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"slug": "california-workers-face-years-long-waits-for-justice-in-wage-theft-cases-state-data-shows",
"title": "California Workers Face Years-Long Wait for Justice in Wage Theft Cases, State Data Shows",
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"content": "\u003cp>California workers trying to hold their bosses to account for unpaid wages are waiting years just to get a hearing before the state watchdog agency tasked with investigating their cases, according to new data obtained by KQED that shows a system plagued by unprecedented delays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wait times at the state Labor Commissioner’s Office especially hurt lower-income Californians who’ve been victims of wage theft, and they allow unscrupulous employers to continue cheating workers, advocates say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delays in handling claims generally filed by individuals ballooned during the pandemic. But for years before that, the agency struggled with understaffing and was failing to meet its statutory requirement for timely hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Commissioner’s Office is responsible for enforcing minimum wage, overtime pay and other labor laws. By law, it must hold a hearing within 120 days of a wage complaint being filed, unless the employer settles sooner. But the average wait time statewide is nearly seven times that long — more than two years, agency figures show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This almost encourages employers to continue exploiting,” said Veronica Chavez, who directs the workers’ rights legal practice at the nonprofit Centro Legal de la Raza in Oakland. “The chances of there being repercussions seem to be very far down the line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, California workers waited 220 days on average for a hearing. That figure had nearly doubled to 417 days by 2019, and jumped again to an estimated 812 days as of last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to acknowledge that that is not a number that we want to be at, at the Labor Commissioner’s Office,” Daniel Yu, the agency’s assistant chief for enforcement, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do want to meet our statutory obligations and we want to make sure the process works effectively and efficiently, so the workers are able to get their hearings resolved as quickly as possible,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906925\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11906925\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-800x479.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"479\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-800x479.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-1020x611.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-160x96.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-1536x920.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1.png 1712w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Department of Industrial Relations, Labor Commissioner’s Office \u003ccite>(Chart by Matthew Green/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The severity of the problem varies among the Labor Commissioner’s 17 offices around the state, with some of the longest delays at the Oakland and San Francisco branches, data shows.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Mirna Arana, Oakland worker\"]‘I felt bad for my co-workers, too, because [the company was] doing the same to them. But if we said anything, they would have fired us, and I needed the money to pay rent.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the average wait time in San Francisco was 968 days, while in Oakland it reached 1,160 days, more than three years — the worst in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘It’s hard to wait for so long’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mirna Arana filed a complaint with the Oakland office in June 2018, charging her employer with owing her thousands of dollars in unpaid wages. Arana, who cleaned offices and homes for a small janitorial company called Maid No. 1 Services, said her shifts often lasted 12 hours, six days a week. But her employer only paid her for six hours a day, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt like I was being exploited,” said Arana, 33, in Spanish. “I felt bad for my co-workers, too, because [the company was] doing the same to them. But if we said anything, they would have fired us, and I needed the money to pay rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906893\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11906893 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mirna Arana holds her 3-year-old son at a park in Oakland on Feb. 17, 2022. It took years for the Labor Commissioner’s Office to hear her wage claim and rule that her old employer owes her nearly $183,000. But now it’s unclear when — or if — she’ll recover the money, she said.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until Arana reached out to Mujeres Unidas y Activas, a Latina immigrant community organizing group, that she realized she’d also been denied overtime pay and meal and rest breaks between 2015 and 2017. The organization connected her with a pro bono attorney who helped Arana submit a wage claim against the company and its owner, Rene A. Herrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s efforts to reach Herrera for comment were unsuccessful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arana waited more than three years for a hearing on her case. Meanwhile, she and her family struggled to buy food and keep up with rent increases. They had to move three times, she said.[aside postID=\"news_11903291,news_11903450,news_11899604\" label=\"Related Posts\"]Last December, a hearing officer with the Labor Commissioner finally ruled that Arana’s old boss owes her nearly $183,000 in unpaid wages. But by then, the company had filed for bankruptcy, she said. It’s unclear now when — or if — she will be able to collect her wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to wait for so long,” said Arana, who craves more stability for her sons, age 3 and 1. “The state should put more attention on these cases because [wage theft] is an injustice that’s hurting our community … We need change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Delays discourage workers from filing claims, advocates say\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner’s Wage Claim Adjudication unit was originally established as a quick, no-cost alternative to state court for wage theft victims to pursue justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/policies.htm\">claim process\u003c/a> includes a meeting between an agency deputy and both parties to try to reach an agreement. If that fails, the next step is a court-like hearing, where an officer will judge the claim. Employers may settle with workers at any time during the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Worker advocates say this kind of enforcement mechanism is vital to protecting workers’ rights and combat paycheck violations that rob Californians of \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/publication/wage-theft-2021/\">billions of dollars each year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the lengthy delays dissuade wage theft victims from complaining about labor violations to the state, particularly because people living paycheck to paycheck need financial relief urgently, said María Moreno, lead organizer with the Restaurant Opportunities Center of the Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our workers are not in a position to wait years for damages,” said Moreno. “By then they might already be evicted from their home, or moved on from their job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreno says she explains to workers that filing a claim with the Labor Commissioner is an option. But she also recommends other strategies to try to collect wages, such as drafting a demand letter to the employer outlining the violations, and organizing with other workers and advocates to pressure businesses to comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906926\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11906926\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-800x2102.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"2102\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-800x2102.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-1020x2679.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-160x420.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-585x1536.png 585w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-780x2048.png 780w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office.png 1225w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Department of Industrial Relations, Labor Commissioner’s Office \u003ccite>(Chart by Matthew Green/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yu, the agency’s assistant chief, said the pandemic forced the agency to halt in-person hearings for a year and a half, which slowed operations significantly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even before the pandemic, understaffing was a key problem at the Labor Commissioner’s Office, which is also known as the Division of Labor Standards Enforcement. In a 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://esd.dof.ca.gov/Documents/bcp/2021/FY2021_ORG7350_BCP3767.pdf\">budget request\u003c/a> to the state Legislature, agency officials said the wage adjudication unit was “drowning in stale wage claims awaiting hearing” and in desperate need of more hearing officers and other staff to process the cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last two years, the agency referred more than 15,000 wage claims to a hearing — but resolved only half that number, according to the latest agency figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the total number of wage claims filed did drop during the pandemic. There were 32,000 new cases filed in 2018 but just 19,000 in 2021 — possibly because businesses were shutting down or workers feared losing their jobs if they complained, officials said. But that didn’t help the agency catch up with the backlog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And staffing problems remain. Currently, there are just 64 hearing officer positions statewide, according to the state Department of Finance. Nearly 20% of those positions are vacant, said Yu.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Definitely a need for more staffing’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In addition to judging the wage claims, hearing officers must handle appeals from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11903291/its-so-unfair-major-delays-at-state-labor-agency-leave-many-wage-theft-victims-uncompensated\">employers who have been cited\u003c/a> by the Labor Commissioner. Those major investigations by the agency’s Bureau of Field Enforcement typically cover violations affecting dozens or hundreds of workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But over the last year, the agency has seen significant staff turnover, including in Oakland and San Francisco, which they described as “difficult-to-hire” areas partly because of the high cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is definitely a need for more staffing,” said Yu. “The hiring of our hearing officers remains a top priority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that the agency will get a budget increase in July that allows for four more hearing officer positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if the Labor Commissioner fills all the vacancies and adds those new officers, it won’t be enough staff to get rid of the backlog, said Veronica Chavez, the labor lawyer at Centro Legal de La Raza, who has many clients with claims in Oakland and San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do understand that the Labor Commissioner’s understaffed and we want to be supportive,” Chavez said. “But we also want this to be resolved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11906901\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Veronica Chavez, an attorney with Centro Legal de la Raza, speaks with client Alexander about his wage claim in Oakland on Feb. 17, 2022. KQED is not using Alexander’s last name because he fears it could hurt his case. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of her clients, an East Bay restaurant cook named Alexander, said he was only paid about $600 a week, though he often worked 12-hour shifts, seven days a week. His complaint estimates he’s owed more than $160,000. KQED is not disclosing his last name because he fears it could hurt his case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander said he was hopeful when he filed his claim back in September 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three and a half years later, he’s still waiting for a hearing. And not knowing if he’ll ever get paid has left him hopeless and depressed, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m praying to God that this can be resolved soon, that the state starts working harder so they can solve this problem,” said Alexander, who supports his wife and teenage son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose state Assemblymember Ash Kalra, who chairs the Assembly’s Labor and Employment Committee, said he understands workers are frustrated that they’re not getting justice in a timely manner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Delays that go on for years are completely unacceptable and we have to do better,” Kalra told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kalra said he is ready to work with the administration and push for more resources for the Labor Commissioner’s Office. He suggests making the job of hearing officer more attractive, so the agency can compete for candidates who might otherwise go to the private sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You also have to have the job classifications pay more,” he said. “That’s not something that can necessarily be legislated, but it is something the administration should look at.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The salary for new hearing officers, whose position is officially known as Deputy Labor Commissioner II, ranges from $6,500 to $8,360 per month, according to the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/Pay%20Scales%20Library/PS_Sec_15.pdf\">civil service pay scale\u003c/a>. Candidates must be college graduates with experience in industrial relations management or negotiation of labor agreements, among \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/state-hr-professionals/Pages/9502.aspx\">several requirements\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Governor Gavin Newsom’s proposed budget includes $145 million for the Labor Commissioner’s Office, about a $10 million increase from the current fiscal year. The new money would fund 145 more positions across the agency, including for wage claim adjudication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The delays for hearings worsened during the pandemic, but staffing shortages are longstanding, a KQED investigation found. The Labor Commissioner's Oakland and San Francisco offices have struggled with some of the longest wait times.",
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"title": "California Workers Face Years-Long Wait for Justice in Wage Theft Cases, State Data Shows | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California workers trying to hold their bosses to account for unpaid wages are waiting years just to get a hearing before the state watchdog agency tasked with investigating their cases, according to new data obtained by KQED that shows a system plagued by unprecedented delays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wait times at the state Labor Commissioner’s Office especially hurt lower-income Californians who’ve been victims of wage theft, and they allow unscrupulous employers to continue cheating workers, advocates say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delays in handling claims generally filed by individuals ballooned during the pandemic. But for years before that, the agency struggled with understaffing and was failing to meet its statutory requirement for timely hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Commissioner’s Office is responsible for enforcing minimum wage, overtime pay and other labor laws. By law, it must hold a hearing within 120 days of a wage complaint being filed, unless the employer settles sooner. But the average wait time statewide is nearly seven times that long — more than two years, agency figures show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This almost encourages employers to continue exploiting,” said Veronica Chavez, who directs the workers’ rights legal practice at the nonprofit Centro Legal de la Raza in Oakland. “The chances of there being repercussions seem to be very far down the line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, California workers waited 220 days on average for a hearing. That figure had nearly doubled to 417 days by 2019, and jumped again to an estimated 812 days as of last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to acknowledge that that is not a number that we want to be at, at the Labor Commissioner’s Office,” Daniel Yu, the agency’s assistant chief for enforcement, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do want to meet our statutory obligations and we want to make sure the process works effectively and efficiently, so the workers are able to get their hearings resolved as quickly as possible,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906925\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11906925\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-800x479.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"479\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-800x479.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-1020x611.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-160x96.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-1536x920.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1.png 1712w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Department of Industrial Relations, Labor Commissioner’s Office \u003ccite>(Chart by Matthew Green/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The severity of the problem varies among the Labor Commissioner’s 17 offices around the state, with some of the longest delays at the Oakland and San Francisco branches, data shows.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I felt bad for my co-workers, too, because [the company was] doing the same to them. But if we said anything, they would have fired us, and I needed the money to pay rent.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the average wait time in San Francisco was 968 days, while in Oakland it reached 1,160 days, more than three years — the worst in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘It’s hard to wait for so long’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mirna Arana filed a complaint with the Oakland office in June 2018, charging her employer with owing her thousands of dollars in unpaid wages. Arana, who cleaned offices and homes for a small janitorial company called Maid No. 1 Services, said her shifts often lasted 12 hours, six days a week. But her employer only paid her for six hours a day, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt like I was being exploited,” said Arana, 33, in Spanish. “I felt bad for my co-workers, too, because [the company was] doing the same to them. But if we said anything, they would have fired us, and I needed the money to pay rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906893\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11906893 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mirna Arana holds her 3-year-old son at a park in Oakland on Feb. 17, 2022. It took years for the Labor Commissioner’s Office to hear her wage claim and rule that her old employer owes her nearly $183,000. But now it’s unclear when — or if — she’ll recover the money, she said.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until Arana reached out to Mujeres Unidas y Activas, a Latina immigrant community organizing group, that she realized she’d also been denied overtime pay and meal and rest breaks between 2015 and 2017. The organization connected her with a pro bono attorney who helped Arana submit a wage claim against the company and its owner, Rene A. Herrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s efforts to reach Herrera for comment were unsuccessful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arana waited more than three years for a hearing on her case. Meanwhile, she and her family struggled to buy food and keep up with rent increases. They had to move three times, she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last December, a hearing officer with the Labor Commissioner finally ruled that Arana’s old boss owes her nearly $183,000 in unpaid wages. But by then, the company had filed for bankruptcy, she said. It’s unclear now when — or if — she will be able to collect her wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to wait for so long,” said Arana, who craves more stability for her sons, age 3 and 1. “The state should put more attention on these cases because [wage theft] is an injustice that’s hurting our community … We need change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Delays discourage workers from filing claims, advocates say\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner’s Wage Claim Adjudication unit was originally established as a quick, no-cost alternative to state court for wage theft victims to pursue justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/policies.htm\">claim process\u003c/a> includes a meeting between an agency deputy and both parties to try to reach an agreement. If that fails, the next step is a court-like hearing, where an officer will judge the claim. Employers may settle with workers at any time during the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Worker advocates say this kind of enforcement mechanism is vital to protecting workers’ rights and combat paycheck violations that rob Californians of \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/publication/wage-theft-2021/\">billions of dollars each year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the lengthy delays dissuade wage theft victims from complaining about labor violations to the state, particularly because people living paycheck to paycheck need financial relief urgently, said María Moreno, lead organizer with the Restaurant Opportunities Center of the Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our workers are not in a position to wait years for damages,” said Moreno. “By then they might already be evicted from their home, or moved on from their job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreno says she explains to workers that filing a claim with the Labor Commissioner is an option. But she also recommends other strategies to try to collect wages, such as drafting a demand letter to the employer outlining the violations, and organizing with other workers and advocates to pressure businesses to comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906926\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11906926\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-800x2102.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"2102\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-800x2102.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-1020x2679.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-160x420.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-585x1536.png 585w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-780x2048.png 780w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office.png 1225w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Department of Industrial Relations, Labor Commissioner’s Office \u003ccite>(Chart by Matthew Green/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yu, the agency’s assistant chief, said the pandemic forced the agency to halt in-person hearings for a year and a half, which slowed operations significantly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even before the pandemic, understaffing was a key problem at the Labor Commissioner’s Office, which is also known as the Division of Labor Standards Enforcement. In a 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://esd.dof.ca.gov/Documents/bcp/2021/FY2021_ORG7350_BCP3767.pdf\">budget request\u003c/a> to the state Legislature, agency officials said the wage adjudication unit was “drowning in stale wage claims awaiting hearing” and in desperate need of more hearing officers and other staff to process the cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last two years, the agency referred more than 15,000 wage claims to a hearing — but resolved only half that number, according to the latest agency figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the total number of wage claims filed did drop during the pandemic. There were 32,000 new cases filed in 2018 but just 19,000 in 2021 — possibly because businesses were shutting down or workers feared losing their jobs if they complained, officials said. But that didn’t help the agency catch up with the backlog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And staffing problems remain. Currently, there are just 64 hearing officer positions statewide, according to the state Department of Finance. Nearly 20% of those positions are vacant, said Yu.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Definitely a need for more staffing’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In addition to judging the wage claims, hearing officers must handle appeals from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11903291/its-so-unfair-major-delays-at-state-labor-agency-leave-many-wage-theft-victims-uncompensated\">employers who have been cited\u003c/a> by the Labor Commissioner. Those major investigations by the agency’s Bureau of Field Enforcement typically cover violations affecting dozens or hundreds of workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But over the last year, the agency has seen significant staff turnover, including in Oakland and San Francisco, which they described as “difficult-to-hire” areas partly because of the high cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is definitely a need for more staffing,” said Yu. “The hiring of our hearing officers remains a top priority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that the agency will get a budget increase in July that allows for four more hearing officer positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if the Labor Commissioner fills all the vacancies and adds those new officers, it won’t be enough staff to get rid of the backlog, said Veronica Chavez, the labor lawyer at Centro Legal de La Raza, who has many clients with claims in Oakland and San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do understand that the Labor Commissioner’s understaffed and we want to be supportive,” Chavez said. “But we also want this to be resolved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11906901\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Veronica Chavez, an attorney with Centro Legal de la Raza, speaks with client Alexander about his wage claim in Oakland on Feb. 17, 2022. KQED is not using Alexander’s last name because he fears it could hurt his case. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of her clients, an East Bay restaurant cook named Alexander, said he was only paid about $600 a week, though he often worked 12-hour shifts, seven days a week. His complaint estimates he’s owed more than $160,000. KQED is not disclosing his last name because he fears it could hurt his case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander said he was hopeful when he filed his claim back in September 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three and a half years later, he’s still waiting for a hearing. And not knowing if he’ll ever get paid has left him hopeless and depressed, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m praying to God that this can be resolved soon, that the state starts working harder so they can solve this problem,” said Alexander, who supports his wife and teenage son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose state Assemblymember Ash Kalra, who chairs the Assembly’s Labor and Employment Committee, said he understands workers are frustrated that they’re not getting justice in a timely manner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Delays that go on for years are completely unacceptable and we have to do better,” Kalra told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kalra said he is ready to work with the administration and push for more resources for the Labor Commissioner’s Office. He suggests making the job of hearing officer more attractive, so the agency can compete for candidates who might otherwise go to the private sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You also have to have the job classifications pay more,” he said. “That’s not something that can necessarily be legislated, but it is something the administration should look at.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The salary for new hearing officers, whose position is officially known as Deputy Labor Commissioner II, ranges from $6,500 to $8,360 per month, according to the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/Pay%20Scales%20Library/PS_Sec_15.pdf\">civil service pay scale\u003c/a>. Candidates must be college graduates with experience in industrial relations management or negotiation of labor agreements, among \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/state-hr-professionals/Pages/9502.aspx\">several requirements\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Governor Gavin Newsom’s proposed budget includes $145 million for the Labor Commissioner’s Office, about a $10 million increase from the current fiscal year. The new money would fund 145 more positions across the agency, including for wage claim adjudication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Did the Pandemic Create More Income Inequality in California?",
"title": "Did the Pandemic Create More Income Inequality in California?",
"headTitle": "KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Lea este artículo en \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/calmatters-en-espanol/2022/02/creo-la-pandemia-mas-desigualdad-de-ingresos-en-california/\">\u003cem>español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recessions in California tend to widen the gap between rich and poor. The sharp pandemic downturn of 2020 followed this pattern, with lower-income workers suffering the most. But unprecedented government relief kept millions from falling into poverty, and demand for labor boosted wages when businesses reopened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now with federal and state stimulus payments gone, and the recovery still underway, researchers are combing through employment statistics, as well as large-scale survey data, asking whether the pandemic resulted in a deepening of California’s divide. Three out of the last four recessions — excluding the bursting of the internet stock bubble — \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/incoming-inequality-and-economic-opportunity-in-california-december-2020.pdf#page=21\">increased income inequality in California\u003c/a>, the Public Policy Institute of California said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In coming months the institute expects to have its own inequality measure updated with 2020 data. Many Californians already see economic inequality as a facet of life here, with 69% of residents believing \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-economic-well-being-november-2021/\">the gap between the haves and have-nots is widening\u003c/a>, a November poll by the PPIC found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The challenge is that the surveys had a difficult time sampling low-income individuals and households during the pandemic,” Sarah Bohn, a researcher who studies the issue for the PPIC, wrote in an email. “So even though the survey data is available, we are doing extra work to validate the income inequality statistics we typically would have in hand by now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-further-exacerbating-inequality\">'Further exacerbating inequality'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are other signs the 2020 recession may have deepened the economic divide, said Somjita Mitra, chief economist for the state Department of Finance. The largest contributor to growth in 2020 state personal income was government transfers — including stimulus payments and unemployment benefits, among others. And increases in revenue from higher-income earners was enough to offset losses from lower-income earners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“High-income earners are doing exceptionally well, further exacerbating inequality in the state,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The answer to the inequality question may help shape Sacramento policymaking after a unique recession in which lockdowns resulted in huge job losses, economic stimulus checks buoyed worker paychecks, taxes on capital gains from a surging stock market filled state coffers and the rise of remote work reshaped both the state housing market and its economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While federal aid may be expiring, Gov. Gavin Newsom said in January that he planned to use the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/01/california-budget-newsom/\">billions of unanticipated tax dollars to help struggling California families\u003c/a>. Newsom said he has not ruled out measures such as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/07/look-up-california-stimulus-golden-state/\">state-funded stimulus checks\u003c/a> like the ones that went to lower- and middle-income families last year. Fellow Democrats who lead the Legislature are interested in another Golden State stimulus, though they have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/02/california-legislators-debates-preview/\">doubts about Newsom’s proposed gas tax “holiday.”\u003c/a> Newsom and legislators have already \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/01/california-paid-sick-leave-deal/\">restored paid sick leave for COVID\u003c/a>, though workers at smaller businesses are excluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11904834 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53455_003_StockPhoto_AtHomeCOVIDTest_02022022-qut-1038x576.jpg']In his spending plan, the Democratic governor presented several policies aimed at closing the economic divide, including universal health care that includes coverage for the state’s undocumented population, health care subsidies for the middle class, expanding paid family leave, establishing a tax credit for families with young children, universal no-cost meals at schools and more money to house the state’s unhoused. The state last year also funded a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/07/universal-basic-income-california/\">guaranteed-income program\u003c/a>, with a $35 million pool to support current or new pilot programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has long struggled with poverty, exacerbated by some of the nation’s highest housing and gasoline costs, though there is evidence that progress was notched during the pandemic thanks to government aid. The state had the highest rate of poverty at 15.4%, as measured by the Census Bureau’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/publications/2021/demo/p60-275.pdf\">supplemental poverty measure\u003c/a>, which accounts for housing and transportation costs, as well as government spending and other factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-low-income-jobs-lost-during-pandemic\">Lower-income jobs lost during pandemic\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>From a jobs perspective, lower-wage workers bore the brunt of the pandemic recession, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2021/07/19/business/economy/pandemic-recession-over-coronavirus.html\">shortest on record\u003c/a>. And while lower-wage workers are now in high demand, they still have the most ground to make up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitra, of the state finance department, said that before the pandemic, the bulk of the jobs created paid about $20,000 a year or less, resulting in people needing to work more than one job, or being underemployed. A study last year by the United Ways of California estimated that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/07/cost-of-living-study-california-families/\">3.5 million California families\u003c/a> didn’t make enough to meet basic needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were already really seeing a lot of inequality in this state,” she said. “When the pandemic hit, those jobs were the first ones to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are signs lower-wage industries in the state are undergoing important changes. Lower-wage jobs such as office administration, security and janitorial services have been slow to recover, likely \u003ca href=\"https://www.capolicylab.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/Dec-2021-Analysis-of-Unemployment-Insurance-Claims-in-California.pdf\">pushing workers into other lower-wage industries\u003c/a>, according to an analysis last year by the California Policy Lab, a nonpartisan research center based at the University of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lower-wage workers in retail shops, hotels, restaurants, grocery stores and other such customer-facing establishments were hard hit by the pandemic. Meanwhile, the rise in home delivery services has accelerated the rise of warehouse jobs, including at Amazon and other online retailers, in pockets of California’s Central Valley and Inland Empire. But there have not been enough of these jobs to make up for the losses, said Till von Wachter, an economics professor at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are some sectors that have grown, such as transportation and warehousing, but they’re unlikely to have grown enough to absorb that big of a share,” von Wachter said. “They’re also not as ubiquitous as some of these other sectors. If you’re in San Bernardino, that’s a really important industry, but not, say, elsewhere in LA County.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-inflation-housing-hit-poor-the-hardest\">Inflation, housing hit people the hardest\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A spike in \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2022-02-22/california-gas-prices-ukraine-crisis\">energy prices due to the Ukraine crisis\u003c/a> is expected to harm the U.S. economy. Sharp rises in inflation tend to hit lower-income residents the hardest, and there is some initial evidence that this is playing out in California.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 2.6 million California households were participating in the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/data-portal/research-and-data/calfresh-data-dashboard\">CalFresh program\u003c/a>, which provides food benefits to individuals and families with lower incomes. That’s about the same level as the most recent peak in June 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906416\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11906416 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/022222-Gas-Prices-Station-MG-CM-05-800x533.jpeg\" alt=\"A Valero Gas Station Sign Showing Gas Prices\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/022222-Gas-Prices-Station-MG-CM-05-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/022222-Gas-Prices-Station-MG-CM-05-1020x679.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/022222-Gas-Prices-Station-MG-CM-05-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/022222-Gas-Prices-Station-MG-CM-05.jpeg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Valero gas station in Sacramento on Feb. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Even if people are working again, or more people are working, the cost of food is outpacing their incomes,” said Jacob Hibel, co-director of the Center for Poverty and Inequality Research at UC Davis. “Just having a job is not enough to guarantee that you have enough food to feed your family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And with housing prices skyrocketing last year, some people are now being cut out of a traditional route to the middle class, which is owning a home, experts said. \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/marketdata/data/haitraditional\">Housing affordability\u003c/a>, as measured by the number of Californians who could afford a median-priced, single-family home, hit 23% in the second quarter of 2021, according to the California Association of Realtors. That was the lowest point since prices were approaching their highs during the last bubble, in 2007, when 11% of Californians could own a home.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>That measure had risen slightly, to 25%, by the end of last year, according to the association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Higher-income workers, homeowners and people who earn investment income have, on the whole, seen their wealth increase over the last nearly two years, experts noted, likely raising wealth inequality in California. Researchers noted in interviews that the pandemic may have increased inequality in other key ways. Underserved children, for instance, fell further behind academically, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/05/us/coronavirus-education-lost-learning.html\">widening the achievement gap\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you see those kinds of impacts, they can really lock in inequality,” said Hibel, of UC Davis. “It tends to take young people who are either in poverty — or who are experiencing inequalities — and just make it much, much less likely that they’ll be able to climb out of that social stratum when they reach adulthood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article is part of the\u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-divide/\">\u003cem> California Divide\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> project, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequality and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Lea este artículo en \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/calmatters-en-espanol/2022/02/creo-la-pandemia-mas-desigualdad-de-ingresos-en-california/\">\u003cem>español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recessions in California tend to widen the gap between rich and poor. The sharp pandemic downturn of 2020 followed this pattern, with lower-income workers suffering the most. But unprecedented government relief kept millions from falling into poverty, and demand for labor boosted wages when businesses reopened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now with federal and state stimulus payments gone, and the recovery still underway, researchers are combing through employment statistics, as well as large-scale survey data, asking whether the pandemic resulted in a deepening of California’s divide. Three out of the last four recessions — excluding the bursting of the internet stock bubble — \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/incoming-inequality-and-economic-opportunity-in-california-december-2020.pdf#page=21\">increased income inequality in California\u003c/a>, the Public Policy Institute of California said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In coming months the institute expects to have its own inequality measure updated with 2020 data. Many Californians already see economic inequality as a facet of life here, with 69% of residents believing \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-economic-well-being-november-2021/\">the gap between the haves and have-nots is widening\u003c/a>, a November poll by the PPIC found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The challenge is that the surveys had a difficult time sampling low-income individuals and households during the pandemic,” Sarah Bohn, a researcher who studies the issue for the PPIC, wrote in an email. “So even though the survey data is available, we are doing extra work to validate the income inequality statistics we typically would have in hand by now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-further-exacerbating-inequality\">'Further exacerbating inequality'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are other signs the 2020 recession may have deepened the economic divide, said Somjita Mitra, chief economist for the state Department of Finance. The largest contributor to growth in 2020 state personal income was government transfers — including stimulus payments and unemployment benefits, among others. And increases in revenue from higher-income earners was enough to offset losses from lower-income earners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“High-income earners are doing exceptionally well, further exacerbating inequality in the state,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The answer to the inequality question may help shape Sacramento policymaking after a unique recession in which lockdowns resulted in huge job losses, economic stimulus checks buoyed worker paychecks, taxes on capital gains from a surging stock market filled state coffers and the rise of remote work reshaped both the state housing market and its economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While federal aid may be expiring, Gov. Gavin Newsom said in January that he planned to use the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/01/california-budget-newsom/\">billions of unanticipated tax dollars to help struggling California families\u003c/a>. Newsom said he has not ruled out measures such as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/07/look-up-california-stimulus-golden-state/\">state-funded stimulus checks\u003c/a> like the ones that went to lower- and middle-income families last year. Fellow Democrats who lead the Legislature are interested in another Golden State stimulus, though they have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/02/california-legislators-debates-preview/\">doubts about Newsom’s proposed gas tax “holiday.”\u003c/a> Newsom and legislators have already \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/01/california-paid-sick-leave-deal/\">restored paid sick leave for COVID\u003c/a>, though workers at smaller businesses are excluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In his spending plan, the Democratic governor presented several policies aimed at closing the economic divide, including universal health care that includes coverage for the state’s undocumented population, health care subsidies for the middle class, expanding paid family leave, establishing a tax credit for families with young children, universal no-cost meals at schools and more money to house the state’s unhoused. The state last year also funded a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/07/universal-basic-income-california/\">guaranteed-income program\u003c/a>, with a $35 million pool to support current or new pilot programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has long struggled with poverty, exacerbated by some of the nation’s highest housing and gasoline costs, though there is evidence that progress was notched during the pandemic thanks to government aid. The state had the highest rate of poverty at 15.4%, as measured by the Census Bureau’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/publications/2021/demo/p60-275.pdf\">supplemental poverty measure\u003c/a>, which accounts for housing and transportation costs, as well as government spending and other factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-low-income-jobs-lost-during-pandemic\">Lower-income jobs lost during pandemic\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>From a jobs perspective, lower-wage workers bore the brunt of the pandemic recession, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2021/07/19/business/economy/pandemic-recession-over-coronavirus.html\">shortest on record\u003c/a>. And while lower-wage workers are now in high demand, they still have the most ground to make up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitra, of the state finance department, said that before the pandemic, the bulk of the jobs created paid about $20,000 a year or less, resulting in people needing to work more than one job, or being underemployed. A study last year by the United Ways of California estimated that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/07/cost-of-living-study-california-families/\">3.5 million California families\u003c/a> didn’t make enough to meet basic needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were already really seeing a lot of inequality in this state,” she said. “When the pandemic hit, those jobs were the first ones to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are signs lower-wage industries in the state are undergoing important changes. Lower-wage jobs such as office administration, security and janitorial services have been slow to recover, likely \u003ca href=\"https://www.capolicylab.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/Dec-2021-Analysis-of-Unemployment-Insurance-Claims-in-California.pdf\">pushing workers into other lower-wage industries\u003c/a>, according to an analysis last year by the California Policy Lab, a nonpartisan research center based at the University of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lower-wage workers in retail shops, hotels, restaurants, grocery stores and other such customer-facing establishments were hard hit by the pandemic. Meanwhile, the rise in home delivery services has accelerated the rise of warehouse jobs, including at Amazon and other online retailers, in pockets of California’s Central Valley and Inland Empire. But there have not been enough of these jobs to make up for the losses, said Till von Wachter, an economics professor at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are some sectors that have grown, such as transportation and warehousing, but they’re unlikely to have grown enough to absorb that big of a share,” von Wachter said. “They’re also not as ubiquitous as some of these other sectors. If you’re in San Bernardino, that’s a really important industry, but not, say, elsewhere in LA County.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-inflation-housing-hit-poor-the-hardest\">Inflation, housing hit people the hardest\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A spike in \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2022-02-22/california-gas-prices-ukraine-crisis\">energy prices due to the Ukraine crisis\u003c/a> is expected to harm the U.S. economy. Sharp rises in inflation tend to hit lower-income residents the hardest, and there is some initial evidence that this is playing out in California.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 2.6 million California households were participating in the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/data-portal/research-and-data/calfresh-data-dashboard\">CalFresh program\u003c/a>, which provides food benefits to individuals and families with lower incomes. That’s about the same level as the most recent peak in June 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906416\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11906416 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/022222-Gas-Prices-Station-MG-CM-05-800x533.jpeg\" alt=\"A Valero Gas Station Sign Showing Gas Prices\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/022222-Gas-Prices-Station-MG-CM-05-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/022222-Gas-Prices-Station-MG-CM-05-1020x679.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/022222-Gas-Prices-Station-MG-CM-05-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/022222-Gas-Prices-Station-MG-CM-05.jpeg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Valero gas station in Sacramento on Feb. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Even if people are working again, or more people are working, the cost of food is outpacing their incomes,” said Jacob Hibel, co-director of the Center for Poverty and Inequality Research at UC Davis. “Just having a job is not enough to guarantee that you have enough food to feed your family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And with housing prices skyrocketing last year, some people are now being cut out of a traditional route to the middle class, which is owning a home, experts said. \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/marketdata/data/haitraditional\">Housing affordability\u003c/a>, as measured by the number of Californians who could afford a median-priced, single-family home, hit 23% in the second quarter of 2021, according to the California Association of Realtors. That was the lowest point since prices were approaching their highs during the last bubble, in 2007, when 11% of Californians could own a home.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>That measure had risen slightly, to 25%, by the end of last year, according to the association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Higher-income workers, homeowners and people who earn investment income have, on the whole, seen their wealth increase over the last nearly two years, experts noted, likely raising wealth inequality in California. Researchers noted in interviews that the pandemic may have increased inequality in other key ways. Underserved children, for instance, fell further behind academically, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/05/us/coronavirus-education-lost-learning.html\">widening the achievement gap\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you see those kinds of impacts, they can really lock in inequality,” said Hibel, of UC Davis. “It tends to take young people who are either in poverty — or who are experiencing inequalities — and just make it much, much less likely that they’ll be able to climb out of that social stratum when they reach adulthood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article is part of the\u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-divide/\">\u003cem> California Divide\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> project, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequality and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>For years, Ukraine has been one of Silicon Valley’s favorite offshore outposts for educated, cheap IT labor. There are now roughly 20,000 people of Ukrainian descent living in the Bay Area, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://san-francisco.mfa.gov.ua/en\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ukrainian consulate in San Francisco\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The connections between the two regions are not simply economic. Strong cultural affinities have developed. People move between the Bay Area and Ukraine and work together on projects. They get married to each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My wife is Ukrainian,” said John Sung Kim, CEO of the Bay Area-based outsourcing company \u003ca href=\"https://jetbridge.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">JetBridge\u003c/a>. He’s married to a Ukrainian woman, with in-laws in one of the disputed regions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They told him tanks have arrived in their town \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/live-updates/ukraine-russia-invasion-putin\">as Russia’s long-feared assault on Ukraine began Thursday\u003c/a>, and they’ve relocated to their basement. “So we need evacuation plans for them,” Kim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JetBridge employs more than 20 people in Ukraine, and the company has been working on contingency plans to get them out: to western Ukraine, to Poland, or even to the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we have to evacuate them, we also have to evacuate their families. And so this could be 100 people,” Kim said. But it’s an open question when that might happen. “Airports have been bombed and traffic is a no go. People are stuck.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then there’s the JetBridge team in Belarus, dependent, like their co-workers in Ukraine, on international money transfers for their salaries. Kim fears financial sanctions on Russia could be extended to include Belarus, a Russian ally. Should that happen, it could become difficult to pay his employees there. “So now we have questions, like, do we need to extract people out of Belarus?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906424\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11906424\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag.jpg\" alt=\"cyclist carrying bright yellow and blue ukrainian flag rides under series of metal hoops under a blue sky\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1416\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag-800x590.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag-1020x752.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag-160x118.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag-1536x1133.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A bicyclist waves the Ukrainian flag over his head as he rides through the Sonic Runway, an art installation outside San Jose City Hall. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While many companies big and small employ Ukrainians here or in Ukraine, those contacted by KQED declined to identify specific employees out of concern for their safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JustAnswer, a San Francisco-based tech company that employs 252 people in Ukraine, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/tech/article/How-Russia-invading-Ukraine-affects-the-workforce-16938923.php\">also has been working on contingency plans to keep its workers safe, make sure they get paid — and handle workers who want to serve in Ukraine’s military\u003c/a>, according to The San Francisco Chronicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google, Oracle, Snap, Grammarly and Ring also employ workers in Ukraine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Ring said the company is in close contact with the people it does business with in Ukraine, and that “we’re of course monitoring their well-being with great care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not the first time that our team members in Ukraine have experienced heightened uncertainty,” said a spokesperson for Grammarly, \u003ca href=\"https://gbozhok.medium.com/grammarly-the-story-of-how-three-ukrainians-created-the-most-popular-online-grammar-checker-5c3f20a2f66a\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a company founded by Ukrainians\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Grammarly also supports all of our team members, including those who call Ukraine home, with various mental health benefits and frequent internal communication updates that aim to provide clarity in a time of uncertainty,” the spokesperson said. “Our contingency plans also account for ensuring Grammarly’s services will not be disrupted. This includes backup communication methods and temporary transfer of business-critical responsibilities to team members outside of Ukraine to ensure our Ukraine-based team members can focus on the immediate safety of themselves and their families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, after Russia invaded and annexed Crimea, the nonprofit humanitarian aid organization \u003ca href=\"https://novaukraine.org/\">Nova Ukraine\u003c/a> was born in the Bay Area. It’s one of several groups raising funds for causes ranging from helping underserved children in Ukraine with educational aid, to COVID relief, to a letter-writing campaign directed at U.S. lawmakers regarding the Russian invasion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have fewer connections now than before,” said Igor Markov, a research scientist for a prominent Silicon Valley company who volunteers for Nova Ukraine in his spare time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He came to the U.S. in 1993 to study mathematics in graduate school. He estimates that a third of his high school class from Kyiv now lives in the U.S., reflecting how enmeshed the two countries have become in the last three decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Putin and his subservient government and parliament — they have gone way too far,” Markov said. “It’s not a matter of Russians versus Ukrainians at all. It’s a matter of Putin versus the world.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we have to evacuate them, we also have to evacuate their families. And so this could be 100 people,” Kim said. But it’s an open question when that might happen. “Airports have been bombed and traffic is a no go. People are stuck.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then there’s the JetBridge team in Belarus, dependent, like their co-workers in Ukraine, on international money transfers for their salaries. Kim fears financial sanctions on Russia could be extended to include Belarus, a Russian ally. Should that happen, it could become difficult to pay his employees there. “So now we have questions, like, do we need to extract people out of Belarus?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906424\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11906424\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag.jpg\" alt=\"cyclist carrying bright yellow and blue ukrainian flag rides under series of metal hoops under a blue sky\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1416\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag-800x590.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag-1020x752.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag-160x118.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag-1536x1133.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A bicyclist waves the Ukrainian flag over his head as he rides through the Sonic Runway, an art installation outside San Jose City Hall. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While many companies big and small employ Ukrainians here or in Ukraine, those contacted by KQED declined to identify specific employees out of concern for their safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JustAnswer, a San Francisco-based tech company that employs 252 people in Ukraine, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/tech/article/How-Russia-invading-Ukraine-affects-the-workforce-16938923.php\">also has been working on contingency plans to keep its workers safe, make sure they get paid — and handle workers who want to serve in Ukraine’s military\u003c/a>, according to The San Francisco Chronicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google, Oracle, Snap, Grammarly and Ring also employ workers in Ukraine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Ring said the company is in close contact with the people it does business with in Ukraine, and that “we’re of course monitoring their well-being with great care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not the first time that our team members in Ukraine have experienced heightened uncertainty,” said a spokesperson for Grammarly, \u003ca href=\"https://gbozhok.medium.com/grammarly-the-story-of-how-three-ukrainians-created-the-most-popular-online-grammar-checker-5c3f20a2f66a\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a company founded by Ukrainians\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Grammarly also supports all of our team members, including those who call Ukraine home, with various mental health benefits and frequent internal communication updates that aim to provide clarity in a time of uncertainty,” the spokesperson said. “Our contingency plans also account for ensuring Grammarly’s services will not be disrupted. This includes backup communication methods and temporary transfer of business-critical responsibilities to team members outside of Ukraine to ensure our Ukraine-based team members can focus on the immediate safety of themselves and their families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, after Russia invaded and annexed Crimea, the nonprofit humanitarian aid organization \u003ca href=\"https://novaukraine.org/\">Nova Ukraine\u003c/a> was born in the Bay Area. It’s one of several groups raising funds for causes ranging from helping underserved children in Ukraine with educational aid, to COVID relief, to a letter-writing campaign directed at U.S. lawmakers regarding the Russian invasion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have fewer connections now than before,” said Igor Markov, a research scientist for a prominent Silicon Valley company who volunteers for Nova Ukraine in his spare time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He came to the U.S. in 1993 to study mathematics in graduate school. He estimates that a third of his high school class from Kyiv now lives in the U.S., reflecting how enmeshed the two countries have become in the last three decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Putin and his subservient government and parliament — they have gone way too far,” Markov said. “It’s not a matter of Russians versus Ukrainians at all. It’s a matter of Putin versus the world.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than a dozen antitrust bills targeting Big Tech are currently in play in the nation’s capital, and Silicon Valley has mounted a full-court press to kill or soften the legislative onslaught.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills could make it more difficult for large tech companies to, among other things, acquire smaller companies, use their platforms to unduly boost their own products, and wield their huge cash stockpiles to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/11/13/666274605/how-big-is-amazon\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">dominate multiple, additional industries\u003c/a>.[aside postID=\"news_11889347\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51554_GettyImages-1235407516-qut.jpg\"]The main companies in the sights of federal lawmakers include Amazon, Apple, Google and Meta, the latter three of which are headquartered in the Bay Area. All four have become multibillion-dollar giants of advertising through buying and selling consumer data, while also variously dominating other industries like retail, apps and entertainment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal lawmakers on both sides of the aisle have historically taken a relatively light touch toward regulating the technology industry. But that \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2021/12/27/monopoly-antitrust-new-rules-tech-525161\">hands-off approach has recently shifted\u003c/a> among a growing number of Democrats, and even some Republicans, as the power and size of these companies has grown exponentially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have companies like Google that have 90% control over search engines,” Sen. Amy Klobuchar, D-Minnesota, \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/amyklobuchar/videos/1985625218247197/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">told CNN\u003c/a> last year. “What I’m proposing is, make sure [federal agencies like the Federal Trade Commission] are able to take on trillion-dollar companies like Facebook and Google. They can’t do it with Band-Aids and duct tape.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We must have laws that are as sophisticated as the companies we’re dealing with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In that vein, the slate of proposed legislation tackles a wide array of gray areas in the law to provide federal regulators with the resources — monetary and conceptual — to go after large companies. Here’s a small sampling of the bills:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/3816\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">HR 3816\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/2992\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">S 2992\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>The American Choice and Innovation Online Act\u003c/strong> would bar platforms like Apple’s App Store or Amazon’s Marketplace from “self-preferencing,” or giving their own products an unfair advantage over those of their competitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/3843?q=%7B%22search%22:%5B%223843%22,%223843%22%5D%7D&s=3&r=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">HR 3843\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/228?q=%7B%22search%22:%5B%22Merger+Filing+Fee+Modernization+Act%22,%22Merger%22,%22Filing%22,%22Fee%22,%22Modernization%22,%22Act%22%5D%7D&s=6&r=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">S 228\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>The Merger Filing Fee Modernization Act of 2021\u003c/strong> would increase the merger fees regulators collect from companies and use the additional amounts to fund aggressive enforcement of antitrust laws by the U.S. Department of Justice and the Federal Trade Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/3608?q=%7B%22search%22%3A%5B%22Social+Media+NUDGE+Act%22%2C%22Social%22%2C%22Media%22%2C%22NUDGE%22%2C%22Act%22%5D%7D&s=1&r=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">S 3608\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>The Social Media NUDGE Act\u003c/strong> would direct the National Science Foundation and the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering and Medicine to study “content neutral” ways to address the algorithmic amplification of harmful content.[aside postID=\"forum_2010101882161\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/43/2016/11/facebook-screen.jpg\"]But despite high-drama hearings from whistleblowers like former Facebook lead product manager \u003ca href=\"https://www.franceshaugen.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Frances Haugen\u003c/a>, most of these bills have yet to make it out of their respective committees. It’s entirely unclear how many will ever get a floor vote in the House or Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Klobuchar, among the handful of lawmakers leading the antitrust charge, has acknowledged that the odds are daunting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are up against a lot. … The tech companies have 2,500 lobbyists and probably 10,000 lawyers,” she said at a hearing of the Senate Judiciary \u003ca href=\"https://www.c-span.org/video/?516757-1/senate-hearing-impact-corporate-monopolies-innovation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Subcommittee on Competition Policy, Antitrust, and Consumer Rights\u003c/a> last December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And most analysts agree that if Republicans regain the majority in Congress after this year’s midterm elections, it’s game over for the biggest antitrust effort in generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Strong pushback\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tech industry proponents have presented a varied, and in some cases compelling, set of arguments against these legislative efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berin Szóka, president of TechFreedom, a \u003ca href=\"https://services.google.com/fh/files/misc/trade_association_and_third_party_groups.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tech-funded\u003c/a> think tank in Washington, D.C., argues that the bills are rushed and poorly written. He decries the lack of traditional legislative hearings and markups before floor debate, even while acknowledging this practice has fallen out of vogue in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are legislating the way that that cartoon shows the railroad bridge being built out over the canyon as the train is going — except we don’t know what the train looks like or where it’s going,” he said.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jennifer King, privacy and data policy fellow, Stanford Institute for Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence\"]‘We now have a legislative structure that’s just as dependent on those data practices that the commercial structure is dependent on: behavioral targeting and marketing practices that are really at issue in all these cases.’[/pullquote]Efforts by Democrats, like Klobuchar, to win support from key Republicans, he says, have resulted in bills full of ticking time bombs that could explode on Democrats and their allies the next time Republicans regain control of the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, Szóka argues, the same bill that would prevent tech titans from discriminating against competitors might also prevent them from removing companies from their app stores that have violated content rules, like Parler, a social media platform that has become a safe harbor for right-wing conspiracy theorists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be easy for these sites that cater to extremists to sue, to harass mainstream services, to rifle through emails, to depose executives,” said Szóka.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar concerns have been expressed by many in California’s congressional delegation, suggesting that Democrats could balk at supporting some of the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sens. Dianne Feinstein and Alex Padilla are among a large group of California Democrats who have criticized elements of the bills, mirroring some of the arguments made by tech-funded think tanks. Reps. Lou Correa, D-East LA; Ted Lieu, D-Torrance; Eric Swalwell, D-Castro Valley; Ro Khanna, D-Fremont; and Zoe Lofgren, D-San Jose also have raised concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think they spent more time on the hearing than they did in writing the proposed legislation. Because it’s not well crafted and it was done in a hurry,” Lofgren recently lamented about the American Choice and Innovation Online Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview last month with Julia Angwin of The Markup, \u003ca href=\"https://www.c-span.org/video/?517286-1/after-words-representative-ro-khanna\">Rep. Khanna said breakups are certainly justified\u003c/a> in some instances. “On Facebook, for example, where they’ve acquired Instagram and WhatsApp, you should have an unraveling of that company. I think you want to have a ban on mergers that are acquiring competitors.”[aside postID=\"news_11888891\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-461843598-scaled.jpg\"]But he cautioned about being “overly restrictive on all mergers,” noting that mergers and acquisitions are a basic element of the U.S. economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Washington Post recently reported that \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2022/01/21/tech-lobbying-in-washington/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">just seven large tech companies spent nearly $70 million\u003c/a> lobbying the U.S. government in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are genuinely concerned that they could break a wide range of popular services we offer to our users, all the work we do to make our products safe, private and secure, and in some cases can hurt American competitiveness by disadvantaging solely U.S. companies,” Google CEO Sundar Pichai said of the current bills during a recent earnings call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Lofgren and others who have voiced concerns with the current bills \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/02/03/tech-giants-are-doling-out-political-donations-antitrust-skeptics-congress/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">continue to take money\u003c/a> from the likes of Amazon, Google, Meta and Microsoft, but say that doesn’t influence their position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren told KQED, “That’s obviously baloney, and if that were the case, Anna [Eshoo] and I wouldn’t have introduced our privacy bill, which would require a huge change in the business model of any company that relies on the data of its users.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/6027/text?q=%7B%22search%22%3A%5B%22Online+Privacy+Act%22%2C%22Online%22%2C%22Privacy%22%2C%22Act%22%5D%7D&r=1&s=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Online Privacy Act\u003c/a> Lofgren reintroduced with fellow Silicon Valley Rep. Anna Eshoo is considered a serious threat to the personal data trading model that’s become the bread and butter for mega conglomerates. The legislation would require companies to protect users’ data, as well as establish a new federal agency to enforce privacy protections, and strengthen enforcement of privacy law violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer King, who follows data and privacy for the \u003ca href=\"http://cyberlaw.stanford.edu/about/people/jen-king\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Stanford Institute for Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence\u003c/a>, is not holding her breath for this Congress to act on any kind of revolutionary reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One big reason why: Both political parties, she notes, have grown quite fond of using targeted advertising themselves. “We now have a legislative structure that’s just as dependent on those data practices that the commercial structure is dependent on: behavioral targeting and marketing practices that are really at issue in all these cases,” King said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The one thing most lawmakers do seem to agree on is the need for some kind of new legislation, if only to bolster funding for federal regulators like those at the Federal Trade Commission. But what exactly that should look like is where the consensus falls apart.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The main companies in the sights of federal lawmakers include Amazon, Apple, Google and Meta, the latter three of which are headquartered in the Bay Area. All four have become multibillion-dollar giants of advertising through buying and selling consumer data, while also variously dominating other industries like retail, apps and entertainment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal lawmakers on both sides of the aisle have historically taken a relatively light touch toward regulating the technology industry. But that \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2021/12/27/monopoly-antitrust-new-rules-tech-525161\">hands-off approach has recently shifted\u003c/a> among a growing number of Democrats, and even some Republicans, as the power and size of these companies has grown exponentially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have companies like Google that have 90% control over search engines,” Sen. Amy Klobuchar, D-Minnesota, \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/amyklobuchar/videos/1985625218247197/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">told CNN\u003c/a> last year. “What I’m proposing is, make sure [federal agencies like the Federal Trade Commission] are able to take on trillion-dollar companies like Facebook and Google. They can’t do it with Band-Aids and duct tape.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We must have laws that are as sophisticated as the companies we’re dealing with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In that vein, the slate of proposed legislation tackles a wide array of gray areas in the law to provide federal regulators with the resources — monetary and conceptual — to go after large companies. Here’s a small sampling of the bills:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/3816\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">HR 3816\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/2992\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">S 2992\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>The American Choice and Innovation Online Act\u003c/strong> would bar platforms like Apple’s App Store or Amazon’s Marketplace from “self-preferencing,” or giving their own products an unfair advantage over those of their competitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/3843?q=%7B%22search%22:%5B%223843%22,%223843%22%5D%7D&s=3&r=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">HR 3843\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/228?q=%7B%22search%22:%5B%22Merger+Filing+Fee+Modernization+Act%22,%22Merger%22,%22Filing%22,%22Fee%22,%22Modernization%22,%22Act%22%5D%7D&s=6&r=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">S 228\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>The Merger Filing Fee Modernization Act of 2021\u003c/strong> would increase the merger fees regulators collect from companies and use the additional amounts to fund aggressive enforcement of antitrust laws by the U.S. Department of Justice and the Federal Trade Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/3608?q=%7B%22search%22%3A%5B%22Social+Media+NUDGE+Act%22%2C%22Social%22%2C%22Media%22%2C%22NUDGE%22%2C%22Act%22%5D%7D&s=1&r=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">S 3608\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>The Social Media NUDGE Act\u003c/strong> would direct the National Science Foundation and the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering and Medicine to study “content neutral” ways to address the algorithmic amplification of harmful content.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But despite high-drama hearings from whistleblowers like former Facebook lead product manager \u003ca href=\"https://www.franceshaugen.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Frances Haugen\u003c/a>, most of these bills have yet to make it out of their respective committees. It’s entirely unclear how many will ever get a floor vote in the House or Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Klobuchar, among the handful of lawmakers leading the antitrust charge, has acknowledged that the odds are daunting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are up against a lot. … The tech companies have 2,500 lobbyists and probably 10,000 lawyers,” she said at a hearing of the Senate Judiciary \u003ca href=\"https://www.c-span.org/video/?516757-1/senate-hearing-impact-corporate-monopolies-innovation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Subcommittee on Competition Policy, Antitrust, and Consumer Rights\u003c/a> last December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And most analysts agree that if Republicans regain the majority in Congress after this year’s midterm elections, it’s game over for the biggest antitrust effort in generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Strong pushback\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tech industry proponents have presented a varied, and in some cases compelling, set of arguments against these legislative efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berin Szóka, president of TechFreedom, a \u003ca href=\"https://services.google.com/fh/files/misc/trade_association_and_third_party_groups.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tech-funded\u003c/a> think tank in Washington, D.C., argues that the bills are rushed and poorly written. He decries the lack of traditional legislative hearings and markups before floor debate, even while acknowledging this practice has fallen out of vogue in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are legislating the way that that cartoon shows the railroad bridge being built out over the canyon as the train is going — except we don’t know what the train looks like or where it’s going,” he said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We now have a legislative structure that’s just as dependent on those data practices that the commercial structure is dependent on: behavioral targeting and marketing practices that are really at issue in all these cases.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Efforts by Democrats, like Klobuchar, to win support from key Republicans, he says, have resulted in bills full of ticking time bombs that could explode on Democrats and their allies the next time Republicans regain control of the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, Szóka argues, the same bill that would prevent tech titans from discriminating against competitors might also prevent them from removing companies from their app stores that have violated content rules, like Parler, a social media platform that has become a safe harbor for right-wing conspiracy theorists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be easy for these sites that cater to extremists to sue, to harass mainstream services, to rifle through emails, to depose executives,” said Szóka.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar concerns have been expressed by many in California’s congressional delegation, suggesting that Democrats could balk at supporting some of the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sens. Dianne Feinstein and Alex Padilla are among a large group of California Democrats who have criticized elements of the bills, mirroring some of the arguments made by tech-funded think tanks. Reps. Lou Correa, D-East LA; Ted Lieu, D-Torrance; Eric Swalwell, D-Castro Valley; Ro Khanna, D-Fremont; and Zoe Lofgren, D-San Jose also have raised concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think they spent more time on the hearing than they did in writing the proposed legislation. Because it’s not well crafted and it was done in a hurry,” Lofgren recently lamented about the American Choice and Innovation Online Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview last month with Julia Angwin of The Markup, \u003ca href=\"https://www.c-span.org/video/?517286-1/after-words-representative-ro-khanna\">Rep. Khanna said breakups are certainly justified\u003c/a> in some instances. “On Facebook, for example, where they’ve acquired Instagram and WhatsApp, you should have an unraveling of that company. I think you want to have a ban on mergers that are acquiring competitors.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But he cautioned about being “overly restrictive on all mergers,” noting that mergers and acquisitions are a basic element of the U.S. economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Washington Post recently reported that \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2022/01/21/tech-lobbying-in-washington/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">just seven large tech companies spent nearly $70 million\u003c/a> lobbying the U.S. government in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are genuinely concerned that they could break a wide range of popular services we offer to our users, all the work we do to make our products safe, private and secure, and in some cases can hurt American competitiveness by disadvantaging solely U.S. companies,” Google CEO Sundar Pichai said of the current bills during a recent earnings call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Lofgren and others who have voiced concerns with the current bills \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/02/03/tech-giants-are-doling-out-political-donations-antitrust-skeptics-congress/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">continue to take money\u003c/a> from the likes of Amazon, Google, Meta and Microsoft, but say that doesn’t influence their position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren told KQED, “That’s obviously baloney, and if that were the case, Anna [Eshoo] and I wouldn’t have introduced our privacy bill, which would require a huge change in the business model of any company that relies on the data of its users.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/6027/text?q=%7B%22search%22%3A%5B%22Online+Privacy+Act%22%2C%22Online%22%2C%22Privacy%22%2C%22Act%22%5D%7D&r=1&s=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Online Privacy Act\u003c/a> Lofgren reintroduced with fellow Silicon Valley Rep. Anna Eshoo is considered a serious threat to the personal data trading model that’s become the bread and butter for mega conglomerates. The legislation would require companies to protect users’ data, as well as establish a new federal agency to enforce privacy protections, and strengthen enforcement of privacy law violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer King, who follows data and privacy for the \u003ca href=\"http://cyberlaw.stanford.edu/about/people/jen-king\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Stanford Institute for Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence\u003c/a>, is not holding her breath for this Congress to act on any kind of revolutionary reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One big reason why: Both political parties, she notes, have grown quite fond of using targeted advertising themselves. “We now have a legislative structure that’s just as dependent on those data practices that the commercial structure is dependent on: behavioral targeting and marketing practices that are really at issue in all these cases,” King said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We talk with Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf about the latest news, including plans to end the city’s Safe Oakland Streets, recent developments on the Oakland A’s proposed new stadium at Howard Terminal, her support of the Oakland Unified School District board’s plan to close or merge 15 schools, and whether the culture of Oakland’s police department has improved enough.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guest:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Mayor Libby Schaaf, D-Oakland\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gov. Gavin Newsom is facing criticism after photos surfaced of him and other politicians, including San Francisco Mayor London Breed, without masks at the NFC Championship game in Los Angeles last Sunday, in violation of SoFi Stadium rules. We also talk about the end of death row at San Quentin State Prison, a new study that finds that alleviating poverty can help a baby’s brain development, and a contentious recall in Shasta County that is pitting Republicans against Republicans.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Scott Shafer, KQED politics and government senior editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Alexis Madrigal, KQED Forum co-host\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Oakland Zoo’s Glowfari\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week’s Something Beautiful is the Oakland Zoo’s annual Glowfari, where larger-than-life animal lanterns prowl the grounds alongside the zoo’s usual critters.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "From Credit Scores to Job Applications: California's Reparations Task Force Looks to Algorithms",
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"content": "\u003cp>The tech industry is intricately linked to California’s identity and economy, bringing in an estimated \u003ca href=\"https://www.cyberstates.org/#interactiveMap?geoid=6__california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$520 billion\u003c/a> per year according to the Computing Technology Industry Association, a nonprofit trade association specializing in IT.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly 2 million Californians have jobs because of the state’s tech economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of Black representation in technology jobs has long been a point of contention for racial equity advocates, and claims of racial bias and discrimination within the industry remain persistent. In recent years, technology experts have raised alarms about racism being baked into the algorithms that determine credit worthiness, health treatments, job application status and more.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Yeshimabeit Milner, co-founder of Data for Black Lives\"]‘Data has been weaponized against Black communities, because the bullets, police dogs and fire hoses of the past have become the predictive policing, data-driven voter suppression and facial recognition of the present.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Discrimination in technology was featured at the January meetings of California’s Reparations Task Force, a nine-member body assigned the daunting job of conducting public meetings to study and develop reparation proposals for Black Californians. The task force, established by \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3121\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">AB 3121\u003c/a>, held meetings on Jan. 27 and 28 focused on public health and eligibility, in addition to technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of their scope of work, the task force is examining discriminatory practices in the public and private sectors, such as redlining and predatory lending, from 1868 to the present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The expert technology panel included Yeshimabeit Milner, co-founder of \u003ca href=\"https://d4bl.org/about.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Data for Black Lives\u003c/a>, a organization that seeks to use data science to improve the lives of Black people; Vinhcent Le and Debra Gore-Mann from \u003ca href=\"https://greenlining.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The Greenlining Institute\u003c/a>, an Oakland-based public policy and advocacy group focused on the economic empowerment of people of color; and \u003ca href=\"https://safiyaunoble.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Safiya U. Noble\u003c/a>, a MacArthur Foundation Fellow and professor of gender studies and African American studies at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are many ways the technology industry perpetuates the wealth gap, the experts told the task force. But, as Le and Gore-Mann said, harnessing technology may also be used as a reinvestment tool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before testifying about racism and discrimination in the tech industry, Noble, the author of “Algorithms of Oppression,” shared an anecdote about her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a descendant of enslaved Black Americans,” she said. “My paternal grandmother was born into sharecropping, and she and my grandfather bought many of our relatives out of this de facto system of slavery in Mississippi.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noble spoke about how algorithms used in criminal justice, resource allocation and surveillance can often lead to disparate outcomes for Black people.[aside postID=\"news_11898258,forum_2010101887335,news_11897977\" label=\"Related Posts\"]“Each of these types of carceral technology are unfairly pointed at vulnerable Black people,” she said. “California is central to the origin story of the tech industry, and so it must be understood as a powerful element in California history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Technology often allows systems to operate at a much faster speed and at a much higher scale, while also making the ability to intervene and question more difficult.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Milner explained some of the nuances of algorithms to the task force and the audience watching from their computer screens. A simple definition for algorithms, Milner said, is that they are “a set of step-by-step instructions to solve a problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A recipe is an algorithm, a list of instructions … the result is based on what we define from the beginning of the recipe as a success,” she added. “Data has been weaponized against Black communities, because the bullets, police dogs and fire hoses of the past have become the predictive policing, data-driven voter suppression and facial recognition of the present.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://vimeo.com/670990780\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a lack of transparency, accountability and clarity on what exactly goes into algorithms that are used to determine outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While it is in violation of federal law to deny people housing, employment and education based on race, you can’t sue an algorithm,” Milner said. “You don’t even need to use race as a variable. The legacy of slavery [has] made ZIP codes proxies for race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Le and Gore-Mann pointed out how racism in the tech industry can be traced back to redlining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Redlining lives on in the data that determines which neighborhoods get good access to the internet or new services and technologies,” Le said. “This is why the reparations work is so important. It gives us a chance to change the data points that give rise to data-driven discrimination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without proper oversight, systems can embed the history of discrimination and redlining into decisions, Le added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need race-aware data so we can test these systems that control access to economic opportunity for bias and discrimination,” he said. “The housing discrimination and the redlining of the past is still quite well and alive today. Our anti-discrimination laws have not kept pace with these technologies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One solution Gore-Mann and Le recognized is a mapping tool designed with social equity in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://oehha.ca.gov/calenviroscreen/about-calenviroscreen\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CalEnviroScreen\u003c/a> uses equity indicators like poverty, unemployment and exposure to pollution to identify marginalized communities that are eligible for increased investment from the state’s Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund. With the help of this algorithm, over $4.5 billion in state funding has gone toward investments in Black and Latino communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This program is a potential template to undo past discrimination and drive more investments into communities to improve economic opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reparations solutions will not close the gap if we’re continually allowing technology to widen the gap,” Gore-Mann said. “We see our praxis as the intersection between that economic equity, racial equity and building wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The data goes both ways — to help us analyze and create good policies and remove disparate impacts, but also to hold companies accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The tech industry is intricately linked to California’s identity and economy, bringing in an estimated \u003ca href=\"https://www.cyberstates.org/#interactiveMap?geoid=6__california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$520 billion\u003c/a> per year according to the Computing Technology Industry Association, a nonprofit trade association specializing in IT.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly 2 million Californians have jobs because of the state’s tech economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of Black representation in technology jobs has long been a point of contention for racial equity advocates, and claims of racial bias and discrimination within the industry remain persistent. In recent years, technology experts have raised alarms about racism being baked into the algorithms that determine credit worthiness, health treatments, job application status and more.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Discrimination in technology was featured at the January meetings of California’s Reparations Task Force, a nine-member body assigned the daunting job of conducting public meetings to study and develop reparation proposals for Black Californians. The task force, established by \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3121\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">AB 3121\u003c/a>, held meetings on Jan. 27 and 28 focused on public health and eligibility, in addition to technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of their scope of work, the task force is examining discriminatory practices in the public and private sectors, such as redlining and predatory lending, from 1868 to the present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The expert technology panel included Yeshimabeit Milner, co-founder of \u003ca href=\"https://d4bl.org/about.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Data for Black Lives\u003c/a>, a organization that seeks to use data science to improve the lives of Black people; Vinhcent Le and Debra Gore-Mann from \u003ca href=\"https://greenlining.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The Greenlining Institute\u003c/a>, an Oakland-based public policy and advocacy group focused on the economic empowerment of people of color; and \u003ca href=\"https://safiyaunoble.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Safiya U. Noble\u003c/a>, a MacArthur Foundation Fellow and professor of gender studies and African American studies at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are many ways the technology industry perpetuates the wealth gap, the experts told the task force. But, as Le and Gore-Mann said, harnessing technology may also be used as a reinvestment tool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before testifying about racism and discrimination in the tech industry, Noble, the author of “Algorithms of Oppression,” shared an anecdote about her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a descendant of enslaved Black Americans,” she said. “My paternal grandmother was born into sharecropping, and she and my grandfather bought many of our relatives out of this de facto system of slavery in Mississippi.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noble spoke about how algorithms used in criminal justice, resource allocation and surveillance can often lead to disparate outcomes for Black people.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Each of these types of carceral technology are unfairly pointed at vulnerable Black people,” she said. “California is central to the origin story of the tech industry, and so it must be understood as a powerful element in California history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Technology often allows systems to operate at a much faster speed and at a much higher scale, while also making the ability to intervene and question more difficult.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Milner explained some of the nuances of algorithms to the task force and the audience watching from their computer screens. A simple definition for algorithms, Milner said, is that they are “a set of step-by-step instructions to solve a problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A recipe is an algorithm, a list of instructions … the result is based on what we define from the beginning of the recipe as a success,” she added. “Data has been weaponized against Black communities, because the bullets, police dogs and fire hoses of the past have become the predictive policing, data-driven voter suppression and facial recognition of the present.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>There’s a lack of transparency, accountability and clarity on what exactly goes into algorithms that are used to determine outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While it is in violation of federal law to deny people housing, employment and education based on race, you can’t sue an algorithm,” Milner said. “You don’t even need to use race as a variable. The legacy of slavery [has] made ZIP codes proxies for race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Le and Gore-Mann pointed out how racism in the tech industry can be traced back to redlining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Redlining lives on in the data that determines which neighborhoods get good access to the internet or new services and technologies,” Le said. “This is why the reparations work is so important. It gives us a chance to change the data points that give rise to data-driven discrimination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without proper oversight, systems can embed the history of discrimination and redlining into decisions, Le added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need race-aware data so we can test these systems that control access to economic opportunity for bias and discrimination,” he said. “The housing discrimination and the redlining of the past is still quite well and alive today. Our anti-discrimination laws have not kept pace with these technologies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One solution Gore-Mann and Le recognized is a mapping tool designed with social equity in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://oehha.ca.gov/calenviroscreen/about-calenviroscreen\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CalEnviroScreen\u003c/a> uses equity indicators like poverty, unemployment and exposure to pollution to identify marginalized communities that are eligible for increased investment from the state’s Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund. With the help of this algorithm, over $4.5 billion in state funding has gone toward investments in Black and Latino communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This program is a potential template to undo past discrimination and drive more investments into communities to improve economic opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reparations solutions will not close the gap if we’re continually allowing technology to widen the gap,” Gore-Mann said. “We see our praxis as the intersection between that economic equity, racial equity and building wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The data goes both ways — to help us analyze and create good policies and remove disparate impacts, but also to hold companies accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>COVID-19 Update\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s been a week of pandemic record highs across the nation and in California. State health officials say 23% of professionally administered COVID-19 tests are positive, while the daily count of new cases has been topping 100,000 for the past several days. Some school districts have closed their doors and returned temporarily to online learning, while Sonoma County has taken the step of banning large indoor and outdoor gatherings for the next month.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guest:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Dr. Sundari R. Mase, Sonoma County Health Officer\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SF Mayor London Breed\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last month, Mayor London Breed declared a state of emergency in the Tenderloin neighborhood, vowing a police crackdown on the regular — and open — crime there. Criticism of her call for increased police intervention came swiftly from the city’s district attorney, Chesa Boudin, and other city leaders. The situation in the Tenderloin, and the debate over how to handle it, reveal tensions in a city known for its progressive politics.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guest:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week, Gov. Gavin Newsom unveiled a $286 billion budget that includes a surplus of $45 billion. Newsom’s proposal aims to address five key areas: COVID-19, climate change, homelessness, the cost of living, and public safety. Our panel of reporters looks at what these spending priorities mean for where California is heading.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Scott Shafer, KQED senior politics and government editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tal Kopan, San Francisco Chronicle Washington, D.C., correspondent\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Baughman’s Western Outfitters\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We don’t usually feature a store in this segment, but Baughman’s Western Outfitters has a strong local history: It’s been family-owned for 140 years. If you want to visit a piece of California’s Wild West past, check out their selection of jeans, cowboy hats and boots. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>With California expecting another year of record state revenues, Gov. Gavin Newsom on Monday unveiled a spending plan that would make deep investments into containing the current COVID-19 surge, expanding health care access, shoring up drought response and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899691/gov-newsom-boosts-efforts-to-combat-organized-retail-theft-in-california\">fighting organized retail crime\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $286.4 billion proposal is aimed at tackling what Newsom’s administration deems California’s “most existential threats”: COVID-19, climate change, homelessness, inequality and public safety. With midterm elections and the governor’s reelection campaign looming this fall, however, those challenges also pose clear political threats to the national Democratic establishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘[We] continue to do what we can to fight this latest surge.’[/pullquote]His budget seems aimed at getting ahead of some of that. Newsom is asking lawmakers to spend an extra $1.4 billion immediately on pandemic response measures — a proposal that comes as the state faces down its third year of addressing the pandemic even as COVID-19 cases surge to record levels, causing major disruptions in schools and hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor wants the state to earmark $2.7 billion in additional money over the next 18 months \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/01/08/governor-newsom-announces-new-2-7-billion-covid-19-emergency-response-package/\">for increased testing, vaccination campaigns and support for hospitals and health care workers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal this year is to do more in testing and those vaccine boosters,” he said. “[We] continue to do what we can to fight this latest surge, in issues related to staffing of frontline workers in our hospitals, and dealing with this incredible stress and strain that so many in our system are facing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also praised “the individuals that show up every single day for work against just extraordinary, extraordinary circumstances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With at least $45 billion more in expected revenue than had been forecast by state officials last year — a number that could climb even higher over the coming months — Newsom also wants to expand health care access to all Californians, regardless of immigration status. If his proposal to make Medi-Cal available to all undocumented immigrants is approved, California would become the first state in the nation to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11879724\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS50190_GettyImages-1310021506-qut-1020x668.jpg\"]Not all of that $45 billion in extra money is unspoken for. Newsom noted that $16 billion of it will automatically go to schools, and $9 billion will be put in state reserves or used to pay down debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, California leaders will have about $20 billion extra to spend — cash Newsom said he wants to spend largely on one-time investments. It’s still unclear, the governor said, whether the state will have to refund any money to taxpayers under a 1979 law that places limits on state spending.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Schools and COVID-19\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>With the pandemic still top of mind for many Californians, Newsom is including a proposed $1.2 billion to help expand hours and capacity at testing sites as well as distribute millions of antigen tests to schools, local governments and clinics. The lack of access to testing has become a huge problem for schools in particular as the omicron variant drives cases to unprecedented levels, prompting staffing shortages and posing political challenges for Newsom and other state leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to testing, the governor wants to pump another $583 million into efforts to get more Californians vaccinated and boosted. That money would fund not only in-home vaccination and testing programs and free transportation to vaccine appointments, but also a public education campaign aimed at combating vaccine misinformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor also wants to invest billions more into behavioral health services — including for young people who have been hit hard by mental health issues during the pandemic. And, he’s proposing to continue offering two free meals a day to all public schoolchildren, not just those from families with incomes deemed low enough to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, to address concerns about how declining public school enrollment could hurt schools already struggling to survive the pandemic, Newsom is proposing a new way to calculate how much money school districts receive. Instead of basing budget figures on a district’s average daily attendance over one school year, the budget proposes allowing them to consider an average of three years of attendance figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Climate investments\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Despite wet weather in recent weeks, California is still facing a historic drought. Last year, lawmakers and the governor approved a $5.2 billion water package that will fund infrastructure projects around the state to make water more reliable and safer. In this year’s plan, Newsom proposes spending an additional $750 million to help residents, farmers and wildlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are mindful of our need to do better to prepare not only for short-term, medium- and long-term realities of a world that’s being replumbed both literally and figuratively as it comes to weather,” Newsom said, adding that in addition to investments in storage and infrastructure, “we have got to do more, all of us including my family, on water conservation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11900750\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/GettyImages-1323577332-1-1020x676.jpg\"]The governor is also including $1.2 billion in new spending on initiatives like forest thinning, prescribed burns, grazing, reforestation, fuel breaks and new technology to detect wildfires early. And he wants to direct nearly $650 million in new funds to support firefighting efforts — including $400 million for CalFire firefighters directly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are overwhelmed, they are stressed,” Newsom said of the CalFire workforce. “We have gotten staffing up [in recent years] but the workload is still profound.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom wants to reduce the state’s reliance on fossil fuels in part by investing a total of $10 billion to encourage the switch to electric vehicles, including nearly $4 billion for trucks, buses and heavy-duty vehicles. And he’s proposing over $1 billion over the next three years in new tax credits for businesses that create “cutting-edge climate solutions” and “develop green energy technologies and agree to share profits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Targeting inequality\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The governor also is prioritizing the state’s high cost of living, saying he wants to help blunt the rising costs of health care, housing and child care — and help small businesses stay open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among his initiatives:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Expanding Medi-Cal health coverage to undocumented immigrants who are between age 26 and 50. In recent years, the state has slowly increased access to the health care insurance program for Californians with lower incomes — first by expanding it to young people up to age 26 in 2019, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news//so-thankful-california-to-offer-medi-cal-to-235000-undocumented-californians\">and then last year by including an estimated 235,000 undocumented people over the age of 50\u003c/a>. Under this year’s proposal — which is likely to be embraced by the Democrat-led Legislature, another 764,000 people would be covered by January of 2024.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Investing in child care and education programs by adding thousands of new child care slots for lower-income families and increasing access to before-, after- and summer-school programs. He’s also proposing $4 billion in spending over the next several years to create universal preschool in California.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Earmarking $2 billion for grants and tax credits aimed at increasing housing production in California.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Providing hundreds of millions of dollars in grants and tax breaks to small businesses as well as waiving fees. Newsom, a business owner himself, noted the challenges small businesses have faced during this pandemic.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$182 million to fight the opioid epidemic, particularly the fentanyl crisis, including for overdose prevention and medication-assisted treatment.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>And, the governor said the state will be experimenting with a way to bring down the cost of prescription drugs by entering into agreements to produce its own insulin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Insulin epitomizes the failures in the pharmaceutical industry,” he said, adding that more details will be released in the coming months but that he hopes the pilot program could be a model for other pharmaceutical products.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Reducing homelessness\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In addition to $12 billion authorized last year, Newsom is proposing another $2 billion in spending this year aimed at getting people off the street and into shelters that have behavioral health support. He noted that the state has housed more than 50,000 people since the pandemic began, through its Project Roomkey program, but said more needs to be done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most strikingly, the governor indicated he intends to double down on one of the state’s most controversial strategies for getting people into housing: conservatorship laws, which allow counties to force residents deemed mentally incompetent by a court into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11887815\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1233456190-1020x680.jpg\"]Conservatorship laws have been vociferously opposed by some advocates for unhoused people and by civil libertarians, but the governor promised to overhaul the state’s laws this year, with more details in the coming weeks for what is sure to be a controversial proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Look, we recognize our responsibility to do more and better,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among his budget proposals: $1.4 billion for mobile crisis services, so that Medi-Cal providers can provide behavioral health care to unhoused residents where they are.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Public safety\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Newsom also is trying to get ahead of concerns about public safety. His proposal includes $255 million in grants to help local law enforcement combat organized retail crime — including by increasing police presence at stores. He’s piloting a new grant program to help small businesses that have been the victims of smash-and-grab theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also wants to make permanent a “smash and grab” division at the California Highway Patrol dedicated to assisting police agencies in the Bay Area, Sacramento, San Joaquin Valley, Los Angeles and San Diego regions combat retail, auto and rail theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label ='Related Coverage' tag='politics']The budget also calls for nearly $50 million to help both state and local prosecutors in theft-related cases — including to prosecute large retail theft rings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he understands that mayors and local police and prosecutors need support to tackle, in particular, organized theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s wrong and you have to be held to account,” he said, noting that those crimes threaten “our sense of safety,” which he called “foundational to any thriving society.”\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With California expecting another year of record state revenues, Gov. Gavin Newsom on Monday unveiled a spending plan that would make deep investments into containing the current COVID-19 surge, expanding health care access, shoring up drought response and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899691/gov-newsom-boosts-efforts-to-combat-organized-retail-theft-in-california\">fighting organized retail crime\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $286.4 billion proposal is aimed at tackling what Newsom’s administration deems California’s “most existential threats”: COVID-19, climate change, homelessness, inequality and public safety. With midterm elections and the governor’s reelection campaign looming this fall, however, those challenges also pose clear political threats to the national Democratic establishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>His budget seems aimed at getting ahead of some of that. Newsom is asking lawmakers to spend an extra $1.4 billion immediately on pandemic response measures — a proposal that comes as the state faces down its third year of addressing the pandemic even as COVID-19 cases surge to record levels, causing major disruptions in schools and hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor wants the state to earmark $2.7 billion in additional money over the next 18 months \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/01/08/governor-newsom-announces-new-2-7-billion-covid-19-emergency-response-package/\">for increased testing, vaccination campaigns and support for hospitals and health care workers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal this year is to do more in testing and those vaccine boosters,” he said. “[We] continue to do what we can to fight this latest surge, in issues related to staffing of frontline workers in our hospitals, and dealing with this incredible stress and strain that so many in our system are facing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also praised “the individuals that show up every single day for work against just extraordinary, extraordinary circumstances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With at least $45 billion more in expected revenue than had been forecast by state officials last year — a number that could climb even higher over the coming months — Newsom also wants to expand health care access to all Californians, regardless of immigration status. If his proposal to make Medi-Cal available to all undocumented immigrants is approved, California would become the first state in the nation to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Not all of that $45 billion in extra money is unspoken for. Newsom noted that $16 billion of it will automatically go to schools, and $9 billion will be put in state reserves or used to pay down debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, California leaders will have about $20 billion extra to spend — cash Newsom said he wants to spend largely on one-time investments. It’s still unclear, the governor said, whether the state will have to refund any money to taxpayers under a 1979 law that places limits on state spending.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Schools and COVID-19\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>With the pandemic still top of mind for many Californians, Newsom is including a proposed $1.2 billion to help expand hours and capacity at testing sites as well as distribute millions of antigen tests to schools, local governments and clinics. The lack of access to testing has become a huge problem for schools in particular as the omicron variant drives cases to unprecedented levels, prompting staffing shortages and posing political challenges for Newsom and other state leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to testing, the governor wants to pump another $583 million into efforts to get more Californians vaccinated and boosted. That money would fund not only in-home vaccination and testing programs and free transportation to vaccine appointments, but also a public education campaign aimed at combating vaccine misinformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor also wants to invest billions more into behavioral health services — including for young people who have been hit hard by mental health issues during the pandemic. And, he’s proposing to continue offering two free meals a day to all public schoolchildren, not just those from families with incomes deemed low enough to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, to address concerns about how declining public school enrollment could hurt schools already struggling to survive the pandemic, Newsom is proposing a new way to calculate how much money school districts receive. Instead of basing budget figures on a district’s average daily attendance over one school year, the budget proposes allowing them to consider an average of three years of attendance figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Climate investments\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Despite wet weather in recent weeks, California is still facing a historic drought. Last year, lawmakers and the governor approved a $5.2 billion water package that will fund infrastructure projects around the state to make water more reliable and safer. In this year’s plan, Newsom proposes spending an additional $750 million to help residents, farmers and wildlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are mindful of our need to do better to prepare not only for short-term, medium- and long-term realities of a world that’s being replumbed both literally and figuratively as it comes to weather,” Newsom said, adding that in addition to investments in storage and infrastructure, “we have got to do more, all of us including my family, on water conservation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The governor is also including $1.2 billion in new spending on initiatives like forest thinning, prescribed burns, grazing, reforestation, fuel breaks and new technology to detect wildfires early. And he wants to direct nearly $650 million in new funds to support firefighting efforts — including $400 million for CalFire firefighters directly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are overwhelmed, they are stressed,” Newsom said of the CalFire workforce. “We have gotten staffing up [in recent years] but the workload is still profound.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom wants to reduce the state’s reliance on fossil fuels in part by investing a total of $10 billion to encourage the switch to electric vehicles, including nearly $4 billion for trucks, buses and heavy-duty vehicles. And he’s proposing over $1 billion over the next three years in new tax credits for businesses that create “cutting-edge climate solutions” and “develop green energy technologies and agree to share profits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Targeting inequality\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The governor also is prioritizing the state’s high cost of living, saying he wants to help blunt the rising costs of health care, housing and child care — and help small businesses stay open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among his initiatives:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Expanding Medi-Cal health coverage to undocumented immigrants who are between age 26 and 50. In recent years, the state has slowly increased access to the health care insurance program for Californians with lower incomes — first by expanding it to young people up to age 26 in 2019, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news//so-thankful-california-to-offer-medi-cal-to-235000-undocumented-californians\">and then last year by including an estimated 235,000 undocumented people over the age of 50\u003c/a>. Under this year’s proposal — which is likely to be embraced by the Democrat-led Legislature, another 764,000 people would be covered by January of 2024.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Investing in child care and education programs by adding thousands of new child care slots for lower-income families and increasing access to before-, after- and summer-school programs. He’s also proposing $4 billion in spending over the next several years to create universal preschool in California.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Earmarking $2 billion for grants and tax credits aimed at increasing housing production in California.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Providing hundreds of millions of dollars in grants and tax breaks to small businesses as well as waiving fees. Newsom, a business owner himself, noted the challenges small businesses have faced during this pandemic.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$182 million to fight the opioid epidemic, particularly the fentanyl crisis, including for overdose prevention and medication-assisted treatment.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>And, the governor said the state will be experimenting with a way to bring down the cost of prescription drugs by entering into agreements to produce its own insulin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Insulin epitomizes the failures in the pharmaceutical industry,” he said, adding that more details will be released in the coming months but that he hopes the pilot program could be a model for other pharmaceutical products.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Reducing homelessness\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In addition to $12 billion authorized last year, Newsom is proposing another $2 billion in spending this year aimed at getting people off the street and into shelters that have behavioral health support. He noted that the state has housed more than 50,000 people since the pandemic began, through its Project Roomkey program, but said more needs to be done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most strikingly, the governor indicated he intends to double down on one of the state’s most controversial strategies for getting people into housing: conservatorship laws, which allow counties to force residents deemed mentally incompetent by a court into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Conservatorship laws have been vociferously opposed by some advocates for unhoused people and by civil libertarians, but the governor promised to overhaul the state’s laws this year, with more details in the coming weeks for what is sure to be a controversial proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Look, we recognize our responsibility to do more and better,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among his budget proposals: $1.4 billion for mobile crisis services, so that Medi-Cal providers can provide behavioral health care to unhoused residents where they are.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Public safety\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Newsom also is trying to get ahead of concerns about public safety. His proposal includes $255 million in grants to help local law enforcement combat organized retail crime — including by increasing police presence at stores. He’s piloting a new grant program to help small businesses that have been the victims of smash-and-grab theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also wants to make permanent a “smash and grab” division at the California Highway Patrol dedicated to assisting police agencies in the Bay Area, Sacramento, San Joaquin Valley, Los Angeles and San Diego regions combat retail, auto and rail theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The budget also calls for nearly $50 million to help both state and local prosecutors in theft-related cases — including to prosecute large retail theft rings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he understands that mayors and local police and prosecutors need support to tackle, in particular, organized theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s wrong and you have to be held to account,” he said, noting that those crimes threaten “our sense of safety,” which he called “foundational to any thriving society.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A new state policy may require nearly 900,000 Californians to return their unemployment benefits because they may not have been working or looking for work. But some researchers worry the clawback campaign could force people with lower incomes to pay back thousands of dollars they no longer have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Economic Development Department began issuing notifications of the proof-of-work requirement last month to one-third of California’s 2.9 million Pandemic Unemployment Assistance recipients. The federal program, which ran from March 2020 and ended in September, was aimed at helping people who don’t usually qualify for unemployment benefits because they are freelancers or small-business owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state is asking them to prove, retroactively, that they were working, or planning to work, prior to filing their unemployment claim. If they can’t provide documentation, they would be ineligible and asked to give the benefits back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11888843\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/EDD-UNEMPLOYMENT-1020x680.jpg\"]A full repayment could be over $32,000 if a recipient received full benefits throughout the program. In addition, if a claimant offered false information, the state could impose a 30% penalty. Some experts are now suggesting giving recipients a pass even if they can’t prove their eligibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should be saying, ‘Look, if you got unemployment insurance benefits during that time, you’re fine,’” said Chris Hoene, executive director of the left-leaning California Budget and Policy Center based in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the concern is fraudulent claims,” he added, “then do the work to fix the administration of the system” instead of requiring recipients to prove they qualified for the benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear where lawmakers stand. Democratic Assemblymember Tom Daly of Anaheim, chair of the Assembly Insurance Committee, which has oversight of the EDD, did not return a request for comment. Assemblymember Chad Mayes of Yucca Valley, an independent serving as vice chair of the committee, also didn’t respond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chair and vice chair of the Senate Labor, Public Employment and Retirement Committee — Democrat Dave Cortese of San José and Republican Rosilicie Ochoa Bogh of Yucaipa — also did not respond to requests for comment.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nThe EDD noted that the repayment policy is a federal requirement, passed by Congress in the Continued Assistance for Unemployment Workers Act in 2020. EDD acknowledges it can waive repayment if the overpayment was not the recipient’s fault or not fraudulent and if repayment would cause extraordinary hardship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new policy is an attempt to claw back \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-5ec16ebe5b5982a9531a7a3d5a45e93c\">an estimated $20 billion lost to fraudulent claims in California\u003c/a>. But McGregor Scott, a former U.S. attorney who has been leading a state investigation into unemployment fraud, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/california/article256487486.html\">doesn’t believe EDD’s repayment policy will recover much\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Chris Hoene, California Budget and Policy Center\"]‘If the concern is fraudulent claims, then do the work to fix the administration of the system.’[/pullquote]The state’s immense loss came after EDD, inundated with unemployment claims early in the pandemic, began expediting the process by waiving a proof-of-work requirement. Investigators have said the rollback allowed organized crime and incarcerated people to siphon money from the state through fraudulent claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recipients who receive EDD notices must use \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/about_edd/coronavirus-2019/pandemic-unemployment-assistance.htm#SelfEmployment\">pay stubs, tax returns, business licenses or job offer letters\u003c/a> to prove they were employed or planned to be employed in the lead-up to filing their claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who filed on or after Jan. 31 have only 21 days to send documentation. Those who filed before that date, and received a payment after Dec. 27, 2020, have 90 days to comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We probably need to implement this with compassion,” said Jesse Rothstein, a professor of public policy and economics at UC Berkeley. “We won’t be able to collect in every case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label ='Related Coverage' tag='economy']Even before the pandemic, \u003ca href=\"https://www.unitedwaysca.org/realcost\">nearly 1 in 3 Californian households struggled to pay for basic necessities\u003c/a>, according to the United Ways of California. During the pandemic, a report from the Ludwig Institute for Shared Economic Prosperity found that 4.8 million Californians were seeking, but unable to find, full-time work that paid a living wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent report by Tipping Point Community, a nonprofit focused on alleviating poverty in the Bay Area, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/12/13/covid-didnt-increase-poverty-in-the-bay-area-new-report-says/\">estimated that 200,000 of the region’s residents were kept out of poverty\u003c/a> because of expanded support from government and charitable organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without further bold action, we risk a ‘return to normal’ in terms of durable poverty and inequality,” said Tipping Point’s chief executive, Sam Cobbs. “We cannot afford to take that step backwards.”\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A full repayment could be over $32,000 if a recipient received full benefits throughout the program. In addition, if a claimant offered false information, the state could impose a 30% penalty. Some experts are now suggesting giving recipients a pass even if they can’t prove their eligibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should be saying, ‘Look, if you got unemployment insurance benefits during that time, you’re fine,’” said Chris Hoene, executive director of the left-leaning California Budget and Policy Center based in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the concern is fraudulent claims,” he added, “then do the work to fix the administration of the system” instead of requiring recipients to prove they qualified for the benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear where lawmakers stand. Democratic Assemblymember Tom Daly of Anaheim, chair of the Assembly Insurance Committee, which has oversight of the EDD, did not return a request for comment. Assemblymember Chad Mayes of Yucca Valley, an independent serving as vice chair of the committee, also didn’t respond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chair and vice chair of the Senate Labor, Public Employment and Retirement Committee — Democrat Dave Cortese of San José and Republican Rosilicie Ochoa Bogh of Yucaipa — also did not respond to requests for comment.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nThe EDD noted that the repayment policy is a federal requirement, passed by Congress in the Continued Assistance for Unemployment Workers Act in 2020. EDD acknowledges it can waive repayment if the overpayment was not the recipient’s fault or not fraudulent and if repayment would cause extraordinary hardship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new policy is an attempt to claw back \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-5ec16ebe5b5982a9531a7a3d5a45e93c\">an estimated $20 billion lost to fraudulent claims in California\u003c/a>. But McGregor Scott, a former U.S. attorney who has been leading a state investigation into unemployment fraud, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/california/article256487486.html\">doesn’t believe EDD’s repayment policy will recover much\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The state’s immense loss came after EDD, inundated with unemployment claims early in the pandemic, began expediting the process by waiving a proof-of-work requirement. Investigators have said the rollback allowed organized crime and incarcerated people to siphon money from the state through fraudulent claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recipients who receive EDD notices must use \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/about_edd/coronavirus-2019/pandemic-unemployment-assistance.htm#SelfEmployment\">pay stubs, tax returns, business licenses or job offer letters\u003c/a> to prove they were employed or planned to be employed in the lead-up to filing their claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who filed on or after Jan. 31 have only 21 days to send documentation. Those who filed before that date, and received a payment after Dec. 27, 2020, have 90 days to comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We probably need to implement this with compassion,” said Jesse Rothstein, a professor of public policy and economics at UC Berkeley. “We won’t be able to collect in every case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Even before the pandemic, \u003ca href=\"https://www.unitedwaysca.org/realcost\">nearly 1 in 3 Californian households struggled to pay for basic necessities\u003c/a>, according to the United Ways of California. During the pandemic, a report from the Ludwig Institute for Shared Economic Prosperity found that 4.8 million Californians were seeking, but unable to find, full-time work that paid a living wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent report by Tipping Point Community, a nonprofit focused on alleviating poverty in the Bay Area, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/12/13/covid-didnt-increase-poverty-in-the-bay-area-new-report-says/\">estimated that 200,000 of the region’s residents were kept out of poverty\u003c/a> because of expanded support from government and charitable organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without further bold action, we risk a ‘return to normal’ in terms of durable poverty and inequality,” said Tipping Point’s chief executive, Sam Cobbs. “We cannot afford to take that step backwards.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California isn’t Las Vegas, Reno or Atlantic City, but there are still plenty of places and ways to legally make a bet here: tribal casinos, card clubs, racetracks and, of course, the more than three-decades-old California State Lottery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with the exception of horse racing, it’s still illegal to bet on sports and athletic competitions in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That could soon change because of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/05/14/us/politics/supreme-court-sports-betting-new-jersey.html\">U.S. Supreme Court ruling in 2018\u003c/a> in a case brought by New Jersey that struck down a federal ban on sports betting. The ruling left it up to the states to decide whether or not they wanted to legalize sports wagering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the decision, the floodgates have opened, with more than 30 states legalizing some form of sports betting, most recently New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in states where it’s legal, gambling companies have launched glitzy advertising campaigns to reach potential gamblers, campaigns that feature such celebrities as Ben Affleck, Shaquille O’Neal and Jamie Foxx as brand ambassadors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the gambling industry has its attention squarely focused on California. It’s trying to use the state’s ballot initiative process to make sports betting, on both professional and college competitions, legal here next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are rival factions in the industry, each backing its own legalization proposal. They include tribal casinos and racetracks, card clubs, and such popular fantasy sports sites as FanDuel and DraftKings. The last two say they’re ready to spend $100 million on a general campaign to make sports wagering a reality in the Golden State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One proposal, which has already qualified for the ballot, would require in-person wagering at reservation casinos and racetracks. Other initiatives, like one bankrolled by the sports wagering sites, would legalize mobile betting, letting people place their wagers using their smartphones. In states that have legalized sports gambling, mobile betting has \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/graphics/2021-opinion-online-sports-betting-future-of-american-gambling/\">rapidly overtaken on-site wagering\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry watchers say they don’t know which proposal will finally prevail, but they have little doubt that it won’t be long until legal sports gambling is a reality in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oh, sure. It’s not only coming, it’s going to be coming pretty soon,” says I. Nelson Rose, a professor emeritus at Whittier College and an expert on gambling law and public policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rose says California is just too lucrative of a market for the sports gambling industry to ignore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The estimate for California is that it could be $20 billion or $30 billion in wagers a year,” says Rose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To cultivate public and political support for sports betting, all of the gambling interests behind different proposals are promising a tax revenue windfall for California, with the money used to fund social programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, the mayors of Oakland, Sacramento, Fresno and Long Beach joined together to support one sports betting initiative that promises to use tax revenue to help the state’s unhoused population. An analysis from the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Initiative/2021-017\">estimated the measure could add “the mid-hundreds of millions of dollars” to state coffers each year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11899631\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11899631\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RobertGarcia.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RobertGarcia.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RobertGarcia-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RobertGarcia-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RobertGarcia-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RobertGarcia-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Long Beach Mayor Robert Garcia recently joined the mayors of Oakland, Sacramento and Fresno to support a sports betting initiative that dedicates tax revenue to aid California’s unhoused population. \u003ccite>(Saul Gonzalez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“For us, it’s all about homelessness dollars,” says Long Beach Mayor Robert Garcia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we heard that this initiative was looking at putting dollars into homelessness, and that cities would get substantial revenue, I think a lot of the mayors were very interested in this,” says Garcia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some gambling industry analysts, like Rose, advocate caution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They say legalized sports betting could also create problems, like fueling gambling addiction. That’s especially a worry if easy-to-use mobile wagering becomes legal in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Personally, I think that gambling has a lot of risk factors for a lot of people,” says Rose. “And I would like to see it more difficult to make a wager as opposed to it getting easier and easier. I think there was a lot less problems for society when you had to drive across the desert to Las Vegas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With no irony, the gambling industry says revenue from California sports betting operations could also be used to fund gambling addiction programs in the state.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "To gain support for allowing sports betting in the state, the gambling interests behind competing proposals are promising a tax revenue windfall, with the money used to fund social programs.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California isn’t Las Vegas, Reno or Atlantic City, but there are still plenty of places and ways to legally make a bet here: tribal casinos, card clubs, racetracks and, of course, the more than three-decades-old California State Lottery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with the exception of horse racing, it’s still illegal to bet on sports and athletic competitions in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That could soon change because of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/05/14/us/politics/supreme-court-sports-betting-new-jersey.html\">U.S. Supreme Court ruling in 2018\u003c/a> in a case brought by New Jersey that struck down a federal ban on sports betting. The ruling left it up to the states to decide whether or not they wanted to legalize sports wagering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the decision, the floodgates have opened, with more than 30 states legalizing some form of sports betting, most recently New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in states where it’s legal, gambling companies have launched glitzy advertising campaigns to reach potential gamblers, campaigns that feature such celebrities as Ben Affleck, Shaquille O’Neal and Jamie Foxx as brand ambassadors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the gambling industry has its attention squarely focused on California. It’s trying to use the state’s ballot initiative process to make sports betting, on both professional and college competitions, legal here next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are rival factions in the industry, each backing its own legalization proposal. They include tribal casinos and racetracks, card clubs, and such popular fantasy sports sites as FanDuel and DraftKings. The last two say they’re ready to spend $100 million on a general campaign to make sports wagering a reality in the Golden State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One proposal, which has already qualified for the ballot, would require in-person wagering at reservation casinos and racetracks. Other initiatives, like one bankrolled by the sports wagering sites, would legalize mobile betting, letting people place their wagers using their smartphones. In states that have legalized sports gambling, mobile betting has \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/graphics/2021-opinion-online-sports-betting-future-of-american-gambling/\">rapidly overtaken on-site wagering\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry watchers say they don’t know which proposal will finally prevail, but they have little doubt that it won’t be long until legal sports gambling is a reality in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oh, sure. It’s not only coming, it’s going to be coming pretty soon,” says I. Nelson Rose, a professor emeritus at Whittier College and an expert on gambling law and public policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rose says California is just too lucrative of a market for the sports gambling industry to ignore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The estimate for California is that it could be $20 billion or $30 billion in wagers a year,” says Rose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To cultivate public and political support for sports betting, all of the gambling interests behind different proposals are promising a tax revenue windfall for California, with the money used to fund social programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, the mayors of Oakland, Sacramento, Fresno and Long Beach joined together to support one sports betting initiative that promises to use tax revenue to help the state’s unhoused population. An analysis from the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Initiative/2021-017\">estimated the measure could add “the mid-hundreds of millions of dollars” to state coffers each year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11899631\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11899631\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RobertGarcia.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RobertGarcia.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RobertGarcia-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RobertGarcia-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RobertGarcia-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RobertGarcia-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Long Beach Mayor Robert Garcia recently joined the mayors of Oakland, Sacramento and Fresno to support a sports betting initiative that dedicates tax revenue to aid California’s unhoused population. \u003ccite>(Saul Gonzalez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“For us, it’s all about homelessness dollars,” says Long Beach Mayor Robert Garcia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we heard that this initiative was looking at putting dollars into homelessness, and that cities would get substantial revenue, I think a lot of the mayors were very interested in this,” says Garcia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some gambling industry analysts, like Rose, advocate caution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They say legalized sports betting could also create problems, like fueling gambling addiction. That’s especially a worry if easy-to-use mobile wagering becomes legal in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Personally, I think that gambling has a lot of risk factors for a lot of people,” says Rose. “And I would like to see it more difficult to make a wager as opposed to it getting easier and easier. I think there was a lot less problems for society when you had to drive across the desert to Las Vegas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With no irony, the gambling industry says revenue from California sports betting operations could also be used to fund gambling addiction programs in the state.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"order": 9
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"order": 15
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 18
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"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
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"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
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"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
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"meta": {
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"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 11
},
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"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
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"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"planet-money": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
"subscribe": {
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
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