for asylum, plaintiffs’ attorney Matt Adams told the 9th circuit panel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have thousands of our class members who will not only have been deprived of their liberty for months and perhaps years,” said Adams, legal director at the Northwest Immigrant Rights Project. “But many will then have been deprived of the opportunity to obtain legal representation, to gather the evidence necessary to marshal their case, to present their case before the court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only one out of 10 asylum-seekers win their case without legal representation, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/491/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to\u003c/a> researchers at Syracuse University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Government attorney Bingham cautioned the judges against requiring hearings within seven days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By requiring the bond hearings to happen so quickly with the government bearing the burden of proof, it incentivizes aliens to enter the United States illegally because they would then be entitled to greater process than if they properly reported to a port of entry,” said Bingham, referring to official border crossings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump and other top administration officials argue that many asylum-seekers skip court hearings and disappear into the country after they are released from detention. But that’s not supported by several studies, including a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11756583/report-vast-majority-of-asylum-seeking-families-in-s-f-immigration-court-attend-all-hearings\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">recent analysis\u003c/a> that found that close to 98% of families applying for asylum in San Francisco’s immigration court showed up to every hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About half of asylum-seekers who go before a judge and request release are granted bond while their case is decided, Adams told the panel of judges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the face of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/national-media-release/claims-credible-fear-increase-fiscal-year-2018\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">growing numbers\u003c/a> of people claiming asylum, the Trump administration has moved aggressively to eliminate what officials call “loopholes” they say attract migrants from Central America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration advocates have challenged many of those policies — including one that denies asylum to people who fail to seek protection in a country they cross en route to the U.S., and another that forces asylum-seekers to remain in Mexico while an immigration judge decides their case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen from this administration an assault on asylum,” said Michael Tan, a senior staff attorney with the ACLU Immigrants’ Rights Project. “The sad reality — that this administration is all too aware of — is that a lot of people just give up, they’d rather risk their life and safety than stay locked up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three-judge panel is expected to issue its ruling soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "ronan-farrow-on-catch-and-kill-the-weinstein-scandal-and-investigative-journalism",
"title": "Ronan Farrow on 'Catch and Kill,' the Weinstein Scandal and Investigative Journalism",
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"content": "\u003cp>Two years ago, investigative journalist Ronan Farrow published a story in The New Yorker about \u003ca href=\"https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/from-aggressive-overtures-to-sexual-assault-harvey-weinsteins-accusers-tell-their-stories\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Harvey Weinstein’s serial sexual assaults of actors and employees\u003c/a>. Farrow joined \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101873980/ronan-farrow-on-the-lies-spies-and-conspiracy-that-blocked-reporting-on-weinstein-scandal\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">KQED’s Michael Krasny on Forum on Monday\u003c/a> to talk about his new book, “Catch and Kill: Lies, Spies, and a Conspiracy to Protect Predators,” which chronicles the lengths Weinstein took to suppress this story, going so far as to hire former Mossad agents and Ukrainian operatives to obstruct and intimidate the reporting being done. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Portions of this interview have been edited for length and clarity. Listen to the full episode on Forum \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101873980/ronan-farrow-on-the-lies-spies-and-conspiracy-that-blocked-reporting-on-weinstein-scandal\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Interview Highlights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On the concept of ‘catch and kill’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Catch and kill” is an old term in the tabloid world. It refers to acquiring the rights to a story, not in order to publish it, but in order to prevent its publication. Very often this happens with sort of mundane celebrity dirt. The National Enquirer has been doing it for years where they’d have something unflattering about an affair someone had and then withhold publication and scoop up the rights to whatever person’s story was gonna be told and on behalf of that person, kill the story, usually in exchange for such and such celebrity will appear on the cover of The National Enquirer or another AMI publication or some other transactional exchange of that nature. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right']‘It’s the lifeblood of our democracy to have free access to information that can’t be fettered by the most connected and wealthy people in this country.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What I uncover in the events that unravel in “Catch and Kill” is the way in which The Enquirer was engaged in this practice for Harvey Weinstein, which is a story I was able to break later in The New Yorker. And how ultimately that trail of clues led to the top, if you will, to the president’s collaborations with The National Enquirer, which were very much of a piece with that. In this book, I reveal several new cases in which there was pretty deep and substantial collaboration between Trump associates and the Enquirer. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On the connection between Weinstein and Matt Lauer\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The book is about bigger patterns than any one media organization, although it does focus on AMI, the parent company of The National Enquirer, which was one attack dog collaborating with Harvey Weinstein to suppress these allegations. And on NBC News, which also became something of an instrument of suppression on his behalf. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s really about our profession, and the ways in which corporate and legal practices designed to sweep harassment and abuse under the rug, rather than confront it, can create a situation where serial abusers stay in power and where people potentially get hurt. And the democracy suffers because you end up with a situation where news organizations are working at the behest of powerful interests and the truth gets distorted. I talk about how that has ramifications for our political future as well. Obviously, that collaboration between Trump and the National Enquirer wound up being a significant factor in 2016. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On being followed, and other tactics Weinstein used on journalists\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People kind of make the observation that it reads like a spy thriller. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one sense, that can sound like it’s a glamorizing characterization, in retrospect. But in another, it’s a reminder of how these exotic and underhanded tactics should be reserved for the realm of, you know, John Grisham novels. They should not be directed at real-life reporters trying to break stories. We have the protections of the First Amendment in this country and of our criminal laws. Therefore, I’m careful to have a sense of perspective and note that I was not in the situation that so many journalists in Pakistan or Russia or many other parts of the world are in, where they just wind up dead if they’re reporting on powerful interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I feel it is an important story to tell, to look at the threats that get thrown at not just me, but a whole range of journalists in this plot. And to try to galvanize us all, to say, “no, enough.” Powerful people should not be able to manipulate the press in this way and to intimidate journalists in this way. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On the stories about Donald Trump that were caught and killed\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Donald Trump is a significant subject of the reporting in the book. There’s new revelations about the tactics that he used to subvert the press and turn it into an arm of his campaign, essentially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AMI has, since all of these events I’ve reported on, signed a non-prosecution agreement where they have admitted that this was taking place, that they were collaborating with Trump associates to kill stories, and it is all emblematic of a wider moment of urgency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where, as you say, we have authoritarian rhetoric weaponized against the press. This characterization of us as the enemy of the people where, in fact, journalism is the only explicitly constitutionally protected profession for a reason. And it’s the lifeblood of our democracy to have free access to information that can’t be fettered by the most connected and wealthy people in this country. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The book is a tribute to, and a love letter to, all the reporters who stand up in the face of that and stay strong, and all the sources who refused to stop talking in the face of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth] \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On Hillary Clinton’s lack of support\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m very measured about Hillary Clinton’s role in the plot of “Catch and Kill,” as I am in each aspect of the book. And you know as well as I that anytime you mention Hillary Clinton, it quickly gets transported into partisan headlines and sensationalized a fair bit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reality of her role is quite minimal. She was part of a series of interviews that I was doing with every living secretary of state for my previous book, “War on Peace.” It is about the chaos at the State Department and the militarization of American foreign policy and the consequences of that around the world. And Hillary Clinton had been extremely supportive of that project and had known about it since I had worked at the State Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is a portion of the plot of this book in which the walls are kind of closing in, in a whole number of ways. And I include an anecdote about Hillary Clinton attempting to back out of that interview. It comes after her flak, her spokesperson, Nick Merrill, calling to say, “We’re concerned about this big story you’re working on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that really is the totality of the facts, that there’s a strange conversation where her team is concerned and has learned at a time when it is supposed to be secret that I’m working on this, that I am working on the story. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Coverage\" tag=\"harvey-weinstein\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On being an investigative journalist\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I do think that good investigative journalism is at the heart of what can break through those conspiracies of silence and that hegemony …. of powerful interests that mutually protect and suppress. And every time I break a story, I’m very moved to say that brave sources continue to come forward. And in the wake of this book coming out, I’ve been inundated with leads of all sorts of types, including ones that, you know, directly reinforce the reporting in this book. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s never just about me, it’s a whole community of reporters that are refusing to stop here. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On putting himself in the book\u003c/strong> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was uncomfortable. And I’m very forthright in the book about the struggle over not wanting to do that, wanting for the story to stand its own on its own. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think particularly because of my own background, which was very much, you know, in the shadow of celebrity and scandal, I write in the book about wanting desperately for the substantive work that I do to not be subject to those distractions, and to stand independently. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nature of the plot was that my personal life, and who I was and my background, were thrown at me and all of that was used as a cudgel. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Two years ago, investigative journalist Ronan Farrow published a story in The New Yorker about \u003ca href=\"https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/from-aggressive-overtures-to-sexual-assault-harvey-weinsteins-accusers-tell-their-stories\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Harvey Weinstein’s serial sexual assaults of actors and employees\u003c/a>. Farrow joined \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101873980/ronan-farrow-on-the-lies-spies-and-conspiracy-that-blocked-reporting-on-weinstein-scandal\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">KQED’s Michael Krasny on Forum on Monday\u003c/a> to talk about his new book, “Catch and Kill: Lies, Spies, and a Conspiracy to Protect Predators,” which chronicles the lengths Weinstein took to suppress this story, going so far as to hire former Mossad agents and Ukrainian operatives to obstruct and intimidate the reporting being done. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Portions of this interview have been edited for length and clarity. Listen to the full episode on Forum \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101873980/ronan-farrow-on-the-lies-spies-and-conspiracy-that-blocked-reporting-on-weinstein-scandal\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Interview Highlights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On the concept of ‘catch and kill’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Catch and kill” is an old term in the tabloid world. It refers to acquiring the rights to a story, not in order to publish it, but in order to prevent its publication. Very often this happens with sort of mundane celebrity dirt. The National Enquirer has been doing it for years where they’d have something unflattering about an affair someone had and then withhold publication and scoop up the rights to whatever person’s story was gonna be told and on behalf of that person, kill the story, usually in exchange for such and such celebrity will appear on the cover of The National Enquirer or another AMI publication or some other transactional exchange of that nature. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What I uncover in the events that unravel in “Catch and Kill” is the way in which The Enquirer was engaged in this practice for Harvey Weinstein, which is a story I was able to break later in The New Yorker. And how ultimately that trail of clues led to the top, if you will, to the president’s collaborations with The National Enquirer, which were very much of a piece with that. In this book, I reveal several new cases in which there was pretty deep and substantial collaboration between Trump associates and the Enquirer. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On the connection between Weinstein and Matt Lauer\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The book is about bigger patterns than any one media organization, although it does focus on AMI, the parent company of The National Enquirer, which was one attack dog collaborating with Harvey Weinstein to suppress these allegations. And on NBC News, which also became something of an instrument of suppression on his behalf. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s really about our profession, and the ways in which corporate and legal practices designed to sweep harassment and abuse under the rug, rather than confront it, can create a situation where serial abusers stay in power and where people potentially get hurt. And the democracy suffers because you end up with a situation where news organizations are working at the behest of powerful interests and the truth gets distorted. I talk about how that has ramifications for our political future as well. Obviously, that collaboration between Trump and the National Enquirer wound up being a significant factor in 2016. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On being followed, and other tactics Weinstein used on journalists\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People kind of make the observation that it reads like a spy thriller. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one sense, that can sound like it’s a glamorizing characterization, in retrospect. But in another, it’s a reminder of how these exotic and underhanded tactics should be reserved for the realm of, you know, John Grisham novels. They should not be directed at real-life reporters trying to break stories. We have the protections of the First Amendment in this country and of our criminal laws. Therefore, I’m careful to have a sense of perspective and note that I was not in the situation that so many journalists in Pakistan or Russia or many other parts of the world are in, where they just wind up dead if they’re reporting on powerful interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I feel it is an important story to tell, to look at the threats that get thrown at not just me, but a whole range of journalists in this plot. And to try to galvanize us all, to say, “no, enough.” Powerful people should not be able to manipulate the press in this way and to intimidate journalists in this way. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On the stories about Donald Trump that were caught and killed\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Donald Trump is a significant subject of the reporting in the book. There’s new revelations about the tactics that he used to subvert the press and turn it into an arm of his campaign, essentially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AMI has, since all of these events I’ve reported on, signed a non-prosecution agreement where they have admitted that this was taking place, that they were collaborating with Trump associates to kill stories, and it is all emblematic of a wider moment of urgency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where, as you say, we have authoritarian rhetoric weaponized against the press. This characterization of us as the enemy of the people where, in fact, journalism is the only explicitly constitutionally protected profession for a reason. And it’s the lifeblood of our democracy to have free access to information that can’t be fettered by the most connected and wealthy people in this country. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The book is a tribute to, and a love letter to, all the reporters who stand up in the face of that and stay strong, and all the sources who refused to stop talking in the face of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On being an investigative journalist\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I do think that good investigative journalism is at the heart of what can break through those conspiracies of silence and that hegemony …. of powerful interests that mutually protect and suppress. And every time I break a story, I’m very moved to say that brave sources continue to come forward. And in the wake of this book coming out, I’ve been inundated with leads of all sorts of types, including ones that, you know, directly reinforce the reporting in this book. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s never just about me, it’s a whole community of reporters that are refusing to stop here. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On putting himself in the book\u003c/strong> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was uncomfortable. And I’m very forthright in the book about the struggle over not wanting to do that, wanting for the story to stand its own on its own. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think particularly because of my own background, which was very much, you know, in the shadow of celebrity and scandal, I write in the book about wanting desperately for the substantive work that I do to not be subject to those distractions, and to stand independently. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nature of the plot was that my personal life, and who I was and my background, were thrown at me and all of that was used as a cudgel. So like it or not, you know, Harvey Weinstein and others who I go up against in this book really used myself in my past against me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A desperate letter a teen wrote in 2015 shows that, despite denials, San Francisco juvenile justice officials \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreglenmills\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">knew of widespread abuse\u003c/a> at a reform school where the city sent teenage boys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s juvenile probation department received a heart-wrenching letter from a teen who was a “client” of Pennsylvania’s now notorious \u003ca href=\"https://www.inquirer.com/crime/a/glen-mills-schools-pa-abuse-juvenile-investigation-20190220.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Glen Mills reform school\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though the department notified state investigators, Allen Nance – who heads the juvenile probation department – said, “we were fortunate to not have had any bad experiences with Glen Mills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Call me crazy, but getting punched in the chest and neck and fearing for your life sound like very bad experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>A San Francisco teenager claimed in late 2015 that counselors at a now shuttered Pennsylvania reform school assaulted kids at the facility, allegations that were substantiated by California regulators and that contradict statements made by San Francisco’s top juvenile justice official.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Unidentified San Francisco Teen\"]‘Some body have to do something about this tell them I don’t feel safe here. And that staff is threat me. I love you mom.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The staff in here be fighting the kids up in here. Some of them be jumping us,” the unidentified juvenile wrote in the letter postmarked Sept. 11, 2015, to his mother about his experience at the Glen Mills Schools in suburban Philadelphia. The letter is transcribed in California investigative reports obtained by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today the P.M. Senior Counselor was punching me in my chest and neck. He told me he was going to throw me down a flight of stairs and that he could kill me and get away with it,” the teen wrote. “He constantly threats us that he go beat us up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, a Philadelphia Inquirer \u003ca href=\"https://www.inquirer.com/crime/a/glen-mills-schools-pa-abuse-juvenile-investigation-20190220.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">investigation\u003c/a> revealed allegations of extreme physical abuse by some staff at Glen Mills, which was considered the nation’s oldest “reform school” for male youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The newspaper’s reporting, which also pointed to efforts by the schools’ officials to cover up the allegations, led Pennsylvania regulators to close the school’s campus, revoke its licenses and pull out juveniles housed there. Glen Mills is appealing the closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11742455/how-california-teens-wound-up-at-pennsylvania-school-accused-of-battering-students\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">For years California counties sent scores of teenage boys in trouble with the law to Glen Mills\u003c/a>, one of a number of facilities outside California used for juvenile placement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen Nance, San Francisco’s top juvenile probation official, told KQED in April that he had never heard of problems from any of the some 30 boys the city had sent to Glen Mills over the last decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nance, who recently lost a political battle to stop the closure — in late 2021 — of the juvenile hall he runs, said then that his department was “very fond” of the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11742455 hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Glenn-Mills-Presser.jpg\"]“In fact, among our juvenile justice practitioners, Glen Mills was one of the more popular placement sites for some our most difficult-to-place youth,” Nance said then. “We were fortunate to not have had any bad experiences with Glen Mills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That contradicts documents obtained from the California Department of Social Services through a California Public Records Act request that show San Francisco officials were aware of the boy’s claim of widespread abuse at Glen Mills and kept in the loop on the department’s investigation into them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to questions last week about the state investigation omitted from his previous answers, Nance said he has requested that his staff research the matter and he would respond when he had more information. He failed to provide an explanation in time for a Monday deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The allegations came to the attention of state regulators after the boy’s mother called Dorothy Ellis, a deputy probation officer in San Francisco’s Juvenile Probation Department, the records show. Ellis then referred the information to the state Department of Social Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hello Carol and Ron I am sending this email to report an allegation of abuse at Glen Mills,” Ellis wrote in a Sept. 16, 2015, email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The boy’s letter prompted an investigations by California social services officials, who are required to certify out-of-state facilities where juveniles are placed and investigate allegations of abuse at those places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781578\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781578\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/GM-2-800x322.jpg\" alt=\"An excerpt from investigatory records provided by the California Department of Social Services quoting a September 2015 letter a San Francisco boy housed at the Glen Mills Schools in Pennsylvania wrote alleging abuse at the hands of staff.\" width=\"800\" height=\"322\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/GM-2-800x322.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/GM-2-160x64.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/GM-2-1020x410.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/GM-2.jpg 1157w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An excerpt from investigatory records provided by the California Department of Social Services quoting a September 2015 letter a San Francisco boy housed at the Glen Mills Schools in Pennsylvania wrote alleging abuse at the hands of staff. \u003ccite>(Via California Department of Social Services)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The teen’s letter recounts abuse toward him and others at the reform school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The other staff pair up and try to fight the kids. Nobody does a thing about it and the kids to scared to say anything about it. He beat up three other kids giving one of them a black eye,” the San Francisco boy wrote to his mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The boy asked her to call his probation officer or the officer’s supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some body have to do something about this tell them I don’t feel safe here. And that staff is threat me. I love you mom,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A California Department of Social Services analyst investigated the accusations, which included interviewing the boy and other kids at Glen Mills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California officials sent their findings to the Pennsylvania Department of Human Services on Oct. 12, 2015, naming the staff member accused of abuse, and substantiating the teen’s claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is our stance that staff Eric Adams is indeed conducting acts of physical pain including punching resulting in client injury and fear,” the analyst, Ronald Leslie, wrote. “As a result, we do not feel California youth are safe in his presence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glen Mills placed Adams on administrative leave the next day. A week later he was fired, representing the only case in which an investigation from California regulators led to the termination of an employee at the Pennsylvania reform school, according to Adam Weintraub, a spokesman for the state Department of Social Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeff Jubelirer, a spokesman for Glen Mills, would not provide more details about the case other than to confirm that Adams was fired in a move prompted by California’s review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. Adams was terminated surrounding allegations of abuse that were substantiated by the state of California,” Jubelirer said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to his LinkedIn page, Adams worked at Glen Mills for close to three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adams declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco stopped sending juveniles to Glen Mills in 2016, San Francisco juvenile probation chief Nance said last spring. He said then that the decision to halt the relationship with the reform school had nothing to do with concerns about abuse there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the weeks after the Inquirer published its investigation into Glen Mills, Pennsylvania regulators closed the campus and revoked its licenses, a move that Glen Mills has appealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>You can find more on the Inquirer’s investigation into Glen Mills and its aftermath by visiting the \u003ca href=\"https://www.inquirer.com/author/gartner_lisa/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">author page\u003c/a> of the reporter who broke the story, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/lisagartner\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Lisa Gartner\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A San Francisco teenager claimed in late 2015 that counselors at a now shuttered Pennsylvania reform school assaulted kids at the facility, allegations that were substantiated by California regulators and that contradict statements made by San Francisco’s top juvenile justice official.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The staff in here be fighting the kids up in here. Some of them be jumping us,” the unidentified juvenile wrote in the letter postmarked Sept. 11, 2015, to his mother about his experience at the Glen Mills Schools in suburban Philadelphia. The letter is transcribed in California investigative reports obtained by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today the P.M. Senior Counselor was punching me in my chest and neck. He told me he was going to throw me down a flight of stairs and that he could kill me and get away with it,” the teen wrote. “He constantly threats us that he go beat us up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, a Philadelphia Inquirer \u003ca href=\"https://www.inquirer.com/crime/a/glen-mills-schools-pa-abuse-juvenile-investigation-20190220.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">investigation\u003c/a> revealed allegations of extreme physical abuse by some staff at Glen Mills, which was considered the nation’s oldest “reform school” for male youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The newspaper’s reporting, which also pointed to efforts by the schools’ officials to cover up the allegations, led Pennsylvania regulators to close the school’s campus, revoke its licenses and pull out juveniles housed there. Glen Mills is appealing the closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11742455/how-california-teens-wound-up-at-pennsylvania-school-accused-of-battering-students\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">For years California counties sent scores of teenage boys in trouble with the law to Glen Mills\u003c/a>, one of a number of facilities outside California used for juvenile placement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen Nance, San Francisco’s top juvenile probation official, told KQED in April that he had never heard of problems from any of the some 30 boys the city had sent to Glen Mills over the last decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nance, who recently lost a political battle to stop the closure — in late 2021 — of the juvenile hall he runs, said then that his department was “very fond” of the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“In fact, among our juvenile justice practitioners, Glen Mills was one of the more popular placement sites for some our most difficult-to-place youth,” Nance said then. “We were fortunate to not have had any bad experiences with Glen Mills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That contradicts documents obtained from the California Department of Social Services through a California Public Records Act request that show San Francisco officials were aware of the boy’s claim of widespread abuse at Glen Mills and kept in the loop on the department’s investigation into them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to questions last week about the state investigation omitted from his previous answers, Nance said he has requested that his staff research the matter and he would respond when he had more information. He failed to provide an explanation in time for a Monday deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The allegations came to the attention of state regulators after the boy’s mother called Dorothy Ellis, a deputy probation officer in San Francisco’s Juvenile Probation Department, the records show. Ellis then referred the information to the state Department of Social Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hello Carol and Ron I am sending this email to report an allegation of abuse at Glen Mills,” Ellis wrote in a Sept. 16, 2015, email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The boy’s letter prompted an investigations by California social services officials, who are required to certify out-of-state facilities where juveniles are placed and investigate allegations of abuse at those places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781578\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781578\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/GM-2-800x322.jpg\" alt=\"An excerpt from investigatory records provided by the California Department of Social Services quoting a September 2015 letter a San Francisco boy housed at the Glen Mills Schools in Pennsylvania wrote alleging abuse at the hands of staff.\" width=\"800\" height=\"322\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/GM-2-800x322.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/GM-2-160x64.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/GM-2-1020x410.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/GM-2.jpg 1157w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An excerpt from investigatory records provided by the California Department of Social Services quoting a September 2015 letter a San Francisco boy housed at the Glen Mills Schools in Pennsylvania wrote alleging abuse at the hands of staff. \u003ccite>(Via California Department of Social Services)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The teen’s letter recounts abuse toward him and others at the reform school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The other staff pair up and try to fight the kids. Nobody does a thing about it and the kids to scared to say anything about it. He beat up three other kids giving one of them a black eye,” the San Francisco boy wrote to his mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The boy asked her to call his probation officer or the officer’s supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some body have to do something about this tell them I don’t feel safe here. And that staff is threat me. I love you mom,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A California Department of Social Services analyst investigated the accusations, which included interviewing the boy and other kids at Glen Mills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California officials sent their findings to the Pennsylvania Department of Human Services on Oct. 12, 2015, naming the staff member accused of abuse, and substantiating the teen’s claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is our stance that staff Eric Adams is indeed conducting acts of physical pain including punching resulting in client injury and fear,” the analyst, Ronald Leslie, wrote. “As a result, we do not feel California youth are safe in his presence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glen Mills placed Adams on administrative leave the next day. A week later he was fired, representing the only case in which an investigation from California regulators led to the termination of an employee at the Pennsylvania reform school, according to Adam Weintraub, a spokesman for the state Department of Social Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeff Jubelirer, a spokesman for Glen Mills, would not provide more details about the case other than to confirm that Adams was fired in a move prompted by California’s review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. Adams was terminated surrounding allegations of abuse that were substantiated by the state of California,” Jubelirer said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to his LinkedIn page, Adams worked at Glen Mills for close to three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adams declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco stopped sending juveniles to Glen Mills in 2016, San Francisco juvenile probation chief Nance said last spring. He said then that the decision to halt the relationship with the reform school had nothing to do with concerns about abuse there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the weeks after the Inquirer published its investigation into Glen Mills, Pennsylvania regulators closed the campus and revoked its licenses, a move that Glen Mills has appealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>You can find more on the Inquirer’s investigation into Glen Mills and its aftermath by visiting the \u003ca href=\"https://www.inquirer.com/author/gartner_lisa/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">author page\u003c/a> of the reporter who broke the story, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/lisagartner\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Lisa Gartner\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "4 More Parents Plead Guilty in College Admissions Scandal",
"title": "4 More Parents Plead Guilty in College Admissions Scandal",
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"content": "\u003cp>BOSTON — Four parents from California have pleaded guilty in the college admissions bribery scandal, and a Texas man accused of helping to orchestrate the scheme has also agreed to a plea deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parent Douglas Hodge of Laguna Beach entered his guilty plea in Boston's federal court Monday after previously pleading not guilty in April. Also reversing their pleas on Monday were parents Michelle Janavs of Newport Coast, and Manuel and Elizabeth Henriquez of Atherton. Each faces charges of fraud and money laundering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin Fox, the president of a private tennis club in Houston, also agreed to plead guilty in a deal that prosecutors announced Monday. He is charged with a single count of racketeering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authorities say Fox brokered bribes to help wealthy parents cheat on their children's college entrance exams at a Houston testing site. He's also accused of arranging bribes to get two students admitted to the University of San Diego as recruited athletes, and one student to the University of Texas. He will return the $245,000 he received through the scheme, according to his plea deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The four parents join 15 others who have pleaded guilty in the case, while 15 other parents are fighting the charges. Out of 10 parents sentenced so far, nine have been dealt prison time, with terms ranging from two weeks to five months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hodge was accused of paying more than $500,000 in bribes to get two of his children into the University of Southern California. Authorities say he paid $200,000 to get his daughter admitted as a soccer recruit in 2013, and $325,000 to get his son in as a football recruit in 2015. Neither played on those sports teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='college-admissions-scandal' label='Related Coverage']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hodge, a former CEO of the Pacific Investment Management Co., is scheduled to be sentenced in January 2020. He apologized in a statement Monday, saying he takes full responsibility for his conduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I have always prided myself on leading by example, and I am ashamed of the decisions I made,\" he said. \"I acted out of love for my children, but I know that this explanation for my actions is not an excuse.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janavs is accused of paying $400,000 to get her son admitted to Georgetown University as a fake tennis recruit in 2017. She separately paid $100,000 to help two of her daughters cheat on the ACT exam in 2017 and 2019, prosecutors said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janavs is a former executive of Chef America Inc., a food producer that created the Hot Pocket frozen snack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manuel and Elizabeth Henriquez are accused of paying $400,000 in bribes to get their oldest daughter into Georgetown as a fake tennis recruit in 2016. They're also accused of paying to help two of their daughters cheat on college entrance exams a total of four times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manuel Henriquez is the founder and former CEO of Hercules Capital, a finance firm in Palo Alto.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>BOSTON — Four parents from California have pleaded guilty in the college admissions bribery scandal, and a Texas man accused of helping to orchestrate the scheme has also agreed to a plea deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parent Douglas Hodge of Laguna Beach entered his guilty plea in Boston's federal court Monday after previously pleading not guilty in April. Also reversing their pleas on Monday were parents Michelle Janavs of Newport Coast, and Manuel and Elizabeth Henriquez of Atherton. Each faces charges of fraud and money laundering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin Fox, the president of a private tennis club in Houston, also agreed to plead guilty in a deal that prosecutors announced Monday. He is charged with a single count of racketeering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authorities say Fox brokered bribes to help wealthy parents cheat on their children's college entrance exams at a Houston testing site. He's also accused of arranging bribes to get two students admitted to the University of San Diego as recruited athletes, and one student to the University of Texas. He will return the $245,000 he received through the scheme, according to his plea deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The four parents join 15 others who have pleaded guilty in the case, while 15 other parents are fighting the charges. Out of 10 parents sentenced so far, nine have been dealt prison time, with terms ranging from two weeks to five months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hodge was accused of paying more than $500,000 in bribes to get two of his children into the University of Southern California. Authorities say he paid $200,000 to get his daughter admitted as a soccer recruit in 2013, and $325,000 to get his son in as a football recruit in 2015. Neither played on those sports teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hodge, a former CEO of the Pacific Investment Management Co., is scheduled to be sentenced in January 2020. He apologized in a statement Monday, saying he takes full responsibility for his conduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I have always prided myself on leading by example, and I am ashamed of the decisions I made,\" he said. \"I acted out of love for my children, but I know that this explanation for my actions is not an excuse.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janavs is accused of paying $400,000 to get her son admitted to Georgetown University as a fake tennis recruit in 2017. She separately paid $100,000 to help two of her daughters cheat on the ACT exam in 2017 and 2019, prosecutors said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janavs is a former executive of Chef America Inc., a food producer that created the Hot Pocket frozen snack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manuel and Elizabeth Henriquez are accused of paying $400,000 in bribes to get their oldest daughter into Georgetown as a fake tennis recruit in 2016. They're also accused of paying to help two of their daughters cheat on college entrance exams a total of four times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manuel Henriquez is the founder and former CEO of Hercules Capital, a finance firm in Palo Alto.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Justice Department is proposing to begin collecting DNA samples from hundreds of thousands of immigrants crossing the border, creating an enormous database of asylum-seekers and other migrants that federal officials say will be used to help authorities fight crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General William Barr issued \u003ca href=\"https://s3.amazonaws.com/public-inspection.federalregister.gov/2019-22877.pdf\">the rule\u003c/a>, which is set to be published in the Federal Register on Tuesday, with the expectation that federal authorities will gather DNA information on about 748,000 immigrants annually, including asylum-seekers presenting themselves at legal ports of entries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Naureen Shah, ACLU\"]'It's the most intimate information that you can take from someone ... And we're going to be taking it from people against their will.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the proposed regulation, Barr describes the DNA sample as a \"genetic fingerprint\" that can uniquely identify a person, \"but they do not disclose the individual's traits, disorders, or dispositions.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal permanent residents and those seeking to enter the country legally won't be affected by the new regulation. The rule will now be subject to a 20-day comment period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But already, immigrant advocates have denounced the proposal, arguing that collecting genetic information from those crossing the border could have implications for family members residing in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's the most intimate information that you can take from someone. It is information you can use to find their family members, to know their histories,\" Naureen Shah, senior advocacy and policy counsel at the American Civil Liberties Union, told NPR. \"And we're going to be taking it from people against their will.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other lawyers who work with immigrants also slammed the proposal, saying it raises alarming privacy concerns and will not deter migrants from entering the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's hard for me to believe that a woman who is on a journey of 1,000 miles in broken flip-flops with a 2-year-old on her hip, doing everything she can and sacrificing everything ... is going to be deterred by DNA collection,\" said Henry Sias, a Philadelphia-based civil rights lawyer who represents asylum-seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal authorities \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/sw-border-migration\">say nearly 1 million migrants\u003c/a> were taken into custody after crossing the southern border in the last fiscal year, but the number of migrants taken into custody in recent months has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/10/08/768436273/apprehensions-at-the-u-s-mexico-border-decline-for-the-fourth-consecutive-month\">steadily declining\u003c/a>, which the Trump administration attributes to the crackdown on the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Collecting DNA information on criminal suspects is permitted under federal law and \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncsl.org/Documents/cj/ArresteeDNALaws.pdf\">nearly 30 states\u003c/a> allow taking a forensic profile from someone before conviction. The plan to implement mandatory DNA testing for hundreds of thousands of border-crossers was \u003ca href=\"https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/hamedaleaziz/trump-administration-dna-samples-immigrants\">first reported\u003c/a> by BuzzFeed in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Coverage\" tag=\"immigration\"]Justice Department officials hope to send the DNA information from migrants to an FBI database known as the Combined DNA Index System, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.fbi.gov/services/laboratory/biometric-analysis/codis/ndis-statistics\">already contains\u003c/a> nearly 14 million people who have been convicted of a crime and an additional 3.7 million people who have been arrested. Migrants' names and other personal data would not be stored with their DNA information to protect privacy, and the FBI would get the identification only if the sample matched a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials estimate the price of implementing the policy to be around $13 million for three years. That figure includes additional work hours for Customs and Border Protection and the cost of providing DNA sample collection kits to border agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration says a massive database of biometric information on migrants will lead to more crimes being solved. But immigrant advocates counter that the initiative demonizes migrants, and they point to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/05/02/607652253/studies-say-illegal-immigration-does-not-increase-violent-crime\">multiple studies\u003c/a> showing that increasing the flow of undocumented immigrants does not create a spike in violent crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, more than 25,000 migrants were charged with felony illegal re-entry and more than 80,000 were charged with misdemeanor improper entry, the highest number of immigration-related offenses on record since federal authorities began keeping track, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/department-justice-prosecuted-record-breaking-number-immigration-related-cases-fiscal-year\">Justice Department officials say\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Sias, the Philadelphia immigration lawyer, argues that taking a person's DNA information before they are convicted of crossing the border illegally is a privacy violation that turns the criminal justice system on its head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a conflation of immigration status with criminal activity, which is contributing to a guilty until proven innocent atmosphere,\" Sias said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the proposed regulation, Barr describes the DNA sample as a \"genetic fingerprint\" that can uniquely identify a person, \"but they do not disclose the individual's traits, disorders, or dispositions.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal permanent residents and those seeking to enter the country legally won't be affected by the new regulation. The rule will now be subject to a 20-day comment period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But already, immigrant advocates have denounced the proposal, arguing that collecting genetic information from those crossing the border could have implications for family members residing in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's the most intimate information that you can take from someone. It is information you can use to find their family members, to know their histories,\" Naureen Shah, senior advocacy and policy counsel at the American Civil Liberties Union, told NPR. \"And we're going to be taking it from people against their will.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other lawyers who work with immigrants also slammed the proposal, saying it raises alarming privacy concerns and will not deter migrants from entering the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's hard for me to believe that a woman who is on a journey of 1,000 miles in broken flip-flops with a 2-year-old on her hip, doing everything she can and sacrificing everything ... is going to be deterred by DNA collection,\" said Henry Sias, a Philadelphia-based civil rights lawyer who represents asylum-seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal authorities \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/sw-border-migration\">say nearly 1 million migrants\u003c/a> were taken into custody after crossing the southern border in the last fiscal year, but the number of migrants taken into custody in recent months has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/10/08/768436273/apprehensions-at-the-u-s-mexico-border-decline-for-the-fourth-consecutive-month\">steadily declining\u003c/a>, which the Trump administration attributes to the crackdown on the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Justice Department officials hope to send the DNA information from migrants to an FBI database known as the Combined DNA Index System, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.fbi.gov/services/laboratory/biometric-analysis/codis/ndis-statistics\">already contains\u003c/a> nearly 14 million people who have been convicted of a crime and an additional 3.7 million people who have been arrested. Migrants' names and other personal data would not be stored with their DNA information to protect privacy, and the FBI would get the identification only if the sample matched a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials estimate the price of implementing the policy to be around $13 million for three years. That figure includes additional work hours for Customs and Border Protection and the cost of providing DNA sample collection kits to border agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration says a massive database of biometric information on migrants will lead to more crimes being solved. But immigrant advocates counter that the initiative demonizes migrants, and they point to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/05/02/607652253/studies-say-illegal-immigration-does-not-increase-violent-crime\">multiple studies\u003c/a> showing that increasing the flow of undocumented immigrants does not create a spike in violent crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, more than 25,000 migrants were charged with felony illegal re-entry and more than 80,000 were charged with misdemeanor improper entry, the highest number of immigration-related offenses on record since federal authorities began keeping track, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/department-justice-prosecuted-record-breaking-number-immigration-related-cases-fiscal-year\">Justice Department officials say\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Sias, the Philadelphia immigration lawyer, argues that taking a person's DNA information before they are convicted of crossing the border illegally is a privacy violation that turns the criminal justice system on its head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a conflation of immigration status with criminal activity, which is contributing to a guilty until proven innocent atmosphere,\" Sias said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Justice+Department+Announces+Plan+To+Collect+DNA+From+Migrants+Crossing+The+Border&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Time to get used to power shutoffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E CEO and President Bill Johnson said Friday it \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorepgecpuc\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">could take up to 10 years\u003c/a> to improve the utility’s system enough to not have to rely on power shutoffs during high fire danger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same emergency meeting of the California Public Utilities Commission, the vice president of PG&E’s community wildfire safety program said that updating the utility’s power lines could take 10 to 14 years and improving vegetation management could take eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the more near-term forecast, hot and dry weather headed to the Bay Area this week may mean PG&E will begin shutting off power \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11781415/with-new-fire-threat-looming-pge-issues-alert-for-possible-midweek-blackouts\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">again later this week\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fingers crossed that California wildfires are on the same schedule as PG&E wildfire safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Time to get used to power shutoffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E CEO and President Bill Johnson said Friday it \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorepgecpuc\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">could take up to 10 years\u003c/a> to improve the utility’s system enough to not have to rely on power shutoffs during high fire danger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same emergency meeting of the California Public Utilities Commission, the vice president of PG&E’s community wildfire safety program said that updating the utility’s power lines could take 10 to 14 years and improving vegetation management could take eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the more near-term forecast, hot and dry weather headed to the Bay Area this week may mean PG&E will begin shutting off power \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11781415/with-new-fire-threat-looming-pge-issues-alert-for-possible-midweek-blackouts\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">again later this week\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fingers crossed that California wildfires are on the same schedule as PG&E wildfire safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Around 100 people from across the Bay Area gathered on Saturday to protest in solidarity with the Kurdish community. The event came as a response to President Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/10/09/768490136/turkish-forces-launch-military-operation-against-kurds-at-syrian-border\">withdrawal\u003c/a> of American troops from the Kurdish area of northern Syria (called Rojava by the Kurds) resulting in an invasion by Turkey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The demonstration began in Union Square, then moved to the Bay Bridge and blocked the entrance for about 10 minutes before concluding in front of the Ferry Building. Protestors chanted “long live Rojava” and “Turkey terrorist, Erdogan terrorist,” as they marched through the streets of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/adrianamorgao/status/1185991627577286656?s=21\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The protest was part of an international campaign called “\u003ca href=\"https://riseup4rojava.org/call-international-call-riseup-defend-rojava/?fbclid=IwAR3ET2yTGLPNZTIJhEOCXI2xuvpf4J11K_EkYu1fCZUcOLvDOB8h2x1JWIM\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Rise Up 4 Rojava\u003c/a>.” The action in the Bay Area was organized by the Solidarity Against Fascism East Bay \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/pg/solidarityagainstfascismeastbay/about/?ref=page_internal\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">coalition\u003c/a> and the Bay Area Mesopotamia Solidarity Committee, a committee against fascism and capitalism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781292\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781292\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters stopped traffic for approximately 10 minutes in the Bay Bridge. \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We are here for two reasons: to condemn the genocidal attack that Turkey is perpetrating in northeastern Syria on Rojava, on the Kurdish people and all other people that are living in Rojava,” said Cameron Anarres, one of the speakers at the protest. “We are here today to see and say in the most profound possible terms that we stand with Rojava.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781290\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781290\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest-800x557.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"557\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest-800x557.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest-160x111.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest-1020x710.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest-1200x836.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“They betrayed us. We want them (the U.S. government) to do something,” said Ozer, a Kurd born in Turkey, “Kurdish people are dying there.” Left to right, Yerrie Choo, Deniz Ozer, Baran Yardima and Evin Bay. \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I have so many friends that are fighting against ISIS, some of them [have been] killed by ISIS. And today, this movement makes me so sad because these people didn’t deserve that, nobody deserves that genocide,” said Baran Yardima, a Kurd born in Turkey and residing in the Bay Area. “So I am here to support them, to do something for them. Maybe I am so far from home I cannot fight against ISIS right now, but at least I am here for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Kurds are one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/10/20/771688491/an-introduction-to-the-kurds\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">largest ethnic groups\u003c/a> in the Middle East without a country of their own. Kurdish-led forces have been part of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/10/10/769044811/a-look-at-the-history-of-the-u-s-alliance-with-the-kurds\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">military alliance\u003c/a> with the United States since the Obama administration, and provided \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/13/us/politics/mark-esper-syria-kurds-turkey.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">essential assistance\u003c/a> in the fight against ISIS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/13/us/politics/mark-esper-syria-kurds-turkey.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ordered the withdrawal\u003c/a> of U.S. troops in northern Syria. Shortly after the order, Turkish forces began to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/13/world/middleeast/syria-turkey-invasion-isis.html?module=inline\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">invade the area\u003c/a>, resulting in widespread violence, displacement and the escape of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/two-belgian-isis-fighters-escape-kurdish-prison-officials-say-n1068016\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">captured ISIS fighters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/16/us/politics/house-vote-trump-syria.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bipartisan\u003c/a> backlash to the withdrawal decision. And despite the cease-fire announced by Vice President Mike Pence on Thursday, reports show attacks \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/45cc25e071f944f5b80b7bde201780ba\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">have not stopped\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781297\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11781297 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Olie Valenzuela, a U.S. veteran who served in Northern Iraq in 2003, holds a sign that reads ‘Veterans for Rojava,” as he walks with the rest of the group (Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We put them (the Kurdish community) in danger for our interest, they help us and then we left them there,” said Olie Valenzuela, a U.S. veteran who served in Northern Iraq in 2003. “They (have) been promised their own state so many times, I just feel my heart hurts for them and I wish there could be something else I can do than stand here with a sign.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781291\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781291\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters holding flags of the Women’s Protection Units, Yekîneyên Parastina Jin in Kurdish, and People’s Protection Unit, Yekîneyên Parastina Gel, armed services in Rojava. \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781293\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781293\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters showing their solidarity with the Kurdish people in Rojava held signs that read ‘Hands off Rojava.’ \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781296\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters in march of solidarity with Rojava and the Kurdish people. \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781295\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11781295 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters holding colored smoke sticks for the “Rise up 4 Rojava” protest in downtown San Francisco. (Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781303\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781303\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan-800x679.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"679\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan-800x679.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan-160x136.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan-1020x865.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan-1200x1018.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan.jpg 1504w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kalhor Fedqie, a Kurdish former soldier, gave a speech during the protest. \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781302\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11781302 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters Anne Wolden and Tyler Plyem holding a sign honoring the popular Kurdish saying “No friends but the mountains” in the streets of downtown San Francisco.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>The protest was part of an international campaign called “\u003ca href=\"https://riseup4rojava.org/call-international-call-riseup-defend-rojava/?fbclid=IwAR3ET2yTGLPNZTIJhEOCXI2xuvpf4J11K_EkYu1fCZUcOLvDOB8h2x1JWIM\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Rise Up 4 Rojava\u003c/a>.” The action in the Bay Area was organized by the Solidarity Against Fascism East Bay \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/pg/solidarityagainstfascismeastbay/about/?ref=page_internal\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">coalition\u003c/a> and the Bay Area Mesopotamia Solidarity Committee, a committee against fascism and capitalism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781292\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781292\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters stopped traffic for approximately 10 minutes in the Bay Bridge. \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We are here for two reasons: to condemn the genocidal attack that Turkey is perpetrating in northeastern Syria on Rojava, on the Kurdish people and all other people that are living in Rojava,” said Cameron Anarres, one of the speakers at the protest. “We are here today to see and say in the most profound possible terms that we stand with Rojava.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781290\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781290\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest-800x557.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"557\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest-800x557.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest-160x111.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest-1020x710.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest-1200x836.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“They betrayed us. We want them (the U.S. government) to do something,” said Ozer, a Kurd born in Turkey, “Kurdish people are dying there.” Left to right, Yerrie Choo, Deniz Ozer, Baran Yardima and Evin Bay. \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I have so many friends that are fighting against ISIS, some of them [have been] killed by ISIS. And today, this movement makes me so sad because these people didn’t deserve that, nobody deserves that genocide,” said Baran Yardima, a Kurd born in Turkey and residing in the Bay Area. “So I am here to support them, to do something for them. Maybe I am so far from home I cannot fight against ISIS right now, but at least I am here for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Kurds are one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/10/20/771688491/an-introduction-to-the-kurds\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">largest ethnic groups\u003c/a> in the Middle East without a country of their own. Kurdish-led forces have been part of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/10/10/769044811/a-look-at-the-history-of-the-u-s-alliance-with-the-kurds\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">military alliance\u003c/a> with the United States since the Obama administration, and provided \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/13/us/politics/mark-esper-syria-kurds-turkey.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">essential assistance\u003c/a> in the fight against ISIS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/13/us/politics/mark-esper-syria-kurds-turkey.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ordered the withdrawal\u003c/a> of U.S. troops in northern Syria. Shortly after the order, Turkish forces began to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/13/world/middleeast/syria-turkey-invasion-isis.html?module=inline\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">invade the area\u003c/a>, resulting in widespread violence, displacement and the escape of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/two-belgian-isis-fighters-escape-kurdish-prison-officials-say-n1068016\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">captured ISIS fighters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/16/us/politics/house-vote-trump-syria.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bipartisan\u003c/a> backlash to the withdrawal decision. And despite the cease-fire announced by Vice President Mike Pence on Thursday, reports show attacks \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/45cc25e071f944f5b80b7bde201780ba\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">have not stopped\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781297\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11781297 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Olie Valenzuela, a U.S. veteran who served in Northern Iraq in 2003, holds a sign that reads ‘Veterans for Rojava,” as he walks with the rest of the group (Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We put them (the Kurdish community) in danger for our interest, they help us and then we left them there,” said Olie Valenzuela, a U.S. veteran who served in Northern Iraq in 2003. “They (have) been promised their own state so many times, I just feel my heart hurts for them and I wish there could be something else I can do than stand here with a sign.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781291\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781291\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters holding flags of the Women’s Protection Units, Yekîneyên Parastina Jin in Kurdish, and People’s Protection Unit, Yekîneyên Parastina Gel, armed services in Rojava. \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781293\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781293\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters showing their solidarity with the Kurdish people in Rojava held signs that read ‘Hands off Rojava.’ \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781296\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters in march of solidarity with Rojava and the Kurdish people. \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781295\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11781295 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters holding colored smoke sticks for the “Rise up 4 Rojava” protest in downtown San Francisco. (Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781303\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781303\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan-800x679.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"679\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan-800x679.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan-160x136.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan-1020x865.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan-1200x1018.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan.jpg 1504w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kalhor Fedqie, a Kurdish former soldier, gave a speech during the protest. \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781302\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11781302 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters Anne Wolden and Tyler Plyem holding a sign honoring the popular Kurdish saying “No friends but the mountains” in the streets of downtown San Francisco.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"meta": {
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"source": "WNYC"
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"order": 15
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"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 18
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},
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"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
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"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"meta": {
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
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},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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