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"content": "\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2018/gaps-in-california-law-requiring-schools-to-test-for-lead-could-leave-children-at-risk/602756\">2017 state law\u003c/a> led schools across California to have their faucets tested for lead in a program to reduce lead in school drinking water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new bill that proposes to remove lead from schools and state buildings, awaiting Gov. Gavin Newsom’s signature, now faces opposition from school groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public employee unions and organizations representing school districts, school boards and school business officers are pitted against each other on legislation spelling out how to protect students and school adults from lead in water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom must pick a side: \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1184\">Senate Bill 1144\u003c/a> easily passed through the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authored by Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, on behalf of the California State Pipe Trades Council, the bill would require school districts to write a water efficiency and quality report determining lead levels in every building and replace or install filters on every fixture with high levels of lead. Districts could have to replace lead pipes in buildings — if the state dedicates funding to do so.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Dr. Jennifer Lowry, chair, American Academy of Pediatrics' Council on Environmental Health\"]‘We know there is no safe lead level. Schools ought to work to remove that source of lead for these kids.’[/pullquote]Lead is a highly toxic metal that can harm the health and cognitive development of children when ingested or inhaled, even at extremely low levels. An \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/topic/tainted-taps-lead-puts-california-students-at-risk\">EdSource series\u003c/a> four years ago revealed the significant risk for lead exposure in many schools that tested for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By default, the bill would adopt the current, outdated standard for unsafe concentration of lead in water. Set more than a decade ago by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, it is 15 parts per billion. \u003ca href=\"https://www.atsdr.cdc.gov/csem/leadtoxicity/safety_standards.html\">The federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a> and many advocates for children’s health say anything over 5 parts per billion is hazardous for children’s health. \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/epa-details-push-to-tighten-rules-for-lead-in-drinking-water\">President Joe Biden’s EPA administrator has said he favors lowering the threshold\u003c/a>, and it could happen by 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The level of lead contamination to require action was not brought up in the negotiations on SB 1144, and children’s health groups were not involved, according to those familiar with the discussions. The author and sponsor of the bill did agree to push back the deadline for compliance, phasing it in over four years, starting in 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that and other changes narrowing the bill’s scope didn’t placate the opposition, whose Aug. 16 letter said the bill would create an expensive unfunded mandate potentially costing hundreds of millions of dollars and a costly, complicated new program that “failed to identify a persistent problem in schools” it would solve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter doesn’t say so, but several coalition members said the pipe fitters union had a self-interest in backing the bill. Troy Flint, vice president of communications for the school boards association, said the focus of the bill is to create “revenue and employment opportunities for trade unions that will do the work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those signing the opposition letter were the Association of California School Administrators, California Association of School Business Officials, California School Boards Association, Los Angeles Unified and the Riverside County Office of Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the bill include the California Federation of Teachers, the California Teachers Association, the California Water Association and the State Building and Construction Trades Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11926043\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 725px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11926043\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/GettyImages-173563196.jpg\" alt=\"A small Asian boy with a red shirt drinks from a water fountain.\" width=\"725\" height=\"482\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/GettyImages-173563196.jpg 725w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/GettyImages-173563196-160x106.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 725px) 100vw, 725px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An EdSource analysis of test results for 3,700 schools that had tested for lead as of the summer of 2018 found that 4% — 150 schools — recorded a lead level over 15 parts per billion. The American Academy of Physicians says that any amount of lead is dangerous for children, and that the limit should be no more than 1 ppb. \u003ccite>(Marilyn Nieves/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To an extent, the bill would pick up where a 2017 state law, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB746\">Assembly Bill 746\u003c/a>, left off. That legislation required local water companies to test lead levels in every school. In cases where levels exceeded 15 parts per billion, districts had to close off fixtures, take mitigation efforts like regular flushing of faucets or replace them. The deadline was July 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, unlike a few states that require periodic testing, that was only a one-time requirement, and some districts were exempted. In large schools, where only spot-testing was required, some lead-laden outlets may have been missed. In violation of the law, some districts failed to notify parents that their schools had unsafe lead levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2018/gaps-in-california-law-requiring-schools-to-test-for-lead-could-leave-children-at-risk/602756\">An EdSource analysis of test results for 3,700 schools\u003c/a> that had tested for lead as of the summer of 2018 found that 4% — 150 schools — recorded a lead level over 15 parts per billion. But at least one outlet in 897 schools tested between 5 and 15 ppb, requiring no action. That’s significant because scientists and physicians have criticized the federal 15 ppb standard as too high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The maximum allowable concentration of lead in commercially sold bottled water is 5 ppb. The American Academy of Physicians, saying that any amount of lead is dangerous for children, says the limit should be no more than 1 ppb. The 5 ppb standard was brought up in negotiations over AB 746, but the Brown administration raised concerns about higher costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>State and districts can choose a lower standard\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>States have the ability to lower the safe level standard, and districts can act on their own. Oakland, Long Beach and Los Angeles are among districts that have adopted the 5 ppb as the target for fixing and replacing outlets in their schools. Berkeley Unified adopted a 1 ppb limit in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know there is no safe lead level. Schools ought to work to remove that source of lead for these kids,” Dr. Jennifer Lowry, chair of the American Academy of Pediatrics’ Council on Environmental Health, told EdSource in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children Now, which advocates for children on issues of health and education, didn’t take a position on SB 1144 but does support “regulation and guidelines backed by the scientific community and pediatricians, who know that no amount of lead exposure is safe for growing kids,” said Vince Stewart, the organization’s vice president for policy and programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether the gauge is 5 parts or 15 ppb, there is no reliable estimate of how much work is needed to reach safe levels in districts and charter schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislature appropriated about $17 million to help qualifying districts with testing and fixture replacement in 2018 and 2019. But that was clearly not enough. In placing a $13 billion school construction bond on the March 2020 ballot, legislative leaders and Newsom designated $150 million to test and fix water fountains and fixtures with high lead levels, to be distributed to the lowest-income districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Districts requiring more extensive removal efforts, such as replacing a contaminated water line, could seek supplemental funding of up to 10% of the value of a school renovation project, with the state paying 60% of the cost. Ian Padilla, who represents the Coalition for Adequate School Housing, which lobbies for facilities funding, said the group had sought $500 million for lead abatement in the bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Interest wanes with bond’s defeat\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But in March 2020, voters \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2020/all-but-final-california-voters-reject-15-billion-state-school-bond/625328\">defeated the bond\u003c/a>, which unfortunately for advocates had the bad luck of being designated Proposition 13 on the ballot. Padilla said with Covid, primarily an airborne contagion, soon consuming attention, the priority for facilities spending shifted from lead in water to HVAC systems and air filters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom proposed committing $1.8 billion in deferred school building maintenance in the 2022-23 budget, but it was cut in final negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current bill includes no funding for testing and the work it could require, although \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/epa-details-push-to-tighten-rules-for-lead-in-drinking-water\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">about $15 billion of Biden’s $350 billion infrastructure funding\u003c/a>, passed in December, is dedicated to lead pipe removal in homes and schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a letter supporting SB 1144, Tiffany Mok, legislative representative for the California Federation of Teachers, said schools in California are “especially afflicted” by poor water quality. It “is amounting to a public health crisis, and we cannot sit back while our children consume unsafe water,” she wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School organizations, however, said they object to the pipe fitter union’s approach to fixing the lead problem. The union didn’t consult with them in drafting the bill and ignored a model that had worked. Under the previous law, the burden of testing was put on water agencies. That took advantage of those agencies’ expertise in identifying potential problems and provided oversight separate from schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Overall, I saw the bill as a huge success, but more work is necessary,” said Eric Bakke, a former legislative advocate for the California School Boards Association, who was involved in both the drafting of the previous law and the defeated Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the current bill, if lead is found at higher levels at the faucet than coming into a school, districts could be required to search for and remove lead pipes. This could require costly construction work overseen by undefined qualified personnel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill says that invasive techniques would not be required. But in a letter urging Newsom to veto the bill, Los Angeles Unified Superintendent Alberto Carvalho wrote his district is unaware of how this can be done without tearing down walls and sampling the pipe, potentially releasing asbestos and harmful chemicals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The author of the 2017 law requiring water providers to test water in schools was Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzales, D-San Diego. In January, she resigned from the Assembly to become the top executive at the California Labor Federation, the organization representing organized labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was not involved with this bill,” she wrote in an email this week. “I support all bills that have the support of our affiliated unions within their jurisdiction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lobbyist for the California State Pipe Trades Council did not respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would also apply to all state buildings. It includes long sections requiring testing and mitigation for the water-borne bacteria causing Legionnaire’s disease, of which there have been no known outbreaks reported in schools. The scaled-back final version would apply only to buildings of at least 10 stories with water towers — all but excluding schools but not some state buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has until the end of September to decide to sign, veto or let SB 1144 become law without his signature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/california-school-organizations-urge-veto-of-latest-bill-to-remove-lead-in-school-water/678161\">This story originally appeared in EdSource.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2018/gaps-in-california-law-requiring-schools-to-test-for-lead-could-leave-children-at-risk/602756\">2017 state law\u003c/a> led schools across California to have their faucets tested for lead in a program to reduce lead in school drinking water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new bill that proposes to remove lead from schools and state buildings, awaiting Gov. Gavin Newsom’s signature, now faces opposition from school groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public employee unions and organizations representing school districts, school boards and school business officers are pitted against each other on legislation spelling out how to protect students and school adults from lead in water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom must pick a side: \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1184\">Senate Bill 1144\u003c/a> easily passed through the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authored by Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, on behalf of the California State Pipe Trades Council, the bill would require school districts to write a water efficiency and quality report determining lead levels in every building and replace or install filters on every fixture with high levels of lead. Districts could have to replace lead pipes in buildings — if the state dedicates funding to do so.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We know there is no safe lead level. Schools ought to work to remove that source of lead for these kids.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Lead is a highly toxic metal that can harm the health and cognitive development of children when ingested or inhaled, even at extremely low levels. An \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/topic/tainted-taps-lead-puts-california-students-at-risk\">EdSource series\u003c/a> four years ago revealed the significant risk for lead exposure in many schools that tested for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By default, the bill would adopt the current, outdated standard for unsafe concentration of lead in water. Set more than a decade ago by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, it is 15 parts per billion. \u003ca href=\"https://www.atsdr.cdc.gov/csem/leadtoxicity/safety_standards.html\">The federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a> and many advocates for children’s health say anything over 5 parts per billion is hazardous for children’s health. \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/epa-details-push-to-tighten-rules-for-lead-in-drinking-water\">President Joe Biden’s EPA administrator has said he favors lowering the threshold\u003c/a>, and it could happen by 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The level of lead contamination to require action was not brought up in the negotiations on SB 1144, and children’s health groups were not involved, according to those familiar with the discussions. The author and sponsor of the bill did agree to push back the deadline for compliance, phasing it in over four years, starting in 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that and other changes narrowing the bill’s scope didn’t placate the opposition, whose Aug. 16 letter said the bill would create an expensive unfunded mandate potentially costing hundreds of millions of dollars and a costly, complicated new program that “failed to identify a persistent problem in schools” it would solve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter doesn’t say so, but several coalition members said the pipe fitters union had a self-interest in backing the bill. Troy Flint, vice president of communications for the school boards association, said the focus of the bill is to create “revenue and employment opportunities for trade unions that will do the work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those signing the opposition letter were the Association of California School Administrators, California Association of School Business Officials, California School Boards Association, Los Angeles Unified and the Riverside County Office of Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the bill include the California Federation of Teachers, the California Teachers Association, the California Water Association and the State Building and Construction Trades Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11926043\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 725px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11926043\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/GettyImages-173563196.jpg\" alt=\"A small Asian boy with a red shirt drinks from a water fountain.\" width=\"725\" height=\"482\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/GettyImages-173563196.jpg 725w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/GettyImages-173563196-160x106.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 725px) 100vw, 725px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An EdSource analysis of test results for 3,700 schools that had tested for lead as of the summer of 2018 found that 4% — 150 schools — recorded a lead level over 15 parts per billion. The American Academy of Physicians says that any amount of lead is dangerous for children, and that the limit should be no more than 1 ppb. \u003ccite>(Marilyn Nieves/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To an extent, the bill would pick up where a 2017 state law, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB746\">Assembly Bill 746\u003c/a>, left off. That legislation required local water companies to test lead levels in every school. In cases where levels exceeded 15 parts per billion, districts had to close off fixtures, take mitigation efforts like regular flushing of faucets or replace them. The deadline was July 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, unlike a few states that require periodic testing, that was only a one-time requirement, and some districts were exempted. In large schools, where only spot-testing was required, some lead-laden outlets may have been missed. In violation of the law, some districts failed to notify parents that their schools had unsafe lead levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2018/gaps-in-california-law-requiring-schools-to-test-for-lead-could-leave-children-at-risk/602756\">An EdSource analysis of test results for 3,700 schools\u003c/a> that had tested for lead as of the summer of 2018 found that 4% — 150 schools — recorded a lead level over 15 parts per billion. But at least one outlet in 897 schools tested between 5 and 15 ppb, requiring no action. That’s significant because scientists and physicians have criticized the federal 15 ppb standard as too high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The maximum allowable concentration of lead in commercially sold bottled water is 5 ppb. The American Academy of Physicians, saying that any amount of lead is dangerous for children, says the limit should be no more than 1 ppb. The 5 ppb standard was brought up in negotiations over AB 746, but the Brown administration raised concerns about higher costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>State and districts can choose a lower standard\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>States have the ability to lower the safe level standard, and districts can act on their own. Oakland, Long Beach and Los Angeles are among districts that have adopted the 5 ppb as the target for fixing and replacing outlets in their schools. Berkeley Unified adopted a 1 ppb limit in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know there is no safe lead level. Schools ought to work to remove that source of lead for these kids,” Dr. Jennifer Lowry, chair of the American Academy of Pediatrics’ Council on Environmental Health, told EdSource in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children Now, which advocates for children on issues of health and education, didn’t take a position on SB 1144 but does support “regulation and guidelines backed by the scientific community and pediatricians, who know that no amount of lead exposure is safe for growing kids,” said Vince Stewart, the organization’s vice president for policy and programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether the gauge is 5 parts or 15 ppb, there is no reliable estimate of how much work is needed to reach safe levels in districts and charter schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislature appropriated about $17 million to help qualifying districts with testing and fixture replacement in 2018 and 2019. But that was clearly not enough. In placing a $13 billion school construction bond on the March 2020 ballot, legislative leaders and Newsom designated $150 million to test and fix water fountains and fixtures with high lead levels, to be distributed to the lowest-income districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Districts requiring more extensive removal efforts, such as replacing a contaminated water line, could seek supplemental funding of up to 10% of the value of a school renovation project, with the state paying 60% of the cost. Ian Padilla, who represents the Coalition for Adequate School Housing, which lobbies for facilities funding, said the group had sought $500 million for lead abatement in the bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Interest wanes with bond’s defeat\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But in March 2020, voters \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2020/all-but-final-california-voters-reject-15-billion-state-school-bond/625328\">defeated the bond\u003c/a>, which unfortunately for advocates had the bad luck of being designated Proposition 13 on the ballot. Padilla said with Covid, primarily an airborne contagion, soon consuming attention, the priority for facilities spending shifted from lead in water to HVAC systems and air filters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom proposed committing $1.8 billion in deferred school building maintenance in the 2022-23 budget, but it was cut in final negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current bill includes no funding for testing and the work it could require, although \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/epa-details-push-to-tighten-rules-for-lead-in-drinking-water\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">about $15 billion of Biden’s $350 billion infrastructure funding\u003c/a>, passed in December, is dedicated to lead pipe removal in homes and schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a letter supporting SB 1144, Tiffany Mok, legislative representative for the California Federation of Teachers, said schools in California are “especially afflicted” by poor water quality. It “is amounting to a public health crisis, and we cannot sit back while our children consume unsafe water,” she wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School organizations, however, said they object to the pipe fitter union’s approach to fixing the lead problem. The union didn’t consult with them in drafting the bill and ignored a model that had worked. Under the previous law, the burden of testing was put on water agencies. That took advantage of those agencies’ expertise in identifying potential problems and provided oversight separate from schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Overall, I saw the bill as a huge success, but more work is necessary,” said Eric Bakke, a former legislative advocate for the California School Boards Association, who was involved in both the drafting of the previous law and the defeated Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the current bill, if lead is found at higher levels at the faucet than coming into a school, districts could be required to search for and remove lead pipes. This could require costly construction work overseen by undefined qualified personnel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill says that invasive techniques would not be required. But in a letter urging Newsom to veto the bill, Los Angeles Unified Superintendent Alberto Carvalho wrote his district is unaware of how this can be done without tearing down walls and sampling the pipe, potentially releasing asbestos and harmful chemicals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The author of the 2017 law requiring water providers to test water in schools was Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzales, D-San Diego. In January, she resigned from the Assembly to become the top executive at the California Labor Federation, the organization representing organized labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was not involved with this bill,” she wrote in an email this week. “I support all bills that have the support of our affiliated unions within their jurisdiction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lobbyist for the California State Pipe Trades Council did not respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would also apply to all state buildings. It includes long sections requiring testing and mitigation for the water-borne bacteria causing Legionnaire’s disease, of which there have been no known outbreaks reported in schools. The scaled-back final version would apply only to buildings of at least 10 stories with water towers — all but excluding schools but not some state buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has until the end of September to decide to sign, veto or let SB 1144 become law without his signature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/california-school-organizations-urge-veto-of-latest-bill-to-remove-lead-in-school-water/678161\">This story originally appeared in EdSource.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Teachers and other school staff who have not been vaccinated against COVID-19 will no longer have to be tested weekly to remain on campuses after this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, State Public Health Officer Dr. Tomás Aragón rescinded a public health order requiring that all school employees show proof of vaccination or be tested at least weekly. The new policy is effective September 17.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision was made to align state and federal health guidance and because most Californians have been vaccinated against the virus, he said.[aside label='related articles' tag='vaccine']“We’ve entered a phase of the pandemic where the majority of people in these workplace settings are vaccinated, and our youngest Californians are now eligible for vaccination, too, which protects all of our communities against severe illness, hospitalization and death,” Aragón said. “While unvaccinated individuals remain at greatest risk of serious health consequences from COVID-19 infection, weekly testing of unvaccinated groups is no longer slowing the spread as it did earlier in the pandemic due to the more infectious omicron variants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, 80% of California residents 12 years of age and older have had the first two vaccinations that make up the primary series of vaccines, according to a press release from the health department. Just under half have received their first booster. The department did not say how many California residents have had the second booster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite those high vaccination numbers, omicron subvariants have infected vaccinated as well as unvaccinated people, although vaccinated people are less likely to be infected or to become seriously ill.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Dr. Tomás Aragón, California public health officer\"]‘Weekly testing of unvaccinated groups is no longer slowing the spread as it did earlier in the pandemic due to the more infectious omicron variants.’[/pullquote]“Consequently, mandated testing of the small number of unvaccinated workers is not effectively preventing disease transmission as with the original COVID-19 virus and prior variants earlier in the pandemic,” Aragón said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vaccinations targeting the omicron variant are currently available, and department officials urge California residents to stay up to date on their COVID-19 vaccines to protect themselves and slow the spread of the disease in their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last August, California became \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/COVID-19/Order-of-the-State-Public-Health-Officer-Vaccine-Verification-for-Workers-in-Schools.aspx\">the first state in the nation to require all school staff to be fully vaccinated\u003c/a> for COVID-19 or to be tested weekly, although several individual school districts in the state had already instituted that requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision to mandate vaccines for school staff was made after conversations with school districts, labor unions and public health officers, according to Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Since the beginning of this pandemic, we’ve relied on science and public health guidance to keep our students and school communities safe,” said Lisa Gardiner, spokesperson for the California Teachers Association, in a statement today. “This moment is no different, as COVID-19 continues to evolve and more students and Californians are now vaccinated. We continue to support local decisions that include the voice and expertise of local educators and families in determining best practices for the safety of school communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/state-lifts-vaccine-mandate-for-school-staff/678020\">\u003cem>This story originally appeared in EdSource.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>A bill that would double the number of health clinics on K-12 school campuses is headed to Gov. Gavin Newsom for approval amid objections from anti-abortion-rights groups that claim the clinics would make it easier for students to end pregnancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1940\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Assembly Bill 1940\u003c/a> would set aside $100 million for schools to build or expand an estimated 200 health clinics offering free medical care, dental services, mental health counseling, reproductive health care and other services for students and, in some cases, the surrounding community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s so much urgency, so much passion and need for this right now,” said Gabrielle Tilley, senior policy manager at the Los Angeles Trust for Children’s Health, one of the organizations supporting the bill. “We have the money, and we have a new awareness of the massive inequities in our state. This seems like a perfect time to make this happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='mindshift_59323,news_11924343']The current state budget does not include money for AB 1940, so the state would have to fund the bill in next year’s budget. Advocates are hopeful because it could bolster Newsom’s other priorities, including \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/california-set-to-launch-hundreds-of-community-schools-with-635-million-in-grants/672246\">community schools\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2021/newsom-proposes-major-funding-increase-for-student-mental-health-services/654742\">Children and Youth Behavioral Health Initiative\u003c/a> and efforts to streamline Medi-Cal benefits — all of which are well funded in this year’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates have been pushing for school-based health centers for decades. A similar law was passed in 2006 but was never funded, leaving districts to find alternative ways to pay for the infrastructure and services needed to create full-service health centers on K-12 campuses. Of the estimated 200 clinics that already exist, some are operated by school districts, and some are run by outside agencies, such as Planned Parenthood or St. John’s Community Health in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research shows that on-campus health clinics can have wide-reaching benefits for students as well as their families. \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/610c101c733e257fb271ce0f/t/627a993193af0212875f1c2a/1652201780668/2022+SBHC+Impact+Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">School attendance for students who visited their campus health clinic rose five to seven days per year\u003c/a>, even when their attendance was declining prior to their first visit, according to a study of 23 school-based health centers in Los Angeles Unified School District. Good attendance is linked to higher graduation rates and better academic performance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students who visited school clinics also had lower discipline rates and were less likely to drop out of school, according to the California School-Based Health Alliance. The clinics also lowered health care costs generally, with fewer patients going to the emergency room or developing serious, preventable conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the report, which was complied by the Los Angeles Trust for Children’s Health, the most common reasons students visited their campus health clinics were for vaccines, help to manage their weight, testing and treatment for sexually transmitted diseases, contraception, mental health counseling, help with substance abuse and treatment for chronic conditions such as asthma and diabetes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say there is widespread support for the idea of basic medical care for children being available free at school. But some groups oppose clinics that provide reproductive health services for students under age 18, especially considering that \u003ca href=\"http://teenhealthlaw.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/2019CaMinorConsentConfChartFull.pdf\">California law allows minors to obtain treatment for sexual and reproductive health, substance abuse and mental health services without permission\u003c/a> from — or notification of — their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='education_535891,mindshift_59753']Their fear is that clinics will dispense pills that end a pregnancy, or refer pregnant students to outside clinics that provide surgical abortions, without parents’ knowledge or permission and paid for with public dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Public schools should not be places where children can get an abortion,” said Susan Swift, vice president of legal affairs for the Right to Life League, which seeks to ban abortions. “This is yet another attempt to separate parents and children, and they’re using the state Department of Education to do it. … This is a huge deal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an alternative, Swift’s group would like to see schools notify parents immediately if a student is pregnant, refer students to prenatal care and offer information about adoption and parenting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In light of the Supreme Court’s recent overturn of Roe v. Wade, Swift is hopeful that legislators will reconsider efforts to provide reproductive health services on campus, even in left-leaning California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Services at school health clinics vary depending on the school, district and outside agency providing care, but in general, school-based health clinics do not provide abortions on campus, said Lisa Eisenberg, director of policy and external affairs for the California School-Based Health Alliance. If a pregnant student comes to a school-based health center, staff are likely to offer counseling and support and refer them to other resources, though each clinic is free to operate as it sees fit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, in Los Angeles, \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://boyleheightsbeat.com/wellness-center-at-mendez-high-will-benefit-students-and-the-community/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Mendez High School in Boyle Heights last month unveiled a new, 6,500-square-foot health clinic\u003c/a> on campus. The largest such health center in LAUSD, the clinic has 12 rooms for medical, dental, optical and mental health visits. The center has two entrances — one for students and one for the public — and is expected to be a hub in the predominantly lower-income Latino community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also expected to aid students’ education and career planning by offering internships for students who hope to enter the medical field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The opening of the Sylvia Mendez Wellness Center will mark a historic milestone for the Boyle Heights community,” said Maria Brenes, executive director for InnerCity Struggle, a local community group, according to \u003ca href=\"https://achieve.lausd.net/site/default.aspx?PageType=3&DomainID=4&ModuleInstanceID=4466&ViewID=6446EE88-D30C-497E-9316-3F8874B3E108&RenderLoc=0&FlexDataID=117629&PageID=0\">a release from the district\u003c/a>. “After many years of organizing and advocacy by students, families, school leadership and community residents, the Wellness Center will be a reality that will serve as a much-needed health resource for our community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district also opened a new wellness center that will serve two high schools in the San Fernando Valley. The $11.31 million Balboa Student and Family Wellness Center will provide medical and mental health services to students as well as their families and members of the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/bill-would-help-more-california-schools-open-health-clinics-despite-opposition-from-anti-abortion-groups/677708\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This story was first published by EdSource. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Anti-abortion-rights groups oppose the bill, saying it would become easier for teens to get birth control without their parents' knowledge.",
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"title": "CA Legislature Approves Bill to Expand School Health Clinics, but Without Funding This Year | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A bill that would double the number of health clinics on K-12 school campuses is headed to Gov. Gavin Newsom for approval amid objections from anti-abortion-rights groups that claim the clinics would make it easier for students to end pregnancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1940\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Assembly Bill 1940\u003c/a> would set aside $100 million for schools to build or expand an estimated 200 health clinics offering free medical care, dental services, mental health counseling, reproductive health care and other services for students and, in some cases, the surrounding community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s so much urgency, so much passion and need for this right now,” said Gabrielle Tilley, senior policy manager at the Los Angeles Trust for Children’s Health, one of the organizations supporting the bill. “We have the money, and we have a new awareness of the massive inequities in our state. This seems like a perfect time to make this happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The current state budget does not include money for AB 1940, so the state would have to fund the bill in next year’s budget. Advocates are hopeful because it could bolster Newsom’s other priorities, including \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/california-set-to-launch-hundreds-of-community-schools-with-635-million-in-grants/672246\">community schools\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2021/newsom-proposes-major-funding-increase-for-student-mental-health-services/654742\">Children and Youth Behavioral Health Initiative\u003c/a> and efforts to streamline Medi-Cal benefits — all of which are well funded in this year’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates have been pushing for school-based health centers for decades. A similar law was passed in 2006 but was never funded, leaving districts to find alternative ways to pay for the infrastructure and services needed to create full-service health centers on K-12 campuses. Of the estimated 200 clinics that already exist, some are operated by school districts, and some are run by outside agencies, such as Planned Parenthood or St. John’s Community Health in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research shows that on-campus health clinics can have wide-reaching benefits for students as well as their families. \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/610c101c733e257fb271ce0f/t/627a993193af0212875f1c2a/1652201780668/2022+SBHC+Impact+Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">School attendance for students who visited their campus health clinic rose five to seven days per year\u003c/a>, even when their attendance was declining prior to their first visit, according to a study of 23 school-based health centers in Los Angeles Unified School District. Good attendance is linked to higher graduation rates and better academic performance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students who visited school clinics also had lower discipline rates and were less likely to drop out of school, according to the California School-Based Health Alliance. The clinics also lowered health care costs generally, with fewer patients going to the emergency room or developing serious, preventable conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the report, which was complied by the Los Angeles Trust for Children’s Health, the most common reasons students visited their campus health clinics were for vaccines, help to manage their weight, testing and treatment for sexually transmitted diseases, contraception, mental health counseling, help with substance abuse and treatment for chronic conditions such as asthma and diabetes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say there is widespread support for the idea of basic medical care for children being available free at school. But some groups oppose clinics that provide reproductive health services for students under age 18, especially considering that \u003ca href=\"http://teenhealthlaw.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/2019CaMinorConsentConfChartFull.pdf\">California law allows minors to obtain treatment for sexual and reproductive health, substance abuse and mental health services without permission\u003c/a> from — or notification of — their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Their fear is that clinics will dispense pills that end a pregnancy, or refer pregnant students to outside clinics that provide surgical abortions, without parents’ knowledge or permission and paid for with public dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Public schools should not be places where children can get an abortion,” said Susan Swift, vice president of legal affairs for the Right to Life League, which seeks to ban abortions. “This is yet another attempt to separate parents and children, and they’re using the state Department of Education to do it. … This is a huge deal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an alternative, Swift’s group would like to see schools notify parents immediately if a student is pregnant, refer students to prenatal care and offer information about adoption and parenting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In light of the Supreme Court’s recent overturn of Roe v. Wade, Swift is hopeful that legislators will reconsider efforts to provide reproductive health services on campus, even in left-leaning California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Services at school health clinics vary depending on the school, district and outside agency providing care, but in general, school-based health clinics do not provide abortions on campus, said Lisa Eisenberg, director of policy and external affairs for the California School-Based Health Alliance. If a pregnant student comes to a school-based health center, staff are likely to offer counseling and support and refer them to other resources, though each clinic is free to operate as it sees fit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, in Los Angeles, \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://boyleheightsbeat.com/wellness-center-at-mendez-high-will-benefit-students-and-the-community/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Mendez High School in Boyle Heights last month unveiled a new, 6,500-square-foot health clinic\u003c/a> on campus. The largest such health center in LAUSD, the clinic has 12 rooms for medical, dental, optical and mental health visits. The center has two entrances — one for students and one for the public — and is expected to be a hub in the predominantly lower-income Latino community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also expected to aid students’ education and career planning by offering internships for students who hope to enter the medical field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The opening of the Sylvia Mendez Wellness Center will mark a historic milestone for the Boyle Heights community,” said Maria Brenes, executive director for InnerCity Struggle, a local community group, according to \u003ca href=\"https://achieve.lausd.net/site/default.aspx?PageType=3&DomainID=4&ModuleInstanceID=4466&ViewID=6446EE88-D30C-497E-9316-3F8874B3E108&RenderLoc=0&FlexDataID=117629&PageID=0\">a release from the district\u003c/a>. “After many years of organizing and advocacy by students, families, school leadership and community residents, the Wellness Center will be a reality that will serve as a much-needed health resource for our community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district also opened a new wellness center that will serve two high schools in the San Fernando Valley. The $11.31 million Balboa Student and Family Wellness Center will provide medical and mental health services to students as well as their families and members of the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/bill-would-help-more-california-schools-open-health-clinics-despite-opposition-from-anti-abortion-groups/677708\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This story was first published by EdSource. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "former-long-time-republican-now-democratic-candidate-for-san-francisco-city-college-board-in-hot-water-over-tweet-opposing-critical-race-theory",
"title": "Former Long-Time Republican, Now Democrat and Candidate for San Francisco City College Board, in Hot Water Over Tweet Opposing Critical Race Theory",
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"headTitle": "Former Long-Time Republican, Now Democrat and Candidate for San Francisco City College Board, in Hot Water Over Tweet Opposing Critical Race Theory | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A candidate running in November’s election for the board governing City College of San Francisco posted controversial views condemning critical race theory, often referred to as CRT, in a since-deleted tweet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revelation on Twitter of a prior comment by board trustee candidate Marie Hurabiell is now prompting a Democratic club in the city to reopen discussions on their endorsement of her, the club’s president told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the tweet, which was published in May 2021, Hurabiell wrote, “CRT was a tactic used by Hitler and the KKK.” These were not her words; rather, Hurabiell was amplifying the words of a speaker at a school board meeting in Loudoun County, Va.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925350\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/sfboetweet1.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925350\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/sfboetweet1-800x1604.jpeg\" alt=\"A screenshot of a tweet.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1604\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/sfboetweet1-800x1604.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/sfboetweet1-1020x2046.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/sfboetweet1-160x321.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/sfboetweet1-766x1536.jpeg 766w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/sfboetweet1-1021x2048.jpeg 1021w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/sfboetweet1.jpeg 1074w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot of a now-deleted tweet from board trustee candidate Marie Hurabiell published in May 2021. \u003ccite>(Twitter)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Then, Hurabiell added, in her own words, “Gratitude to this strong and passionate parent for fighting this dangerous nonsense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critical race theory is an academic school of thought \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/07/02/1012696188/how-critical-race-theory-went-from-harvard-law-to-fox-news\">teaching how racism is baked into the systems and policies of the United States\u003c/a>. It entered the national spotlight last year as a bogeyman of conservatives looking to lambaste local school boards. Striking critical race theory from school campuses is among a number of efforts by conservatives to reform school boards across the country over the past year, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/11/13/1055524205/more-republican-leaders-try-to-ban-books-on-race-lgbtq-issues\">banning books promoting racial equity and LGBTQ+ themes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outrage against CRT is usually reserved for screeds on ultraconservative websites like Breitbart, or on President Donald Trump’s social network, Truth Social. It’s certainly not an everyday talking point in liberal San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Virginia school board meeting took place amid heated rhetoric against critical race theory from then-gubernatorial candidate Glenn Youngkin. After he won the race, Youngkin\u003ca href=\"https://www.13newsnow.com/article/news/education/glenn-youngkin-critical-race-theory-ban-executive-order/291-30a4d6e7-3fcf-4938-8d7f-7f82e5b24d44\"> issued an executive order\u003c/a> to end “inherently divisive concepts,” which he billed as a way to end critical race theory from being taught in K-12 schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fanning flames against critical race theory was central to Republicans in his race, but in Democratic San Francisco, Hurabiell may have found a sympathetic ear for those views from people wishing to recall several local school board members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the deleted tweet, Hurabiell tagged numerous accounts, including an account of the San Francisco Board of Education recall called @recallsfboe that belongs to a group now called the SF Guardians. That group worked to successfully recall school board commissioners Gabriela López, Alison Collins and Faauuga Moliga.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it was a really stupid thing that I said,” Hurabiell told KQED. “I think it was really stupid that I retweeted it and I’m extremely apologetic for that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hurabiell said she believes systemic racism is a “real problem” in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In my life I have not spent a lot of time digging into CRT, but I’m trying to understand it better now,” she said. “I’m always open to being wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked if she usually calls things she doesn’t know about “dangerous nonsense,” she responded, “I don’t routinely talk about things that I’m not terribly familiar with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hurabiell is an eighth-generation San Franciscan and has been an attorney since the 1990s. She also serves on the Georgetown University Board of Regents. An ardent supporter of the recall campaigns of the three San Francisco Board of Education members and District Attorney Chesa Boudin, she also is a member of the nonprofit Stop Crime SF, the organization Board of Supervisors candidate Joel Engardio sits on the board of.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adele Failes-Carpenter, political director for the City College of San Francisco faculty union, AFT Local 2121, said Hurabiell’s views are out of step with the college’s mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need public education to keep our commitment to ending racism at the center of our work,” she said. “Anyone who is participating in open, reactionary attacks on critical examinations of the history of race and racism in this country is not in a position to help us do that work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hurabiell has been endorsed by at least two local Democratic clubs in her race so far this year: the Eastern Neighborhoods Democratic Club and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.uniteddems.org/\">United Democratic Club\u003c/a>. These endorsements can be especially key in political races that don’t have as much funding, like down-ballot college board races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reached by text,\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfendc.com/\"> Eastern Neighborhoods Democratic Club\u003c/a> President Bruce Agid said he was not aware of Hurabiell’s tweet about critical race theory, and that he would discuss her views with his club’s board. Bobak Esfandiari, president of the United Democratic Club, did not answer texts inquiring about the club’s endorsement of Hurabiell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Failes-Carpenter said the clubs should reconsider their endorsements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would ask them to stand by students and by public educators that have committed to fighting racism within our public institutions and within our educational institutions, by not endorsing and supporting candidates who are openly hostile to anti-racist analyses and anti-racist teaching,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The endorsement of Hurabiell by two Democratic clubs may be an odd choice for another reason: For two decades Hurabiell was a Republican. She was appointed to the Presidio Trust Board of Directors, where she served for three years, by former President Donald Trump in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Records from the San Francisco Department of Elections show she was a registered Republican in San Francisco from at least 2000, which is as far back as more easily accessible records could reveal. She changed her party preference to Democrat on Aug. 18, 2022 — six days after she filed paperwork to run for the City College of San Francisco Board of Trustees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Democratic Party Chair Honey Mahogany said the organization’s bylaws do not specify how long someone needs to be registered as a Democrat before a Democratic club can endorse them. Furthermore, Democratic clubs are allowed to endorse someone of any party in nonpartisan races, like for City College’s Board of Trustees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hurabiell would have had an uphill battle running for office advertising herself as a Republican in San Francisco, where the party is widely disfavored in local elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has no elected Republicans in office. The last Republican elected in San Francisco was the late James Fang, who formerly sat on the BART Board of Directors. He was first elected in 1990 and served until his defeat in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hurabiell said she changed her party registration after joining a group called “No Labels,” and finding moderate Democrats who agreed with her on issues, but disliked her being known as a Republican Party member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just wanted to solve problems. We just wanted to work together and effect positive change in our community,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Chronicle\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/opinion/editorials/article/Chronicle-recommends-Williams-Temprano-Quick-15617670.php\"> praised Hurabiell during her 2020 run for the college board \u003c/a> — which she lost — endorsing her for “fiscal savvy.” Indeed, in her interview with KQED, she professed a desire to set City College on a fiscally solvent path, and expressed concern that too many classes that are still being offered are under-enrolled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Hurabiell said she didn’t know much about CRT, we asked whether she believed in other progressive causes that may be valued at City College, like the Black Lives Matter movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not sure I fully understand that movement,” she said, repeating her same explanation for having no stance on CRT. While the death of George Floyd left her “disgusted and devastated,” she said, “I want to say yes to that, but again I’m not sure I understand enough about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Responding to Hurabiell’s repeated claims of not understanding both CRT and the Black Lives Matter movement, Jane Kim, state director of the California Working Families Party — who championed and won free City College tuition during her time on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors — bristled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Listen, it is one thing for an individual in our society or to say that they don’t know a lot about critical race theory or Black Lives Matter, but if you are a candidate that is running to represent over 800,000 residents of San Francisco, many of whom are people of color, then I think that it is your job to understand those things,” Kim said. “If you don’t understand the Black community, the Latino community, API community, then you shouldn’t be running for office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">Correction: Joel Engardio is a board member of Stop Crime SF, but did not start the group as we originally stated.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "City College board candidate Marie Hurabiell called critical race theory 'dangerous nonsense' in a deleted tweet in May 2021.",
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"title": "Former Long-Time Republican, Now Democrat and Candidate for San Francisco City College Board, in Hot Water Over Tweet Opposing Critical Race Theory | KQED",
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"headline": "Former Long-Time Republican, Now Democrat and Candidate for San Francisco City College Board, in Hot Water Over Tweet Opposing Critical Race Theory",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A candidate running in November’s election for the board governing City College of San Francisco posted controversial views condemning critical race theory, often referred to as CRT, in a since-deleted tweet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revelation on Twitter of a prior comment by board trustee candidate Marie Hurabiell is now prompting a Democratic club in the city to reopen discussions on their endorsement of her, the club’s president told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the tweet, which was published in May 2021, Hurabiell wrote, “CRT was a tactic used by Hitler and the KKK.” These were not her words; rather, Hurabiell was amplifying the words of a speaker at a school board meeting in Loudoun County, Va.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925350\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/sfboetweet1.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925350\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/sfboetweet1-800x1604.jpeg\" alt=\"A screenshot of a tweet.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1604\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/sfboetweet1-800x1604.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/sfboetweet1-1020x2046.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/sfboetweet1-160x321.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/sfboetweet1-766x1536.jpeg 766w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/sfboetweet1-1021x2048.jpeg 1021w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/sfboetweet1.jpeg 1074w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot of a now-deleted tweet from board trustee candidate Marie Hurabiell published in May 2021. \u003ccite>(Twitter)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Then, Hurabiell added, in her own words, “Gratitude to this strong and passionate parent for fighting this dangerous nonsense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critical race theory is an academic school of thought \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/07/02/1012696188/how-critical-race-theory-went-from-harvard-law-to-fox-news\">teaching how racism is baked into the systems and policies of the United States\u003c/a>. It entered the national spotlight last year as a bogeyman of conservatives looking to lambaste local school boards. Striking critical race theory from school campuses is among a number of efforts by conservatives to reform school boards across the country over the past year, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/11/13/1055524205/more-republican-leaders-try-to-ban-books-on-race-lgbtq-issues\">banning books promoting racial equity and LGBTQ+ themes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outrage against CRT is usually reserved for screeds on ultraconservative websites like Breitbart, or on President Donald Trump’s social network, Truth Social. It’s certainly not an everyday talking point in liberal San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Virginia school board meeting took place amid heated rhetoric against critical race theory from then-gubernatorial candidate Glenn Youngkin. After he won the race, Youngkin\u003ca href=\"https://www.13newsnow.com/article/news/education/glenn-youngkin-critical-race-theory-ban-executive-order/291-30a4d6e7-3fcf-4938-8d7f-7f82e5b24d44\"> issued an executive order\u003c/a> to end “inherently divisive concepts,” which he billed as a way to end critical race theory from being taught in K-12 schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fanning flames against critical race theory was central to Republicans in his race, but in Democratic San Francisco, Hurabiell may have found a sympathetic ear for those views from people wishing to recall several local school board members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the deleted tweet, Hurabiell tagged numerous accounts, including an account of the San Francisco Board of Education recall called @recallsfboe that belongs to a group now called the SF Guardians. That group worked to successfully recall school board commissioners Gabriela López, Alison Collins and Faauuga Moliga.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it was a really stupid thing that I said,” Hurabiell told KQED. “I think it was really stupid that I retweeted it and I’m extremely apologetic for that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hurabiell said she believes systemic racism is a “real problem” in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In my life I have not spent a lot of time digging into CRT, but I’m trying to understand it better now,” she said. “I’m always open to being wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked if she usually calls things she doesn’t know about “dangerous nonsense,” she responded, “I don’t routinely talk about things that I’m not terribly familiar with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hurabiell is an eighth-generation San Franciscan and has been an attorney since the 1990s. She also serves on the Georgetown University Board of Regents. An ardent supporter of the recall campaigns of the three San Francisco Board of Education members and District Attorney Chesa Boudin, she also is a member of the nonprofit Stop Crime SF, the organization Board of Supervisors candidate Joel Engardio sits on the board of.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adele Failes-Carpenter, political director for the City College of San Francisco faculty union, AFT Local 2121, said Hurabiell’s views are out of step with the college’s mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need public education to keep our commitment to ending racism at the center of our work,” she said. “Anyone who is participating in open, reactionary attacks on critical examinations of the history of race and racism in this country is not in a position to help us do that work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hurabiell has been endorsed by at least two local Democratic clubs in her race so far this year: the Eastern Neighborhoods Democratic Club and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.uniteddems.org/\">United Democratic Club\u003c/a>. These endorsements can be especially key in political races that don’t have as much funding, like down-ballot college board races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reached by text,\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfendc.com/\"> Eastern Neighborhoods Democratic Club\u003c/a> President Bruce Agid said he was not aware of Hurabiell’s tweet about critical race theory, and that he would discuss her views with his club’s board. Bobak Esfandiari, president of the United Democratic Club, did not answer texts inquiring about the club’s endorsement of Hurabiell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Failes-Carpenter said the clubs should reconsider their endorsements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would ask them to stand by students and by public educators that have committed to fighting racism within our public institutions and within our educational institutions, by not endorsing and supporting candidates who are openly hostile to anti-racist analyses and anti-racist teaching,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The endorsement of Hurabiell by two Democratic clubs may be an odd choice for another reason: For two decades Hurabiell was a Republican. She was appointed to the Presidio Trust Board of Directors, where she served for three years, by former President Donald Trump in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Records from the San Francisco Department of Elections show she was a registered Republican in San Francisco from at least 2000, which is as far back as more easily accessible records could reveal. She changed her party preference to Democrat on Aug. 18, 2022 — six days after she filed paperwork to run for the City College of San Francisco Board of Trustees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Democratic Party Chair Honey Mahogany said the organization’s bylaws do not specify how long someone needs to be registered as a Democrat before a Democratic club can endorse them. Furthermore, Democratic clubs are allowed to endorse someone of any party in nonpartisan races, like for City College’s Board of Trustees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hurabiell would have had an uphill battle running for office advertising herself as a Republican in San Francisco, where the party is widely disfavored in local elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has no elected Republicans in office. The last Republican elected in San Francisco was the late James Fang, who formerly sat on the BART Board of Directors. He was first elected in 1990 and served until his defeat in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hurabiell said she changed her party registration after joining a group called “No Labels,” and finding moderate Democrats who agreed with her on issues, but disliked her being known as a Republican Party member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just wanted to solve problems. We just wanted to work together and effect positive change in our community,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Chronicle\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/opinion/editorials/article/Chronicle-recommends-Williams-Temprano-Quick-15617670.php\"> praised Hurabiell during her 2020 run for the college board \u003c/a> — which she lost — endorsing her for “fiscal savvy.” Indeed, in her interview with KQED, she professed a desire to set City College on a fiscally solvent path, and expressed concern that too many classes that are still being offered are under-enrolled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Hurabiell said she didn’t know much about CRT, we asked whether she believed in other progressive causes that may be valued at City College, like the Black Lives Matter movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not sure I fully understand that movement,” she said, repeating her same explanation for having no stance on CRT. While the death of George Floyd left her “disgusted and devastated,” she said, “I want to say yes to that, but again I’m not sure I understand enough about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Responding to Hurabiell’s repeated claims of not understanding both CRT and the Black Lives Matter movement, Jane Kim, state director of the California Working Families Party — who championed and won free City College tuition during her time on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors — bristled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Listen, it is one thing for an individual in our society or to say that they don’t know a lot about critical race theory or Black Lives Matter, but if you are a candidate that is running to represent over 800,000 residents of San Francisco, many of whom are people of color, then I think that it is your job to understand those things,” Kim said. “If you don’t understand the Black community, the Latino community, API community, then you shouldn’t be running for office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">Correction: Joel Engardio is a board member of Stop Crime SF, but did not start the group as we originally stated.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Residents, Activists Decry Evictions at Oakland's Largest Homeless Encampment",
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"headTitle": "Residents, Activists Decry Evictions at Oakland’s Largest Homeless Encampment | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Emotions ran hot Thursday as Caltrans began evicting residents from Oakland’s largest encampment of unhoused people. Some residents of the Wood Street encampment, with help from volunteers and activists, erected a makeshift barricade to block the only access road to the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ben Murawski, 47, Wood Street resident\"]‘You destroy people’s lives, you take their belongings … how are they supposed to get back on their feet to do anything to move forward in life?’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woody Guthrie’s folk anthem “This Land Is Your Land” blared from a windup amplifier as Oakland police and California Highway Patrol officers faced off with residents and supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You destroy people’s lives, you take their belongings,” said Ben Murawski, 47, his voice quivering. “And how are they supposed to get back on their feet to do anything to move forward in life?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two people — Ron McGowan, who lived in the northern area of the encampment and was set to be evicted Thursday, and Jaz Colibri, a resident and organizer — both were arrested after refusing to leave a pickup truck that was blocking the access road. Colibri lay down, motionless, in the bed of the truck, prompting officers to pick her up and physically carry her away, as supporters chanted, “We love you, Jaz!” and “Housing is a human right!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925196\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925196\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58517_061_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Three officers hold a person as they are arrested with a dumpster in the background\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58517_061_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58517_061_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58517_061_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58517_061_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58517_061_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wood Street resident Jaz Colibri is arrested and carried by police officers after she attempted to block Caltrans from removing a barricade from the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The evictions came after a more-than-month-long delay, resulting from a lawsuit residents filed in July to block Caltrans from clearing the site. Federal District Judge William Orrick ruled last month they could continue, citing safety concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But despite the delay, for many residents, the evictions came too quickly. Caltrans posted notices on Tuesday that the first of the three-phased evictions would start in two days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How could you complain if you’re on somebody else’s land, and they want you to leave in 30 days? Seems reasonable,” said Matthew Schatzinger, 45, who’s lived at Wood Street for nearly four years. “But to get out of here in two days or then destroy your stuff, or take your stuff, it just doesn’t make sense to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925192\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925192\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58499_038_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"People standing on a car that is spray-painted saying: 'where do we go?'\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58499_038_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58499_038_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58499_038_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58499_038_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58499_038_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wood Street residents and supporters stand on a truck to barricade Caltrans workers from entering the encampment In Oakland to begin clearing garbage on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In his order, Judge Orrick directed Caltrans to work with the city of Oakland and Alameda County to offer shelter to the estimated 200 residents who live at Wood Street. As of Thursday, the county had made contact with 75 residents and around half had accepted offers of shelter, said Jerri Applegate Randrup, a spokesperson for Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Randrup said the county offered residents spaces in congregate shelters, Oakland’s “cabin community” or “tuff shed” shelters, and safe RV parking, among other options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeremy Oliveira, 42, said he got a spot at a hotel that’s been converted into housing for people who were formerly homeless. Even though he’ll have to share a room, he said it was a much better situation than some of the other shelters. [aside tag=\"housing, homeless\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]“I’m really happy. It’s gonna help me out a whole lot,” Oliveira said. “It’s going to be good. I’m going to actually be able to get restful sleep.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Schatzinger said he was offered only a spot at a tuff shed site, which he declined because there is no parking within three blocks, residents aren’t allowed to bring in mattresses or bedding and can only use city-provided cots, and there is little space to store his belongings. Instead, he and his neighbor, Jessica Huffman, 42, will likely be looking for some other place to park their RVs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They came to Wood Street after being forced to leave other encampments, Huffman said, and she didn’t want to return to a situation where she’s required to move her RV every few days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be a big problem when we’re forced into residential neighborhoods,” Huffman said. “That’s why the cops all pushed us out here in the first place. But it looks like we’re probably going to have to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past decade, the encampment at Wood Street has grown from a few RVs parked on the street to a sprawling tangle of structures, vehicles and trailers. It stretches for more than 15 city blocks underneath the I-880 overpass between Wood Street and the BNSF and Union Pacific railroad tracks on land owned by Caltrans, the city of Oakland, BNSF and private entities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925205\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925205\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man puts some items onto a truck\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ben Murawski fills a truck with his belongings in an attempt to remove the items from an area being cleared by Caltrans at the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But attorneys for Caltrans say the encampment posed a serious health and safety risk, citing some 200 fires over the past two years, including one on July 11 that sent plumes of smoke onto the freeway and prompted the transportation agency to begin clearing the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The frequency with fires, especially in that area,” Mark Guenzi, an attorney for Caltrans, said at an August 26 hearing, “is just very concerning given the potential for catastrophic risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The evictions are expected to continue over the next six weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925268\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11925268 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/017_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Several people in hard hats and construction bests stand in a line under a freeway overpass\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/017_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/017_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/017_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/017_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/017_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Caltrans crews wait to clear the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022, while residents and advocates block the road. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925269\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11925269 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/034_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Image from further away of the highway overpass and the clearing of Wood Street encampment\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/034_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/034_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/034_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/034_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/034_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Caltrans workers clear a barricade made by Wood Street residents meant to keep Caltrans out of the encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925270\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11925270 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/067_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Several people in hard hats, bright vests and masks clear away debris from the encampment with rakes\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/067_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/067_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/067_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/067_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/067_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Caltrans workers clear garbage from the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925272\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11925272 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/073_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Two people pack items on one side, while another person speaks to a police officer in the foreground with a trailer in the background\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/073_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/073_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/073_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/073_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/073_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ben Murawski fills a truck with his belongings in an attempt to remove the items from an area being cleared by Caltrans at the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925274\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925274\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58537_086_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man in a hat looks on in anguish next to four others \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58537_086_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58537_086_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58537_086_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58537_086_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58537_086_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wood Street resident LaMonte Ford looks on while Caltrans clears the area in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925275\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925275\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58506_042_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Three police officers stand around a man in a blue shirt as another police officer stands in the foreground\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58506_042_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58506_042_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58506_042_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58506_042_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58506_042_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wood Street resident Ron McGowan is arrested after standing on a truck that was blocking Caltrans from entering the encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925271\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925271\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/081_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/081_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/081_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/081_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/081_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/081_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wood Street resident LaMonte Ford hugs a friend while Caltrans clears the encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "After a more than month-long delay, Caltrans on Thursday began evicting residents at Wood Street, an encampment for people experiencing homelessness that stretches for more than 15 city blocks in West Oakland.",
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"title": "Residents, Activists Decry Evictions at Oakland's Largest Homeless Encampment | KQED",
"description": "After a more than month-long delay, Caltrans on Thursday began evicting residents at Wood Street, an encampment for people experiencing homelessness that stretches for more than 15 city blocks in West Oakland.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Emotions ran hot Thursday as Caltrans began evicting residents from Oakland’s largest encampment of unhoused people. Some residents of the Wood Street encampment, with help from volunteers and activists, erected a makeshift barricade to block the only access road to the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘You destroy people’s lives, you take their belongings … how are they supposed to get back on their feet to do anything to move forward in life?’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woody Guthrie’s folk anthem “This Land Is Your Land” blared from a windup amplifier as Oakland police and California Highway Patrol officers faced off with residents and supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You destroy people’s lives, you take their belongings,” said Ben Murawski, 47, his voice quivering. “And how are they supposed to get back on their feet to do anything to move forward in life?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two people — Ron McGowan, who lived in the northern area of the encampment and was set to be evicted Thursday, and Jaz Colibri, a resident and organizer — both were arrested after refusing to leave a pickup truck that was blocking the access road. Colibri lay down, motionless, in the bed of the truck, prompting officers to pick her up and physically carry her away, as supporters chanted, “We love you, Jaz!” and “Housing is a human right!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925196\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925196\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58517_061_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Three officers hold a person as they are arrested with a dumpster in the background\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58517_061_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58517_061_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58517_061_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58517_061_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58517_061_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wood Street resident Jaz Colibri is arrested and carried by police officers after she attempted to block Caltrans from removing a barricade from the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The evictions came after a more-than-month-long delay, resulting from a lawsuit residents filed in July to block Caltrans from clearing the site. Federal District Judge William Orrick ruled last month they could continue, citing safety concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But despite the delay, for many residents, the evictions came too quickly. Caltrans posted notices on Tuesday that the first of the three-phased evictions would start in two days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How could you complain if you’re on somebody else’s land, and they want you to leave in 30 days? Seems reasonable,” said Matthew Schatzinger, 45, who’s lived at Wood Street for nearly four years. “But to get out of here in two days or then destroy your stuff, or take your stuff, it just doesn’t make sense to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925192\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925192\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58499_038_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"People standing on a car that is spray-painted saying: 'where do we go?'\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58499_038_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58499_038_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58499_038_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58499_038_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58499_038_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wood Street residents and supporters stand on a truck to barricade Caltrans workers from entering the encampment In Oakland to begin clearing garbage on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In his order, Judge Orrick directed Caltrans to work with the city of Oakland and Alameda County to offer shelter to the estimated 200 residents who live at Wood Street. As of Thursday, the county had made contact with 75 residents and around half had accepted offers of shelter, said Jerri Applegate Randrup, a spokesperson for Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Randrup said the county offered residents spaces in congregate shelters, Oakland’s “cabin community” or “tuff shed” shelters, and safe RV parking, among other options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeremy Oliveira, 42, said he got a spot at a hotel that’s been converted into housing for people who were formerly homeless. Even though he’ll have to share a room, he said it was a much better situation than some of the other shelters. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I’m really happy. It’s gonna help me out a whole lot,” Oliveira said. “It’s going to be good. I’m going to actually be able to get restful sleep.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Schatzinger said he was offered only a spot at a tuff shed site, which he declined because there is no parking within three blocks, residents aren’t allowed to bring in mattresses or bedding and can only use city-provided cots, and there is little space to store his belongings. Instead, he and his neighbor, Jessica Huffman, 42, will likely be looking for some other place to park their RVs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They came to Wood Street after being forced to leave other encampments, Huffman said, and she didn’t want to return to a situation where she’s required to move her RV every few days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be a big problem when we’re forced into residential neighborhoods,” Huffman said. “That’s why the cops all pushed us out here in the first place. But it looks like we’re probably going to have to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past decade, the encampment at Wood Street has grown from a few RVs parked on the street to a sprawling tangle of structures, vehicles and trailers. It stretches for more than 15 city blocks underneath the I-880 overpass between Wood Street and the BNSF and Union Pacific railroad tracks on land owned by Caltrans, the city of Oakland, BNSF and private entities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925205\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925205\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man puts some items onto a truck\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ben Murawski fills a truck with his belongings in an attempt to remove the items from an area being cleared by Caltrans at the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But attorneys for Caltrans say the encampment posed a serious health and safety risk, citing some 200 fires over the past two years, including one on July 11 that sent plumes of smoke onto the freeway and prompted the transportation agency to begin clearing the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The frequency with fires, especially in that area,” Mark Guenzi, an attorney for Caltrans, said at an August 26 hearing, “is just very concerning given the potential for catastrophic risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The evictions are expected to continue over the next six weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925268\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11925268 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/017_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Several people in hard hats and construction bests stand in a line under a freeway overpass\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/017_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/017_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/017_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/017_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/017_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Caltrans crews wait to clear the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022, while residents and advocates block the road. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925269\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11925269 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/034_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Image from further away of the highway overpass and the clearing of Wood Street encampment\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/034_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/034_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/034_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/034_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/034_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Caltrans workers clear a barricade made by Wood Street residents meant to keep Caltrans out of the encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925270\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11925270 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/067_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Several people in hard hats, bright vests and masks clear away debris from the encampment with rakes\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/067_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/067_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/067_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/067_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/067_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Caltrans workers clear garbage from the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925272\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11925272 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/073_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Two people pack items on one side, while another person speaks to a police officer in the foreground with a trailer in the background\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/073_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/073_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/073_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/073_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/073_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ben Murawski fills a truck with his belongings in an attempt to remove the items from an area being cleared by Caltrans at the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925274\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925274\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58537_086_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man in a hat looks on in anguish next to four others \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58537_086_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58537_086_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58537_086_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58537_086_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58537_086_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wood Street resident LaMonte Ford looks on while Caltrans clears the area in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925275\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925275\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58506_042_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Three police officers stand around a man in a blue shirt as another police officer stands in the foreground\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58506_042_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58506_042_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58506_042_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58506_042_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58506_042_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wood Street resident Ron McGowan is arrested after standing on a truck that was blocking Caltrans from entering the encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925271\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925271\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/081_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/081_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/081_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/081_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/081_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/081_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wood Street resident LaMonte Ford hugs a friend while Caltrans clears the encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "we-have-a-vision-east-bay-ohlone-tribe-looks-to-future-as-oakland-announces-landback-plan",
"title": "'We Have a Vision': East Bay Ohlone Tribe Looks to Future as Oakland Announces Landback Plan",
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"headTitle": "‘We Have a Vision’: East Bay Ohlone Tribe Looks to Future as Oakland Announces Landback Plan | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>On Thursday, the City of Oakland announced plans to return about 5 acres of Joaquin Miller Park to the East Bay Ohlone, which would make Oakland the first California city ever to turn over part of a municipal park as part of the Indigenous \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/education/535779/land-back-the-indigenous-fight-to-reclaim-stolen-lands\">Land Back movement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved, the site known as Sequoia Point will be co-stewarded by the Sogorea Te’ Land Trust, a women-run nonprofit, and the Confederated Villages of Lisjan, an East Bay Ohlone tribe, through the creation of a cultural conservation easement. Under that arrangement, the city will retain emergency access to the land but grant the trust the right to use it in perpetuity for natural resource restoration, cultural practices and public education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Corrina Gould, Lisjan Ohlone tribal chair and co-founder of the Sogorea Te’ Land Trust, the announcement is the culmination of nearly five years of planning and conversations with the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a vision of a place in the hills that overlooks our territory, that holds us in a basket as we offer prayers, a way for us to tell our story as Lisjan people,” said Gould at a press conference announcing the plans. “A way for us to engage our relatives from all walks of life into stewarding this land in the way that it should be stewarded again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives from the trust said they’re in talks with planners and architects about what the site might look like, including options for a public education component, such as space for workshops about Ohlone heritage and culture and the Indigenous Land Back movement, a growing effort to return stolen land to the descendants of Indigenous people who inhabited it for millennia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925212\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/IMG_8787-2-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925212\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/IMG_8787-2-1.jpg\" alt=\"a poster board showing a mockup of a gazebo\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1423\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/IMG_8787-2-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/IMG_8787-2-1-800x593.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/IMG_8787-2-1-1020x756.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/IMG_8787-2-1-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/IMG_8787-2-1-1536x1138.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At a Sept. 8, 2022, press conference, Oakland officials and members of the Sogorea Te’ Land Trust shared a mock-up image of a structure the trust is hoping to build at the Sequoia Point site. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The land transfer must still be approved by several committees, including Oakland’s Planning Commission and Parks and Recreation Advisory Committee, and the City Council. City Council Member Sheng Thao, who represents the district in which Sequoia Point is located, will host a community meeting on September 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Corrina Gould, co-founder, Sogorea Te' Land Trust\"]‘We have a vision of a place in the hills that overlooks our territory … a way for us to engage our relatives from all walks of life into stewarding this land in the way that it should be stewarded again.’[/pullquote]Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf said she expects the City Council’s approval by the end of the year. Returning the land to Native stewardship, said Schaaf in a statement, is a way to “offer some redress for past injustices to Native people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope the work we are doing in Oakland with the Sogorea Te’ Land Trust can serve as a model for other cities working to return Indigenous land to the Indigenous community we stole it from,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11902489,news_11848769,news_11903991\"]Land transfers to Native American groups have made headlines in recent years elsewhere in California. In January, the San Francisco-based Save the Redwoods League bought a remote 523-acre plot of redwoods on the Lost Coast and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902489/a-real-blessing-tribal-group-reclaims-more-than-500-acres-of-northern-california-redwoods\">transferred ownership to the InterTribal Sinkyone Wilderness Council\u003c/a>, or Sinkyone Council, which includes members of 10 federally recognized tribes in Mendocino and Lake counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Sequoia Point would mark a notable outgrowth of the movement into a densely populated city — one of the first times municipal urban land has been returned to a Native group in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gould said that for Native people, an announcement like Thursday’s is just the beginning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really want to lift up that the city of Oakland is the first one to do this,” she said. “And I’m hoping that we can use this as a blueprint for other cities that say, ‘We can’t do this.’ There are other tribes around California that want this to happen … they can use this as an example: Yes, it can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "On Thursday, Oakland officials announced plans to return about 5 acres of Joaquin Miller Park to Ohlone stewardship, which would make Oakland the first California city ever to turn over part of a municipal park as part of the Indigenous Land Back movement.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On Thursday, the City of Oakland announced plans to return about 5 acres of Joaquin Miller Park to the East Bay Ohlone, which would make Oakland the first California city ever to turn over part of a municipal park as part of the Indigenous \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/education/535779/land-back-the-indigenous-fight-to-reclaim-stolen-lands\">Land Back movement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved, the site known as Sequoia Point will be co-stewarded by the Sogorea Te’ Land Trust, a women-run nonprofit, and the Confederated Villages of Lisjan, an East Bay Ohlone tribe, through the creation of a cultural conservation easement. Under that arrangement, the city will retain emergency access to the land but grant the trust the right to use it in perpetuity for natural resource restoration, cultural practices and public education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Corrina Gould, Lisjan Ohlone tribal chair and co-founder of the Sogorea Te’ Land Trust, the announcement is the culmination of nearly five years of planning and conversations with the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a vision of a place in the hills that overlooks our territory, that holds us in a basket as we offer prayers, a way for us to tell our story as Lisjan people,” said Gould at a press conference announcing the plans. “A way for us to engage our relatives from all walks of life into stewarding this land in the way that it should be stewarded again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives from the trust said they’re in talks with planners and architects about what the site might look like, including options for a public education component, such as space for workshops about Ohlone heritage and culture and the Indigenous Land Back movement, a growing effort to return stolen land to the descendants of Indigenous people who inhabited it for millennia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925212\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/IMG_8787-2-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925212\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/IMG_8787-2-1.jpg\" alt=\"a poster board showing a mockup of a gazebo\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1423\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/IMG_8787-2-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/IMG_8787-2-1-800x593.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/IMG_8787-2-1-1020x756.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/IMG_8787-2-1-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/IMG_8787-2-1-1536x1138.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At a Sept. 8, 2022, press conference, Oakland officials and members of the Sogorea Te’ Land Trust shared a mock-up image of a structure the trust is hoping to build at the Sequoia Point site. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The land transfer must still be approved by several committees, including Oakland’s Planning Commission and Parks and Recreation Advisory Committee, and the City Council. City Council Member Sheng Thao, who represents the district in which Sequoia Point is located, will host a community meeting on September 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We have a vision of a place in the hills that overlooks our territory … a way for us to engage our relatives from all walks of life into stewarding this land in the way that it should be stewarded again.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf said she expects the City Council’s approval by the end of the year. Returning the land to Native stewardship, said Schaaf in a statement, is a way to “offer some redress for past injustices to Native people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope the work we are doing in Oakland with the Sogorea Te’ Land Trust can serve as a model for other cities working to return Indigenous land to the Indigenous community we stole it from,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Land transfers to Native American groups have made headlines in recent years elsewhere in California. In January, the San Francisco-based Save the Redwoods League bought a remote 523-acre plot of redwoods on the Lost Coast and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902489/a-real-blessing-tribal-group-reclaims-more-than-500-acres-of-northern-california-redwoods\">transferred ownership to the InterTribal Sinkyone Wilderness Council\u003c/a>, or Sinkyone Council, which includes members of 10 federally recognized tribes in Mendocino and Lake counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Sequoia Point would mark a notable outgrowth of the movement into a densely populated city — one of the first times municipal urban land has been returned to a Native group in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gould said that for Native people, an announcement like Thursday’s is just the beginning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really want to lift up that the city of Oakland is the first one to do this,” she said. “And I’m hoping that we can use this as a blueprint for other cities that say, ‘We can’t do this.’ There are other tribes around California that want this to happen … they can use this as an example: Yes, it can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When the government made school meals temporarily free to virtually all public school students in 2020, the intent was to buffer children and families from the spike in hunger and economic hardship caused by the pandemic. It also inadvertently turned out to be a pilot project for something anti-hunger groups had been pushing for years: making school food free, permanently, for all public school students, regardless of income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once free meals were in place, albeit temporarily, many advocates thought that they would at least remain that way for the rest of the pandemic—if not longer. That didn’t turn out to be the case; this spring, Republicans blocked an extension of the waivers that allowed schools to serve free meals to all, which made the prospect of legislation establishing universal school meals remote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=small citation='Katie Wilson Urban School Food Alliance']‘Right now, there is just not the desire to do universal school meals at a national level from one side of the aisle. So how do you change that? We don’t know. We’ve been trying for decades.’[/pullquote]This fall, schools are once again charging for lunch and breakfast, and people who run school food programs are back to the familiar scramble to get students signed up for free and reduced-price meals — and to the familiar worry that some kids will feel stigmatized for getting free meals, end up in lunch debt or go hungry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those arguing for universal free meals say that it would put an end to that stigma and to administrative hurdles that can prevent parents from signing their kids up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_11882605,news_11922685]While advocates say Republican opposition to expanding school feeding programs is daunting, they haven’t given up on the idea of making school meals free for all. Instead, they’re trying to keep the momentum going by backing state-level efforts that could eventually lay the groundwork for federal action.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>States move to free school meals for all kids\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This year, California, Maine, Vermont, Massachusetts and Nevada will offer free meals to all public school students, regardless of their family’s income. Connecticut has also funded free meals for part of this year, and Colorado voters will decide in November whether to make school meals free to all. Universal meals legislation has been introduced in a number of other states, including Minnesota, Wisconsin, New York, Maryland and North Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A state-by-state approach isn’t ideal, says Clarissa Hayes, deputy director of school and out-of-school time programs at the Food Research & Action Center, but it’s still an important step — one that never would have happened if the pandemic hadn’t hit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really moved the needle,” she says. “We are excited to see what’s happening in the states, and in most cases, it is a bipartisan effort and there are a lot of partners at the table.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But whether action at the state level will translate into more support for federal universal school meals legislation is unclear, says Katie Wilson, the executive director of the Urban School Food Alliance. “You can roll the dice,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While state initiatives could help popularize the idea of universal meals, they could also give federal lawmakers cover to argue that the question of whether to make meals universally free is best left to state legislatures, she says. That would sell kids short, Wilson says, noting that children’s access to healthy food should not depend on their zip codes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No matter how much support universal school meals have at the state level, Republican opposition in Congress is formidable, she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, there is just not the desire to do universal school meals at a national level from one side of the aisle,” she says. “So how do you change that? We don’t know. We’ve been trying for decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal lawmakers will likely hear from constituents upset that kids’ access to school meals has been curtailed at a time when so many families continue to struggle with food insecurity, and high food and fuel prices, says Diane Pratt-Heavner, director of media relations at the School Nutrition Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she says that passing \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanders.senate.gov/press-releases/news-sanders-omar-gillibrand-and-moore-seek-to-expand-and-make-permanent-universal-school-meals/\">universal meals legislation\u003c/a>, of the sort that Sen. Bernie Sanders, Rep. Ilhan Omar and other Democrats have introduced in recent years, is going to be “an uphill climb.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Another workaround to help hungry kids\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pratt-Heavner and other advocates point to an upcoming opportunity to increase kids’ access to free school meals in a less sweeping, but still significant way — the child nutrition reauthorization process. Every five years, Congress is required to reauthorize school feeding programs, and it’s a critical chance to strengthen them, advocates say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress is overdue to reauthorize the program, but there was finally some movement in July when House Committee on Education and Labor Chairman Bobby Scott, a Virginia Democrat,\u003ca href=\"https://edlabor.house.gov/imo/media/doc/healthy_meals_healthy_kids_act_fact_sheet2.pdf\"> introduced a childhood nutrition reauthorization bill\u003c/a> that was praised by anti-hunger advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, if enacted as written, would alter the rules governing the Community Eligibility Provision. In its current form, the provision allows schools where at least 40% of students are “directly certified” — that is, enrolled in federal safety net programs like SNAP or TANF or are in the foster care system — to offer free meals to all students at the school, regardless of need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 2021-22 school year, 33,300 schools serving 16.2 million children used the provision, according to a USDA spokesperson — that’s nearly a third of the nation’s 49.5 million public school students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates say that the program isn’t reaching as far as it could. That’s because under the current rules, schools that have between 40% and 62.5% of their students directly certified still have to pay for a portion of the meals they serve, which not all schools or districts can afford or want to do. It’s only when 62.5% or more of the student body is directly certified that the federal government pays the entire amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Scott bill would change reimbursement rates so that schools would only have to have 40% directly certified students to be fully reimbursed for all meals served. And it would allow schools or districts in which 25% of students are directly certified to participate in the program if they were willing to cover a portion of the cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pratt-Heavner says the bill’s provisions would help many more schools in high poverty communities offer meals to all students. But she says that it still wouldn’t help the economically-stressed families who live in wealthier communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the end of the day, these meals are important to all students,” she says. “And that’s why it’s important to just offer meals to all students, without an application, just like we offer them textbooks and bus service.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced by Ag Insider, a publication of the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.thefern.org/\">\u003cem>Food & Environment Reporting Network\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> . FERN is an independent, nonprofit news organization, where Bridget Huber is a staff writer.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 . To see more, visit .\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Hunger+advocates+want+free+school+meals+for+all+kids.+It%27s+tough+sell+in+Congress&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When the government made school meals temporarily free to virtually all public school students in 2020, the intent was to buffer children and families from the spike in hunger and economic hardship caused by the pandemic. It also inadvertently turned out to be a pilot project for something anti-hunger groups had been pushing for years: making school food free, permanently, for all public school students, regardless of income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once free meals were in place, albeit temporarily, many advocates thought that they would at least remain that way for the rest of the pandemic—if not longer. That didn’t turn out to be the case; this spring, Republicans blocked an extension of the waivers that allowed schools to serve free meals to all, which made the prospect of legislation establishing universal school meals remote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>This fall, schools are once again charging for lunch and breakfast, and people who run school food programs are back to the familiar scramble to get students signed up for free and reduced-price meals — and to the familiar worry that some kids will feel stigmatized for getting free meals, end up in lunch debt or go hungry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those arguing for universal free meals say that it would put an end to that stigma and to administrative hurdles that can prevent parents from signing their kids up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While advocates say Republican opposition to expanding school feeding programs is daunting, they haven’t given up on the idea of making school meals free for all. Instead, they’re trying to keep the momentum going by backing state-level efforts that could eventually lay the groundwork for federal action.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>States move to free school meals for all kids\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This year, California, Maine, Vermont, Massachusetts and Nevada will offer free meals to all public school students, regardless of their family’s income. Connecticut has also funded free meals for part of this year, and Colorado voters will decide in November whether to make school meals free to all. Universal meals legislation has been introduced in a number of other states, including Minnesota, Wisconsin, New York, Maryland and North Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A state-by-state approach isn’t ideal, says Clarissa Hayes, deputy director of school and out-of-school time programs at the Food Research & Action Center, but it’s still an important step — one that never would have happened if the pandemic hadn’t hit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really moved the needle,” she says. “We are excited to see what’s happening in the states, and in most cases, it is a bipartisan effort and there are a lot of partners at the table.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But whether action at the state level will translate into more support for federal universal school meals legislation is unclear, says Katie Wilson, the executive director of the Urban School Food Alliance. “You can roll the dice,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While state initiatives could help popularize the idea of universal meals, they could also give federal lawmakers cover to argue that the question of whether to make meals universally free is best left to state legislatures, she says. That would sell kids short, Wilson says, noting that children’s access to healthy food should not depend on their zip codes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No matter how much support universal school meals have at the state level, Republican opposition in Congress is formidable, she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, there is just not the desire to do universal school meals at a national level from one side of the aisle,” she says. “So how do you change that? We don’t know. We’ve been trying for decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal lawmakers will likely hear from constituents upset that kids’ access to school meals has been curtailed at a time when so many families continue to struggle with food insecurity, and high food and fuel prices, says Diane Pratt-Heavner, director of media relations at the School Nutrition Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she says that passing \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanders.senate.gov/press-releases/news-sanders-omar-gillibrand-and-moore-seek-to-expand-and-make-permanent-universal-school-meals/\">universal meals legislation\u003c/a>, of the sort that Sen. Bernie Sanders, Rep. Ilhan Omar and other Democrats have introduced in recent years, is going to be “an uphill climb.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Another workaround to help hungry kids\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pratt-Heavner and other advocates point to an upcoming opportunity to increase kids’ access to free school meals in a less sweeping, but still significant way — the child nutrition reauthorization process. Every five years, Congress is required to reauthorize school feeding programs, and it’s a critical chance to strengthen them, advocates say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress is overdue to reauthorize the program, but there was finally some movement in July when House Committee on Education and Labor Chairman Bobby Scott, a Virginia Democrat,\u003ca href=\"https://edlabor.house.gov/imo/media/doc/healthy_meals_healthy_kids_act_fact_sheet2.pdf\"> introduced a childhood nutrition reauthorization bill\u003c/a> that was praised by anti-hunger advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, if enacted as written, would alter the rules governing the Community Eligibility Provision. In its current form, the provision allows schools where at least 40% of students are “directly certified” — that is, enrolled in federal safety net programs like SNAP or TANF or are in the foster care system — to offer free meals to all students at the school, regardless of need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 2021-22 school year, 33,300 schools serving 16.2 million children used the provision, according to a USDA spokesperson — that’s nearly a third of the nation’s 49.5 million public school students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates say that the program isn’t reaching as far as it could. That’s because under the current rules, schools that have between 40% and 62.5% of their students directly certified still have to pay for a portion of the meals they serve, which not all schools or districts can afford or want to do. It’s only when 62.5% or more of the student body is directly certified that the federal government pays the entire amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Scott bill would change reimbursement rates so that schools would only have to have 40% directly certified students to be fully reimbursed for all meals served. And it would allow schools or districts in which 25% of students are directly certified to participate in the program if they were willing to cover a portion of the cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pratt-Heavner says the bill’s provisions would help many more schools in high poverty communities offer meals to all students. But she says that it still wouldn’t help the economically-stressed families who live in wealthier communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the end of the day, these meals are important to all students,” she says. “And that’s why it’s important to just offer meals to all students, without an application, just like we offer them textbooks and bus service.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced by Ag Insider, a publication of the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.thefern.org/\">\u003cem>Food & Environment Reporting Network\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> . FERN is an independent, nonprofit news organization, where Bridget Huber is a staff writer.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 . To see more, visit .\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Hunger+advocates+want+free+school+meals+for+all+kids.+It%27s+tough+sell+in+Congress&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Falling childhood vaccination rates during the pandemic meant that thousands of students were unable to start the school year on a campus because they did not have the immunizations required by the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/OPA/Pages/NR22-118.aspx\">1 in 8 California students age 4 to 6 did not have their measles, mumps and rubella vaccination\u003c/a> — one of \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2019/what-schools-and-parents-need-to-know-about-the-new-vaccination-law/82242\">10 vaccinations California requires\u003c/a> — before school started this year, according to the California Department of Public Health. That means that there could potentially be many more students who haven’t had other required vaccinations that could put them at risk of being sent home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts attribute the decrease in the number of vaccinated children to families falling behind on wellness checkups during the pandemic, vaccine fatigue and increased vaccine hesitancy. In at least one community, vaccine supply has become an issue. [aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=news_11924322,news_11899840,news_11911266]Childhood vaccination rates plummeted after school campuses closed in March 2020 because of COVID-19 concerns. In the more than two years since, the number of children who have all the required vaccinations to attend school has increased, but not to pre-pandemic levels. In the beginning of the 2019-20 school year, 94.3% of prospective kindergartners had all the vaccines required to begin school. In April 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2020/california-immunization-rates-drop-40-percent-during-pandemic/633594\">childhood immunizations fell 40% over the same month the previous year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next two years, some parents, fearful of exposing their children to COVID, skipped child wellness appointments where vaccinations are often given, said Catherine Flores Martin, executive director of the California Immunization Coalition. Some children received COVID vaccinations at pharmacies or clinics where technicians did not check to see whether they needed other vaccinations, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents are still playing catchup on vaccinations, and some are so overwhelmed with the number of vaccinations since the COVID-19 pandemic began that they have vaccination fatigue, said Richard Dang, president of the California Pharmacists Association and an assistant professor at the University of Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing vaccine hesitancy since the COVID-19 pandemic began may be another reason for the decline in the state’s vaccination rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Looking at the nationwide sentiment when it comes to vaccinations, there appears to be a slight uptick in vaccine hesitancy,” Dang said. “Some of the hesitancy from the COVID vaccine is bleeding over to the other vaccinations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin agreed, saying, “I think there are some parents who may have given it a second thought, when they had not in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Placerville, a limited supply of vaccines at doctors’ offices and pharmacies is keeping students from getting needed vaccinations, said Eric Bonniksen, superintendent of the Placerville Union School District. There are other districts in the state that are also having supply problems, Bonniksen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had families having to make appointments three to six weeks out because none of our providers have any on hand and the deliveries are coming in very slow,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Orange County, some parents are submitting homeopathic vaccine records to school clerks as proof of vaccination, said Pamela Kahn, coordinator for health and wellness for the Orange County Department of Education. These do not meet the state requirement, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although some school front office staff, unsure whether to accept the records, have asked for guidance, others did not and accepted the records, Kahn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School leaders can allay parents’ fears over vaccines by hosting informational sessions on vaccinations, sending vaccine information home or giving parents access to trusted professionals, like nurses and doctors, who can speak to them about their concerns, Dang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most school districts hold vaccination clinics to help families get children up to date on their immunizations. Some have even offered prizes or other incentives to get it done, Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Families who don’t want to vaccinate have a few options\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Parents who do not want to vaccinate their children can obtain a medical exemption or have their children evaluated and enrolled in special education services if they want them to stay on campus. They can also homeschool them or enroll them in an independent study program without classroom instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students with some required vaccinations can be admitted to school conditionally until they get caught up on all their vaccinations, but students without at least one dose of polio; diphtheria, tetanus and pertussis; measles; hepatitis B; and varicella (chicken pox) vaccinations are not permitted to attend school on campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students enrolled conditionally must adhere to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/vaccines/schedules/hcp/imz/catchup.html\">Centers for Disease Control and Prevention catchup schedules\u003c/a>, while unhoused students must receive all required immunizations as soon as possible after beginning school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year San Juan Unified, which serves 39,442 students in Sacramento County, excluded 55 students from classroom instruction at the beginning of the school year because they lacked the required vaccinations. The students and their families had been contacted regularly by school officials and the district’s health service office and offered immunization resources, according to Raj Rai, director of communications for the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health and attendance clerks at each school in the district track students who are enrolled conditionally to ensure they are getting immunizations in accordance with state catchup schedules, Rai said. Currently, the district has 411 students enrolled conditionally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego Unified officials weren’t sure last week how many of their students would have to be excluded from school when classes began this week. But Susan Barndollar, executive director of nursing and wellness for the district, thinks a year is enough time for families to have caught up on required immunizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are notifying people as we speak,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To ensure all students can enroll in school, the district held vaccination clinics themselves and with community partners. District staff members are also helping families to connect with medical providers. San Diego Unified has held parent meetings on Zoom featuring medical professionals who answered questions about many health issues, including vaccinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barndollar doesn’t think there has been a lot of vaccine hesitancy among district families. The district lost only 20 students after the 2015 law passed making it more difficult to get a medical waiver to avoid vaccinations, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We encourage everyone to go to the California Department of Public Health website, go to your family doctor or your school health clinic to get information,” she said. “We encourage people to talk. They can tell us where they are getting their information, and then we can help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decline in California’s vaccination rate follows years of improved vaccination rates for children after state laws were passed that require students to be vaccinated against certain diseases to attend schools and child care centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools and licensed child care centers are required to enforce immunization requirements, maintain the immunization records of all children enrolled and report students’ immunization status to the California Department of Public Health. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/Immunization/School/reporting-audit.aspx\">Schools are audited by the state\u003c/a> regularly. Those who don’t comply with state law are required to pay back the average daily attendance funding they received for children who were not vaccinated or enrolled conditionally, Barndollar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Some students missed vaccine checkpoints during distance learning\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some districts didn’t enforce vaccination requirements when schools were shut down during the pandemic, meaning some students may have missed a vaccination checkpoint. This could potentially allow some students to avoid vaccinations for as long as six years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That has been a huge concern for advocates and school nurses,” Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego Unified did track vaccinations when their schools closed in 2020. School nurses sent out reminders about vaccination mandates and deadlines. When schools reopened, San Diego Unified didn’t just check the vaccination records at the usual checkpoints; they also checked the records of any student who had not attended school on a campus, even if they had attended virtually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles Unified, the state’s largest school district, had 91.9% of its students fully vaccinated as of August 24. In a district with 430,000 students, that means that more than 30,000 students may not have all their vaccinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our nursing department continues to diligently track and monitor immunization rates and encourages compliance,” said a district spokesperson. “Per California law, students cannot enroll if they are not compliant. If they are noncompliant, they are given a notification of what immunizations are due, with a 10-day grace period to get the missing vaccines. We continue to closely monitor this issue and work with families to get to a 100% compliance rate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Vaccine rates aren’t falling in all districts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite the overall bad news about declining vaccinations, some districts have managed to keep vaccination rates high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the tiny Konocti Unified School District in Lake County, where 99% of the 3,600 students in the district are fully vaccinated this school year, Chris Schoeneman, assistant superintendent, hasn’t seen much resistance from parents to vaccinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do not allow students to start unless they have been immunized,” he said. “That line in the sand is important. Most of the time the main issue is parents making it a priority and then, when we make it a priority for them, they get on board quickly and easily.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s nursing staff and a local hospital also host a Saturday immunization clinic to help catch students up on their vaccinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is important to protect children from diseases like measles and polio, traces of which have shown up in wastewater in New York and Great Britain, Martin said. California’s last large measles outbreak in 2015 was largely among unvaccinated individuals, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These diseases are still with us,” she said. “We haven’t eradicated these diseases. We were close, but we did not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The best way parents can keep their children safe from diseases is to make sure they are current on their immunizations and have their regular wellness checkups, Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ninety-five percent of children at a school must be immunized to prevent transmission of disease in a community, according to the state Department of Public Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it is important that we get our parents on board for these childhood vaccines,” Dang said. “We have been using them for many, many years, and they have been working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/thousands-without-childhood-vaccinations-unable-to-return-to-school/677507\">This story was first published by EdSource.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Falling childhood vaccination rates during the pandemic meant that thousands of students were unable to start the school year on a campus because they did not have the immunizations required by the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/OPA/Pages/NR22-118.aspx\">1 in 8 California students age 4 to 6 did not have their measles, mumps and rubella vaccination\u003c/a> — one of \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2019/what-schools-and-parents-need-to-know-about-the-new-vaccination-law/82242\">10 vaccinations California requires\u003c/a> — before school started this year, according to the California Department of Public Health. That means that there could potentially be many more students who haven’t had other required vaccinations that could put them at risk of being sent home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts attribute the decrease in the number of vaccinated children to families falling behind on wellness checkups during the pandemic, vaccine fatigue and increased vaccine hesitancy. In at least one community, vaccine supply has become an issue. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Childhood vaccination rates plummeted after school campuses closed in March 2020 because of COVID-19 concerns. In the more than two years since, the number of children who have all the required vaccinations to attend school has increased, but not to pre-pandemic levels. In the beginning of the 2019-20 school year, 94.3% of prospective kindergartners had all the vaccines required to begin school. In April 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2020/california-immunization-rates-drop-40-percent-during-pandemic/633594\">childhood immunizations fell 40% over the same month the previous year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next two years, some parents, fearful of exposing their children to COVID, skipped child wellness appointments where vaccinations are often given, said Catherine Flores Martin, executive director of the California Immunization Coalition. Some children received COVID vaccinations at pharmacies or clinics where technicians did not check to see whether they needed other vaccinations, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents are still playing catchup on vaccinations, and some are so overwhelmed with the number of vaccinations since the COVID-19 pandemic began that they have vaccination fatigue, said Richard Dang, president of the California Pharmacists Association and an assistant professor at the University of Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing vaccine hesitancy since the COVID-19 pandemic began may be another reason for the decline in the state’s vaccination rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Looking at the nationwide sentiment when it comes to vaccinations, there appears to be a slight uptick in vaccine hesitancy,” Dang said. “Some of the hesitancy from the COVID vaccine is bleeding over to the other vaccinations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin agreed, saying, “I think there are some parents who may have given it a second thought, when they had not in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Placerville, a limited supply of vaccines at doctors’ offices and pharmacies is keeping students from getting needed vaccinations, said Eric Bonniksen, superintendent of the Placerville Union School District. There are other districts in the state that are also having supply problems, Bonniksen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had families having to make appointments three to six weeks out because none of our providers have any on hand and the deliveries are coming in very slow,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Orange County, some parents are submitting homeopathic vaccine records to school clerks as proof of vaccination, said Pamela Kahn, coordinator for health and wellness for the Orange County Department of Education. These do not meet the state requirement, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although some school front office staff, unsure whether to accept the records, have asked for guidance, others did not and accepted the records, Kahn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School leaders can allay parents’ fears over vaccines by hosting informational sessions on vaccinations, sending vaccine information home or giving parents access to trusted professionals, like nurses and doctors, who can speak to them about their concerns, Dang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most school districts hold vaccination clinics to help families get children up to date on their immunizations. Some have even offered prizes or other incentives to get it done, Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Families who don’t want to vaccinate have a few options\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Parents who do not want to vaccinate their children can obtain a medical exemption or have their children evaluated and enrolled in special education services if they want them to stay on campus. They can also homeschool them or enroll them in an independent study program without classroom instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students with some required vaccinations can be admitted to school conditionally until they get caught up on all their vaccinations, but students without at least one dose of polio; diphtheria, tetanus and pertussis; measles; hepatitis B; and varicella (chicken pox) vaccinations are not permitted to attend school on campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students enrolled conditionally must adhere to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/vaccines/schedules/hcp/imz/catchup.html\">Centers for Disease Control and Prevention catchup schedules\u003c/a>, while unhoused students must receive all required immunizations as soon as possible after beginning school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year San Juan Unified, which serves 39,442 students in Sacramento County, excluded 55 students from classroom instruction at the beginning of the school year because they lacked the required vaccinations. The students and their families had been contacted regularly by school officials and the district’s health service office and offered immunization resources, according to Raj Rai, director of communications for the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health and attendance clerks at each school in the district track students who are enrolled conditionally to ensure they are getting immunizations in accordance with state catchup schedules, Rai said. Currently, the district has 411 students enrolled conditionally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego Unified officials weren’t sure last week how many of their students would have to be excluded from school when classes began this week. But Susan Barndollar, executive director of nursing and wellness for the district, thinks a year is enough time for families to have caught up on required immunizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are notifying people as we speak,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To ensure all students can enroll in school, the district held vaccination clinics themselves and with community partners. District staff members are also helping families to connect with medical providers. San Diego Unified has held parent meetings on Zoom featuring medical professionals who answered questions about many health issues, including vaccinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barndollar doesn’t think there has been a lot of vaccine hesitancy among district families. The district lost only 20 students after the 2015 law passed making it more difficult to get a medical waiver to avoid vaccinations, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We encourage everyone to go to the California Department of Public Health website, go to your family doctor or your school health clinic to get information,” she said. “We encourage people to talk. They can tell us where they are getting their information, and then we can help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decline in California’s vaccination rate follows years of improved vaccination rates for children after state laws were passed that require students to be vaccinated against certain diseases to attend schools and child care centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools and licensed child care centers are required to enforce immunization requirements, maintain the immunization records of all children enrolled and report students’ immunization status to the California Department of Public Health. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/Immunization/School/reporting-audit.aspx\">Schools are audited by the state\u003c/a> regularly. Those who don’t comply with state law are required to pay back the average daily attendance funding they received for children who were not vaccinated or enrolled conditionally, Barndollar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Some students missed vaccine checkpoints during distance learning\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some districts didn’t enforce vaccination requirements when schools were shut down during the pandemic, meaning some students may have missed a vaccination checkpoint. This could potentially allow some students to avoid vaccinations for as long as six years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That has been a huge concern for advocates and school nurses,” Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego Unified did track vaccinations when their schools closed in 2020. School nurses sent out reminders about vaccination mandates and deadlines. When schools reopened, San Diego Unified didn’t just check the vaccination records at the usual checkpoints; they also checked the records of any student who had not attended school on a campus, even if they had attended virtually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles Unified, the state’s largest school district, had 91.9% of its students fully vaccinated as of August 24. In a district with 430,000 students, that means that more than 30,000 students may not have all their vaccinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our nursing department continues to diligently track and monitor immunization rates and encourages compliance,” said a district spokesperson. “Per California law, students cannot enroll if they are not compliant. If they are noncompliant, they are given a notification of what immunizations are due, with a 10-day grace period to get the missing vaccines. We continue to closely monitor this issue and work with families to get to a 100% compliance rate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Vaccine rates aren’t falling in all districts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite the overall bad news about declining vaccinations, some districts have managed to keep vaccination rates high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the tiny Konocti Unified School District in Lake County, where 99% of the 3,600 students in the district are fully vaccinated this school year, Chris Schoeneman, assistant superintendent, hasn’t seen much resistance from parents to vaccinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do not allow students to start unless they have been immunized,” he said. “That line in the sand is important. Most of the time the main issue is parents making it a priority and then, when we make it a priority for them, they get on board quickly and easily.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s nursing staff and a local hospital also host a Saturday immunization clinic to help catch students up on their vaccinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is important to protect children from diseases like measles and polio, traces of which have shown up in wastewater in New York and Great Britain, Martin said. California’s last large measles outbreak in 2015 was largely among unvaccinated individuals, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These diseases are still with us,” she said. “We haven’t eradicated these diseases. We were close, but we did not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The best way parents can keep their children safe from diseases is to make sure they are current on their immunizations and have their regular wellness checkups, Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ninety-five percent of children at a school must be immunized to prevent transmission of disease in a community, according to the state Department of Public Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it is important that we get our parents on board for these childhood vaccines,” Dang said. “We have been using them for many, many years, and they have been working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The teacher shortage has struck most districts in California, but an EdSource survey shows that the impacts are nuanced, uneven — and sometimes inequitable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even within the same district, some schools — particularly those in wealthier neighborhoods — experienced less teacher turnover and were more likely to start the school year with a full staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, many districts that serve large numbers of high-needs students reported severe teacher shortages as the school year began, leaving students with substitutes or administrators to fill in until the district could hire more staff.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside label='California Schools' tag='teachers']\u003c/span>“The teacher shortage is not a mass exodus story. There’s variation,” said Desiree Carver-Thomas, researcher and policy analyst for the Learning Policy Institute, who’s \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://learningpolicyinstitute.org/product/california-covid-19-teacher-workforce-report\">studied the issue\u003c/a>. “But there are very significant shortages in some districts, and that’s having a big impact on students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Santa Ana Unified, for example, where almost 90% of students come from lower-income families, the district reported 52 teacher vacancies last week, with almost half in special education, a notoriously hard-to-staff division. That may seem insignificant for a district that has more than 2,300 teachers on the payroll, but those vacancies have left district leaders scrambling. If they can’t find enough substitutes, the district plans to reassign those students to other classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not that Santa Ana isn’t trying. So far, they’ve hired 75 teachers for the 2022-23 school year, in addition to 318 teachers they hired last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Santa Ana Unified continues to experience the same, if not greater, shortage of applicants for both certificated and classified positions,” district spokesperson Fermin Leal said, noting the tight competition among neighboring districts to recruit and hire teachers quickly. “We are proud of all the applicants who have chosen and who do choose to work with SAUSD.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Long Beach Unified, where more than 66% of students come from lower-income families, also reported a severe teacher shortage. Even after hiring 277 teachers over the summer, the district still has 45 vacancies. Oakland Unified, which has about 20,000 fewer students than Long Beach, has 34 vacancies after a hiring binge of 474 teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A nationwide problem\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The teacher shortage is not unique to California — in fact, California isn’t even among the most affected, according to \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.edworkingpapers.com/sites/default/files/ai22-631.pdf\">research\u003c/a> from Brown University’s Annenberg Institute. Mississippi, Alabama, West Virginia, Kansas and numerous other states all face dire shortages as the school year begins, according to the report. Teachers everywhere have been quitting, sometimes even in the middle of the school year, citing the stress of working through COVID, an uptick in student misbehavior after the return to in-person classes and a lack of respect from parents, among other complaints. A February \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.nea.org/advocating-for-change/new-from-nea/survey-alarming-number-educators-may-soon-leave-profession\">survey\u003c/a> by the National Education Association teachers union found that 55% were seriously considering leaving their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Combined with new funding to expand staff, many districts have been left with greater-than-expected hiring needs. And those subjects that were difficult to staff even before the pandemic — such as special education, bilingual education, math and science — are even more affected now.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Desiree Carver-Thomas, researcher and policy analyst, Learning Policy Institute']‘There are very significant shortages in some districts, and that’s having a big impact on students.’[/pullquote]\u003c/span>EdSource collected teacher hiring data from 16 districts representing a sampling of California: urban, rural, coastal, valley, large, small, affluent and lower-income. Every district but two (Riverside Unified and Trona Joint Unified near Death Valley) reported a shortage of some kind. Seven said they had nearly filled all their vacancies, while the remaining seven said they were experiencing steep shortfalls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Unified managed to fill all but eight of 500 vacancies by the start of the school year, in part by offering bonuses of up to $2,000 for teachers to work in special or bilingual education or in academically low-achieving schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles Unified \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/los-angeles-unified-to-enter-new-school-year-with-fewer-classroom-vacancies/676443\">made headlines\u003c/a> last week when it announced it had filled 99% of its teacher vacancies. Clovis Unified, near Fresno, said it had 22 vacancies when school started, but the district expects to fill those positions soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not seeing any extreme teacher shortage like what’s happening in other parts of the state. We’re actually in pretty good shape for our hiring,” said district spokesperson Kelly Avants. “Even when you look at some of the STEM areas and advanced math and science in high school, we’re fully staffed in those areas right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Creative solutions\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some districts in California, such as \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2017/fresno-tackles-its-shortage-of-math-and-science-teachers/581342\">Fresno\u003c/a>, have been grappling with teacher shortages for years and had already embraced creative ways to attract and retain teachers. Bonuses, money for home down payments and student loan forgiveness were among the tools districts used to lure potential teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those districts had also established close relationships with local colleges to create a seamless transition from a credential program to employment. Fresno went a step further and opened “teacher academies” in high schools, so students can get a jump-start on their teaching careers while still students themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Districts that have been proactive about hiring find themselves in better shape now, Carver-Thomas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also credited the state’s efforts to bolster the teacher pipeline. The new \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://gstg.csac.ca.gov/\">Golden State Teacher Grant Program \u003c/a>offers up to $20,000 for those pursuing teaching, counseling or school social work degrees. Salary increases, retention bonuses and teacher residencies also help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It did seem to make a difference,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Riverside Unified bucked the trend. The district has a high percentage of students from lower-income families — 72% — but has not struggled to fill positions like many districts with similar demographics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kyley Ybarra, assistant superintendent of personnel, said her department has been trying to increase the teacher pipeline for years. The district has boosted salaries to compete with neighboring districts, raising the starting salary for a new teacher to $66,933. They’ve also lowered class sizes, added professional development courses and offered to pay for the second step of teachers’ credential process, which can cost up to $10,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the biggest help has been the district’s relationship with its three local universities, Ybarra said. By providing student-teaching jobs for college students, the district has seen a big boost in prospective teachers applying for jobs after they graduate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district still has to hire hundreds of teachers a year, typically, but college partnerships relieve much of the stress, Ybarra said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They get to know us, they feel comfortable, and many decide they want to stay,” Ybarra said. “It’s a lot of work, but it’s made a world of difference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/teacher-shortage-depends-where-you-look/677497\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This story originally appeared in EdSource.\u003c/span>\u003c/i> \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"description": "The teacher shortage has struck most districts in California, but an EdSource survey shows that the impacts are nuanced, uneven — and sometimes inequitable. Even within the same district, some schools — particularly those in wealthier neighborhoods — experienced less teacher turnover and were more likely to start the school year with a full staff.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>“The teacher shortage is not a mass exodus story. There’s variation,” said Desiree Carver-Thomas, researcher and policy analyst for the Learning Policy Institute, who’s \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://learningpolicyinstitute.org/product/california-covid-19-teacher-workforce-report\">studied the issue\u003c/a>. “But there are very significant shortages in some districts, and that’s having a big impact on students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Santa Ana Unified, for example, where almost 90% of students come from lower-income families, the district reported 52 teacher vacancies last week, with almost half in special education, a notoriously hard-to-staff division. That may seem insignificant for a district that has more than 2,300 teachers on the payroll, but those vacancies have left district leaders scrambling. If they can’t find enough substitutes, the district plans to reassign those students to other classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not that Santa Ana isn’t trying. So far, they’ve hired 75 teachers for the 2022-23 school year, in addition to 318 teachers they hired last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Santa Ana Unified continues to experience the same, if not greater, shortage of applicants for both certificated and classified positions,” district spokesperson Fermin Leal said, noting the tight competition among neighboring districts to recruit and hire teachers quickly. “We are proud of all the applicants who have chosen and who do choose to work with SAUSD.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Long Beach Unified, where more than 66% of students come from lower-income families, also reported a severe teacher shortage. Even after hiring 277 teachers over the summer, the district still has 45 vacancies. Oakland Unified, which has about 20,000 fewer students than Long Beach, has 34 vacancies after a hiring binge of 474 teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A nationwide problem\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The teacher shortage is not unique to California — in fact, California isn’t even among the most affected, according to \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.edworkingpapers.com/sites/default/files/ai22-631.pdf\">research\u003c/a> from Brown University’s Annenberg Institute. Mississippi, Alabama, West Virginia, Kansas and numerous other states all face dire shortages as the school year begins, according to the report. Teachers everywhere have been quitting, sometimes even in the middle of the school year, citing the stress of working through COVID, an uptick in student misbehavior after the return to in-person classes and a lack of respect from parents, among other complaints. A February \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.nea.org/advocating-for-change/new-from-nea/survey-alarming-number-educators-may-soon-leave-profession\">survey\u003c/a> by the National Education Association teachers union found that 55% were seriously considering leaving their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Combined with new funding to expand staff, many districts have been left with greater-than-expected hiring needs. And those subjects that were difficult to staff even before the pandemic — such as special education, bilingual education, math and science — are even more affected now.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>EdSource collected teacher hiring data from 16 districts representing a sampling of California: urban, rural, coastal, valley, large, small, affluent and lower-income. Every district but two (Riverside Unified and Trona Joint Unified near Death Valley) reported a shortage of some kind. Seven said they had nearly filled all their vacancies, while the remaining seven said they were experiencing steep shortfalls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Unified managed to fill all but eight of 500 vacancies by the start of the school year, in part by offering bonuses of up to $2,000 for teachers to work in special or bilingual education or in academically low-achieving schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles Unified \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/los-angeles-unified-to-enter-new-school-year-with-fewer-classroom-vacancies/676443\">made headlines\u003c/a> last week when it announced it had filled 99% of its teacher vacancies. Clovis Unified, near Fresno, said it had 22 vacancies when school started, but the district expects to fill those positions soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not seeing any extreme teacher shortage like what’s happening in other parts of the state. We’re actually in pretty good shape for our hiring,” said district spokesperson Kelly Avants. “Even when you look at some of the STEM areas and advanced math and science in high school, we’re fully staffed in those areas right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Creative solutions\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some districts in California, such as \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2017/fresno-tackles-its-shortage-of-math-and-science-teachers/581342\">Fresno\u003c/a>, have been grappling with teacher shortages for years and had already embraced creative ways to attract and retain teachers. Bonuses, money for home down payments and student loan forgiveness were among the tools districts used to lure potential teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those districts had also established close relationships with local colleges to create a seamless transition from a credential program to employment. Fresno went a step further and opened “teacher academies” in high schools, so students can get a jump-start on their teaching careers while still students themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Districts that have been proactive about hiring find themselves in better shape now, Carver-Thomas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also credited the state’s efforts to bolster the teacher pipeline. The new \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://gstg.csac.ca.gov/\">Golden State Teacher Grant Program \u003c/a>offers up to $20,000 for those pursuing teaching, counseling or school social work degrees. Salary increases, retention bonuses and teacher residencies also help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It did seem to make a difference,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Riverside Unified bucked the trend. The district has a high percentage of students from lower-income families — 72% — but has not struggled to fill positions like many districts with similar demographics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kyley Ybarra, assistant superintendent of personnel, said her department has been trying to increase the teacher pipeline for years. The district has boosted salaries to compete with neighboring districts, raising the starting salary for a new teacher to $66,933. They’ve also lowered class sizes, added professional development courses and offered to pay for the second step of teachers’ credential process, which can cost up to $10,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the biggest help has been the district’s relationship with its three local universities, Ybarra said. By providing student-teaching jobs for college students, the district has seen a big boost in prospective teachers applying for jobs after they graduate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district still has to hire hundreds of teachers a year, typically, but college partnerships relieve much of the stress, Ybarra said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They get to know us, they feel comfortable, and many decide they want to stay,” Ybarra said. “It’s a lot of work, but it’s made a world of difference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/teacher-shortage-depends-where-you-look/677497\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This story originally appeared in EdSource.\u003c/span>\u003c/i> \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Berkeley is experiencing a 1960s flashback triggered by People’s Park, a landmark that has served as a counterculture touchstone, political stepping stone and refuge for the unhoused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 3-acre site’s colorful history, forged from the University of California, Berkeley’s seizure of the land in 1968, has been thrust back into the spotlight as the school renews efforts to pave over People’s Park, this time for a $312 million project that includes sorely needed housing for about 1,000 students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11922900,news_11921415,arts_13917145\"]After a judge sided with the university in a legal scrum over the project, construction finally began August 3 — only to abruptly stop a few hours later after a swarm of protesters, who had been sparring with police, toppled fences surrounding the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delay was only supposed to last a few days, but the coalition fighting the university’s plans won an appeals court stay that will prevent construction until at least October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lull hasn’t muted the contentious debate around a historic spot once hailed as “a trace of anarchist heaven on Earth” by former UC Berkeley professor Todd Gitlin and derided by former city Councilmember John DeBonis as a “hippie Disneyland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The park turned into a symbol of both resistance and mayhem during a deadly 1969 confrontation known as “Bloody Thursday,” emboldening then-California Gov. Ronald Reagan to send in 3,000 National Guard troops for a two-week occupation that evoked images of war in a city that was clamoring for peace in Vietnam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Don Mitchell, whose father was a UC Berkeley professor during the 1969 uprising, views People’s Park as a social experiment worth saving, as more cookie-cutter communities get built in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923879\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11923879\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A person speaks into a mic in front of a university building and a sign for people's park\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People’s Park supporters rally at Sproul Hall to protest the construction of UC Berkeley student housing at the park in Berkeley on Aug. 3, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People’s Park has always been a place that was made and regulated by the people who use it,” said Mitchell, a professor of human geography at Uppsala University in Sweden. “It’s a free and open space, a place where the rules of exclusion are very different. So people who were poor, people who didn’t have housing, people who didn’t fit into dominant society in all sorts of different ways could find a space there. And many did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That ethos has long made the park a way station for unhoused people, with scattered tent clusters and makeshift kitchens. Drug use and violence have helped spur support for the university’s development plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Atmaa Das, 28, began spending time in People’s Park not long after leaving Alabama in 2014 and found his way there again a couple weeks after workers left behind construction equipment, now splattered with obscene graffiti — part of $1.5 million in recent protest damage, the university estimated. “I came here looking for the promised land and reckon I found it,” he said on a recent morning, strumming his guitar while singing parts of Woody Guthrie’s “This Land Is Your Land.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Don Mitchell, professor, Uppsala University in Sweden\"]‘People’s Park has always been a place that was made and regulated by the people who use it … so people who were poor, people who didn’t have housing, people who didn’t fit into dominant society in all sorts of different ways could find a space there. And many did.’[/pullquote]University officials say they are sympathetic to both the park’s heritage and the needs of unhoused people who have lived there since another set of fences surrounding the property were removed in 1972.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school and city \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/rodewayinn\">moved dozens of unhoused people into a motel\u003c/a> as part of an $8 million relocation initiative, and officials promised to \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/new-park\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">keep most of the site as open space\u003c/a>. The school also hired award-winning architect \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/history-commemoration\">Walter Hood to design a memorial\u003c/a> celebrating its history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our plan will meet multiple interests to preserve the park, create urgently needed student housing, and provide permanent housing for unhoused and low-income individuals,” UC Berkeley Chancellor Carol Christ wrote in an email sent to university alumni and other supporters earlier this week. University spokesperson Dan Mogulof declined a request to interview Christ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not even People’s Park supporters dispute more affordable housing is needed — the median sales price for \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/real-estate/bay-area-home-priceshttps://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/real-estate/bay-area-home-prices.\">a home near the university is $1.5 million\u003c/a>. But critics blame mismanagement for the crisis and contend the university could build on its other property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922966\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922966\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg\" alt='A sign outside that reads \"Peoples Park\" with tents outside.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign says ‘Save Peoples Park, No More Buildings’ at People’s Park in Berkeley on Feb. 19, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under a 2005 long-range plan, UC Berkeley estimated enrollment at 33,000 students by 2020. Instead, it had about 43,000 students that year and expects roughly 45,000 this academic year — with only 10,000 campus beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The glaring shortage is mainly why city officials back the university’s plan, including city Councilmember Rigel Robinson, who represents the People’s Park area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People’s Park has been a powerful symbol of resistance against government oppression, but it has since become a symbol of something else entirely: our failure as a region to respond to the housing crisis,” Robinson said. “The time has come to turn the page.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this month’s protests showed that a significant part of Berkeley isn’t ready to let go, mainly because of what the park has come to symbolize since UC Berkeley seized it for $1.3 million in 1968 under eminent domain and demolished homes there. After citing a need for an intramural soccer field, the school instead let the site deteriorate into a muddy mess mostly used for parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After boilermaker Michael Delacour led a grassroots group to plant vegetation, turning the eyesore into a community magnet, UC Berkeley decided to fence it off on May 15, 1969.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That set the stage for rebellion. At a rally outside UC Berkeley’s administration building, incoming student body President Dan Siegel urged the crowd to “take the park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the issues now are like 1969,” said Siegel, now a lawyer in nearby Oakland. “People’s Park is both a park and a symbol of activism that is worthy of protection.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The infamous 1969 clash between hundreds of police, some of them dubbed “Blue Meanies,” and protesters became a flashpoint in the civil rights and anti-Vietnam War movements. During the hours-long melee, police fatally shot a man standing on a rooftop and blinded another who was struck in the face with bird shot. Dozens of protesters were wounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922963\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922963\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg\" alt=\"A black and white photo of several people standing outside behind barbed wire.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"695\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-800x543.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-1020x692.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-160x109.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators place flowers on a barbed wire fence in People’s Park on the UC Berkeley campus, May 30, 1969. The demonstrators were part of a group of 30,000 Berkeley residents, of a total population of 100,000, who gathered and marched to protest the May 15 killing by police of an unarmed spectator at an earlier demonstration and the subsequent occupation of their city by the National Guard. \u003ccite>(David Fenton/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Then Reagan, who had vowed “to clean up the mess in Berkeley” during his victorious 1966 gubernatorial campaign, called in military troops. Before an uneasy truce was reached May 30, 1969, hundreds more were arrested, and, in another infamous moment, an Army helicopter sprayed a crowd with what authorities called tear gas but others insisted was an even more dangerous substance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of Reagan’s detractors still believe he deliberately deployed strong-arm tactics to establish himself as a law-and-order leader while pursuing a political agenda that led to his 1980 election as president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvey Smith, president of the People’s Park Historic District Advocacy Group that is spearheading the legal fight for preservation, likens UC Berkeley’s plan to Reagan’s 1969 crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reagan “wanted to wipe out the social and political history of Berkeley and now the university is carrying it forward,” Smith said on August 3 while construction crews used bulldozers and buzz saws to topple most of the park’s trees, including some that predated the school’s purchase 54 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The clear-cutting depressed Bertha Jones, who lived in People’s Park for several years before accepting the university’s offer to move into a nearby Rodeway Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandparents got married at one of those trees. My mom got married at one of those trees,” Jones, 43, said. “I wanted to keep the tradition going, but obviously that isn’t going to work out now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other former People’s Park inhabitants said they moved into the motel reluctantly, though they like having their own bed and bathroom. What they don’t like is not being given room keys, or being banned from leaving the premises from midnight to 6 a.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After spending most of his time in People’s Park for seven years, Eric Morales moved in early June to the Rodeway Inn with his dog, Bonita. But he will always consider People’s Park home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not like any other park,” Morales, 54, said. “You can go to other parks and you say hi and bye, then you won’t ever see them again. But People’s Park is a community, you know? We are a family.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Following clashes with protestors, UC Berkeley put a hold on its planned $312 million housing project — at least until October — at the 1960s landmark that's been derided as 'hippie Disneyland' and hailed as 'a trace of anarchist heaven on earth.'",
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"title": "Plan for People's Park Pits Housing Against History | KQED",
"description": "Following clashes with protestors, UC Berkeley put a hold on its planned $312 million housing project — at least until October — at the 1960s landmark that's been derided as 'hippie Disneyland' and hailed as 'a trace of anarchist heaven on earth.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Berkeley is experiencing a 1960s flashback triggered by People’s Park, a landmark that has served as a counterculture touchstone, political stepping stone and refuge for the unhoused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 3-acre site’s colorful history, forged from the University of California, Berkeley’s seizure of the land in 1968, has been thrust back into the spotlight as the school renews efforts to pave over People’s Park, this time for a $312 million project that includes sorely needed housing for about 1,000 students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>After a judge sided with the university in a legal scrum over the project, construction finally began August 3 — only to abruptly stop a few hours later after a swarm of protesters, who had been sparring with police, toppled fences surrounding the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delay was only supposed to last a few days, but the coalition fighting the university’s plans won an appeals court stay that will prevent construction until at least October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lull hasn’t muted the contentious debate around a historic spot once hailed as “a trace of anarchist heaven on Earth” by former UC Berkeley professor Todd Gitlin and derided by former city Councilmember John DeBonis as a “hippie Disneyland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The park turned into a symbol of both resistance and mayhem during a deadly 1969 confrontation known as “Bloody Thursday,” emboldening then-California Gov. Ronald Reagan to send in 3,000 National Guard troops for a two-week occupation that evoked images of war in a city that was clamoring for peace in Vietnam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Don Mitchell, whose father was a UC Berkeley professor during the 1969 uprising, views People’s Park as a social experiment worth saving, as more cookie-cutter communities get built in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923879\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11923879\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A person speaks into a mic in front of a university building and a sign for people's park\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People’s Park supporters rally at Sproul Hall to protest the construction of UC Berkeley student housing at the park in Berkeley on Aug. 3, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People’s Park has always been a place that was made and regulated by the people who use it,” said Mitchell, a professor of human geography at Uppsala University in Sweden. “It’s a free and open space, a place where the rules of exclusion are very different. So people who were poor, people who didn’t have housing, people who didn’t fit into dominant society in all sorts of different ways could find a space there. And many did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That ethos has long made the park a way station for unhoused people, with scattered tent clusters and makeshift kitchens. Drug use and violence have helped spur support for the university’s development plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Atmaa Das, 28, began spending time in People’s Park not long after leaving Alabama in 2014 and found his way there again a couple weeks after workers left behind construction equipment, now splattered with obscene graffiti — part of $1.5 million in recent protest damage, the university estimated. “I came here looking for the promised land and reckon I found it,” he said on a recent morning, strumming his guitar while singing parts of Woody Guthrie’s “This Land Is Your Land.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘People’s Park has always been a place that was made and regulated by the people who use it … so people who were poor, people who didn’t have housing, people who didn’t fit into dominant society in all sorts of different ways could find a space there. And many did.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>University officials say they are sympathetic to both the park’s heritage and the needs of unhoused people who have lived there since another set of fences surrounding the property were removed in 1972.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school and city \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/rodewayinn\">moved dozens of unhoused people into a motel\u003c/a> as part of an $8 million relocation initiative, and officials promised to \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/new-park\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">keep most of the site as open space\u003c/a>. The school also hired award-winning architect \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/history-commemoration\">Walter Hood to design a memorial\u003c/a> celebrating its history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our plan will meet multiple interests to preserve the park, create urgently needed student housing, and provide permanent housing for unhoused and low-income individuals,” UC Berkeley Chancellor Carol Christ wrote in an email sent to university alumni and other supporters earlier this week. University spokesperson Dan Mogulof declined a request to interview Christ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not even People’s Park supporters dispute more affordable housing is needed — the median sales price for \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/real-estate/bay-area-home-priceshttps://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/real-estate/bay-area-home-prices.\">a home near the university is $1.5 million\u003c/a>. But critics blame mismanagement for the crisis and contend the university could build on its other property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922966\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922966\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg\" alt='A sign outside that reads \"Peoples Park\" with tents outside.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign says ‘Save Peoples Park, No More Buildings’ at People’s Park in Berkeley on Feb. 19, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under a 2005 long-range plan, UC Berkeley estimated enrollment at 33,000 students by 2020. Instead, it had about 43,000 students that year and expects roughly 45,000 this academic year — with only 10,000 campus beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The glaring shortage is mainly why city officials back the university’s plan, including city Councilmember Rigel Robinson, who represents the People’s Park area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People’s Park has been a powerful symbol of resistance against government oppression, but it has since become a symbol of something else entirely: our failure as a region to respond to the housing crisis,” Robinson said. “The time has come to turn the page.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this month’s protests showed that a significant part of Berkeley isn’t ready to let go, mainly because of what the park has come to symbolize since UC Berkeley seized it for $1.3 million in 1968 under eminent domain and demolished homes there. After citing a need for an intramural soccer field, the school instead let the site deteriorate into a muddy mess mostly used for parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After boilermaker Michael Delacour led a grassroots group to plant vegetation, turning the eyesore into a community magnet, UC Berkeley decided to fence it off on May 15, 1969.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That set the stage for rebellion. At a rally outside UC Berkeley’s administration building, incoming student body President Dan Siegel urged the crowd to “take the park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the issues now are like 1969,” said Siegel, now a lawyer in nearby Oakland. “People’s Park is both a park and a symbol of activism that is worthy of protection.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The infamous 1969 clash between hundreds of police, some of them dubbed “Blue Meanies,” and protesters became a flashpoint in the civil rights and anti-Vietnam War movements. During the hours-long melee, police fatally shot a man standing on a rooftop and blinded another who was struck in the face with bird shot. Dozens of protesters were wounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922963\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922963\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg\" alt=\"A black and white photo of several people standing outside behind barbed wire.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"695\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-800x543.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-1020x692.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-160x109.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators place flowers on a barbed wire fence in People’s Park on the UC Berkeley campus, May 30, 1969. The demonstrators were part of a group of 30,000 Berkeley residents, of a total population of 100,000, who gathered and marched to protest the May 15 killing by police of an unarmed spectator at an earlier demonstration and the subsequent occupation of their city by the National Guard. \u003ccite>(David Fenton/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Then Reagan, who had vowed “to clean up the mess in Berkeley” during his victorious 1966 gubernatorial campaign, called in military troops. Before an uneasy truce was reached May 30, 1969, hundreds more were arrested, and, in another infamous moment, an Army helicopter sprayed a crowd with what authorities called tear gas but others insisted was an even more dangerous substance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of Reagan’s detractors still believe he deliberately deployed strong-arm tactics to establish himself as a law-and-order leader while pursuing a political agenda that led to his 1980 election as president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvey Smith, president of the People’s Park Historic District Advocacy Group that is spearheading the legal fight for preservation, likens UC Berkeley’s plan to Reagan’s 1969 crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reagan “wanted to wipe out the social and political history of Berkeley and now the university is carrying it forward,” Smith said on August 3 while construction crews used bulldozers and buzz saws to topple most of the park’s trees, including some that predated the school’s purchase 54 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The clear-cutting depressed Bertha Jones, who lived in People’s Park for several years before accepting the university’s offer to move into a nearby Rodeway Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandparents got married at one of those trees. My mom got married at one of those trees,” Jones, 43, said. “I wanted to keep the tradition going, but obviously that isn’t going to work out now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other former People’s Park inhabitants said they moved into the motel reluctantly, though they like having their own bed and bathroom. What they don’t like is not being given room keys, or being banned from leaving the premises from midnight to 6 a.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After spending most of his time in People’s Park for seven years, Eric Morales moved in early June to the Rodeway Inn with his dog, Bonita. But he will always consider People’s Park home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not like any other park,” Morales, 54, said. “You can go to other parks and you say hi and bye, then you won’t ever see them again. But People’s Park is a community, you know? We are a family.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Biden’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/08/24/1118879917/student-loan-forgiveness-biden\">announcement \u003c/a>to forgive up to $10,000 in federal student loan debt and up to $20,000 for Pell Grant recipients has ignited enthusiasm from progressive Democrats lawmakers. But the plan’s high cost has put some moderate Democratic candidates on edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Wednesday announcement builds on the momentum from Biden’s summer successes of passing major legislation on climate, health care and veterans benefits. And it comes just a few months before the midterm elections — at a time when Biden’s \u003ca href=\"https://projects.fivethirtyeight.com/biden-approval-rating/\">approval rating\u003c/a> has been hovering around 38%, though according to polling from Gallup in the days just before the announcement, he’s enjoying \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/398117/biden-job-rating-rises-highest-year.aspx\">an uptick to 44%, his highest in a year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move impacts 43 million borrowers, and particularly targets Black borrowers, who, on average, need to take out more loans to pay for higher education, and take longer to pay it back compared to their white counterparts. Overall, it’s a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/meet-the-press/meetthepressblog/bidens-move-cancel-student-debt-popular-rcna44658\">politically popular\u003c/a> decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Democrats needed this,” Andre Perry, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, told NPR. “I tend to believe people who deliver policy will win the day. … We’re months away and Biden is building momentum at the right time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans immediately spoke out against student debt forgiveness after Biden’s announcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“President Biden’s student loan socialism is a slap in the face to every family who sacrificed to save for college, every graduate who paid their debt, and every American who chose a certain career path or volunteered to serve in our Armed Forces in order to avoid taking on debt,” Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell said. “This policy is astonishingly unfair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden has said to Republicans that he won’t apologize for taking steps to help middle- and lower-income Americans. And the White House further pushed their stance with a viral \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/WhiteHouse/status/1562916200866267138?s=20&t=oTidCQB3jvR_hbo4kNUFOw\">tweet thread\u003c/a> posted Thursday night, targeting Republican lawmakers who took out Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) loans from earlier in the pandemic. Those loans, though, were not designed to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/27/990888476/did-emergency-p-p-p-loans-work-nearly-800-billion-later-we-still-dont-know\">paid back\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the skepticism isn’t just coming from the GOP. Moderate Democrats, particularly those in tight Senate races this year, have also expressed concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ohio Senate candidate Rep. Tim Ryan, a Democrat, said Wednesday that the plan sends the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.dispatch.com/story/news/politics/elections/2022/08/24/student-loan-forgiveness-democrat-tim-ryan-criticizes-biden-plan/65418390007/\">wrong message” \u003c/a>to Ohioans who don’t have a college degree. Ryan is up against Trump-backed Republican J.D. Vance in one of the tightest Senate races in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>There’s also concern about how much the plan will cost\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Another concern is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/08/25/1119480758/the-economic-arguments-for-and-against-bidens-student-debt-relief-plans\">sheer cost\u003c/a> of forgiving student debt. \u003ca href=\"https://budgetmodel.wharton.upenn.edu/issues/2022/8/26/biden-student-loan-forgiveness\">Estimates from the University of Pennsylvania\u003c/a> show the plan could cost around $1 trillion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colorado Sen. Michael Bennet, who is up for reelection, said \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/burgessev/status/1562527467273072640?s=20&t=7mKTDasMsh2o3CbyikEBQw\">Wednesday\u003c/a> that the White House should have laid out a more targeted plan, and a way to pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While immediate relief to families is important, one-time debt cancellation does not solve the underlying problem,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.bennet.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/press-releases?id=9568BC88-E5CA-469A-B22A-2BBFD1B1A364\">Bennet said\u003c/a>. “Moving forward, we need to reform the system that got us here in the first place with solutions to bring down the absurd cost of college. … And we need to continue our work to build career pathways to economic security for every American, including those who choose not to pursue a two or four-year degree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bennet’s opponent, Joe O’Dea, wrote in an email to supporters: “Joe Biden’s student loan forgiveness scheme doesn’t erase the debt. It puts $300 billion of new debt on the backs of working Americans. The debt is a national crisis. This compounds it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Some experts say it’s still a political win for Biden\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite pushback from Republicans and some Democrats, Perry says youth voter turnout due to debt forgiveness will make a critical difference in the election. And he adds the argument that forgiving student loan debt is “unfair” likely won’t cause voters to flip on a candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It certainly energizes young people and people with student loan debt, which also includes many Republicans. I think this will have more of a unifying effect than any negative politics consequences he may face,” Perry said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Overall, it’s a political win for Biden because he’s delivering on his promises, he has a chance to pick up on some moderate Republicans who have debt. … This is a universal issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perry also says that even groups and lawmakers who are calling for \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/08/26/1119568495/does-bidens-student-loan-plan-do-enough-for-black-graduates\">more debt cancellation\u003c/a> will have to applaud Biden’s announcement and stay connected to the president, which he says is a “crafty” move from the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dominique Baker, a professor at Southern Methodist University and expert in education policy, said that while there isn’t enough research to say how this debt cancellation policy will play out politically, previous research shows that student loan forgiveness does have a “material improvement” on peoples’ lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see that people are more easily able to move around the country, they are earning more money, they are able to reduce the share of defaults that they have on things like credit cards and other types of loans,” Baker said. “It feels like one of the best ways to govern is to try to do things to improve peoples’ lives, and then make sure people know that you did things to improve their lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker added that because Biden included more debt forgiveness for Pell Grant recipients in particular, the benefits will extend more to Black and Latinx borrowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And among some borrowers, it’s providing a bit of hope — and potentially motivation to go to the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is like a beacon of hope in field of hopelessness when everything else is going wrong,” Sean Wiggs, a junior at UNC Charlotte and a digital strategist for Gen-Z for Change, told NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Biden’s announcement, Wiggs will have some of his debt forgiven and he says it’s a good first step — and one that he thinks will motivate his peers to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people who may have been apathetic about voting saying, hey, if the government actually works for me, then why would I not go and vote? ” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Student+loan+forgiveness+is+politically+popular.+But+not+all+Democrats+are+on+board&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Biden’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/08/24/1118879917/student-loan-forgiveness-biden\">announcement \u003c/a>to forgive up to $10,000 in federal student loan debt and up to $20,000 for Pell Grant recipients has ignited enthusiasm from progressive Democrats lawmakers. But the plan’s high cost has put some moderate Democratic candidates on edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Wednesday announcement builds on the momentum from Biden’s summer successes of passing major legislation on climate, health care and veterans benefits. And it comes just a few months before the midterm elections — at a time when Biden’s \u003ca href=\"https://projects.fivethirtyeight.com/biden-approval-rating/\">approval rating\u003c/a> has been hovering around 38%, though according to polling from Gallup in the days just before the announcement, he’s enjoying \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/398117/biden-job-rating-rises-highest-year.aspx\">an uptick to 44%, his highest in a year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move impacts 43 million borrowers, and particularly targets Black borrowers, who, on average, need to take out more loans to pay for higher education, and take longer to pay it back compared to their white counterparts. Overall, it’s a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/meet-the-press/meetthepressblog/bidens-move-cancel-student-debt-popular-rcna44658\">politically popular\u003c/a> decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Democrats needed this,” Andre Perry, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, told NPR. “I tend to believe people who deliver policy will win the day. … We’re months away and Biden is building momentum at the right time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans immediately spoke out against student debt forgiveness after Biden’s announcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“President Biden’s student loan socialism is a slap in the face to every family who sacrificed to save for college, every graduate who paid their debt, and every American who chose a certain career path or volunteered to serve in our Armed Forces in order to avoid taking on debt,” Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell said. “This policy is astonishingly unfair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden has said to Republicans that he won’t apologize for taking steps to help middle- and lower-income Americans. And the White House further pushed their stance with a viral \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/WhiteHouse/status/1562916200866267138?s=20&t=oTidCQB3jvR_hbo4kNUFOw\">tweet thread\u003c/a> posted Thursday night, targeting Republican lawmakers who took out Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) loans from earlier in the pandemic. Those loans, though, were not designed to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/27/990888476/did-emergency-p-p-p-loans-work-nearly-800-billion-later-we-still-dont-know\">paid back\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the skepticism isn’t just coming from the GOP. Moderate Democrats, particularly those in tight Senate races this year, have also expressed concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ohio Senate candidate Rep. Tim Ryan, a Democrat, said Wednesday that the plan sends the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.dispatch.com/story/news/politics/elections/2022/08/24/student-loan-forgiveness-democrat-tim-ryan-criticizes-biden-plan/65418390007/\">wrong message” \u003c/a>to Ohioans who don’t have a college degree. Ryan is up against Trump-backed Republican J.D. Vance in one of the tightest Senate races in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>There’s also concern about how much the plan will cost\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Another concern is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/08/25/1119480758/the-economic-arguments-for-and-against-bidens-student-debt-relief-plans\">sheer cost\u003c/a> of forgiving student debt. \u003ca href=\"https://budgetmodel.wharton.upenn.edu/issues/2022/8/26/biden-student-loan-forgiveness\">Estimates from the University of Pennsylvania\u003c/a> show the plan could cost around $1 trillion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colorado Sen. Michael Bennet, who is up for reelection, said \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/burgessev/status/1562527467273072640?s=20&t=7mKTDasMsh2o3CbyikEBQw\">Wednesday\u003c/a> that the White House should have laid out a more targeted plan, and a way to pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While immediate relief to families is important, one-time debt cancellation does not solve the underlying problem,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.bennet.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/press-releases?id=9568BC88-E5CA-469A-B22A-2BBFD1B1A364\">Bennet said\u003c/a>. “Moving forward, we need to reform the system that got us here in the first place with solutions to bring down the absurd cost of college. … And we need to continue our work to build career pathways to economic security for every American, including those who choose not to pursue a two or four-year degree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bennet’s opponent, Joe O’Dea, wrote in an email to supporters: “Joe Biden’s student loan forgiveness scheme doesn’t erase the debt. It puts $300 billion of new debt on the backs of working Americans. The debt is a national crisis. This compounds it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Some experts say it’s still a political win for Biden\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite pushback from Republicans and some Democrats, Perry says youth voter turnout due to debt forgiveness will make a critical difference in the election. And he adds the argument that forgiving student loan debt is “unfair” likely won’t cause voters to flip on a candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It certainly energizes young people and people with student loan debt, which also includes many Republicans. I think this will have more of a unifying effect than any negative politics consequences he may face,” Perry said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Overall, it’s a political win for Biden because he’s delivering on his promises, he has a chance to pick up on some moderate Republicans who have debt. … This is a universal issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perry also says that even groups and lawmakers who are calling for \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/08/26/1119568495/does-bidens-student-loan-plan-do-enough-for-black-graduates\">more debt cancellation\u003c/a> will have to applaud Biden’s announcement and stay connected to the president, which he says is a “crafty” move from the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dominique Baker, a professor at Southern Methodist University and expert in education policy, said that while there isn’t enough research to say how this debt cancellation policy will play out politically, previous research shows that student loan forgiveness does have a “material improvement” on peoples’ lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see that people are more easily able to move around the country, they are earning more money, they are able to reduce the share of defaults that they have on things like credit cards and other types of loans,” Baker said. “It feels like one of the best ways to govern is to try to do things to improve peoples’ lives, and then make sure people know that you did things to improve their lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker added that because Biden included more debt forgiveness for Pell Grant recipients in particular, the benefits will extend more to Black and Latinx borrowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And among some borrowers, it’s providing a bit of hope — and potentially motivation to go to the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is like a beacon of hope in field of hopelessness when everything else is going wrong,” Sean Wiggs, a junior at UNC Charlotte and a digital strategist for Gen-Z for Change, told NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Biden’s announcement, Wiggs will have some of his debt forgiven and he says it’s a good first step — and one that he thinks will motivate his peers to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people who may have been apathetic about voting saying, hey, if the government actually works for me, then why would I not go and vote? ” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Student+loan+forgiveness+is+politically+popular.+But+not+all+Democrats+are+on+board&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Student Loan Forgiveness Will Help Undergrads, Not So Much Graduate Students, Says CSU Official",
"title": "Student Loan Forgiveness Will Help Undergrads, Not So Much Graduate Students, Says CSU Official",
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"content": "\u003cp>Students celebrated the Biden administration's decision to cancel some student debt at a rally in Washington, D.C., today. The policy would forgive $10,000 in student loan debt for those earning less than $125,000 per year and offers twice that for those who received Pell grants. Although that's less than the amount some Democrats had been pushing for, it will still provide significant economic relief for tens of millions of Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED's Natalia Navarro spoke about the decision with Sonja Tiffany, director of financial aid and scholarships at California State University East Bay.\u003cbr>\n[pullquote size='small' citation='Sonja Tiffany, CSU East Bay']'It is going to be a very, very big impact ... [with] more money to use on other necessities that they may have forgone because of the debt that they have. So this is very good news.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for length and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>NATALIA NAVARRO: What sort of impact will this have on Bay Area students?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SONJA TIFFANY:\u003c/strong> I think we're going to have a very significant impact in particular for the public universities like ours at CSU East Bay. The average indebtedness of students at Cal State East Bay is between $20,000 and $24,000 for undergraduate students. We cater to the underprivileged, the low-income students who are Pell-eligible. So it is going to be a very, very big impact for those particular students who qualify for these funds, [with] more money to use on other necessities that they may have forgone because of the debt that they have. So this is very good news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='forum_2010101889306']\u003cstrong>Does it make sense to cut off this relief at the income level they did,\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>at $125,000 per year?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Honestly, I don't know that it makes sense for the country as a whole, given that students borrow up to twenties, thirties, fifties, sixties, thousands of dollars. We need to really think about not just the undergraduate students, because for the most part, undergraduate students, they benefit from a lot of scholarships and grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But graduate students, it is very slim pickings out there when it comes to getting financial aid. And typically they get stuck with loans. Grad school is more costly than a year as an undergraduate student. So really, if they just kind of, off the bat, $10,000 for everybody who borrowed federal student loans, that would have been much needed relief for pretty much everybody in the country. I mean, everyone was impacted by the pandemic. My partner lost her job a few months ago and we're just getting back to our feet. So it would have been great to remove that additional kind of criteria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Advocates had hoped for a bigger debt relief package. Is this going to do enough for the people who owe five and six figures?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I don't think that this is enough altogether. The students are going to continue to come to college. The students are going to continue to have to get student loans. And I think until we are able to focus on addressing those particular issues that caused this, I think we're going to continue to have these problems with regards to student debt. Ten thousand dollars is a great start. It's a good relief for everybody at this point in time. You know, people are losing their jobs due to the pandemic or have lost their jobs. And we have seen that at our office where students are reaching out regarding, you know, unforeseen circumstances that were beyond their control, asking for help. This is not going to end unless we go to the root of the problem, I think.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Biden administration's plan to cancel thousands of dollars in student debt can help wipe away a good portion of undergraduate debt, says financial aid director Sonja Tiffany of CSU East Bay. But graduate school is more costly, carrying higher debt loads.",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
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