Prop. 15 Would Close a Corporate Tax Loophole. Here's How It Got There in the First Place
The Racist History of Single-Family Home Zoning
'SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America' New KQED Podcast Explores Root Causes, Potential Solutions to California's Housing Crisis
Judge Orders Census to Text Workers That Count Must Continue Through October
Census Takers: We're Being Told to Finish Early, Cut Corners
California Law Prioritizes People Over Corporate Home-Buyers
5 Reasons It's So Expensive to Build Housing in California
California NAACP President Aids Corporate Prop Campaigns — Collects $1.2 Million and Counting
As Judge Extends Census Deadline, Bay Area Communities Hustle to Get All Residents Counted
Bay Area Advocates Fear Census Homeless Count Will Come Up Short
Here's How California Is Turning Hotels Into Housing for Formerly Homeless People
New KQED Podcast 'SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America' examines housing affordability by zeroing in on the epicenter of the crisis — California. Digs Into Runaway Housing Costs
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"title": "Prop. 15 Would Close a Corporate Tax Loophole. Here's How It Got There in the First Place",
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"content": "\u003cp>When anti-tax crusader Howard Jarvis barnstormed across California for \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/publications/report/3497\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 13\u003c/a> in 1978, he made it clear who the measure to slash property taxes was aimed at helping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people that are being hurt are the elderly people on limited income who have spent all their life earning a home,” Jarvis said in a KQED debate that year. “And the state is kicking them out in droves. And this is what this is about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters overwhelmingly passed Prop. 13, but now, 42 years later, voters are being asked with Proposition 15 to undo a major loophole in that 1978 ballot measure which has allowed corporations to keep their property taxes artificially low for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jarvis was correct that with inflation pushing the value of homes in California through the roof in the 1970s, homeowners were seeing their property tax bills increase to the point where some couldn’t keep up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were losing their homes because of property taxes. People on fixed incomes, Social Security, who suddenly had their taxes double and triple, couldn’t afford it. And it was causing a tax rebellion,” recalls Randy Goodwin, who ran the “Yes on Prop. 13” campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jarvis capitalized on voter anger and anxiety with Prop. 13, whose passage ushered in the “tax revolt” that swept across the country and helped elect Ronald Reagan president of the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 did indeed roll back residential property taxes, setting the tax bill at 1% of the 1976 assessed value and capping annual tax increases at 2%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the proposition did not distinguish between residential, commercial, industrial or agricultural property. So \u003cem>all\u003c/em> property in California benefited from the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a point the late San Francisco Assemblymember Leo McCarthy made during the same KQED debate with Jarvis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pacific Telephone would have a $130 million cut. Standard Oil, $13 million. Southern Pacific, $12 million. They didn’t ask for the cut but Mr. Jarvis was kind enough to give them to them,” said McCarthy, who was Speaker of the Assembly at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question is, was the windfall to corporations — which saves them billions of dollars on property taxes — a kind of “Trojan horse” benefit deliberately snuck into the measure by pro-business groups?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not according to Joel Fox, who was an assistant to Jarvis at the time and later became director of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All property was taxed the same from 1850 onward. So in writing an amendment to the Constitution on property taxes, it was just simple to maintain what was already in the Constitution,” Fox said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Manuel Pastor, director of the Program for Environmental and Regional Equity at University of Southern California\"]‘The question is, are we the California that passed Prop. 13? Or are we the California that wants to reevaluate that and think about investments in young people?’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the business community didn’t really support Prop. 13, at least not outwardly, remembers Prop. 13 campaign manager Randy Goodwin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only did they not participate in the drafting, they didn’t support Proposition 13. So that tells you a lot right there. They did not support Proposition 13. They gave no money to it,” Goodwin told KQED recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The big corporations in California had a cozy relationship with the powers that ran the state government,” Goodwin said. “And they together paid for the opposition to Proposition 13. We didn’t have Chevron. We didn’t have AT&T. We didn’t have any of those big corporations supporting Proposition 13.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The argument that business would have the same treatment as residential property was in the ballot arguments. So voters were aware of it, and they had an alternative,” said Jarvis’ former assistant Fox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That alternative was \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_8,_Tax_Rates_on_Owner-Occupied_Dwellings_(June_1978)\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 8\u003c/a>, another tax cutting measure placed on the same ballot by then-Gov. Jerry Brown and the Legislature in a futile attempt to prevent Prop. 13 from passing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 was simply written and did not specify how it would be applied to commercial property. In fact, the implementation of Prop. 13 was left to the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wrote the implementation process after it had been passed by the voters,” said former Assemblyman Willie Brown recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown chaired the that determined how and when commercial property would be reassessed with higher property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"election-2020\" label=\"Election 2020 Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the current rules written back then, a reassessment is only triggered when a person or legal entity acquires more than 50% of the ownership interest. Companies have used that loophole to avoid property tax increases, by selling no more that 49% to any one person or entity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, companies like Disneyland, Intel and Chevron are currently paying taxes based on property assessments from the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Willie Brown says now that the legislature blew it back then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should have said anytime there is a change in the ownership of the property through any means, that constitutes a transfer for reassessment purposes,” Brown said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The legislature can do that. And that’s where it ought to be done,” said Brown, who opposes Prop. 15 and has received consulting fees from the “No on 15” campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether the legislature “blew it” when it wrote the Prop. 13 implementation rules for commercial property or did it intentionally to please business interests is hard to know. One thing’s for sure: It’s much easier for lobbyists to influence legislation than ballot measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the Legislature \u003cem>tried\u003c/em> to revise the law to close the loophole and to reassess commercial property more often. In 2010, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=200920100AB2492\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Assembly Bill 2492\u003c/a>, authored by former Assemblyman Tom Ammiano, would have defined a “change of ownership” as happening whether or not any one legal entity or person that is a party to the transaction acquires more than 50% of the ownership interests. The bill died in committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 15 would require that commercial and industrial properties be reassessed on a regular basis, with property taxes based on current market value, rather than what the property cost when it was purchased. According to the nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/ballot/2020/Prop15-110320.pdf\">Legislative Analyst,\u003c/a> the measure would send $6.5 to $11.5 billion in new revenue annually to schools and local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residential and agricultural property along with commercial property worth less than $3 million would be exempted from the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 passed at a time when California was a much different place than it is today — more white, more conservative and less diverse. Manuel Pastor, director of University of Southern California’s Program for Environmental and Regional Equity, says that over the years, the measure has worked to exacerbate the wealth gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve got a system right now that is inequitable in terms of where the burden of the property taxes are more on residential folks and more on the most recent buyers who tend not to be the wealthiest, tend to be more people of color,” Pastor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the fate of this year’s Prop. 15 could indicate how much California has changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is, are we the California that passed Prop. 13? Or are we the California that wants to reevaluate that and think about investments in young people?” Pastor asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4cd2r446\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Polls\u003c/a> show Prop. 15 is close to the 50% support threshold needed for passage, but its fate is far from secure.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When anti-tax crusader Howard Jarvis barnstormed across California for \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/publications/report/3497\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 13\u003c/a> in 1978, he made it clear who the measure to slash property taxes was aimed at helping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people that are being hurt are the elderly people on limited income who have spent all their life earning a home,” Jarvis said in a KQED debate that year. “And the state is kicking them out in droves. And this is what this is about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters overwhelmingly passed Prop. 13, but now, 42 years later, voters are being asked with Proposition 15 to undo a major loophole in that 1978 ballot measure which has allowed corporations to keep their property taxes artificially low for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jarvis was correct that with inflation pushing the value of homes in California through the roof in the 1970s, homeowners were seeing their property tax bills increase to the point where some couldn’t keep up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were losing their homes because of property taxes. People on fixed incomes, Social Security, who suddenly had their taxes double and triple, couldn’t afford it. And it was causing a tax rebellion,” recalls Randy Goodwin, who ran the “Yes on Prop. 13” campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jarvis capitalized on voter anger and anxiety with Prop. 13, whose passage ushered in the “tax revolt” that swept across the country and helped elect Ronald Reagan president of the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 did indeed roll back residential property taxes, setting the tax bill at 1% of the 1976 assessed value and capping annual tax increases at 2%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the proposition did not distinguish between residential, commercial, industrial or agricultural property. So \u003cem>all\u003c/em> property in California benefited from the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a point the late San Francisco Assemblymember Leo McCarthy made during the same KQED debate with Jarvis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pacific Telephone would have a $130 million cut. Standard Oil, $13 million. Southern Pacific, $12 million. They didn’t ask for the cut but Mr. Jarvis was kind enough to give them to them,” said McCarthy, who was Speaker of the Assembly at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question is, was the windfall to corporations — which saves them billions of dollars on property taxes — a kind of “Trojan horse” benefit deliberately snuck into the measure by pro-business groups?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not according to Joel Fox, who was an assistant to Jarvis at the time and later became director of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All property was taxed the same from 1850 onward. So in writing an amendment to the Constitution on property taxes, it was just simple to maintain what was already in the Constitution,” Fox said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the business community didn’t really support Prop. 13, at least not outwardly, remembers Prop. 13 campaign manager Randy Goodwin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only did they not participate in the drafting, they didn’t support Proposition 13. So that tells you a lot right there. They did not support Proposition 13. They gave no money to it,” Goodwin told KQED recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The big corporations in California had a cozy relationship with the powers that ran the state government,” Goodwin said. “And they together paid for the opposition to Proposition 13. We didn’t have Chevron. We didn’t have AT&T. We didn’t have any of those big corporations supporting Proposition 13.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The argument that business would have the same treatment as residential property was in the ballot arguments. So voters were aware of it, and they had an alternative,” said Jarvis’ former assistant Fox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That alternative was \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_8,_Tax_Rates_on_Owner-Occupied_Dwellings_(June_1978)\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 8\u003c/a>, another tax cutting measure placed on the same ballot by then-Gov. Jerry Brown and the Legislature in a futile attempt to prevent Prop. 13 from passing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 was simply written and did not specify how it would be applied to commercial property. In fact, the implementation of Prop. 13 was left to the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wrote the implementation process after it had been passed by the voters,” said former Assemblyman Willie Brown recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown chaired the that determined how and when commercial property would be reassessed with higher property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the current rules written back then, a reassessment is only triggered when a person or legal entity acquires more than 50% of the ownership interest. Companies have used that loophole to avoid property tax increases, by selling no more that 49% to any one person or entity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, companies like Disneyland, Intel and Chevron are currently paying taxes based on property assessments from the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Willie Brown says now that the legislature blew it back then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should have said anytime there is a change in the ownership of the property through any means, that constitutes a transfer for reassessment purposes,” Brown said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The legislature can do that. And that’s where it ought to be done,” said Brown, who opposes Prop. 15 and has received consulting fees from the “No on 15” campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether the legislature “blew it” when it wrote the Prop. 13 implementation rules for commercial property or did it intentionally to please business interests is hard to know. One thing’s for sure: It’s much easier for lobbyists to influence legislation than ballot measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the Legislature \u003cem>tried\u003c/em> to revise the law to close the loophole and to reassess commercial property more often. In 2010, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=200920100AB2492\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Assembly Bill 2492\u003c/a>, authored by former Assemblyman Tom Ammiano, would have defined a “change of ownership” as happening whether or not any one legal entity or person that is a party to the transaction acquires more than 50% of the ownership interests. The bill died in committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 15 would require that commercial and industrial properties be reassessed on a regular basis, with property taxes based on current market value, rather than what the property cost when it was purchased. According to the nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/ballot/2020/Prop15-110320.pdf\">Legislative Analyst,\u003c/a> the measure would send $6.5 to $11.5 billion in new revenue annually to schools and local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residential and agricultural property along with commercial property worth less than $3 million would be exempted from the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 passed at a time when California was a much different place than it is today — more white, more conservative and less diverse. Manuel Pastor, director of University of Southern California’s Program for Environmental and Regional Equity, says that over the years, the measure has worked to exacerbate the wealth gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve got a system right now that is inequitable in terms of where the burden of the property taxes are more on residential folks and more on the most recent buyers who tend not to be the wealthiest, tend to be more people of color,” Pastor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the fate of this year’s Prop. 15 could indicate how much California has changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is, are we the California that passed Prop. 13? Or are we the California that wants to reevaluate that and think about investments in young people?” Pastor asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4cd2r446\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Polls\u003c/a> show Prop. 15 is close to the 50% support threshold needed for passage, but its fate is far from secure.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "the-racist-history-of-single-family-home-zoning",
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"content": "\u003cp>As American as apple pie, the single-family home has become synonymous with individual achievement in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And for good reason. Homeownership is the main driver of wealth for most middle-class Americans, with homeowners’ median net worth a whopping \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/library/stories/2019/08/gaps-in-wealth-americans-by-household-type.html\">80 times larger\u003c/a> than that of renters, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that Norman Rockwell-esque image of a single home surrounded by a white picket fence comes with a loaded history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When cities first created neighborhoods where only single-family houses were allowed, it was about more than separating homes from apartments; it was about separating white families from everyone else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s new podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America\u003c/a> takes a deep dive into the backstory behind single-family zoning and looks at how it has led to the racial segregation we still see in our neighborhoods today. Listen to episode three below. Read the \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3jDBL8o\">transcript\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC7736024153&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Single-family zoning makes it illegal for a community to build anything other than a single home on a single lot. That means no apartment buildings, condos or duplexes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We often associate single-family neighborhoods with suburbs, but many cities restrict large portions of their land to this type of building as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where did single-family zoning get its start?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In none other than true-blue Berkeley, California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The progressive Bay Area enclave was the first city in the country to implement single-family zoning. It \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/content/qt26b8d8zh/qt26b8d8zh.pdf?t=poq62p&v=lg\">adopted the zoning rule (PDF)\u003c/a> for the Elmwood neighborhood in 1916, making it illegal to build anything other than one home on one lot in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841205\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 580px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11841205\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Before-After-Claremont.gif\" alt=\"\" width=\"580\" height=\"359\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The entrance to the Claremont neighborhood, then and now. \u003ccite>(Carly Severn/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Why was it created?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Duncan McDuffie, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/SIGNATURE-STYLE-Duncan-McDuffie-Natural-2800658.php\">prominent real estate developer\u003c/a> in Berkeley who built the Claremont Court and Uplands neighborhoods in the early 1900s, was a \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Berkeley_Civic_Bulletin/u0reKZelu2MC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=elmwood&pg=RA2-PA105&printsec=frontcover\">big champion\u003c/a> of single-family zoning. His developments all came with racial covenants, which barred homeowners from selling or renting their homes to people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he was also concerned about the neighborhoods next to Claremont, including Elmwood, which had been developed as a single-family neighborhood with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Berkeley_Civic_Bulletin/u0reKZelu2MC?hl=en&gbpv=1&pg=RA1-PA61&printsec=frontcover\">five-year restriction\u003c/a> on “use and occupancy” that had recently expired. As a result, some apartments and stores had been built. Designating the area as off-limits to anything but single-family homes would, as McDuffie wrote in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Berkeley_Civic_Bulletin/u0reKZelu2MC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=elmwood&pg=RA2-PA105&printsec=frontcover\">Berkeley Civic Bulletin in 1916\u003c/a>, provide protection against an “invasion of their district by flats, apartment houses and stores with the deterioration of values that is sure to follow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The single-family zoning designation in Elmwood made the neighborhood more exclusive, because developers could charge more for single-family homes than they could for duplexes or cottage apartments. Subsequent zoning petitions for other neighborhoods that were filed soon after took aim at Chinese and Japanese-owned laundries and prohibited a \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/26b8d8zh\">Black-owned dance hall\u003c/a> from moving in.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What percentage of the Bay Area’s residential land is dedicated to single-family zoning?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Today, single-family homes are the main form of home-building in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/racial-segregation-san-francisco-bay-area-part-5\">recent study\u003c/a> from UC Berkeley’s Othering & Belonging Institute found that 83% of residential land in the Bay Area is devoted to single-family zoning. That means that on only 17% of the land, it’s legal to build apartments, condos, duplexes or triplexes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s not unusual. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/06/18/upshot/cities-across-america-question-single-family-zoning.html\">\u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> analysis\u003c/a> found that about 75% of the residential land in major cities across the country is devoted exclusively to single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11840912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 964px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11840912\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/SacHome.jpg\" alt=\"A single-family home in the Elk Grove suburb of Sacramento.\" width=\"964\" height=\"644\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/SacHome.jpg 964w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/SacHome-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/SacHome-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 964px) 100vw, 964px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A single-family home in the Elk Grove suburb of Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Veronica Nelson)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>How does single-family zoning lead to racial segregation?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The same Othering & Belonging Institute study found that as you increase the percentage of single-family zoning in a city, you increase the percentage of white residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of that is because renting an apartment or duplex is less expensive than renting or buying a home. It’s also a legacy of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/05/03/526655831/a-forgotten-history-of-how-the-u-s-government-segregated-america\">racist housing policies\u003c/a>, like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11648307/has-oaklands-fruitvale-neighborhood-recovered-from-redlining\">redlining\u003c/a>, that barred Black families from receiving federally-backed loans following the Great Depression and from the GI Bill after WWII.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Policies like these were later outlawed, but they \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/article/for-people-of-color-banks-are-shutting-the-door-to-homeownership/\">still persist in practice\u003c/a>, with lenders often charging higher interest rates or refusing home loans to Black buyers. Taken together, it’s helped drive a huge \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/scfindex.htm\">wealth gap\u003c/a> between white and Black families, with white families having an average $188,200 in wealth, compared to $24,100 for Black families. That makes it harder for Black families to purchase homes in single-family neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are people trying to do about it?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Minneapolis city officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.mprnews.org/story/2018/12/07/minneapolis-city-council-adopts-2040-plan\">voted in 2019\u003c/a> to ban single-family zoning. That doesn’t mean it’s illegal to build a single-family home. It means it \u003cem>is\u003c/em> legal to build things like duplexes or triplexes in most of the city where only single-family homes had been allowed before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oregon followed suit in 2019 with \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/07/01/737798440/oregon-legislature-votes-to-essentially-ban-single-family-zoning\">a bill that allows fourplexes\u003c/a> in most cities around the state. And in California, the city of San José is considering \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/departments-offices/planning-building-code-enforcement/planning-division/citywide-planning/envision-san-jos-2040-general-plan/general-plan-4-year-review/opportunity-housing\">legalizing fourplexes\u003c/a> in most neighborhoods. The City Council is expected to consider voting on the plan next spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was also an effort this year to eliminate single-family zoning across California. Senate Pro Tem Toni Atkins’ bill, SB 1120, would have allowed up to two duplexes on many single-family lots. It was \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2020-09-01/california-assembly-sb-1120-duplexes\">approved in both the Senate and Assembly\u003c/a>, but didn’t have enough time to get the final vote it needed before going to the governor. Housing advocates say they’ll push for it again next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Editor’s Note: An earlier version of this story repeated an error that originated in academic research used to inform the reporting. A proposed Black-owned dancehall was not seeking to move into the Elmwood neighborhood, but rather \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Proceedings_of_the_National_Conference_o/DcUUvqEa4JgC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22Districting+Progress+and+Procedure+in+California%22+cheney&pg=PA183&printsec=frontcover\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">another neighborhood\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in Berkeley. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003carticle class=\"routes-Site-routes-Post-components-Post-components-PostMinisite-___PostMinisite__mpost\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>For more in-depth reporting on the housing crisis, check out our new podcast, SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America. Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/sold-out-rethinking-housing-in-america/id1531354937?itsct=podcast_box&itscg=30200\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/38dTBSk2ISFoPiyYNoKn1X\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/911586047/s-o-l-d-o-u-t-rethinking-housing-in-america#:~:text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20%3A%20NPR&text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20A%20podcast%20that%20examines,solutions%20to%20high%20housing%20costs.\">NPR One\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://tun.in/pj2qf\">TuneIn\u003c/a> or on your favorite podcast listening app.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/article>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As American as apple pie, the single-family home has become synonymous with individual achievement in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And for good reason. Homeownership is the main driver of wealth for most middle-class Americans, with homeowners’ median net worth a whopping \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/library/stories/2019/08/gaps-in-wealth-americans-by-household-type.html\">80 times larger\u003c/a> than that of renters, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that Norman Rockwell-esque image of a single home surrounded by a white picket fence comes with a loaded history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When cities first created neighborhoods where only single-family houses were allowed, it was about more than separating homes from apartments; it was about separating white families from everyone else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s new podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America\u003c/a> takes a deep dive into the backstory behind single-family zoning and looks at how it has led to the racial segregation we still see in our neighborhoods today. Listen to episode three below. Read the \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3jDBL8o\">transcript\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC7736024153&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Single-family zoning makes it illegal for a community to build anything other than a single home on a single lot. That means no apartment buildings, condos or duplexes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We often associate single-family neighborhoods with suburbs, but many cities restrict large portions of their land to this type of building as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where did single-family zoning get its start?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In none other than true-blue Berkeley, California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The progressive Bay Area enclave was the first city in the country to implement single-family zoning. It \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/content/qt26b8d8zh/qt26b8d8zh.pdf?t=poq62p&v=lg\">adopted the zoning rule (PDF)\u003c/a> for the Elmwood neighborhood in 1916, making it illegal to build anything other than one home on one lot in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841205\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 580px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11841205\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Before-After-Claremont.gif\" alt=\"\" width=\"580\" height=\"359\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The entrance to the Claremont neighborhood, then and now. \u003ccite>(Carly Severn/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Why was it created?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Duncan McDuffie, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/SIGNATURE-STYLE-Duncan-McDuffie-Natural-2800658.php\">prominent real estate developer\u003c/a> in Berkeley who built the Claremont Court and Uplands neighborhoods in the early 1900s, was a \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Berkeley_Civic_Bulletin/u0reKZelu2MC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=elmwood&pg=RA2-PA105&printsec=frontcover\">big champion\u003c/a> of single-family zoning. His developments all came with racial covenants, which barred homeowners from selling or renting their homes to people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he was also concerned about the neighborhoods next to Claremont, including Elmwood, which had been developed as a single-family neighborhood with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Berkeley_Civic_Bulletin/u0reKZelu2MC?hl=en&gbpv=1&pg=RA1-PA61&printsec=frontcover\">five-year restriction\u003c/a> on “use and occupancy” that had recently expired. As a result, some apartments and stores had been built. Designating the area as off-limits to anything but single-family homes would, as McDuffie wrote in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Berkeley_Civic_Bulletin/u0reKZelu2MC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=elmwood&pg=RA2-PA105&printsec=frontcover\">Berkeley Civic Bulletin in 1916\u003c/a>, provide protection against an “invasion of their district by flats, apartment houses and stores with the deterioration of values that is sure to follow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The single-family zoning designation in Elmwood made the neighborhood more exclusive, because developers could charge more for single-family homes than they could for duplexes or cottage apartments. Subsequent zoning petitions for other neighborhoods that were filed soon after took aim at Chinese and Japanese-owned laundries and prohibited a \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/26b8d8zh\">Black-owned dance hall\u003c/a> from moving in.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What percentage of the Bay Area’s residential land is dedicated to single-family zoning?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Today, single-family homes are the main form of home-building in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/racial-segregation-san-francisco-bay-area-part-5\">recent study\u003c/a> from UC Berkeley’s Othering & Belonging Institute found that 83% of residential land in the Bay Area is devoted to single-family zoning. That means that on only 17% of the land, it’s legal to build apartments, condos, duplexes or triplexes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s not unusual. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/06/18/upshot/cities-across-america-question-single-family-zoning.html\">\u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> analysis\u003c/a> found that about 75% of the residential land in major cities across the country is devoted exclusively to single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11840912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 964px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11840912\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/SacHome.jpg\" alt=\"A single-family home in the Elk Grove suburb of Sacramento.\" width=\"964\" height=\"644\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/SacHome.jpg 964w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/SacHome-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/SacHome-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 964px) 100vw, 964px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A single-family home in the Elk Grove suburb of Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Veronica Nelson)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>How does single-family zoning lead to racial segregation?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The same Othering & Belonging Institute study found that as you increase the percentage of single-family zoning in a city, you increase the percentage of white residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of that is because renting an apartment or duplex is less expensive than renting or buying a home. It’s also a legacy of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/05/03/526655831/a-forgotten-history-of-how-the-u-s-government-segregated-america\">racist housing policies\u003c/a>, like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11648307/has-oaklands-fruitvale-neighborhood-recovered-from-redlining\">redlining\u003c/a>, that barred Black families from receiving federally-backed loans following the Great Depression and from the GI Bill after WWII.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Policies like these were later outlawed, but they \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/article/for-people-of-color-banks-are-shutting-the-door-to-homeownership/\">still persist in practice\u003c/a>, with lenders often charging higher interest rates or refusing home loans to Black buyers. Taken together, it’s helped drive a huge \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/scfindex.htm\">wealth gap\u003c/a> between white and Black families, with white families having an average $188,200 in wealth, compared to $24,100 for Black families. That makes it harder for Black families to purchase homes in single-family neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are people trying to do about it?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Minneapolis city officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.mprnews.org/story/2018/12/07/minneapolis-city-council-adopts-2040-plan\">voted in 2019\u003c/a> to ban single-family zoning. That doesn’t mean it’s illegal to build a single-family home. It means it \u003cem>is\u003c/em> legal to build things like duplexes or triplexes in most of the city where only single-family homes had been allowed before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oregon followed suit in 2019 with \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/07/01/737798440/oregon-legislature-votes-to-essentially-ban-single-family-zoning\">a bill that allows fourplexes\u003c/a> in most cities around the state. And in California, the city of San José is considering \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/departments-offices/planning-building-code-enforcement/planning-division/citywide-planning/envision-san-jos-2040-general-plan/general-plan-4-year-review/opportunity-housing\">legalizing fourplexes\u003c/a> in most neighborhoods. The City Council is expected to consider voting on the plan next spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was also an effort this year to eliminate single-family zoning across California. Senate Pro Tem Toni Atkins’ bill, SB 1120, would have allowed up to two duplexes on many single-family lots. It was \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2020-09-01/california-assembly-sb-1120-duplexes\">approved in both the Senate and Assembly\u003c/a>, but didn’t have enough time to get the final vote it needed before going to the governor. Housing advocates say they’ll push for it again next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Editor’s Note: An earlier version of this story repeated an error that originated in academic research used to inform the reporting. A proposed Black-owned dancehall was not seeking to move into the Elmwood neighborhood, but rather \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Proceedings_of_the_National_Conference_o/DcUUvqEa4JgC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22Districting+Progress+and+Procedure+in+California%22+cheney&pg=PA183&printsec=frontcover\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">another neighborhood\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in Berkeley. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003carticle class=\"routes-Site-routes-Post-components-Post-components-PostMinisite-___PostMinisite__mpost\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>For more in-depth reporting on the housing crisis, check out our new podcast, SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America. Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/sold-out-rethinking-housing-in-america/id1531354937?itsct=podcast_box&itscg=30200\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/38dTBSk2ISFoPiyYNoKn1X\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/911586047/s-o-l-d-o-u-t-rethinking-housing-in-america#:~:text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20%3A%20NPR&text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20A%20podcast%20that%20examines,solutions%20to%20high%20housing%20costs.\">NPR One\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://tun.in/pj2qf\">TuneIn\u003c/a> or on your favorite podcast listening app.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/article>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A federal judge is ordering the U.S. Census Bureau to text every 2020 census worker by Friday to let them know the head count of every U.S. resident is continuing through the end of the month and not ending next week, as the bureau had previously announced in violation of the judge's \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839647/court-orders-census-counting-to-continue-through-oct-31-appeal-expected\">court order\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new order issued late Thursday by U.S. District Judge Lucy Koh in San Jose, California, instructs the Census Bureau to send out a mass text message saying an Oct. 5 target data for finishing the nation's head count is not in effect and that people can still answer the questionnaire and census takers can still knock on doors through Oct. 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge also ordered Census Bureau director Steven Dillingham to file with the court a declaration by the start of next week confirming his agency was following a preliminary injunction she had issued last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"U.S. District Judge Lucy Koh\"]'Defendants’ dissemination of erroneous information; lurching from one hasty, unexplained plan to the next; and unlawful sacrifices of completeness and accuracy of the 2020 Census are upending the status quo, violating the Injunction Order, and undermining the credibility of the Census Bureau and the 2020 Census.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Koh wrote in Thursday's decision that the U.S. Census Bureau and the U.S. Commerce Department, which oversees the agency, had violated her injunction “in several ways.\" She threatened them with sanctions or contempt proceedings if they violated the injunction again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Defendants’ dissemination of erroneous information; lurching from one hasty, unexplained plan to the next; and unlawful sacrifices of completeness and accuracy of the 2020 Census are upending the status quo, violating the Injunction Order, and undermining the credibility of the Census Bureau and the 2020 Census,\" the judge wrote. “This must stop.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Koh's injunction last week suspended a Sept. 30 deadline for ending the head count and also a Dec. 31 deadline for turning in numbers used to determine how many congressional seats each state gets in a process known as apportionment. By doing this, the deadlines reverted back to a previous Census Bureau plan that had field operations ending Oct. 31 and the reporting of apportionment figures at the end of April next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By issuing the injunction, the judge sided with civil rights groups and local governments that had sued the U.S. Census Bureau and the U.S. Department of Commerce, arguing that minorities and others in hard-to-count communities would be missed if the counting ended in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Koh referred to a tweet by the Commerce Department and Census Bureau last Monday that they now were targeting Oct. 5 as the date to end the census as “a hasty and unexplained change to the Bureau’s operations that was created in 4 days.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The decision also risks further undermining trust in the Bureau and its partners, sowing more confusion, and depressing Census participation,\" Koh wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides deciding how many congressional seats and Electoral College votes each state gets, the census also determines how $1.5 trillion in federal spending is distributed annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"census-2020\" label=\"More census coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court papers, attorneys for the federal government argued that the Commerce Department and the Census Bureau had been complying with the judge's injunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An agency may make a multitude of plans in light of competing obligations,\" the government attorneys said. “Preventing the very formation of such plans would necessarily embroil the Court in the supervision of how the agency goes about its day-to-day activities and how it adjusts its operations from one day to the next.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this week, Koh had told attorneys for the civil rights groups and local governments that she would be open to a contempt motion against the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the court has the authority to find the Trump administration in contempt, the plaintiff attorneys said in a motion that they were not seeking a contempt finding at this time. Instead, they said they wanted full compliance with the judge’s order, arguing the Trump administration had violated it “several times over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An unrushed, full and fair count is paramount to ensuring the accuracy of the 2020 Census,\" said Melissa Sherry, one of the plaintiff attorneys. “This ruling brings us one step closer to realizing that important goal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>As a federal judge considers whether the Trump administration violated her order for the 2020 census to continue through October by setting an Oct. 5 end date, her court has been flooded with messages from census takers who say they are being asked to cut corners and finish their work early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Josh Harkin, a census taker in Northern California, said in an email Tuesday to the court that he had been instructed to finish up by Wednesday, even though his region in the Santa Rosa area still had 17,000 homes to count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Please do something to help us! We really need to go until the end of October to have a chance at a reasonable count for our communities,\" Harkin wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Josh Harkin, Northern California census taker\"]'Please do something to help us! We really need to go until the end of October to have a chance at a reasonable count for our communities.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul Costa, a census taker in California currently working in Las Vegas, said in an email to U.S. District Judge Lucy Koh on Tuesday that census takers were being pressured to close cases quickly, “if not at all accurately.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many states, including Nevada has not been properly counted yet. Especially the Southeastern states ravaged by the recent hurricanes. We want to be able to do our jobs correctly & as accurately as possible,\" Costa wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A San Francisco census taker, whose name was redacted in the email, was instructed to turn in census equipment on Wednesday since field operations were ending. The census taker asked the judge to order the Census Bureau to stop laying off census takers, also called enumerators, so that the head count will continue through October as the judge had ordered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another census taker, who only was identified as “Mr. Nettle,\" reached out to plaintiffs' attorneys and told them that census takers were being pressured “to check off as many households as complete, seemingly to boost numbers everywhere above 99%, while sacrificing accuracy and completeness,\" according to a court filing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A census taker who also wanted to stay anonymous emailed the judge that starting Thursday the U.S. Census Bureau was laying off workers in its Mobile Questionnaire Assistance program, which sends census takers to neighborhoods with low response rates to the census to help them participate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"census-2020\" label=\"related stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Koh issued a preliminary injunction stopping the census from ending Wednesday and clearing the way for it to continue through Oct. 31. The judge in San Jose, California, sided with civil rights groups and local governments that had sued the Census Bureau and the Department of Commerce, which oversees the statistical agency, arguing that minorities and others in hard-to-count communities would be missed if the counting ended at the end of September instead of the end of October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Koh is holding a hearing on Friday to determine whether the Trump administration violated her order by putting out a statement that Oct. 5 was a target date for ending the census or whether it should be held in contempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The census is used to determine how many congressional seats each state gets and the distribution of $1.5 trillion in federal funds annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaints by the census takers echo concerns that other census takers have made to The Associated Press over the past week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Christy, the Census Bureau's assistant director for field operations, said in a declaration to the court Tuesday that he had sent an email to all managers involved with field operations stating that they must comply with Koh's injunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be clear, no occupied housing units will go ‘uncounted,'\" Christy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As a federal judge considers whether the Trump administration violated her order for the 2020 census to continue through October by setting an Oct. 5 end date, her court has been flooded with messages from census takers who say they are being asked to cut corners and finish their work early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Josh Harkin, a census taker in Northern California, said in an email Tuesday to the court that he had been instructed to finish up by Wednesday, even though his region in the Santa Rosa area still had 17,000 homes to count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Please do something to help us! We really need to go until the end of October to have a chance at a reasonable count for our communities,\" Harkin wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul Costa, a census taker in California currently working in Las Vegas, said in an email to U.S. District Judge Lucy Koh on Tuesday that census takers were being pressured to close cases quickly, “if not at all accurately.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many states, including Nevada has not been properly counted yet. Especially the Southeastern states ravaged by the recent hurricanes. We want to be able to do our jobs correctly & as accurately as possible,\" Costa wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A San Francisco census taker, whose name was redacted in the email, was instructed to turn in census equipment on Wednesday since field operations were ending. The census taker asked the judge to order the Census Bureau to stop laying off census takers, also called enumerators, so that the head count will continue through October as the judge had ordered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another census taker, who only was identified as “Mr. Nettle,\" reached out to plaintiffs' attorneys and told them that census takers were being pressured “to check off as many households as complete, seemingly to boost numbers everywhere above 99%, while sacrificing accuracy and completeness,\" according to a court filing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A census taker who also wanted to stay anonymous emailed the judge that starting Thursday the U.S. Census Bureau was laying off workers in its Mobile Questionnaire Assistance program, which sends census takers to neighborhoods with low response rates to the census to help them participate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Koh issued a preliminary injunction stopping the census from ending Wednesday and clearing the way for it to continue through Oct. 31. The judge in San Jose, California, sided with civil rights groups and local governments that had sued the Census Bureau and the Department of Commerce, which oversees the statistical agency, arguing that minorities and others in hard-to-count communities would be missed if the counting ended at the end of September instead of the end of October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Koh is holding a hearing on Friday to determine whether the Trump administration violated her order by putting out a statement that Oct. 5 was a target date for ending the census or whether it should be held in contempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The census is used to determine how many congressional seats each state gets and the distribution of $1.5 trillion in federal funds annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaints by the census takers echo concerns that other census takers have made to The Associated Press over the past week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Christy, the Census Bureau's assistant director for field operations, said in a declaration to the court Tuesday that he had sent an email to all managers involved with field operations stating that they must comply with Koh's injunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be clear, no occupied housing units will go ‘uncounted,'\" Christy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tenants, affordable housing groups and local governments will get the first chance to buy foreclosed homes under a measure approved Monday by Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB1079\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Senate Bill 1079\u003c/a> is designed to keep corporations from snapping up homes and letting some fall into disrepair as they did during the Great Recession. The issue drew national attention a year ago \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11797001/moms-4-housing-group-reaches-agreement-to-buy-vacant-house\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Moms 4 Housing\u003c/a> moved into a vacant, corporate-owned house in West Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was among 15 bills Newsom signed into law as renters and home-buyers again struggle during mass layoffs prompted by the pandemic. The governor said the measures “will directly lead to more affordable opportunities for renters and homeowners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law bars sellers of foreclosed homes from bundling them at auction for sale to a single buyer. In addition, it will allow tenants, families, local governments, affordable housing nonprofits and community land trusts 45 days to beat the best auction bid to buy the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owners of poorly maintained properties can be fined as much as $2,000 a day under the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Sen. Nancy Skinner of Berkeley said her measure gives people who want to live in a house a fair shot at buying it. She said the measure that takes effect Jan. 1 sends the message that “California homes are not yours to gobble up; we won’t tolerate another corporate takeover of housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/NancySkinnerCA/status/1310691265726435333\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also signed bills \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB2345\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">increasing subsidies\u003c/a> for dense, affordable housing projects; allowing \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3308\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">school districts\u003c/a> to use low-income housing tax credits to build affordable housing for teachers and school employees on district-owned land; and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB288\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">exempting\u003c/a> bicycle, pedestrian, light rail and bus rapid transit projects from California’s strict environmental reviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another bill expands a law that allows crime victims to \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB1190\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">break their leases\u003c/a> without penalty. [aside tag=\"housing\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law had applied only to victims of domestic violence, stalking, elder abuse or human trafficking. The expansion adds crimes that result in injury or death and bars landlords from refusing to rent to tenants who have taken advantage of the law. He also approved a \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB2992\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">separate bill\u003c/a> allowing victims of violent crime and immediate family members of homicide victims to take unpaid leave from work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He vetoed two bills, one that would have created an Office to End Homelessness within his administration and the other that would have created a right to safe, decent and affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he already has made housing and homelessness a priority, and the “laudable goal” of making housing a right could have cost more than $10 billion a year.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tenants, affordable housing groups and local governments will get the first chance to buy foreclosed homes under a measure approved Monday by Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB1079\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Senate Bill 1079\u003c/a> is designed to keep corporations from snapping up homes and letting some fall into disrepair as they did during the Great Recession. The issue drew national attention a year ago \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11797001/moms-4-housing-group-reaches-agreement-to-buy-vacant-house\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Moms 4 Housing\u003c/a> moved into a vacant, corporate-owned house in West Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was among 15 bills Newsom signed into law as renters and home-buyers again struggle during mass layoffs prompted by the pandemic. The governor said the measures “will directly lead to more affordable opportunities for renters and homeowners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law bars sellers of foreclosed homes from bundling them at auction for sale to a single buyer. In addition, it will allow tenants, families, local governments, affordable housing nonprofits and community land trusts 45 days to beat the best auction bid to buy the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owners of poorly maintained properties can be fined as much as $2,000 a day under the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Newsom also signed bills \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB2345\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">increasing subsidies\u003c/a> for dense, affordable housing projects; allowing \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3308\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">school districts\u003c/a> to use low-income housing tax credits to build affordable housing for teachers and school employees on district-owned land; and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB288\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">exempting\u003c/a> bicycle, pedestrian, light rail and bus rapid transit projects from California’s strict environmental reviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another bill expands a law that allows crime victims to \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB1190\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">break their leases\u003c/a> without penalty. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law had applied only to victims of domestic violence, stalking, elder abuse or human trafficking. The expansion adds crimes that result in injury or death and bars landlords from refusing to rent to tenants who have taken advantage of the law. He also approved a \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB2992\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">separate bill\u003c/a> allowing victims of violent crime and immediate family members of homicide victims to take unpaid leave from work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He vetoed two bills, one that would have created an Office to End Homelessness within his administration and the other that would have created a right to safe, decent and affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he already has made housing and homelessness a priority, and the “laudable goal” of making housing a right could have cost more than $10 billion a year.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California is the worst of the worst when it comes to the cost of housing construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average price tag to build just one unit of housing — a home or an apartment — was $326,000 in 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gao.gov/products/gao-18-637\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to the U.S. Government Accountability Office\u003c/a>. And it’s even worse for affordable housing, which \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/LIHTC_Construction_Costs_March_2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">averaged $480,000\u003c/a> per unit across the state in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>High construction costs are \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/Making_It_Pencil_The_Math_Behind_Housing_Development.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">one big reason\u003c/a> why rents and home prices in California are also some of the highest in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the construction industry has also been one of the slowest to innovate. It’s a $10 trillion operation, globally, employing a whopping 7 percent of the world’s population, according to a 2017 \u003ca href=\"https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/McKinsey/Industries/Capital%20Projects%20and%20Infrastructure/Our%20Insights/Reinventing%20construction%20through%20a%20productivity%20revolution/MGI-Reinventing-construction-A-route-to-higher-productivity-Full-report.ashx\">McKinsey & Company report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report found that, globally, productivity in the construction industry has increased an average of 1% a year over the past two decades, compared with 2.8% for the total world economy and 3.6% for manufacturing. In the U.S., many industries, including agriculture and manufacturing, have increased their productivity by 1500%, while productivity in construction has barely budged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s new podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America, \u003c/a>takes a look at one solution that’s trying to “hack” the system: factory-built housing, also known as prefabricated or modular housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC6877722347\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an idea that’s been around for over a century, but it hasn’t always worked. Listen to the second episode, “Prefabulous”, to hear why some people think modular housing construction could now be the big innovation to help us out of our housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just the construction industry’s unwillingness or inability to change that’s driving high housing costs. Here are some other reasons why housing is so expensive to build in California:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Land\u003c/strong> is just \u003ca href=\"https://www.gao.gov/products/gao-18-637\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more expensive in California\u003c/a> than other places. In the Golden State, the cost of land is about 12% of total construction costs, compared to about 5% in other states.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Labor\u003c/strong> is \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/02/25/hidden-cost-of-housing-how-a-shortage-of-construction-workers-is-making-our-crisis-worse/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">also more expensive\u003c/a>. One reason: After the Great Recession in 2008, a lot of construction workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.jlconline.com/article/constructions-exodus-of-labor_c#:~:text=What%20is%20evident%20to%20the,shortage%20of%20skilled%20workers%20in\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">left the industry\u003c/a>, creating a shortage of skilled workers. To top it off, the construction boom that followed has far outpaced the growth in the construction industry. \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/LIHTC_Construction_Costs_March_2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">An analysis\u003c/a> by the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley found that the number of permitted housing units grew by 430% between 2009 and 2018, while the number of workers grew only 32% during that same time period.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Density restrictions \u003c/strong>that limit how many apartments can be built on one lot also adds to the cost. As the size of a building increases, developers are able to take advantage of economies of scale, reducing the cost per apartment. But opposition to large affordable apartment buildings makes it difficult to get projects approved. Researchers at the Terner Center \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/LIHTC_Construction_Costs_March_2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">spoke to one developer\u003c/a> who said, “It is impossible to overstate the continued resistance to new affordable development in most cities in California.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The \u003cstrong>complexity of financing\u003c/strong> affordable housing projects is another big factor when it comes to developing housing for low-income people in particular. \u003ca href=\"https://www.gao.gov/products/gao-18-637\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">A report\u003c/a> by the U.S. Government Accountability Office found that affordable housing projects in California had an average of six different funding sources, which contribute to a project’s “soft costs,” which includes things like legal fees, consultants, and appraisals. In California, soft costs added around 14% to the total cost of construction, compared to 7% nationwide. \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/LIHTC_Construction_Costs_March_2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Another report\u003c/a> from the Terner Center found that, on average, \u003cem>each\u003c/em> additional source of funding on a project added $6,400 \u003cem>per unit\u003c/em> in total development costs.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Development fees, \u003c/strong>which cities impose on developers to pay for things like street lighting, sidewalk improvements or sewage upgrades, also contribute to higher costs for housing. The same \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/LIHTC_Construction_Costs_March_2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Terner Center report\u003c/a> found that development fees on affordable housing developments added about $16,600 per unit.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003carticle class=\"routes-Site-routes-Post-components-Post-components-PostMinisite-___PostMinisite__mpost\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>For more in-depth reporting on the housing crisis, check out our new podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America\u003c/a>. Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/sold-out-rethinking-housing-in-america/id1531354937?itsct=podcast_box&itscg=30200\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/38dTBSk2ISFoPiyYNoKn1X\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/911586047/s-o-l-d-o-u-t-rethinking-housing-in-america#:~:text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20%3A%20NPR&text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20A%20podcast%20that%20examines,solutions%20to%20high%20housing%20costs.\">NPR One\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://tun.in/pj2qf\">TuneIn\u003c/a> or on your favorite podcast listening app.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/article>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "California is the most expensive state in the nation to build housing. But why? And what can we do about it? ",
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"subhead": "Materials, labor, parking requirements: it all adds up to the crazy high cost of building housing. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California is the worst of the worst when it comes to the cost of housing construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average price tag to build just one unit of housing — a home or an apartment — was $326,000 in 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gao.gov/products/gao-18-637\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to the U.S. Government Accountability Office\u003c/a>. And it’s even worse for affordable housing, which \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/LIHTC_Construction_Costs_March_2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">averaged $480,000\u003c/a> per unit across the state in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>High construction costs are \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/Making_It_Pencil_The_Math_Behind_Housing_Development.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">one big reason\u003c/a> why rents and home prices in California are also some of the highest in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the construction industry has also been one of the slowest to innovate. It’s a $10 trillion operation, globally, employing a whopping 7 percent of the world’s population, according to a 2017 \u003ca href=\"https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/McKinsey/Industries/Capital%20Projects%20and%20Infrastructure/Our%20Insights/Reinventing%20construction%20through%20a%20productivity%20revolution/MGI-Reinventing-construction-A-route-to-higher-productivity-Full-report.ashx\">McKinsey & Company report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report found that, globally, productivity in the construction industry has increased an average of 1% a year over the past two decades, compared with 2.8% for the total world economy and 3.6% for manufacturing. In the U.S., many industries, including agriculture and manufacturing, have increased their productivity by 1500%, while productivity in construction has barely budged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s new podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America, \u003c/a>takes a look at one solution that’s trying to “hack” the system: factory-built housing, also known as prefabricated or modular housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC6877722347\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an idea that’s been around for over a century, but it hasn’t always worked. Listen to the second episode, “Prefabulous”, to hear why some people think modular housing construction could now be the big innovation to help us out of our housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just the construction industry’s unwillingness or inability to change that’s driving high housing costs. Here are some other reasons why housing is so expensive to build in California:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Land\u003c/strong> is just \u003ca href=\"https://www.gao.gov/products/gao-18-637\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more expensive in California\u003c/a> than other places. In the Golden State, the cost of land is about 12% of total construction costs, compared to about 5% in other states.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Labor\u003c/strong> is \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/02/25/hidden-cost-of-housing-how-a-shortage-of-construction-workers-is-making-our-crisis-worse/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">also more expensive\u003c/a>. One reason: After the Great Recession in 2008, a lot of construction workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.jlconline.com/article/constructions-exodus-of-labor_c#:~:text=What%20is%20evident%20to%20the,shortage%20of%20skilled%20workers%20in\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">left the industry\u003c/a>, creating a shortage of skilled workers. To top it off, the construction boom that followed has far outpaced the growth in the construction industry. \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/LIHTC_Construction_Costs_March_2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">An analysis\u003c/a> by the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley found that the number of permitted housing units grew by 430% between 2009 and 2018, while the number of workers grew only 32% during that same time period.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Density restrictions \u003c/strong>that limit how many apartments can be built on one lot also adds to the cost. As the size of a building increases, developers are able to take advantage of economies of scale, reducing the cost per apartment. But opposition to large affordable apartment buildings makes it difficult to get projects approved. Researchers at the Terner Center \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/LIHTC_Construction_Costs_March_2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">spoke to one developer\u003c/a> who said, “It is impossible to overstate the continued resistance to new affordable development in most cities in California.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The \u003cstrong>complexity of financing\u003c/strong> affordable housing projects is another big factor when it comes to developing housing for low-income people in particular. \u003ca href=\"https://www.gao.gov/products/gao-18-637\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">A report\u003c/a> by the U.S. Government Accountability Office found that affordable housing projects in California had an average of six different funding sources, which contribute to a project’s “soft costs,” which includes things like legal fees, consultants, and appraisals. In California, soft costs added around 14% to the total cost of construction, compared to 7% nationwide. \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/LIHTC_Construction_Costs_March_2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Another report\u003c/a> from the Terner Center found that, on average, \u003cem>each\u003c/em> additional source of funding on a project added $6,400 \u003cem>per unit\u003c/em> in total development costs.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Development fees, \u003c/strong>which cities impose on developers to pay for things like street lighting, sidewalk improvements or sewage upgrades, also contribute to higher costs for housing. The same \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/LIHTC_Construction_Costs_March_2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Terner Center report\u003c/a> found that development fees on affordable housing developments added about $16,600 per unit.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003carticle class=\"routes-Site-routes-Post-components-Post-components-PostMinisite-___PostMinisite__mpost\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>For more in-depth reporting on the housing crisis, check out our new podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America\u003c/a>. Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/sold-out-rethinking-housing-in-america/id1531354937?itsct=podcast_box&itscg=30200\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/38dTBSk2ISFoPiyYNoKn1X\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/911586047/s-o-l-d-o-u-t-rethinking-housing-in-america#:~:text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20%3A%20NPR&text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20A%20podcast%20that%20examines,solutions%20to%20high%20housing%20costs.\">NPR One\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://tun.in/pj2qf\">TuneIn\u003c/a> or on your favorite podcast listening app.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/article>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-naacp-president-aids-corporate-prop-campaigns-collects-1-2-million-and-counting",
"title": "California NAACP President Aids Corporate Prop Campaigns — Collects $1.2 Million and Counting",
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"headTitle": "California NAACP President Aids Corporate Prop Campaigns — Collects $1.2 Million and Counting | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Read through the voter handbook for California’s November election, and a name pops up over and over again: Alice Huffman. As leader of the California NAACP, Huffman has weighed in with positions that critics say run counter to the historic civil rights organization’s mission to advance racial equality in education, housing and criminal justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should voters raise commercial property taxes to pour billions of dollars into schools? Should they make it easier for cities to pass rent control ordinances? Should California outlaw the use of cash bail?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No, no and no, Huffman argues in the \u003ca href=\"https://vig.cdn.sos.ca.gov/2020/general/pdf/complete-vig.pdf\">ballot handbook\u003c/a>, where she is repeatedly identified as president of the California State Conference of the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What the guide doesn’t tell voters is that Huffman’s \u003ca href=\"http://acpublicaffairs.com/\">political consulting firm\u003c/a> has been paid more than $1.2 million so far this year by ballot measure campaigns that she or the California NAACP has endorsed. She’s been paid by campaigns funded by commercial property owners fighting the tax increase, corporate landlords opposed to expanding rent control and bail bondsmen who want to keep the cash bail system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s dual roles as both a paid campaign consultant and leader of a vaunted civil rights group amount to an unusual — but legal — arrangement. Though she has held both positions for many years, Huffman was especially sought after this year, as political campaigns respond to the national reckoning over race and frame many of their messages with themes of justice and equity. The small firm Huffman runs with her sister is being paid by five ballot measure campaigns this year, public records show — more than it has taken on in previous elections. Many of them are funded by corporate interests at war with labor unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s common for political campaigns to hire strategists to help them communicate with specific constituencies, those consultants usually do not come with a brand as well-known as the NAACP is for its work fighting discrimination over the last century. Huffman’s approach — making money from the campaigns that also wind up with an NAACP seal of approval — is stirring controversy in some Black communities. Critics say it appears the endorsement of the renowned civil rights organization is essentially up for sale.[aside tag=\"politics\" label=\"More political coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like it’s a conflict of interest and I think it’s misleading to the public,” said Carroll Fife, an officer of the Oakland chapter of the NAACP who disagrees with the state organization on several ballot measure endorsements. “It’s unfortunate. Politics is gross.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fife works as the executive director of the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, a nonprofit that is campaigning for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-15-property-tax-big-business/\">Proposition 15\u003c/a> to raise commercial property taxes and boost funding for schools. She also supports\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-21-rent-control/\"> Prop. 21\u003c/a> to make it easier for cities to expand rent control, and says both measures would help California’s Black communities. Two-thirds of Black households in the state are renters, census data shows, and many Black students are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/achievement-gap-california-explainer-schools-education-disparities-explained/\">concentrated in high-poverty schools\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman declined to be interviewed for this article, as did other members of the California NAACP \u003ca href=\"http://www.ca-naacp.org/index.php/about/leadership\">executive board\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the ballot handbook, Huffman \u003ca href=\"https://vig.cdn.sos.ca.gov/2020/general/pdf/complete-vig.pdf\">argues the measures\u003c/a> would hurt low-income Californians because commercial property owners would pass their higher costs onto consumers and small-business tenants, and expanded rent control could shrink the supply of affordable housing. Huffman’s Sacramento-based firm, AC Public Affairs, has been paid $590,000 so far by the No on Prop. 15 campaign and $280,000 by the No on Prop. 21 campaign, \u003ca href=\"http://dbsearch.sos.ca.gov/ExpendCodeSearch.aspx\">public records show\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She has the right to make money as we all do,” said Anthony Thigpenn, a community organizer in Los Angeles who heads the California Calls advocacy group and supports Prop. 15. “But when it’s something that’s using a community-based organization’s brand, and particularly when it’s taking positions… that are not in the interest of the communities that organization has advocated for and championed, that is disappointing and sad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thigpenn said he believes increasing commercial property taxes with the so-called “split-roll” approach in Prop. 15 is a matter of racial justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Black communities in California suffer most from the lack of funding for schools and community colleges, which are typically gateways for people to have career paths and livable wages and good jobs,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Sacramento insider\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Well-known in Sacramento as a political powerhouse with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article111682772.html\">career that’s spanned some 50 years\u003c/a>, Huffman worked for then-Gov. Jerry Brown in the 1970s. She became close with Willie Brown during the 1980s and 1990s, when he was Assembly speaker and she was a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1991-06-24-mn-809-story.html\">lobbyist for the California Teachers Association\u003c/a>. She opened her public affairs firm in 1988, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.naacp.org/naacp-board-of-directors/alice-a-huffman/\">was elected president\u003c/a> of the California NAACP in 1999. Her firm helps political campaigns build coalitions and get their messages out through media, advertising and a newsletter called the “\u003ca href=\"http://acpublicaffairs.com/?page_id=52\">Minority News\u003c/a>.” Many of the messages \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Gmail-Prop-22.pdf\">feature Huffman\u003c/a> and her role with the NAACP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, Huffman’s consulting business and the California NAACP’s endorsements have aligned many times. As she was paid by Indian tribes, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2005-nov-04-me-pharma4-story.html\">pharmaceutical companies\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2006-oct-22-me-spokesmodel22-story.html\">cigarette makers\u003c/a> trying to pass or defeat ballot measures in the early 2000s, the California NAACP endorsed those campaigns. The same thing happened in 2018, when Huffman’s firm was paid nearly $900,000 \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Rent-control-foes-hire-California-NAACP-leader-13144448.php\">by the campaign fighting a rent control measure\u003c/a>, and $90,000 by dialysis companies opposing an initiative that would have increased their cost of doing business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both measures failed in 2018 but are back on the ballot this year, and the campaigns trying to defeat them have again hired Huffman. Michael Bustamante, a spokesman for the campaign against the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-21-rent-control/\">Prop. 21\u003c/a> rent control measure, said Huffman is motivated by what’s best for Black Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In 2018, she was passionate in her opposition to Prop. 10 because of what it would do to the African American community,” he said, referring to opponents’ argument that more rent control would drive up the cost of housing by discouraging developers from building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over and over again she talked about how homeownership… enables African American families to get a toehold to better their future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bustamante, who is also a spokesperson for the campaign against raising commercial property taxes, said in a statement that “the NAACP took its position in opposition to Prop. 15 based on clear facts that they outlined in their March 2nd report,”\u003ca href=\"http://www.ca-naacp.org/images/Forms/NAACP_-Social_Justice_Study_two.pdf\"> which says\u003c/a> social justice advocates should be concerned that the measure would increase costs for consumers and doesn’t do enough to protect small businesses.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Carol Fife, Oakland NAACP officer\"]““I feel like it’s a conflict of interest and I think it’s misleading to the public.””[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campaign finance records show the anti-Prop. 15 campaign made its first payment to Huffman’s firm, of $70,000, on Feb. 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign funded by dialysis companies opposing an initiative that would require their clinics to have a doctor on site hired Huffman to educate African American voters “about the dangers of Prop. 23,” said campaign spokesperson Kathy Fairbanks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 23 is particularly dangerous for communities of color because they suffer from kidney disease and need dialysis at higher rates,” she said in a statement. “Prop. 23 would force the shutdown of many clinics, jeopardizing the life-saving dialysis patients need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman has told reporters in the past that she only takes on political clients whose campaigns are aligned with the California NAACP’s positions. But it’s not clear how the organization arrives at endorsement decisions. Its website doesn’t explain a procedure and hasn’t posted ballot measure endorsements since the\u003ca href=\"http://www.ca-naacp.org/index.php/advocacy\"> 2016 election\u003c/a>. CalMatters contacted its six statewide executive committee members including Huffman; three of them declined interview requests and three did not return messages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fife, the Oakland NAACP officer, said her local chapter doesn’t know how the statewide conference decides what to endorse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not transparent,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839896\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839896\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carroll Fife, housing advocate and officer for the Oakland chapter of the NAACP, supports Prop 15. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The president of the San Jose chapter of the NAACP said he had been reprimanded by the state conference for recently writing an \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2020/09/15/opinion-prop-15-will-build-a-better-future-for-california/\">op-ed supporting Prop. 15\u003c/a>, the split-roll property tax measure. Rev. Jethroe Moore II said he wrote the piece to express his personal opinion, and was surprised to see his affiliation with the San Jose NAACP included when it was published.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are my personal beliefs,” he said. “Alice is the president of the statewide NAACP and all the branches understand they have to support the positions that they take. I accept my responsibility for stepping out as an individual person in the community to take my stand as an American citizen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s been re-elected president of the state conference several times, according to \u003ca href=\"https://naacp.org/naacp-board-of-directors/alice-a-huffman/\">her bio\u003c/a>. Delegates from local NAACP chapters vote for state officers every other year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.naacp.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/2014_Bylaws_for_Units.pdf\">the group’s bylaws state\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The national office of the NAACP did not respond to several requests for comment. In the past, it has criticized state chapters for advocating for energy policies that benefit their corporate donors at the expense of the safety of Black neighborhoods. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/05/business/energy-environment/naacp-utility-donations.html\">The New York Times cited\u003c/a> Huffman’s signature on a 2018 letter opposing a renewable energy program as part of a trend that led the NAACP national office to publish \u003ca href=\"https://live-naacp-site.pantheonsite.io/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Fossil-Fueled-Foolery-An-Illustrated-Primer-on-the-Top-10-Manipulation-Tactics-of-the-Fossil-Fuel-Industry-FINAL-1.pdf\">a report\u003c/a> on the “Top 10 Manipulation Tactics of the Fossil Fuel Industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Celebrated endorsement\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Racial equity has emerged as a theme in several campaigns on the California ballot this fall, including some that the NAACP has not weighed in on. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-17-parole-vote/\">Prop. 17\u003c/a> would grant voting rights to people who are on parole following a prison sentence. Though it was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-parolees-voting-rights-nunez-aca6/\">a priority for the Legislature’s Black caucus\u003c/a> — because African Americans make up 26% of the parole population but only 6% of California adults — the NAACP has not \u003ca href=\"https://yeson17.vote/endorsements-3/\">publicly endorsed\u003c/a> Prop. 17.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, the NAACP has endorsed the campaign aiming to maintain the cash bail system that some advocates see as unfair to many people of color. The No on Prop. 25 campaign, funded by the bail bonds industry, is asking voters to overturn a law that would end the use of money in determining who goes free while awaiting trial. It has paid Huffman $45,000 so far this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Steve Bradford, vice chair of the Black caucus, said he’s surprised both that the California NAACP is opposed to eliminating cash bail, and that it has not taken a position on whether parolees should have the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would hope that in the next 40 days they would weigh in strongly because the NAACP was founded on securing the right to vote for people of color,” said Bradford, a Los Angeles Democrat who describes himself as a longtime NAACP member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradford said he supports\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-25-cash-bail/\"> Prop. 25\u003c/a> to eliminate cash bail because “it’s created somewhat of a debtors prison where poor folks are in jail, while rich folks can post bail for more serious crimes and be scot-free until their day in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839897\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 780px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11839897\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/010820_Prop13Presser_AW_sized_02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"780\" height=\"524\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/010820_Prop13Presser_AW_sized_02.jpg 780w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/010820_Prop13Presser_AW_sized_02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 780px) 100vw, 780px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alice Huffman, President of the California State Conference of the NAACP, speaks as part of a coalition in support of proposition 13 at the California Capitol on January 8, 2020. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Though ending the use of money bail has been a goal for progressives, the final version of the California law wound up \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2018/08/california-bail-reform-splinters-left/\">splintering the left\u003c/a> because it leaves a lot of discretion to judges. In \u003ca href=\"https://vig.cdn.sos.ca.gov/2020/general/pdf/complete-vig.pdf\">the ballot argument\u003c/a> against Prop. 25, Huffman argues that the risk analysis that would replace bail in determining if someone has to be locked up before trial amounts to “computer profiling [that] has been shown to discriminate against minorities and people from neighborhoods with higher concentrations of immigrants and low-income residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman has also appeared in ads urging voters to support\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-22-gig-workers-ab-5/\"> Prop. 22\u003c/a>, a campaign funded by Uber, Lyft and Doordash that seeks an exemption from state labor law allowing them to treat their drivers as independent contractors instead of employees. She was featured in\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Gmail-Prop-22.pdf\"> an email\u003c/a> Uber sent to its customers titled “Why communities of color support Prop. 22.” And she wrote an op-ed in the Observer, a Black newspaper in Southern California, saying the Legislature failed Black and Brown gig workers by passing the labor law that Prop. 22 seeks to change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the face of such indifference to the economic wellbeing of people of color, the only response is action,” \u003ca href=\"https://ognsc.com/2020/09/08/white-collar-white-professionals-get-ab5-exemptions-why-dont-black-and-brown-app-based-drivers/\">she wrote\u003c/a>. “If the politicians won’t stand up for us, we have to stand up for ourselves by passing Prop. 22.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s public affairs firm has been paid $85,000 so far by the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Alice Huffman is working with the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign to support outreach efforts in communities of color because of the significant impact the loss of app-based rideshare and delivery services will have on Black and Brown Californians,” campaign spokesperson Geoff Vetter said by email.[pullquote size=\"large\" align=\"right\" citation=\"April D. Verrett, SEIU Local 2015 president\"]“As a Black woman, I know well that the Black community is not a monolith.”[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Huffman spent much of her career with the teachers union, her consulting work now consists largely of helping corporate campaigns that are fighting against organized labor. Unions are against changing the labor law \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-22-gig-workers-ab-5/\">with Prop. 22\u003c/a>, and for raising commercial property taxes with Prop. 15, adding new requirements on dialysis clinics with Prop. 23 and ending cash bail with Prop. 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>April D. Verrett, president of the SEIU Local 2015 union that represents nursing home workers, said she has never been involved with the NAACP and doesn’t expect all Black voters to see issues the same way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a Black woman, I know well that the Black community is not a monolith,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, in her mind, several questions on the ballot — money for schools, overhauling the bail system, repealing the ban on affirmative action and granting voting rights to parolees — should galvanize voters who want to advance racial justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of these inequities disproportionately affect people of color,” Verrett said. “Our country seems to want to have a real conversation about race and inequities. This election in California gives us an opportunity to really begin changing things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ballot measures can be confusing, and deciding how to vote on them is difficult for many voters, said Jessica Levinson, a professor at Loyola Law School of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Endorsements really matter because you can’t look at a living breathing candidate and assess them,” she said. “So voters use helpers to try to figure out (how to vote) — and a lot of voters just look to a couple of people or organizations that they trust and that is how they make their decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s legal for campaigns to pay for endorsements, Levinson said, voters should be told when that’s the case. Otherwise, she said, “it robs voters of a meaningful ability to assess how they’re going to vote, if these endorsements are just paid for.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "A ranking member of the California NAACP's political consulting firm has been paid more than $1.2 million so far this year by ballot measure campaigns that she or the California NAACP has endorsed.",
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"title": "California NAACP President Aids Corporate Prop Campaigns — Collects $1.2 Million and Counting | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Read through the voter handbook for California’s November election, and a name pops up over and over again: Alice Huffman. As leader of the California NAACP, Huffman has weighed in with positions that critics say run counter to the historic civil rights organization’s mission to advance racial equality in education, housing and criminal justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should voters raise commercial property taxes to pour billions of dollars into schools? Should they make it easier for cities to pass rent control ordinances? Should California outlaw the use of cash bail?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No, no and no, Huffman argues in the \u003ca href=\"https://vig.cdn.sos.ca.gov/2020/general/pdf/complete-vig.pdf\">ballot handbook\u003c/a>, where she is repeatedly identified as president of the California State Conference of the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What the guide doesn’t tell voters is that Huffman’s \u003ca href=\"http://acpublicaffairs.com/\">political consulting firm\u003c/a> has been paid more than $1.2 million so far this year by ballot measure campaigns that she or the California NAACP has endorsed. She’s been paid by campaigns funded by commercial property owners fighting the tax increase, corporate landlords opposed to expanding rent control and bail bondsmen who want to keep the cash bail system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s dual roles as both a paid campaign consultant and leader of a vaunted civil rights group amount to an unusual — but legal — arrangement. Though she has held both positions for many years, Huffman was especially sought after this year, as political campaigns respond to the national reckoning over race and frame many of their messages with themes of justice and equity. The small firm Huffman runs with her sister is being paid by five ballot measure campaigns this year, public records show — more than it has taken on in previous elections. Many of them are funded by corporate interests at war with labor unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s common for political campaigns to hire strategists to help them communicate with specific constituencies, those consultants usually do not come with a brand as well-known as the NAACP is for its work fighting discrimination over the last century. Huffman’s approach — making money from the campaigns that also wind up with an NAACP seal of approval — is stirring controversy in some Black communities. Critics say it appears the endorsement of the renowned civil rights organization is essentially up for sale.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like it’s a conflict of interest and I think it’s misleading to the public,” said Carroll Fife, an officer of the Oakland chapter of the NAACP who disagrees with the state organization on several ballot measure endorsements. “It’s unfortunate. Politics is gross.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fife works as the executive director of the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, a nonprofit that is campaigning for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-15-property-tax-big-business/\">Proposition 15\u003c/a> to raise commercial property taxes and boost funding for schools. She also supports\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-21-rent-control/\"> Prop. 21\u003c/a> to make it easier for cities to expand rent control, and says both measures would help California’s Black communities. Two-thirds of Black households in the state are renters, census data shows, and many Black students are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/achievement-gap-california-explainer-schools-education-disparities-explained/\">concentrated in high-poverty schools\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman declined to be interviewed for this article, as did other members of the California NAACP \u003ca href=\"http://www.ca-naacp.org/index.php/about/leadership\">executive board\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the ballot handbook, Huffman \u003ca href=\"https://vig.cdn.sos.ca.gov/2020/general/pdf/complete-vig.pdf\">argues the measures\u003c/a> would hurt low-income Californians because commercial property owners would pass their higher costs onto consumers and small-business tenants, and expanded rent control could shrink the supply of affordable housing. Huffman’s Sacramento-based firm, AC Public Affairs, has been paid $590,000 so far by the No on Prop. 15 campaign and $280,000 by the No on Prop. 21 campaign, \u003ca href=\"http://dbsearch.sos.ca.gov/ExpendCodeSearch.aspx\">public records show\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She has the right to make money as we all do,” said Anthony Thigpenn, a community organizer in Los Angeles who heads the California Calls advocacy group and supports Prop. 15. “But when it’s something that’s using a community-based organization’s brand, and particularly when it’s taking positions… that are not in the interest of the communities that organization has advocated for and championed, that is disappointing and sad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thigpenn said he believes increasing commercial property taxes with the so-called “split-roll” approach in Prop. 15 is a matter of racial justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Black communities in California suffer most from the lack of funding for schools and community colleges, which are typically gateways for people to have career paths and livable wages and good jobs,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Sacramento insider\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Well-known in Sacramento as a political powerhouse with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article111682772.html\">career that’s spanned some 50 years\u003c/a>, Huffman worked for then-Gov. Jerry Brown in the 1970s. She became close with Willie Brown during the 1980s and 1990s, when he was Assembly speaker and she was a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1991-06-24-mn-809-story.html\">lobbyist for the California Teachers Association\u003c/a>. She opened her public affairs firm in 1988, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.naacp.org/naacp-board-of-directors/alice-a-huffman/\">was elected president\u003c/a> of the California NAACP in 1999. Her firm helps political campaigns build coalitions and get their messages out through media, advertising and a newsletter called the “\u003ca href=\"http://acpublicaffairs.com/?page_id=52\">Minority News\u003c/a>.” Many of the messages \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Gmail-Prop-22.pdf\">feature Huffman\u003c/a> and her role with the NAACP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, Huffman’s consulting business and the California NAACP’s endorsements have aligned many times. As she was paid by Indian tribes, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2005-nov-04-me-pharma4-story.html\">pharmaceutical companies\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2006-oct-22-me-spokesmodel22-story.html\">cigarette makers\u003c/a> trying to pass or defeat ballot measures in the early 2000s, the California NAACP endorsed those campaigns. The same thing happened in 2018, when Huffman’s firm was paid nearly $900,000 \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Rent-control-foes-hire-California-NAACP-leader-13144448.php\">by the campaign fighting a rent control measure\u003c/a>, and $90,000 by dialysis companies opposing an initiative that would have increased their cost of doing business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both measures failed in 2018 but are back on the ballot this year, and the campaigns trying to defeat them have again hired Huffman. Michael Bustamante, a spokesman for the campaign against the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-21-rent-control/\">Prop. 21\u003c/a> rent control measure, said Huffman is motivated by what’s best for Black Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In 2018, she was passionate in her opposition to Prop. 10 because of what it would do to the African American community,” he said, referring to opponents’ argument that more rent control would drive up the cost of housing by discouraging developers from building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over and over again she talked about how homeownership… enables African American families to get a toehold to better their future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bustamante, who is also a spokesperson for the campaign against raising commercial property taxes, said in a statement that “the NAACP took its position in opposition to Prop. 15 based on clear facts that they outlined in their March 2nd report,”\u003ca href=\"http://www.ca-naacp.org/images/Forms/NAACP_-Social_Justice_Study_two.pdf\"> which says\u003c/a> social justice advocates should be concerned that the measure would increase costs for consumers and doesn’t do enough to protect small businesses.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campaign finance records show the anti-Prop. 15 campaign made its first payment to Huffman’s firm, of $70,000, on Feb. 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign funded by dialysis companies opposing an initiative that would require their clinics to have a doctor on site hired Huffman to educate African American voters “about the dangers of Prop. 23,” said campaign spokesperson Kathy Fairbanks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 23 is particularly dangerous for communities of color because they suffer from kidney disease and need dialysis at higher rates,” she said in a statement. “Prop. 23 would force the shutdown of many clinics, jeopardizing the life-saving dialysis patients need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman has told reporters in the past that she only takes on political clients whose campaigns are aligned with the California NAACP’s positions. But it’s not clear how the organization arrives at endorsement decisions. Its website doesn’t explain a procedure and hasn’t posted ballot measure endorsements since the\u003ca href=\"http://www.ca-naacp.org/index.php/advocacy\"> 2016 election\u003c/a>. CalMatters contacted its six statewide executive committee members including Huffman; three of them declined interview requests and three did not return messages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fife, the Oakland NAACP officer, said her local chapter doesn’t know how the statewide conference decides what to endorse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not transparent,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839896\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839896\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/092220_CarrollFife_AW_02_1.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carroll Fife, housing advocate and officer for the Oakland chapter of the NAACP, supports Prop 15. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The president of the San Jose chapter of the NAACP said he had been reprimanded by the state conference for recently writing an \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2020/09/15/opinion-prop-15-will-build-a-better-future-for-california/\">op-ed supporting Prop. 15\u003c/a>, the split-roll property tax measure. Rev. Jethroe Moore II said he wrote the piece to express his personal opinion, and was surprised to see his affiliation with the San Jose NAACP included when it was published.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are my personal beliefs,” he said. “Alice is the president of the statewide NAACP and all the branches understand they have to support the positions that they take. I accept my responsibility for stepping out as an individual person in the community to take my stand as an American citizen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s been re-elected president of the state conference several times, according to \u003ca href=\"https://naacp.org/naacp-board-of-directors/alice-a-huffman/\">her bio\u003c/a>. Delegates from local NAACP chapters vote for state officers every other year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.naacp.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/2014_Bylaws_for_Units.pdf\">the group’s bylaws state\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The national office of the NAACP did not respond to several requests for comment. In the past, it has criticized state chapters for advocating for energy policies that benefit their corporate donors at the expense of the safety of Black neighborhoods. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/05/business/energy-environment/naacp-utility-donations.html\">The New York Times cited\u003c/a> Huffman’s signature on a 2018 letter opposing a renewable energy program as part of a trend that led the NAACP national office to publish \u003ca href=\"https://live-naacp-site.pantheonsite.io/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Fossil-Fueled-Foolery-An-Illustrated-Primer-on-the-Top-10-Manipulation-Tactics-of-the-Fossil-Fuel-Industry-FINAL-1.pdf\">a report\u003c/a> on the “Top 10 Manipulation Tactics of the Fossil Fuel Industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Celebrated endorsement\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Racial equity has emerged as a theme in several campaigns on the California ballot this fall, including some that the NAACP has not weighed in on. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-17-parole-vote/\">Prop. 17\u003c/a> would grant voting rights to people who are on parole following a prison sentence. Though it was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-parolees-voting-rights-nunez-aca6/\">a priority for the Legislature’s Black caucus\u003c/a> — because African Americans make up 26% of the parole population but only 6% of California adults — the NAACP has not \u003ca href=\"https://yeson17.vote/endorsements-3/\">publicly endorsed\u003c/a> Prop. 17.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, the NAACP has endorsed the campaign aiming to maintain the cash bail system that some advocates see as unfair to many people of color. The No on Prop. 25 campaign, funded by the bail bonds industry, is asking voters to overturn a law that would end the use of money in determining who goes free while awaiting trial. It has paid Huffman $45,000 so far this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Steve Bradford, vice chair of the Black caucus, said he’s surprised both that the California NAACP is opposed to eliminating cash bail, and that it has not taken a position on whether parolees should have the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would hope that in the next 40 days they would weigh in strongly because the NAACP was founded on securing the right to vote for people of color,” said Bradford, a Los Angeles Democrat who describes himself as a longtime NAACP member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradford said he supports\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-25-cash-bail/\"> Prop. 25\u003c/a> to eliminate cash bail because “it’s created somewhat of a debtors prison where poor folks are in jail, while rich folks can post bail for more serious crimes and be scot-free until their day in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839897\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 780px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11839897\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/010820_Prop13Presser_AW_sized_02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"780\" height=\"524\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/010820_Prop13Presser_AW_sized_02.jpg 780w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/010820_Prop13Presser_AW_sized_02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 780px) 100vw, 780px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alice Huffman, President of the California State Conference of the NAACP, speaks as part of a coalition in support of proposition 13 at the California Capitol on January 8, 2020. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Though ending the use of money bail has been a goal for progressives, the final version of the California law wound up \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2018/08/california-bail-reform-splinters-left/\">splintering the left\u003c/a> because it leaves a lot of discretion to judges. In \u003ca href=\"https://vig.cdn.sos.ca.gov/2020/general/pdf/complete-vig.pdf\">the ballot argument\u003c/a> against Prop. 25, Huffman argues that the risk analysis that would replace bail in determining if someone has to be locked up before trial amounts to “computer profiling [that] has been shown to discriminate against minorities and people from neighborhoods with higher concentrations of immigrants and low-income residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman has also appeared in ads urging voters to support\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-22-gig-workers-ab-5/\"> Prop. 22\u003c/a>, a campaign funded by Uber, Lyft and Doordash that seeks an exemption from state labor law allowing them to treat their drivers as independent contractors instead of employees. She was featured in\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Gmail-Prop-22.pdf\"> an email\u003c/a> Uber sent to its customers titled “Why communities of color support Prop. 22.” And she wrote an op-ed in the Observer, a Black newspaper in Southern California, saying the Legislature failed Black and Brown gig workers by passing the labor law that Prop. 22 seeks to change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the face of such indifference to the economic wellbeing of people of color, the only response is action,” \u003ca href=\"https://ognsc.com/2020/09/08/white-collar-white-professionals-get-ab5-exemptions-why-dont-black-and-brown-app-based-drivers/\">she wrote\u003c/a>. “If the politicians won’t stand up for us, we have to stand up for ourselves by passing Prop. 22.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s public affairs firm has been paid $85,000 so far by the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Alice Huffman is working with the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign to support outreach efforts in communities of color because of the significant impact the loss of app-based rideshare and delivery services will have on Black and Brown Californians,” campaign spokesperson Geoff Vetter said by email.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "“As a Black woman, I know well that the Black community is not a monolith.”",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Huffman spent much of her career with the teachers union, her consulting work now consists largely of helping corporate campaigns that are fighting against organized labor. Unions are against changing the labor law \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/election-2020-guide/proposition-22-gig-workers-ab-5/\">with Prop. 22\u003c/a>, and for raising commercial property taxes with Prop. 15, adding new requirements on dialysis clinics with Prop. 23 and ending cash bail with Prop. 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>April D. Verrett, president of the SEIU Local 2015 union that represents nursing home workers, said she has never been involved with the NAACP and doesn’t expect all Black voters to see issues the same way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a Black woman, I know well that the Black community is not a monolith,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, in her mind, several questions on the ballot — money for schools, overhauling the bail system, repealing the ban on affirmative action and granting voting rights to parolees — should galvanize voters who want to advance racial justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of these inequities disproportionately affect people of color,” Verrett said. “Our country seems to want to have a real conversation about race and inequities. This election in California gives us an opportunity to really begin changing things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ballot measures can be confusing, and deciding how to vote on them is difficult for many voters, said Jessica Levinson, a professor at Loyola Law School of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Endorsements really matter because you can’t look at a living breathing candidate and assess them,” she said. “So voters use helpers to try to figure out (how to vote) — and a lot of voters just look to a couple of people or organizations that they trust and that is how they make their decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s legal for campaigns to pay for endorsements, Levinson said, voters should be told when that’s the case. Otherwise, she said, “it robs voters of a meaningful ability to assess how they’re going to vote, if these endorsements are just paid for.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "As Judge Extends Census Deadline, Bay Area Communities Hustle to Get All Residents Counted",
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"content": "\u003cp>The U.S. Census Bureau completed an intensive \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/library/fact-sheets/2020/dec/2020-census-counts-homeless.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">three-day operation\u003c/a> to count people experiencing homelessness this week, but county leaders and homeless service providers around the Bay Area — not convinced that everyone has been reached — are sending out their own teams looking for folks who’ve been missed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, Robbi Montoya and Annette Moretti, of the Dorothy Day House shelter, visited homeless encampments in freeway underpasses and walked the downtown streets all week, with the census website bookmarked on their computer tablets, and sacks filled with new socks and granola bars to give away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839883\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839883\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A team of U.S. Census Bureau enumerators heads out for an overnight count of people experiencing homelessness, on Telegraph Ave. in Oakland, Calif., on Sep. 23, 2020. \u003ccite>(Reid Cramer/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Beside a tent on Howard Way, Montoya interviewed a man named Michael, and Moretti struck up a conversation with Anthony Welch, 30, a familiar face from the Dorothy Day breakfast program. Welch said he had heard of the census, but hadn’t participated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Had he been homeless back on April 1, the official “census day”? “Yes, I was… am,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Was he living in Berkeley then? Yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spelled his name and gave his date of birth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Okay, and you can — but you don’t have to — give your phone number,” Moretti went on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have a phone number,” Welch said. But yes, he added, he could surely use a pair of clean socks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a few minutes, Montoya and Moretti continued on, toward a pair of men sitting outside the library. A similar effort was underway in Fremont, San Jose, San Francisco and Oakland, among other cities, according to county officials in charge of census outreach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839888\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839888\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-800x611.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"611\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-800x611.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1020x779.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-160x122.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1536x1173.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-2048x1564.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1920x1466.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annette Moretti of Dorothy Day House helps people experiencing homelessness get counted in the 2020 Census in Berkeley on Sep. 24, 2020. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839322/bay-area-advocates-fear-census-homeless-count-will-come-up-short\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">local governments are anxious\u003c/a> to ensure that all their residents are counted, as the 2020 Census will be the basis of political representation and federal funding formulas for the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extra push by community advocates to reach unhoused people, comes as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/09/24/912071784/court-orders-census-counting-to-continue-through-oct-31-appeal-expected\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a federal judge in San Jose ruled\u003c/a> Thursday evening that the census bureau cannot stop its counting operation at the end of September, as planned, but must continue until October 31 — which was the original pandemic-adjusted plan.[aside tag=\"census\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Relying on internal census documents, U.S. District \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/7217559-National-Urban-League-Sept-24-2020-Order.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Judge Lucy Koh found\u003c/a> that shortening the time frame, which the Trump administration did abruptly this summer, was likely to yield fatally flawed data that would not pass Constitutional muster for apportioning Congressional seats among the states and drawing legislative district lines. The federal government is expected to appeal Koh’s ruling to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, the census bureau issued a statement saying it will comply with the court’s order and continue its so-called \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/news-events/press-kits/nonresponse-followup.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Nonresponse Followup\u003c/a> operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our office of general counsel is evaluating the ultimate impact of the order on the 2020 Census,” the press release said. “Field staff have been instructed to continue with current operations until updates can be provided.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That comes as welcome news to one field supervisor working for the census bureau in a North Bay county hard hit by the recent wildfires. The person, who was not authorized to speak to the media and did not want to be identified, said the operation has been a “disaster,” in part because so many homes have burned up, and more time is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not going to get it done by the 30th,” the supervisor said. “But we’re definitely close enough to get it done by October 30. We’re probably two weeks out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11836966/cutting-census-staff-in-wildfire-zones-threatens-accurate-count-workers-warn\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Counting those displaced by the wildfires\u003c/a> is especially tricky, and many of the door to door “enumerators” in the fire zone have been going above and beyond their assigned duties to try to track down phone numbers to locate evacuated families, the supervisor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ditas Katague, director of California Complete Count\"]‘As the legal battle continues, Californians should not wait — the time is now… to ensure you, your family and your community get your fair share of resources and representation for the next 10 years.’[/pullquote] Ditas Katague, director of California Complete Count, the state’s outreach effort — which has invested almost $190 million into promoting census participation, hailed the judge’s ruling, and noted that Californians who haven’t yet been counted can also go online to \u003ca href=\"https://my2020census.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">my2020census.gov\u003c/a> to fill out the census form themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the time being, the ruling by Judge Koh helps alleviate the pressures of the current enumeration timeline to better achieve a complete count,” said Katague. “However, as the legal battle continues, Californians should not wait — the time is now… to ensure you, your family and your community get your fair share of resources and representation for the next 10 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Census Bureau officials emphasized that the \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/response-rates/nrfu.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">count is close to complete\u003c/a>, as 97% of all households nationally — and close to 98% in California — have been enumerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as documents disclosed in the lawsuit show, census officials insist that “in order to achieve an acceptable level of accuracy, 99% of Housing Units in every state must be resolved.” That was achieved in 2010, according to the census bureau, but would be in jeopardy if the count were ended on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley Public Library was shuttered because of the coronavirus pandemic, but a big banner promoting the 2020 Census hung over the door. In the shade, Moretti interviewed a talkative, older man with deep roots in the Bay Area, who agreed to accept her help to fill out the census questionnaire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839884\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839884\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Douglas Allen Freitag (L) tells Annette Moretti of Dorothy Day House about his family roots going back to the 1906 earthquake in San Francisco, as she helps him get counted in the 2020 Census, on Kittredge Street in Berkeley on Sep. 24, 2020. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“My name is Douglas Allen Freitag,” he told her, as she tapped at the screen on her tablet. “Allen with two Ls. My father was born here in Berkeley. His parents met during the earthquake in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sitting nearby, Abraham Santo said he had already been counted. He said he thought more people would participate in the census if they knew what’s at stake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montoya, the program director from Dorothy Day House, agreed. People who lack a home of their own may feel distrust about participating in a government count, she said, but the census is something most would get behind if they understood it was for the long-term benefit of the whole community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If nothing else, the folks on the streets, in encampments, they have a sense of community, because sometimes that’s all they have,” Montoya said. “That’s a key word out here: community.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"headline": "As Judge Extends Census Deadline, Bay Area Communities Hustle to Get All Residents Counted",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The U.S. Census Bureau completed an intensive \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/library/fact-sheets/2020/dec/2020-census-counts-homeless.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">three-day operation\u003c/a> to count people experiencing homelessness this week, but county leaders and homeless service providers around the Bay Area — not convinced that everyone has been reached — are sending out their own teams looking for folks who’ve been missed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, Robbi Montoya and Annette Moretti, of the Dorothy Day House shelter, visited homeless encampments in freeway underpasses and walked the downtown streets all week, with the census website bookmarked on their computer tablets, and sacks filled with new socks and granola bars to give away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839883\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839883\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A team of U.S. Census Bureau enumerators heads out for an overnight count of people experiencing homelessness, on Telegraph Ave. in Oakland, Calif., on Sep. 23, 2020. \u003ccite>(Reid Cramer/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Beside a tent on Howard Way, Montoya interviewed a man named Michael, and Moretti struck up a conversation with Anthony Welch, 30, a familiar face from the Dorothy Day breakfast program. Welch said he had heard of the census, but hadn’t participated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Had he been homeless back on April 1, the official “census day”? “Yes, I was… am,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Was he living in Berkeley then? Yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spelled his name and gave his date of birth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Okay, and you can — but you don’t have to — give your phone number,” Moretti went on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have a phone number,” Welch said. But yes, he added, he could surely use a pair of clean socks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a few minutes, Montoya and Moretti continued on, toward a pair of men sitting outside the library. A similar effort was underway in Fremont, San Jose, San Francisco and Oakland, among other cities, according to county officials in charge of census outreach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839888\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839888\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-800x611.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"611\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-800x611.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1020x779.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-160x122.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1536x1173.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-2048x1564.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1920x1466.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annette Moretti of Dorothy Day House helps people experiencing homelessness get counted in the 2020 Census in Berkeley on Sep. 24, 2020. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839322/bay-area-advocates-fear-census-homeless-count-will-come-up-short\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">local governments are anxious\u003c/a> to ensure that all their residents are counted, as the 2020 Census will be the basis of political representation and federal funding formulas for the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extra push by community advocates to reach unhoused people, comes as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/09/24/912071784/court-orders-census-counting-to-continue-through-oct-31-appeal-expected\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a federal judge in San Jose ruled\u003c/a> Thursday evening that the census bureau cannot stop its counting operation at the end of September, as planned, but must continue until October 31 — which was the original pandemic-adjusted plan.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Relying on internal census documents, U.S. District \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/7217559-National-Urban-League-Sept-24-2020-Order.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Judge Lucy Koh found\u003c/a> that shortening the time frame, which the Trump administration did abruptly this summer, was likely to yield fatally flawed data that would not pass Constitutional muster for apportioning Congressional seats among the states and drawing legislative district lines. The federal government is expected to appeal Koh’s ruling to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, the census bureau issued a statement saying it will comply with the court’s order and continue its so-called \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/news-events/press-kits/nonresponse-followup.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Nonresponse Followup\u003c/a> operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our office of general counsel is evaluating the ultimate impact of the order on the 2020 Census,” the press release said. “Field staff have been instructed to continue with current operations until updates can be provided.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That comes as welcome news to one field supervisor working for the census bureau in a North Bay county hard hit by the recent wildfires. The person, who was not authorized to speak to the media and did not want to be identified, said the operation has been a “disaster,” in part because so many homes have burned up, and more time is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not going to get it done by the 30th,” the supervisor said. “But we’re definitely close enough to get it done by October 30. We’re probably two weeks out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11836966/cutting-census-staff-in-wildfire-zones-threatens-accurate-count-workers-warn\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Counting those displaced by the wildfires\u003c/a> is especially tricky, and many of the door to door “enumerators” in the fire zone have been going above and beyond their assigned duties to try to track down phone numbers to locate evacuated families, the supervisor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘As the legal battle continues, Californians should not wait — the time is now… to ensure you, your family and your community get your fair share of resources and representation for the next 10 years.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Ditas Katague, director of California Complete Count, the state’s outreach effort — which has invested almost $190 million into promoting census participation, hailed the judge’s ruling, and noted that Californians who haven’t yet been counted can also go online to \u003ca href=\"https://my2020census.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">my2020census.gov\u003c/a> to fill out the census form themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the time being, the ruling by Judge Koh helps alleviate the pressures of the current enumeration timeline to better achieve a complete count,” said Katague. “However, as the legal battle continues, Californians should not wait — the time is now… to ensure you, your family and your community get your fair share of resources and representation for the next 10 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Census Bureau officials emphasized that the \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/response-rates/nrfu.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">count is close to complete\u003c/a>, as 97% of all households nationally — and close to 98% in California — have been enumerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as documents disclosed in the lawsuit show, census officials insist that “in order to achieve an acceptable level of accuracy, 99% of Housing Units in every state must be resolved.” That was achieved in 2010, according to the census bureau, but would be in jeopardy if the count were ended on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley Public Library was shuttered because of the coronavirus pandemic, but a big banner promoting the 2020 Census hung over the door. In the shade, Moretti interviewed a talkative, older man with deep roots in the Bay Area, who agreed to accept her help to fill out the census questionnaire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839884\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839884\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Douglas Allen Freitag (L) tells Annette Moretti of Dorothy Day House about his family roots going back to the 1906 earthquake in San Francisco, as she helps him get counted in the 2020 Census, on Kittredge Street in Berkeley on Sep. 24, 2020. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“My name is Douglas Allen Freitag,” he told her, as she tapped at the screen on her tablet. “Allen with two Ls. My father was born here in Berkeley. His parents met during the earthquake in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sitting nearby, Abraham Santo said he had already been counted. He said he thought more people would participate in the census if they knew what’s at stake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montoya, the program director from Dorothy Day House, agreed. People who lack a home of their own may feel distrust about participating in a government count, she said, but the census is something most would get behind if they understood it was for the long-term benefit of the whole community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If nothing else, the folks on the streets, in encampments, they have a sense of community, because sometimes that’s all they have,” Montoya said. “That’s a key word out here: community.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Bay Area Advocates Fear Census Homeless Count Will Come Up Short",
"title": "Bay Area Advocates Fear Census Homeless Count Will Come Up Short",
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"content": "\u003cp>Census workers will fan out Wednesday night across the Bay Area, and in cities around the country, to count people experiencing homelessness — some of the hardest to reach residents in the nation’s once-a-decade population tally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County officials and homeless service providers have been working with the U.S. Census Bureau for more than a year, providing lists of places where unsheltered people can be found. But some are now voicing frustration that the bureau is disregarding their advice and familiarity with the Bay Area’s homeless communities, and worry the count will be incomplete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Nicholas Kuwada, Santa Clara County census outreach manager\"]'When the bureau is sending out people to walk into encampments late at night, it’s going to be incredibly difficult because we’re not allowed to be there. We’re not allowed to leverage our relationships.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the bureau is sending out people to walk into encampments late at night, it’s going to be incredibly difficult because we’re not allowed to be there. We’re not allowed to leverage our relationships,” said Nicholas Kuwada, manager of Santa Clara County’s census outreach office. “It has made it incredibly difficult to plan and to work with the bureau.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But census officials say they’ve counted the homeless before and they know how to get it done. As in the past, the count happens in a \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/conducting-the-count/gq/sbe.html\">three-day blitz\u003c/a> — Sept. 22-24 — and includes visits to emergency shelters and soup kitchens, as well as an overnight count of people living outdoors or in vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The staff of temporary “enumerators” were trained last week on safety and cultural sensitivity, and equipped with masks and hand sanitizer, said Tim Olson, the bureau’s associate director of field operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is my fourth census,” Olson said. “It literally does [all] occur during those three days. We have approximately 40,000 people doing this enumeration [nationwide].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the COVID-19 pandemic \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101876669/as-californians-shelter-in-place-state-retools-census-2020-efforts\">upended most planned census operations\u003c/a>. The homeless count was originally scheduled for late March, but was postponed because most of the country was sheltering in place to prevent the spread of the virus. Even today, six months later, the ongoing pandemic continues to create major obstacles for getting an accurate homeless count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soup kitchens that used to serve sit-down meals in large halls, and where enumerators came to collect information from many people, now offer grab-and-go food. And local officials have been trying to move people out of group shelters and into hotel rooms, dispersing the population and making the count more difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The changes make collaboration with local partners all the more important, said Casey Farmer, Alameda County’s census outreach coordinator. So she’s frustrated that census officials have not shared their plans, ostensibly to protect the privacy of the people they’re counting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel blind that you won’t tell us which encampments you’ll go to,” Farmer said. “Community groups have been asking, pleading, the local census office to set up appointments, so they don’t surprise folks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Olson said the bureau does still schedule its visits to organized shelters and meal providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Farmer and others say encampments are another matter. And they are upset that the bureau is set on going out overnight to knock on tent flaps and the doors of RVs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839335\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44959_063_KQED_Oakland_OBCACensus_09162020-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11839335\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44959_063_KQED_Oakland_OBCACensus_09162020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44959_063_KQED_Oakland_OBCACensus_09162020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44959_063_KQED_Oakland_OBCACensus_09162020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44959_063_KQED_Oakland_OBCACensus_09162020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44959_063_KQED_Oakland_OBCACensus_09162020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44959_063_KQED_Oakland_OBCACensus_09162020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland City Councilwoman Lynette Gibson McElhaney chats with West Oakland resident Albirtis Gaston during a 2020 census outreach walk on Sept. 16, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Candice Elder, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastoaklandcollective.com/\">East Oakland Collective\u003c/a>, which provides food and services to about 500 people a day across 30 Oakland encampments, said she consulted camp leaders early on about the census count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hands down, they said, ‘This is a crazy idea, to come into an encampment during the middle of the night when people are sleeping or doing who knows what, and disturb people,’” said Elder. “No unhoused person was in favor of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elder said she wrote to the local census office and requested scheduled, daytime visits, but was denied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My fear is that people will not get counted and that will lead to really important resources not getting to the unhoused community,” she said. “The census data is what people rely on for the next 10 years. We want to have as accurate a count as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area advocates and county officials also question whether the Census Bureau has enough staff, after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11836966/cutting-census-staff-in-wildfire-zones-threatens-accurate-count-workers-warn\">reports\u003c/a> that it began laying off enumerators in early September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And they say they wish census officials would allow homeless outreach volunteers to accompany the enumerators, to foster trust, as they did for the last census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Candice Elder, East Oakland Collective executive director\"]'My fear is that people will not get counted and that will lead to really important resources not getting to the unhoused community.'[/pullquote]“In 2010, the Census Bureau allowed us to pair up enumerators with cultural facilitators or community partners in an escort system,” said Robert Clinton, San Francisco’s census project manager. “That is not the case this time around. I wrote to the bureau a year ago to ask, and they said absolutely not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Olson said new federal rules now require each person who works with the census to go through a full security background check and be hired as an employee, although he did explain why that change had been made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without being able to assist in that effort, homeless advocates and local governments have been hustling to get the word out in advance to unhoused populations: Census workers with badges are coming to ask you questions. It’s safe to talk to them. And it’s your constitutional right to be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But between the pandemic and the region’s housing crisis, nonprofits are swamped, said Jessie Hewins, a managing attorney at Homebase, a homeless advocacy organization with a state contract to prepare for the homeless count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was always going to be a really hard count,” Hewins said. “It’s hard to count people experiencing homelessness, and it's incredibly hard to count people during a global pandemic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, she is cautiously optimistic, she said, despite the fact that California has more than 150,000 homeless people statewide, about 35,000 of them in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing that’s helping: The state has spent almost $190 million on census outreach, and some local governments are supplementing that. Santa Clara County has devoted $7 million, according to Kuwada. That’s because an undercount could cost the state tens of billions of dollars in federal funding, and one or more congressional seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"2020-census\"]California’s investment in the count — far more than any other state —is yielding benefits, said Olson, the census official.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The result of their effort has really paid off,” he said. “You’ve got some of the highest self-response rates in the nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three-day homeless count comes just a week before the scheduled end of the census counting operation for the entire U.S. population and in the midst of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/09/20/914692254/census-could-look-manipulated-if-cut-short-by-trump-officials-bureau-warned\">a legal and political battle\u003c/a> over whether the Trump administration can end the census early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Jose is due to rule shortly on whether to allow the census count to end Sept. 30 or require it to continue through Oct. 31, which was the original pandemic-adjusted plan. That ruling, however, is unlikely to have any bearing on the homeless count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.doc.gov/OIGPublications/OIG-20-050-M.pdf\">report\u003c/a> released Friday by the Office of Inspector General in the Department of Commerce, which oversees the Census Bureau, found that accelerating the schedule threatens the accuracy of the count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Wednesday, more than \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/response-rates/nrfu.html\">95% of American households\u003c/a> had been counted, and even more in California, Olson noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to have to continue working very hard to get to ‘done,’” he said. “The last 5% are the hardest … finding addresses, finding people willing to cooperate. We’re in the final stage and maybe the most challenging stage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeless advocates and county officials said they are not just depending on census enumerators to complete the job. This year is the first time the census questionnaire can be filled out online, at \u003ca href=\"https://my2020census.gov/\">my2020census.gov\u003c/a>. Officials in Alameda, San Francisco and Santa Clara counties all said they planned to send out crews with computer tablets and alcohol wipes, to follow up and invite homeless people to respond for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll mobilize a small strike team familiar with these communities, to comb through and see if they've missed anyone,” said Kuwada. “It only takes 10 minutes [to fill out], but there is no next year. It’s now or never.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "As census workers fan out Wednesday night across the Bay Area to count people experiencing homelessness, some local officials and homeless advocates fear an undercount, saying their guidance has been largely overlooked this year.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Census workers will fan out Wednesday night across the Bay Area, and in cities around the country, to count people experiencing homelessness — some of the hardest to reach residents in the nation’s once-a-decade population tally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County officials and homeless service providers have been working with the U.S. Census Bureau for more than a year, providing lists of places where unsheltered people can be found. But some are now voicing frustration that the bureau is disregarding their advice and familiarity with the Bay Area’s homeless communities, and worry the count will be incomplete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'When the bureau is sending out people to walk into encampments late at night, it’s going to be incredibly difficult because we’re not allowed to be there. We’re not allowed to leverage our relationships.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the bureau is sending out people to walk into encampments late at night, it’s going to be incredibly difficult because we’re not allowed to be there. We’re not allowed to leverage our relationships,” said Nicholas Kuwada, manager of Santa Clara County’s census outreach office. “It has made it incredibly difficult to plan and to work with the bureau.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But census officials say they’ve counted the homeless before and they know how to get it done. As in the past, the count happens in a \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/conducting-the-count/gq/sbe.html\">three-day blitz\u003c/a> — Sept. 22-24 — and includes visits to emergency shelters and soup kitchens, as well as an overnight count of people living outdoors or in vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The staff of temporary “enumerators” were trained last week on safety and cultural sensitivity, and equipped with masks and hand sanitizer, said Tim Olson, the bureau’s associate director of field operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is my fourth census,” Olson said. “It literally does [all] occur during those three days. We have approximately 40,000 people doing this enumeration [nationwide].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the COVID-19 pandemic \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101876669/as-californians-shelter-in-place-state-retools-census-2020-efforts\">upended most planned census operations\u003c/a>. The homeless count was originally scheduled for late March, but was postponed because most of the country was sheltering in place to prevent the spread of the virus. Even today, six months later, the ongoing pandemic continues to create major obstacles for getting an accurate homeless count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soup kitchens that used to serve sit-down meals in large halls, and where enumerators came to collect information from many people, now offer grab-and-go food. And local officials have been trying to move people out of group shelters and into hotel rooms, dispersing the population and making the count more difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The changes make collaboration with local partners all the more important, said Casey Farmer, Alameda County’s census outreach coordinator. So she’s frustrated that census officials have not shared their plans, ostensibly to protect the privacy of the people they’re counting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel blind that you won’t tell us which encampments you’ll go to,” Farmer said. “Community groups have been asking, pleading, the local census office to set up appointments, so they don’t surprise folks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Olson said the bureau does still schedule its visits to organized shelters and meal providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Farmer and others say encampments are another matter. And they are upset that the bureau is set on going out overnight to knock on tent flaps and the doors of RVs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839335\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44959_063_KQED_Oakland_OBCACensus_09162020-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11839335\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44959_063_KQED_Oakland_OBCACensus_09162020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44959_063_KQED_Oakland_OBCACensus_09162020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44959_063_KQED_Oakland_OBCACensus_09162020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44959_063_KQED_Oakland_OBCACensus_09162020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44959_063_KQED_Oakland_OBCACensus_09162020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44959_063_KQED_Oakland_OBCACensus_09162020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland City Councilwoman Lynette Gibson McElhaney chats with West Oakland resident Albirtis Gaston during a 2020 census outreach walk on Sept. 16, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Candice Elder, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastoaklandcollective.com/\">East Oakland Collective\u003c/a>, which provides food and services to about 500 people a day across 30 Oakland encampments, said she consulted camp leaders early on about the census count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hands down, they said, ‘This is a crazy idea, to come into an encampment during the middle of the night when people are sleeping or doing who knows what, and disturb people,’” said Elder. “No unhoused person was in favor of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elder said she wrote to the local census office and requested scheduled, daytime visits, but was denied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My fear is that people will not get counted and that will lead to really important resources not getting to the unhoused community,” she said. “The census data is what people rely on for the next 10 years. We want to have as accurate a count as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area advocates and county officials also question whether the Census Bureau has enough staff, after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11836966/cutting-census-staff-in-wildfire-zones-threatens-accurate-count-workers-warn\">reports\u003c/a> that it began laying off enumerators in early September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And they say they wish census officials would allow homeless outreach volunteers to accompany the enumerators, to foster trust, as they did for the last census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“In 2010, the Census Bureau allowed us to pair up enumerators with cultural facilitators or community partners in an escort system,” said Robert Clinton, San Francisco’s census project manager. “That is not the case this time around. I wrote to the bureau a year ago to ask, and they said absolutely not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Olson said new federal rules now require each person who works with the census to go through a full security background check and be hired as an employee, although he did explain why that change had been made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without being able to assist in that effort, homeless advocates and local governments have been hustling to get the word out in advance to unhoused populations: Census workers with badges are coming to ask you questions. It’s safe to talk to them. And it’s your constitutional right to be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But between the pandemic and the region’s housing crisis, nonprofits are swamped, said Jessie Hewins, a managing attorney at Homebase, a homeless advocacy organization with a state contract to prepare for the homeless count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was always going to be a really hard count,” Hewins said. “It’s hard to count people experiencing homelessness, and it's incredibly hard to count people during a global pandemic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, she is cautiously optimistic, she said, despite the fact that California has more than 150,000 homeless people statewide, about 35,000 of them in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing that’s helping: The state has spent almost $190 million on census outreach, and some local governments are supplementing that. Santa Clara County has devoted $7 million, according to Kuwada. That’s because an undercount could cost the state tens of billions of dollars in federal funding, and one or more congressional seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>California’s investment in the count — far more than any other state —is yielding benefits, said Olson, the census official.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The result of their effort has really paid off,” he said. “You’ve got some of the highest self-response rates in the nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three-day homeless count comes just a week before the scheduled end of the census counting operation for the entire U.S. population and in the midst of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/09/20/914692254/census-could-look-manipulated-if-cut-short-by-trump-officials-bureau-warned\">a legal and political battle\u003c/a> over whether the Trump administration can end the census early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Jose is due to rule shortly on whether to allow the census count to end Sept. 30 or require it to continue through Oct. 31, which was the original pandemic-adjusted plan. That ruling, however, is unlikely to have any bearing on the homeless count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.doc.gov/OIGPublications/OIG-20-050-M.pdf\">report\u003c/a> released Friday by the Office of Inspector General in the Department of Commerce, which oversees the Census Bureau, found that accelerating the schedule threatens the accuracy of the count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Wednesday, more than \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/response-rates/nrfu.html\">95% of American households\u003c/a> had been counted, and even more in California, Olson noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to have to continue working very hard to get to ‘done,’” he said. “The last 5% are the hardest … finding addresses, finding people willing to cooperate. We’re in the final stage and maybe the most challenging stage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeless advocates and county officials said they are not just depending on census enumerators to complete the job. This year is the first time the census questionnaire can be filled out online, at \u003ca href=\"https://my2020census.gov/\">my2020census.gov\u003c/a>. Officials in Alameda, San Francisco and Santa Clara counties all said they planned to send out crews with computer tablets and alcohol wipes, to follow up and invite homeless people to respond for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll mobilize a small strike team familiar with these communities, to comb through and see if they've missed anyone,” said Kuwada. “It only takes 10 minutes [to fill out], but there is no next year. It’s now or never.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "heres-how-california-is-turning-hotels-into-housing-for-formerly-homeless-people",
"title": "Here's How California Is Turning Hotels Into Housing for Formerly Homeless People",
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"content": "\u003cp>A motel, a mountain lodge and a village of tiny homes are just some of the buildings that will soon become permanent homes to hundreds of formerly homeless people across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The projects are among 10 sites the state selected on Sept. 16 for its first round of funding, totaling $79.5 million. Officials in two of the counties receiving funds say the projects will functionally end homelessness in their jurisdictions. In another, it will be the county’s first homeless shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the housing is part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/cdss-programs/housing-programs/project-roomkey\">Project Homekey\u003c/a>, which draws from $600 million in mostly federal CARES Act funds to help California cities and counties convert hotels, motels, apartments and other buildings into permanent housing for formerly homeless people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s new podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America\u003c/a> explains how this program, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, can be like giving someone a prescription for better health. Listen to the first episode, “Hotel Corona,” to hear how.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch5 id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC9791597532&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/h5>\n\u003cp>Read a \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3iRVEIG\">transcript\u003c/a> of the episode.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Project Homekey is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825653/california-found-hotels-for-10000-homeless-residents-what-next\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">second phase\u003c/a> in California’s effort to house homeless people since the start of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first phase, known as Project Roomkey, is an ongoing effort to temporarily house homeless people who are particularly vulnerable to COVID-19. Since it began, over 22,000 people, or roughly 15% of the state’s more than \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/resources/documents/2019-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">151,000 homeless residents, \u003c/a>have stayed in hotel rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s how it has all happened:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>March 25:\u003c/strong> Alameda County officials open a hotel for homeless people in Oakland to safely shelter during the pandemic, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11810570/alameda-county-mobilizes-to-get-at-risk-homeless-residents-into-hotels\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the first\u003c/a> site in what will soon become an official, statewide program.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>April 3:\u003c/strong> Two weeks after California Gov. Gavin Newsom issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/03/19/governor-gavin-newsom-issues-stay-at-home-order/\">stay-at-home orders\u003c/a> to slow the spread of the coronavirus, he formally announces \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/04/03/at-newly-converted-motel-governor-newsom-launches-project-roomkey-a-first-in-the-nation-initiative-to-secure-hotel-motel-rooms-to-protect-homeless-individuals-from-covid-19/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Project Roomkey. \u003c/a>The program sets a goal of securing 15,000 hotel rooms statewide for people experiencing homelessness. \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/views/COVID-19HomelessImpactDashboard/HomelessImpact?:embed=y&:showVizHome=no\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">As of Sept. 16\u003c/a>, cities and counties across the state had leased more than 16,500 rooms, of which, a little over 11,600 were occupied.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>April 10:\u003c/strong> San Francisco Mayor London Breed announces that more than 70 people at the Multi-Service Center South, the city’s largest homeless shelter, have \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2020/04/outbreak-at-sfs-largest-homeless-shelter-as-70-test-positive-for-covid-19/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tested positive for COVID-19\u003c/a>. The number soon grows to more than 100 residents and staff, prompting the city to transition more people from homeless shelters into hotel rooms. Advocacy organizations begin calling on the state to get more people into hotel rooms. Several groups eventually launch the \u003ca href=\"https://novacancyca.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">No Vacancy California\u003c/a> campaign to demand the state expand the program to the more than 151,000 homeless residents living here.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>July 16:\u003c/strong> Project Roomkey becomes \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/07/16/governor-newsom-announces-600-million-in-homekey-funds-now-immediately-available-for-local-governments-to-purchase-housing-for-homeless-californians/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Project Homekey\u003c/a>, a $600 million program that uses funding from the CARES Act for cities and counties to convert hotels into permanent affordable housing for formerly homeless people.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Sept. 16:\u003c/strong> The state awards the first \u003ca href=\"https://www.bcsh.ca.gov/homekey/first_awards_fact_sheet.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$79.5 million for 10 sites\u003c/a> in seven cities and counties, including Lake Elsinore, South Lake Tahoe, El Centro, Contra Costa County, San Jose, Kern County and Mendocino County.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>For more in-depth reporting on the housing crisis, check out our new podcast, SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America. Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/sold-out-rethinking-housing-in-america/id1531354937?itsct=podcast_box&itscg=30200\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/38dTBSk2ISFoPiyYNoKn1X\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/911586047/s-o-l-d-o-u-t-rethinking-housing-in-america#:~:text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20%3A%20NPR&text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20A%20podcast%20that%20examines,solutions%20to%20high%20housing%20costs.\">NPR One\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://tun.in/pj2qf\">TuneIn\u003c/a> or on your favorite podcast listening app.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "When the pandemic hit, California did something it's never done before: provide shelter to thousands of homeless people, fast. And now, some of those temporary homes are becoming permanent. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A motel, a mountain lodge and a village of tiny homes are just some of the buildings that will soon become permanent homes to hundreds of formerly homeless people across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The projects are among 10 sites the state selected on Sept. 16 for its first round of funding, totaling $79.5 million. Officials in two of the counties receiving funds say the projects will functionally end homelessness in their jurisdictions. In another, it will be the county’s first homeless shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the housing is part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/cdss-programs/housing-programs/project-roomkey\">Project Homekey\u003c/a>, which draws from $600 million in mostly federal CARES Act funds to help California cities and counties convert hotels, motels, apartments and other buildings into permanent housing for formerly homeless people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s new podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America\u003c/a> explains how this program, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, can be like giving someone a prescription for better health. Listen to the first episode, “Hotel Corona,” to hear how.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch5 id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC9791597532&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/h5>\n\u003cp>Read a \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3iRVEIG\">transcript\u003c/a> of the episode.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Project Homekey is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825653/california-found-hotels-for-10000-homeless-residents-what-next\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">second phase\u003c/a> in California’s effort to house homeless people since the start of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first phase, known as Project Roomkey, is an ongoing effort to temporarily house homeless people who are particularly vulnerable to COVID-19. Since it began, over 22,000 people, or roughly 15% of the state’s more than \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/resources/documents/2019-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">151,000 homeless residents, \u003c/a>have stayed in hotel rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s how it has all happened:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>March 25:\u003c/strong> Alameda County officials open a hotel for homeless people in Oakland to safely shelter during the pandemic, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11810570/alameda-county-mobilizes-to-get-at-risk-homeless-residents-into-hotels\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the first\u003c/a> site in what will soon become an official, statewide program.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>April 3:\u003c/strong> Two weeks after California Gov. Gavin Newsom issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/03/19/governor-gavin-newsom-issues-stay-at-home-order/\">stay-at-home orders\u003c/a> to slow the spread of the coronavirus, he formally announces \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/04/03/at-newly-converted-motel-governor-newsom-launches-project-roomkey-a-first-in-the-nation-initiative-to-secure-hotel-motel-rooms-to-protect-homeless-individuals-from-covid-19/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Project Roomkey. \u003c/a>The program sets a goal of securing 15,000 hotel rooms statewide for people experiencing homelessness. \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/views/COVID-19HomelessImpactDashboard/HomelessImpact?:embed=y&:showVizHome=no\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">As of Sept. 16\u003c/a>, cities and counties across the state had leased more than 16,500 rooms, of which, a little over 11,600 were occupied.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>April 10:\u003c/strong> San Francisco Mayor London Breed announces that more than 70 people at the Multi-Service Center South, the city’s largest homeless shelter, have \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2020/04/outbreak-at-sfs-largest-homeless-shelter-as-70-test-positive-for-covid-19/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tested positive for COVID-19\u003c/a>. The number soon grows to more than 100 residents and staff, prompting the city to transition more people from homeless shelters into hotel rooms. Advocacy organizations begin calling on the state to get more people into hotel rooms. Several groups eventually launch the \u003ca href=\"https://novacancyca.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">No Vacancy California\u003c/a> campaign to demand the state expand the program to the more than 151,000 homeless residents living here.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>July 16:\u003c/strong> Project Roomkey becomes \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/07/16/governor-newsom-announces-600-million-in-homekey-funds-now-immediately-available-for-local-governments-to-purchase-housing-for-homeless-californians/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Project Homekey\u003c/a>, a $600 million program that uses funding from the CARES Act for cities and counties to convert hotels into permanent affordable housing for formerly homeless people.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Sept. 16:\u003c/strong> The state awards the first \u003ca href=\"https://www.bcsh.ca.gov/homekey/first_awards_fact_sheet.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$79.5 million for 10 sites\u003c/a> in seven cities and counties, including Lake Elsinore, South Lake Tahoe, El Centro, Contra Costa County, San Jose, Kern County and Mendocino County.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>For more in-depth reporting on the housing crisis, check out our new podcast, SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America. Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/sold-out-rethinking-housing-in-america/id1531354937?itsct=podcast_box&itscg=30200\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/38dTBSk2ISFoPiyYNoKn1X\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/911586047/s-o-l-d-o-u-t-rethinking-housing-in-america#:~:text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20%3A%20NPR&text=SOLD%20OUT%3A%20Rethinking%20Housing%20in%20America%20A%20podcast%20that%20examines,solutions%20to%20high%20housing%20costs.\">NPR One\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://tun.in/pj2qf\">TuneIn\u003c/a> or on your favorite podcast listening app.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "New KQED Podcast 'SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America' examines housing affordability by zeroing in on the epicenter of the crisis — California. Digs Into Runaway Housing Costs",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Trump has made protecting the suburbs from low-income housing part of his reelection campaign. But this idea — that middle-class families should be kept separate from the poor and working class — has been around for a century, and it’s had profound impacts on our housing supply, affordability and racial inequity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a topic we’ll unpack in KQED’s upcoming podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have been reporting on how California’s housing crisis has been exacerbated by the coronavirus pandemic. We’ve talked to unemployed workers worried about eviction, covered rent strikes and tracked the state’s plan to house people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coronavirus has exposed just how precarious and inequitable America’s housing system has been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/americas-rental-housing-2020\">Nearly 11 million U.S. renters\u003c/a>, or one in four, spent more than half their incomes on housing in 2018; that was when the economy was considered healthy. In California, it’s one in three. As a nation, we are not building enough. That’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.freddiemac.com/research/insight/20181205_major_challenge_to_u.s._housing_supply.page?\">according to Freddie Mac\u003c/a>, which estimates we need 370,000 more units each year to keep up with demand. The mortgage corporation also says \u003ca href=\"http://www.freddiemac.com/research/insight/20200227-the-housing-supply-shortage.page\">29 states have a housing deficit\u003c/a>. And California is the epicenter of this housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If America really cared about a solution, they would do things like give people adequate housing and get everyone a job,” said Akil Riley, an Oakland native and Howard University student, at a protest he helped organize after the Minneapolis police killing of George Floyd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11825877\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11825877\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators marched on Broadway in Oakland on May 29, 2020 during a protest over the Minneapolis police killing of George Floyd. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>2020 is proving to be an inflection point, and how we respond may determine whether California’s housing crisis can be turned around. So, we’re posing a challenge in this podcast to physicians, homebuilders, community organizers and activists, hotel owners and attorneys to ask what we can do now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People resist change,” said Rick Holliday, CEO and co-founder of Factory OS, a company that builds modular housing. “And I think we finally hit a point where the cost was so high, we have to change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Rick Holliday, CEO and co-founder of Factory OS']‘People resist change … And I think we finally hit a point where the cost was so high, we have to change.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the episodes in the SOLD OUT podcast digs into the origins of single-family neighborhoods, which helped create our suburbs. The episode looks at how communities have used local development rules to keep out low-income residents and people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the Supreme Court outlawed city rules that enforced racial segregation by prohibiting Black people from buying homes in white neighborhoods, cities simply adopted a new tool with a new name: zoning. Instead of discriminating based on race, cities passed zoning laws that discriminated based on class and architecture. The zones, or districts, limited the types of buildings that were allowed, such as single-family homes or factories, apartments or offices, shops or warehouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it all started right here in the Bay Area. Berkeley was one of the first cities to use what is now known as single-family zoning, which bars anything other than single-family homes from being built in certain neighborhoods. These homes were too expensive (and still are) for most poor people and people of color, thereby keeping the rich and white neighborhoods rich and white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11771928\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11771928\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/BerkHillsView1912_s-700x587.jpg\" alt=\"A view of the Berkeley Hills in 1912.\" width=\"700\" height=\"587\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/BerkHillsView1912_s-700x587.jpg 700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/BerkHillsView1912_s-700x587-160x134.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 700px) 100vw, 700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the Berkeley Hills in 1912. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Friends of the Fountain and Walk)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The land closest to where industrial activity was already taking place was the land that was going to be relegated for the denser zoning, with the expectation that white people would live in the single-family neighborhoods,” said Dorothy Walker, a 90-year-old Berkeley resident, who served for many years on the city’s Planning Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While single-family zoning institutionalized racial segregation in housing, redlining bolstered it by denying Black, Indigenous and other people of color the ability to get a mortgage, buy a home and grow generational wealth. Later, predatory lending and the foreclosure crisis compounded the problem, leading to a growing wealth gap between white families and Black or Latino ones. Today, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101878641/coronavirus-disproportinately-hits-latinos-in-california\">coronavirus tightens its grip on Black, Native and Latino people\u003c/a> in the U.S. And now, a presidential election in November has the country talking about housing segregation and what our neighborhoods say about us as a nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Join us on Sept. 21 when we release the first episode of SOLD OUT. Explore the ideas and meet the people who are trying to do something, because we just can’t wait anymore. Subscribe to SOLD OUT now on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/sold-out-rethinking-housing-in-america/id1531354937\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/38dTBSk2ISFoPiyYNoKn1X\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/911586047/s-o-l-d-o-u-t-a-new-future-for-housing\">NPR One\u003c/a> or on your favorite podcast listening app.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Trump has made protecting the suburbs from low-income housing part of his reelection campaign. But this idea — that middle-class families should be kept separate from the poor and working class — has been around for a century, and it’s had profound impacts on our housing supply, affordability and racial inequity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a topic we’ll unpack in KQED’s upcoming podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have been reporting on how California’s housing crisis has been exacerbated by the coronavirus pandemic. We’ve talked to unemployed workers worried about eviction, covered rent strikes and tracked the state’s plan to house people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coronavirus has exposed just how precarious and inequitable America’s housing system has been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/americas-rental-housing-2020\">Nearly 11 million U.S. renters\u003c/a>, or one in four, spent more than half their incomes on housing in 2018; that was when the economy was considered healthy. In California, it’s one in three. As a nation, we are not building enough. That’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.freddiemac.com/research/insight/20181205_major_challenge_to_u.s._housing_supply.page?\">according to Freddie Mac\u003c/a>, which estimates we need 370,000 more units each year to keep up with demand. The mortgage corporation also says \u003ca href=\"http://www.freddiemac.com/research/insight/20200227-the-housing-supply-shortage.page\">29 states have a housing deficit\u003c/a>. And California is the epicenter of this housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If America really cared about a solution, they would do things like give people adequate housing and get everyone a job,” said Akil Riley, an Oakland native and Howard University student, at a protest he helped organize after the Minneapolis police killing of George Floyd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11825877\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11825877\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators marched on Broadway in Oakland on May 29, 2020 during a protest over the Minneapolis police killing of George Floyd. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>2020 is proving to be an inflection point, and how we respond may determine whether California’s housing crisis can be turned around. So, we’re posing a challenge in this podcast to physicians, homebuilders, community organizers and activists, hotel owners and attorneys to ask what we can do now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People resist change,” said Rick Holliday, CEO and co-founder of Factory OS, a company that builds modular housing. “And I think we finally hit a point where the cost was so high, we have to change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the episodes in the SOLD OUT podcast digs into the origins of single-family neighborhoods, which helped create our suburbs. The episode looks at how communities have used local development rules to keep out low-income residents and people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the Supreme Court outlawed city rules that enforced racial segregation by prohibiting Black people from buying homes in white neighborhoods, cities simply adopted a new tool with a new name: zoning. Instead of discriminating based on race, cities passed zoning laws that discriminated based on class and architecture. The zones, or districts, limited the types of buildings that were allowed, such as single-family homes or factories, apartments or offices, shops or warehouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it all started right here in the Bay Area. Berkeley was one of the first cities to use what is now known as single-family zoning, which bars anything other than single-family homes from being built in certain neighborhoods. These homes were too expensive (and still are) for most poor people and people of color, thereby keeping the rich and white neighborhoods rich and white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11771928\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11771928\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/BerkHillsView1912_s-700x587.jpg\" alt=\"A view of the Berkeley Hills in 1912.\" width=\"700\" height=\"587\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/BerkHillsView1912_s-700x587.jpg 700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/BerkHillsView1912_s-700x587-160x134.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 700px) 100vw, 700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the Berkeley Hills in 1912. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Friends of the Fountain and Walk)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The land closest to where industrial activity was already taking place was the land that was going to be relegated for the denser zoning, with the expectation that white people would live in the single-family neighborhoods,” said Dorothy Walker, a 90-year-old Berkeley resident, who served for many years on the city’s Planning Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While single-family zoning institutionalized racial segregation in housing, redlining bolstered it by denying Black, Indigenous and other people of color the ability to get a mortgage, buy a home and grow generational wealth. Later, predatory lending and the foreclosure crisis compounded the problem, leading to a growing wealth gap between white families and Black or Latino ones. Today, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101878641/coronavirus-disproportinately-hits-latinos-in-california\">coronavirus tightens its grip on Black, Native and Latino people\u003c/a> in the U.S. And now, a presidential election in November has the country talking about housing segregation and what our neighborhoods say about us as a nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Join us on Sept. 21 when we release the first episode of SOLD OUT. Explore the ideas and meet the people who are trying to do something, because we just can’t wait anymore. Subscribe to SOLD OUT now on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/sold-out-rethinking-housing-in-america/id1531354937\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/38dTBSk2ISFoPiyYNoKn1X\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/911586047/s-o-l-d-o-u-t-a-new-future-for-housing\">NPR One\u003c/a> or on your favorite podcast listening app.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
"title": "Science Friday",
"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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"snap-judgment": {
"id": "snap-judgment",
"title": "Snap Judgment",
"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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},
"soldout": {
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