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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom wants to use a tax refund to ease the pressure Californians are feeling at the gas pump and double down on his commitment to lead the country’s transition away from fossil fuels, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GDKPJHkK520\">announced Tuesday evening in his annual State of the State address\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing few political headwinds on his path to reelection and bolstered by record tax revenues, Newsom opened the speech by acknowledging the ongoing attack on Ukraine and tying that “geopolitical uncertainty” to the economic pressures squeezing Californians. With the average price of a gallon of gas soaring above $5 in the state, the governor vowed to include a tax refund in the revised state budget proposal he will release in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he also resisted calls to expand local oil production in the face of President Biden’s ban on oil imports from Russia, saying there is a third way forward, a better way he dubbed “the California way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a time when we’ve been heating up and burning up, one thing we cannot do is repeat the mistakes of the past,” Newsom said, “by embracing polluters, drilling even more, which only leads to even more extreme weather, more extreme drought, more wildfire.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Think about this — in just ... the past few years we’ve seen whole communities wiped off the map: Greenville, Paradise, Grizzly Flats. How many more are we willing to sacrifice? We need to be fighting polluters, not bolstering them,\" he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11907580\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11907580\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54115_001_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"gas price marquee outside a San Francisco gas station\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54115_001_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54115_001_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54115_001_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut-1-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54115_001_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54115_001_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut-1-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign shows prices at $5.69 a gallon for regular gasoline at a Circle K gas station on Potrero Avenue and 17th Street in San Francisco on March 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom previously had proposed to delay a scheduled increase in the state’s gas tax, a decision buffered by the state’s surging revenues, which have continued to rise as the state bounces back from the pandemic. The governor highlighted those wins, noting the state’s impressive GDP growth and strong job growth over the past year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A report from the state’s Legislative Analyst’s Office released last month projected that the state will rake in at least $6 billion more than anticipated in Newsom’s January budget proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A healthy budget windfall will allow Newsom and legislative Democrats to pursue record investments, like the $1.5 billion the governor wants to spent on electric vehicle charging stations, rebates for purchasing electric cars and local green initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California’s leadership in clean technology … is not just a national security and an environmental justice imperative. Clean energy is this generation's greatest economic opportunity,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom offered no details on how the tax refund would be calculated. The state's gas tax, \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Transportation/FAQs\">which is $0.51 per gallon of gasoline this fiscal year\u003c/a>, is charged to suppliers, not directly to consumers at the pump. And Republicans immediately blasted the proposal as too little, too late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"A gas tax rebate in July will do exactly nothing for drivers who are currently struggling with the highest gas prices in history, being forced to choose between driving their kids to school or putting food on the table,\" said Republican Assembly Leader James Gallagher, R-Yuba City, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GDKPJHkK520\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Tuesday's speech, Newsom also touted his marquee proposal, called Care Court, to help Californians with severe mental illness or addiction, many of whom are experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan, unveiled last week, would require each county to create a mental health branch of civil court and provide individuals with treatment and supportive services. Participants would be compelled to accept care, or face forced hospitalization or conservatorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Getting people off the streets, out of tents and into housing and treatment is essential to making our streets safe for everyone,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11907115]In a prerecorded \"prebuttal\" to Newsom’s speech, Assemblymember Suzette Valladares, R-Santa Clarita, urged the governor to declare a state of emergency on homelessness, a move that could remove some regulatory hurdles to building shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also tied the issue of homelessness to public safety, a clarion call for the state Republican party ahead of this year’s midterm elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The failure of the governor on this issue is clear,” Valladares said. “Not just in growing encampments but in the tidal wave of crime that is washing over our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom acknowledged the anxiety over crime, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11906253/violent-crime-soared-during-the-pandemic-but-does-the-political-debate-reflect-the-data\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">polls show increasing despite low overall crime rates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11906253]But just hours after Democrats in the Legislature voted down a GOP bill that sought to repeal \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11796149/voter-approved-criminal-justice-reform-expected-to-save-state-over-122-million#:~:text=Proposition%2047%2C%20which%20was%20approved,as%20misdemeanors%20instead%20of%20felonies.\">Proposition 47\u003c/a>, the controversial 2014 criminal justice reform measure supported by Newsom, the governor argued that the state needs to strike a balanced approach in response to concerns of crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our approach is to be neither indifferent to the realities of the present day, nor revert to the heavy-handed policies that have marked the failures of the past,” he said, citing recent new investments in law enforcement including the creation of a special unit at the attorney general’s office dedicated to combating retail theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six months after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11888259/newsom-prevails-in-california-recall-election-holds-onto-job-as-governor\">surviving a bitter recall\u003c/a> in landslide fashion, Newsom pushed back against what he described as “powerful forces and loud voices — stoking fear and seeking to divide us, weakening the institutions of our democracy.” He tied what’s happening in Ukraine to the divisions in America, and said that California’s green energy future will allow the state to be freed “from the grasp of petro-dictators.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also used the relatively short address to highlight the ongoing changes he’s pushed in public education, including expanding transitional kindergarten and before- and after-school programs and making community college free for some.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in a sign of the political debate ahead this midterm election year, he also used that part of the speech to take a swipe at states like Florida and Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not talking about that version of education 'reform' being promoted in some states where they’re banning books, where you can sue your history teacher for teaching history and where you can’t say the word 'gay,’” he said. “I’m talking about a real transformation of our public education system, like we’re doing right here in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>An earlier version of this story misidentified the tax refund as a \"gas tax rebate.\" We regret this error.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom wants to use a tax refund to ease the pressure Californians are feeling at the gas pump and double down on his commitment to lead the country’s transition away from fossil fuels, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GDKPJHkK520\">announced Tuesday evening in his annual State of the State address\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing few political headwinds on his path to reelection and bolstered by record tax revenues, Newsom opened the speech by acknowledging the ongoing attack on Ukraine and tying that “geopolitical uncertainty” to the economic pressures squeezing Californians. With the average price of a gallon of gas soaring above $5 in the state, the governor vowed to include a tax refund in the revised state budget proposal he will release in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he also resisted calls to expand local oil production in the face of President Biden’s ban on oil imports from Russia, saying there is a third way forward, a better way he dubbed “the California way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a time when we’ve been heating up and burning up, one thing we cannot do is repeat the mistakes of the past,” Newsom said, “by embracing polluters, drilling even more, which only leads to even more extreme weather, more extreme drought, more wildfire.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Think about this — in just ... the past few years we’ve seen whole communities wiped off the map: Greenville, Paradise, Grizzly Flats. How many more are we willing to sacrifice? We need to be fighting polluters, not bolstering them,\" he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11907580\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11907580\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54115_001_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"gas price marquee outside a San Francisco gas station\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54115_001_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54115_001_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54115_001_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut-1-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54115_001_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54115_001_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut-1-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign shows prices at $5.69 a gallon for regular gasoline at a Circle K gas station on Potrero Avenue and 17th Street in San Francisco on March 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom previously had proposed to delay a scheduled increase in the state’s gas tax, a decision buffered by the state’s surging revenues, which have continued to rise as the state bounces back from the pandemic. The governor highlighted those wins, noting the state’s impressive GDP growth and strong job growth over the past year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A report from the state’s Legislative Analyst’s Office released last month projected that the state will rake in at least $6 billion more than anticipated in Newsom’s January budget proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A healthy budget windfall will allow Newsom and legislative Democrats to pursue record investments, like the $1.5 billion the governor wants to spent on electric vehicle charging stations, rebates for purchasing electric cars and local green initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California’s leadership in clean technology … is not just a national security and an environmental justice imperative. Clean energy is this generation's greatest economic opportunity,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom offered no details on how the tax refund would be calculated. The state's gas tax, \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Transportation/FAQs\">which is $0.51 per gallon of gasoline this fiscal year\u003c/a>, is charged to suppliers, not directly to consumers at the pump. And Republicans immediately blasted the proposal as too little, too late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"A gas tax rebate in July will do exactly nothing for drivers who are currently struggling with the highest gas prices in history, being forced to choose between driving their kids to school or putting food on the table,\" said Republican Assembly Leader James Gallagher, R-Yuba City, in a statement.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/GDKPJHkK520'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/GDKPJHkK520'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>In Tuesday's speech, Newsom also touted his marquee proposal, called Care Court, to help Californians with severe mental illness or addiction, many of whom are experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan, unveiled last week, would require each county to create a mental health branch of civil court and provide individuals with treatment and supportive services. Participants would be compelled to accept care, or face forced hospitalization or conservatorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Getting people off the streets, out of tents and into housing and treatment is essential to making our streets safe for everyone,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In a prerecorded \"prebuttal\" to Newsom’s speech, Assemblymember Suzette Valladares, R-Santa Clarita, urged the governor to declare a state of emergency on homelessness, a move that could remove some regulatory hurdles to building shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also tied the issue of homelessness to public safety, a clarion call for the state Republican party ahead of this year’s midterm elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The failure of the governor on this issue is clear,” Valladares said. “Not just in growing encampments but in the tidal wave of crime that is washing over our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom acknowledged the anxiety over crime, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11906253/violent-crime-soared-during-the-pandemic-but-does-the-political-debate-reflect-the-data\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">polls show increasing despite low overall crime rates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But just hours after Democrats in the Legislature voted down a GOP bill that sought to repeal \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11796149/voter-approved-criminal-justice-reform-expected-to-save-state-over-122-million#:~:text=Proposition%2047%2C%20which%20was%20approved,as%20misdemeanors%20instead%20of%20felonies.\">Proposition 47\u003c/a>, the controversial 2014 criminal justice reform measure supported by Newsom, the governor argued that the state needs to strike a balanced approach in response to concerns of crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our approach is to be neither indifferent to the realities of the present day, nor revert to the heavy-handed policies that have marked the failures of the past,” he said, citing recent new investments in law enforcement including the creation of a special unit at the attorney general’s office dedicated to combating retail theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six months after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11888259/newsom-prevails-in-california-recall-election-holds-onto-job-as-governor\">surviving a bitter recall\u003c/a> in landslide fashion, Newsom pushed back against what he described as “powerful forces and loud voices — stoking fear and seeking to divide us, weakening the institutions of our democracy.” He tied what’s happening in Ukraine to the divisions in America, and said that California’s green energy future will allow the state to be freed “from the grasp of petro-dictators.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also used the relatively short address to highlight the ongoing changes he’s pushed in public education, including expanding transitional kindergarten and before- and after-school programs and making community college free for some.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in a sign of the political debate ahead this midterm election year, he also used that part of the speech to take a swipe at states like Florida and Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not talking about that version of education 'reform' being promoted in some states where they’re banning books, where you can sue your history teacher for teaching history and where you can’t say the word 'gay,’” he said. “I’m talking about a real transformation of our public education system, like we’re doing right here in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>An earlier version of this story misidentified the tax refund as a \"gas tax rebate.\" We regret this error.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/fees_030722_final.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11907391\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/fees_030722_final.png\" alt='Cartoon: an angry man holding a PG&E bill with fees like, \"wildfire liability fee and town-burning fee\" yells, \"these solar incentives are killing me!\" The caption reads, \"what no one said, ever (except PG&E)\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1361\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/fees_030722_final.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/fees_030722_final-800x567.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/fees_030722_final-1020x723.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/fees_030722_final-160x113.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/fees_030722_final-1536x1089.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>Solar energy is at a crossroads in California, with \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/fiorerooftopsolar\">big utility companies pushing to reduce solar incentives in the name of equity\u003c/a>, as solar installers and some ratepayers cry foul.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It makes sense that old-fashioned (\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11808166/pge-pleads-guilty-to-involuntary-manslaughter-in-deadly-camp-fire\">and, in some cases, criminal\u003c/a>) utilities like PG&E want large-scale solar arrays and see the state’s booming rooftop solar industry as a threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most maddening of all, industry-backed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1978423/california-utilities-have-donated-1-67-million-to-grassroots-groups-fighting-rooftop-solar-power\">astroturf groups like Affordable Clean Energy for All\u003c/a> are using dubious claims of “equity” to help the utilities undermine solar and squash clean energy competition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/fees_030722_final.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11907391\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/fees_030722_final.png\" alt='Cartoon: an angry man holding a PG&E bill with fees like, \"wildfire liability fee and town-burning fee\" yells, \"these solar incentives are killing me!\" The caption reads, \"what no one said, ever (except PG&E)\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1361\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/fees_030722_final.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/fees_030722_final-800x567.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/fees_030722_final-1020x723.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/fees_030722_final-160x113.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/fees_030722_final-1536x1089.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>Solar energy is at a crossroads in California, with \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/fiorerooftopsolar\">big utility companies pushing to reduce solar incentives in the name of equity\u003c/a>, as solar installers and some ratepayers cry foul.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It makes sense that old-fashioned (\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11808166/pge-pleads-guilty-to-involuntary-manslaughter-in-deadly-camp-fire\">and, in some cases, criminal\u003c/a>) utilities like PG&E want large-scale solar arrays and see the state’s booming rooftop solar industry as a threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most maddening of all, industry-backed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1978423/california-utilities-have-donated-1-67-million-to-grassroots-groups-fighting-rooftop-solar-power\">astroturf groups like Affordable Clean Energy for All\u003c/a> are using dubious claims of “equity” to help the utilities undermine solar and squash clean energy competition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-workers-face-years-long-waits-for-justice-in-wage-theft-cases-state-data-shows",
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"content": "\u003cp>California workers trying to hold their bosses to account for unpaid wages are waiting years just to get a hearing before the state watchdog agency tasked with investigating their cases, according to new data obtained by KQED that shows a system plagued by unprecedented delays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wait times at the state Labor Commissioner’s Office especially hurt lower-income Californians who’ve been victims of wage theft, and they allow unscrupulous employers to continue cheating workers, advocates say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delays in handling claims generally filed by individuals ballooned during the pandemic. But for years before that, the agency struggled with understaffing and was failing to meet its statutory requirement for timely hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Commissioner’s Office is responsible for enforcing minimum wage, overtime pay and other labor laws. By law, it must hold a hearing within 120 days of a wage complaint being filed, unless the employer settles sooner. But the average wait time statewide is nearly seven times that long — more than two years, agency figures show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This almost encourages employers to continue exploiting,” said Veronica Chavez, who directs the workers’ rights legal practice at the nonprofit Centro Legal de la Raza in Oakland. “The chances of there being repercussions seem to be very far down the line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, California workers waited 220 days on average for a hearing. That figure had nearly doubled to 417 days by 2019, and jumped again to an estimated 812 days as of last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to acknowledge that that is not a number that we want to be at, at the Labor Commissioner’s Office,” Daniel Yu, the agency’s assistant chief for enforcement, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do want to meet our statutory obligations and we want to make sure the process works effectively and efficiently, so the workers are able to get their hearings resolved as quickly as possible,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906925\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11906925\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-800x479.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"479\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-800x479.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-1020x611.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-160x96.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-1536x920.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1.png 1712w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Department of Industrial Relations, Labor Commissioner’s Office \u003ccite>(Chart by Matthew Green/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The severity of the problem varies among the Labor Commissioner’s 17 offices around the state, with some of the longest delays at the Oakland and San Francisco branches, data shows.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Mirna Arana, Oakland worker\"]‘I felt bad for my co-workers, too, because [the company was] doing the same to them. But if we said anything, they would have fired us, and I needed the money to pay rent.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the average wait time in San Francisco was 968 days, while in Oakland it reached 1,160 days, more than three years — the worst in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘It’s hard to wait for so long’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mirna Arana filed a complaint with the Oakland office in June 2018, charging her employer with owing her thousands of dollars in unpaid wages. Arana, who cleaned offices and homes for a small janitorial company called Maid No. 1 Services, said her shifts often lasted 12 hours, six days a week. But her employer only paid her for six hours a day, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt like I was being exploited,” said Arana, 33, in Spanish. “I felt bad for my co-workers, too, because [the company was] doing the same to them. But if we said anything, they would have fired us, and I needed the money to pay rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906893\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11906893 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mirna Arana holds her 3-year-old son at a park in Oakland on Feb. 17, 2022. It took years for the Labor Commissioner’s Office to hear her wage claim and rule that her old employer owes her nearly $183,000. But now it’s unclear when — or if — she’ll recover the money, she said.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until Arana reached out to Mujeres Unidas y Activas, a Latina immigrant community organizing group, that she realized she’d also been denied overtime pay and meal and rest breaks between 2015 and 2017. The organization connected her with a pro bono attorney who helped Arana submit a wage claim against the company and its owner, Rene A. Herrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s efforts to reach Herrera for comment were unsuccessful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arana waited more than three years for a hearing on her case. Meanwhile, she and her family struggled to buy food and keep up with rent increases. They had to move three times, she said.[aside postID=\"news_11903291,news_11903450,news_11899604\" label=\"Related Posts\"]Last December, a hearing officer with the Labor Commissioner finally ruled that Arana’s old boss owes her nearly $183,000 in unpaid wages. But by then, the company had filed for bankruptcy, she said. It’s unclear now when — or if — she will be able to collect her wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to wait for so long,” said Arana, who craves more stability for her sons, age 3 and 1. “The state should put more attention on these cases because [wage theft] is an injustice that’s hurting our community … We need change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Delays discourage workers from filing claims, advocates say\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner’s Wage Claim Adjudication unit was originally established as a quick, no-cost alternative to state court for wage theft victims to pursue justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/policies.htm\">claim process\u003c/a> includes a meeting between an agency deputy and both parties to try to reach an agreement. If that fails, the next step is a court-like hearing, where an officer will judge the claim. Employers may settle with workers at any time during the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Worker advocates say this kind of enforcement mechanism is vital to protecting workers’ rights and combat paycheck violations that rob Californians of \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/publication/wage-theft-2021/\">billions of dollars each year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the lengthy delays dissuade wage theft victims from complaining about labor violations to the state, particularly because people living paycheck to paycheck need financial relief urgently, said María Moreno, lead organizer with the Restaurant Opportunities Center of the Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our workers are not in a position to wait years for damages,” said Moreno. “By then they might already be evicted from their home, or moved on from their job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreno says she explains to workers that filing a claim with the Labor Commissioner is an option. But she also recommends other strategies to try to collect wages, such as drafting a demand letter to the employer outlining the violations, and organizing with other workers and advocates to pressure businesses to comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906926\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11906926\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-800x2102.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"2102\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-800x2102.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-1020x2679.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-160x420.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-585x1536.png 585w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-780x2048.png 780w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office.png 1225w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Department of Industrial Relations, Labor Commissioner’s Office \u003ccite>(Chart by Matthew Green/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yu, the agency’s assistant chief, said the pandemic forced the agency to halt in-person hearings for a year and a half, which slowed operations significantly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even before the pandemic, understaffing was a key problem at the Labor Commissioner’s Office, which is also known as the Division of Labor Standards Enforcement. In a 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://esd.dof.ca.gov/Documents/bcp/2021/FY2021_ORG7350_BCP3767.pdf\">budget request\u003c/a> to the state Legislature, agency officials said the wage adjudication unit was “drowning in stale wage claims awaiting hearing” and in desperate need of more hearing officers and other staff to process the cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last two years, the agency referred more than 15,000 wage claims to a hearing — but resolved only half that number, according to the latest agency figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the total number of wage claims filed did drop during the pandemic. There were 32,000 new cases filed in 2018 but just 19,000 in 2021 — possibly because businesses were shutting down or workers feared losing their jobs if they complained, officials said. But that didn’t help the agency catch up with the backlog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And staffing problems remain. Currently, there are just 64 hearing officer positions statewide, according to the state Department of Finance. Nearly 20% of those positions are vacant, said Yu.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Definitely a need for more staffing’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In addition to judging the wage claims, hearing officers must handle appeals from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11903291/its-so-unfair-major-delays-at-state-labor-agency-leave-many-wage-theft-victims-uncompensated\">employers who have been cited\u003c/a> by the Labor Commissioner. Those major investigations by the agency’s Bureau of Field Enforcement typically cover violations affecting dozens or hundreds of workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But over the last year, the agency has seen significant staff turnover, including in Oakland and San Francisco, which they described as “difficult-to-hire” areas partly because of the high cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is definitely a need for more staffing,” said Yu. “The hiring of our hearing officers remains a top priority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that the agency will get a budget increase in July that allows for four more hearing officer positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if the Labor Commissioner fills all the vacancies and adds those new officers, it won’t be enough staff to get rid of the backlog, said Veronica Chavez, the labor lawyer at Centro Legal de La Raza, who has many clients with claims in Oakland and San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do understand that the Labor Commissioner’s understaffed and we want to be supportive,” Chavez said. “But we also want this to be resolved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11906901\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Veronica Chavez, an attorney with Centro Legal de la Raza, speaks with client Alexander about his wage claim in Oakland on Feb. 17, 2022. KQED is not using Alexander’s last name because he fears it could hurt his case. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of her clients, an East Bay restaurant cook named Alexander, said he was only paid about $600 a week, though he often worked 12-hour shifts, seven days a week. His complaint estimates he’s owed more than $160,000. KQED is not disclosing his last name because he fears it could hurt his case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander said he was hopeful when he filed his claim back in September 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three and a half years later, he’s still waiting for a hearing. And not knowing if he’ll ever get paid has left him hopeless and depressed, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m praying to God that this can be resolved soon, that the state starts working harder so they can solve this problem,” said Alexander, who supports his wife and teenage son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose state Assemblymember Ash Kalra, who chairs the Assembly’s Labor and Employment Committee, said he understands workers are frustrated that they’re not getting justice in a timely manner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Delays that go on for years are completely unacceptable and we have to do better,” Kalra told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kalra said he is ready to work with the administration and push for more resources for the Labor Commissioner’s Office. He suggests making the job of hearing officer more attractive, so the agency can compete for candidates who might otherwise go to the private sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You also have to have the job classifications pay more,” he said. “That’s not something that can necessarily be legislated, but it is something the administration should look at.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The salary for new hearing officers, whose position is officially known as Deputy Labor Commissioner II, ranges from $6,500 to $8,360 per month, according to the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/Pay%20Scales%20Library/PS_Sec_15.pdf\">civil service pay scale\u003c/a>. Candidates must be college graduates with experience in industrial relations management or negotiation of labor agreements, among \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/state-hr-professionals/Pages/9502.aspx\">several requirements\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Governor Gavin Newsom’s proposed budget includes $145 million for the Labor Commissioner’s Office, about a $10 million increase from the current fiscal year. The new money would fund 145 more positions across the agency, including for wage claim adjudication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The delays for hearings worsened during the pandemic, but staffing shortages are longstanding, a KQED investigation found. The Labor Commissioner's Oakland and San Francisco offices have struggled with some of the longest wait times.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California workers trying to hold their bosses to account for unpaid wages are waiting years just to get a hearing before the state watchdog agency tasked with investigating their cases, according to new data obtained by KQED that shows a system plagued by unprecedented delays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wait times at the state Labor Commissioner’s Office especially hurt lower-income Californians who’ve been victims of wage theft, and they allow unscrupulous employers to continue cheating workers, advocates say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delays in handling claims generally filed by individuals ballooned during the pandemic. But for years before that, the agency struggled with understaffing and was failing to meet its statutory requirement for timely hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Commissioner’s Office is responsible for enforcing minimum wage, overtime pay and other labor laws. By law, it must hold a hearing within 120 days of a wage complaint being filed, unless the employer settles sooner. But the average wait time statewide is nearly seven times that long — more than two years, agency figures show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This almost encourages employers to continue exploiting,” said Veronica Chavez, who directs the workers’ rights legal practice at the nonprofit Centro Legal de la Raza in Oakland. “The chances of there being repercussions seem to be very far down the line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, California workers waited 220 days on average for a hearing. That figure had nearly doubled to 417 days by 2019, and jumped again to an estimated 812 days as of last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to acknowledge that that is not a number that we want to be at, at the Labor Commissioner’s Office,” Daniel Yu, the agency’s assistant chief for enforcement, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do want to meet our statutory obligations and we want to make sure the process works effectively and efficiently, so the workers are able to get their hearings resolved as quickly as possible,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906925\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11906925\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-800x479.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"479\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-800x479.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-1020x611.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-160x96.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-1536x920.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1.png 1712w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Department of Industrial Relations, Labor Commissioner’s Office \u003ccite>(Chart by Matthew Green/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The severity of the problem varies among the Labor Commissioner’s 17 offices around the state, with some of the longest delays at the Oakland and San Francisco branches, data shows.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the average wait time in San Francisco was 968 days, while in Oakland it reached 1,160 days, more than three years — the worst in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘It’s hard to wait for so long’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mirna Arana filed a complaint with the Oakland office in June 2018, charging her employer with owing her thousands of dollars in unpaid wages. Arana, who cleaned offices and homes for a small janitorial company called Maid No. 1 Services, said her shifts often lasted 12 hours, six days a week. But her employer only paid her for six hours a day, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt like I was being exploited,” said Arana, 33, in Spanish. “I felt bad for my co-workers, too, because [the company was] doing the same to them. But if we said anything, they would have fired us, and I needed the money to pay rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906893\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11906893 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mirna Arana holds her 3-year-old son at a park in Oakland on Feb. 17, 2022. It took years for the Labor Commissioner’s Office to hear her wage claim and rule that her old employer owes her nearly $183,000. But now it’s unclear when — or if — she’ll recover the money, she said.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until Arana reached out to Mujeres Unidas y Activas, a Latina immigrant community organizing group, that she realized she’d also been denied overtime pay and meal and rest breaks between 2015 and 2017. The organization connected her with a pro bono attorney who helped Arana submit a wage claim against the company and its owner, Rene A. Herrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s efforts to reach Herrera for comment were unsuccessful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arana waited more than three years for a hearing on her case. Meanwhile, she and her family struggled to buy food and keep up with rent increases. They had to move three times, she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last December, a hearing officer with the Labor Commissioner finally ruled that Arana’s old boss owes her nearly $183,000 in unpaid wages. But by then, the company had filed for bankruptcy, she said. It’s unclear now when — or if — she will be able to collect her wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to wait for so long,” said Arana, who craves more stability for her sons, age 3 and 1. “The state should put more attention on these cases because [wage theft] is an injustice that’s hurting our community … We need change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Delays discourage workers from filing claims, advocates say\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner’s Wage Claim Adjudication unit was originally established as a quick, no-cost alternative to state court for wage theft victims to pursue justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/policies.htm\">claim process\u003c/a> includes a meeting between an agency deputy and both parties to try to reach an agreement. If that fails, the next step is a court-like hearing, where an officer will judge the claim. Employers may settle with workers at any time during the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Worker advocates say this kind of enforcement mechanism is vital to protecting workers’ rights and combat paycheck violations that rob Californians of \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/publication/wage-theft-2021/\">billions of dollars each year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the lengthy delays dissuade wage theft victims from complaining about labor violations to the state, particularly because people living paycheck to paycheck need financial relief urgently, said María Moreno, lead organizer with the Restaurant Opportunities Center of the Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our workers are not in a position to wait years for damages,” said Moreno. “By then they might already be evicted from their home, or moved on from their job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreno says she explains to workers that filing a claim with the Labor Commissioner is an option. But she also recommends other strategies to try to collect wages, such as drafting a demand letter to the employer outlining the violations, and organizing with other workers and advocates to pressure businesses to comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906926\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11906926\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-800x2102.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"2102\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-800x2102.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-1020x2679.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-160x420.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-585x1536.png 585w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-780x2048.png 780w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office.png 1225w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Department of Industrial Relations, Labor Commissioner’s Office \u003ccite>(Chart by Matthew Green/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yu, the agency’s assistant chief, said the pandemic forced the agency to halt in-person hearings for a year and a half, which slowed operations significantly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even before the pandemic, understaffing was a key problem at the Labor Commissioner’s Office, which is also known as the Division of Labor Standards Enforcement. In a 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://esd.dof.ca.gov/Documents/bcp/2021/FY2021_ORG7350_BCP3767.pdf\">budget request\u003c/a> to the state Legislature, agency officials said the wage adjudication unit was “drowning in stale wage claims awaiting hearing” and in desperate need of more hearing officers and other staff to process the cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last two years, the agency referred more than 15,000 wage claims to a hearing — but resolved only half that number, according to the latest agency figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the total number of wage claims filed did drop during the pandemic. There were 32,000 new cases filed in 2018 but just 19,000 in 2021 — possibly because businesses were shutting down or workers feared losing their jobs if they complained, officials said. But that didn’t help the agency catch up with the backlog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And staffing problems remain. Currently, there are just 64 hearing officer positions statewide, according to the state Department of Finance. Nearly 20% of those positions are vacant, said Yu.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Definitely a need for more staffing’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In addition to judging the wage claims, hearing officers must handle appeals from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11903291/its-so-unfair-major-delays-at-state-labor-agency-leave-many-wage-theft-victims-uncompensated\">employers who have been cited\u003c/a> by the Labor Commissioner. Those major investigations by the agency’s Bureau of Field Enforcement typically cover violations affecting dozens or hundreds of workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But over the last year, the agency has seen significant staff turnover, including in Oakland and San Francisco, which they described as “difficult-to-hire” areas partly because of the high cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is definitely a need for more staffing,” said Yu. “The hiring of our hearing officers remains a top priority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that the agency will get a budget increase in July that allows for four more hearing officer positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if the Labor Commissioner fills all the vacancies and adds those new officers, it won’t be enough staff to get rid of the backlog, said Veronica Chavez, the labor lawyer at Centro Legal de La Raza, who has many clients with claims in Oakland and San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do understand that the Labor Commissioner’s understaffed and we want to be supportive,” Chavez said. “But we also want this to be resolved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11906901\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Veronica Chavez, an attorney with Centro Legal de la Raza, speaks with client Alexander about his wage claim in Oakland on Feb. 17, 2022. KQED is not using Alexander’s last name because he fears it could hurt his case. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of her clients, an East Bay restaurant cook named Alexander, said he was only paid about $600 a week, though he often worked 12-hour shifts, seven days a week. His complaint estimates he’s owed more than $160,000. KQED is not disclosing his last name because he fears it could hurt his case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander said he was hopeful when he filed his claim back in September 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three and a half years later, he’s still waiting for a hearing. And not knowing if he’ll ever get paid has left him hopeless and depressed, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m praying to God that this can be resolved soon, that the state starts working harder so they can solve this problem,” said Alexander, who supports his wife and teenage son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose state Assemblymember Ash Kalra, who chairs the Assembly’s Labor and Employment Committee, said he understands workers are frustrated that they’re not getting justice in a timely manner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Delays that go on for years are completely unacceptable and we have to do better,” Kalra told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kalra said he is ready to work with the administration and push for more resources for the Labor Commissioner’s Office. He suggests making the job of hearing officer more attractive, so the agency can compete for candidates who might otherwise go to the private sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You also have to have the job classifications pay more,” he said. “That’s not something that can necessarily be legislated, but it is something the administration should look at.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The salary for new hearing officers, whose position is officially known as Deputy Labor Commissioner II, ranges from $6,500 to $8,360 per month, according to the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/Pay%20Scales%20Library/PS_Sec_15.pdf\">civil service pay scale\u003c/a>. Candidates must be college graduates with experience in industrial relations management or negotiation of labor agreements, among \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/state-hr-professionals/Pages/9502.aspx\">several requirements\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Governor Gavin Newsom’s proposed budget includes $145 million for the Labor Commissioner’s Office, about a $10 million increase from the current fiscal year. The new money would fund 145 more positions across the agency, including for wage claim adjudication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Did the Pandemic Create More Income Inequality in California?",
"title": "Did the Pandemic Create More Income Inequality in California?",
"headTitle": "KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Lea este artículo en \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/calmatters-en-espanol/2022/02/creo-la-pandemia-mas-desigualdad-de-ingresos-en-california/\">\u003cem>español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recessions in California tend to widen the gap between rich and poor. The sharp pandemic downturn of 2020 followed this pattern, with lower-income workers suffering the most. But unprecedented government relief kept millions from falling into poverty, and demand for labor boosted wages when businesses reopened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now with federal and state stimulus payments gone, and the recovery still underway, researchers are combing through employment statistics, as well as large-scale survey data, asking whether the pandemic resulted in a deepening of California’s divide. Three out of the last four recessions — excluding the bursting of the internet stock bubble — \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/incoming-inequality-and-economic-opportunity-in-california-december-2020.pdf#page=21\">increased income inequality in California\u003c/a>, the Public Policy Institute of California said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In coming months the institute expects to have its own inequality measure updated with 2020 data. Many Californians already see economic inequality as a facet of life here, with 69% of residents believing \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-economic-well-being-november-2021/\">the gap between the haves and have-nots is widening\u003c/a>, a November poll by the PPIC found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The challenge is that the surveys had a difficult time sampling low-income individuals and households during the pandemic,” Sarah Bohn, a researcher who studies the issue for the PPIC, wrote in an email. “So even though the survey data is available, we are doing extra work to validate the income inequality statistics we typically would have in hand by now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-further-exacerbating-inequality\">'Further exacerbating inequality'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are other signs the 2020 recession may have deepened the economic divide, said Somjita Mitra, chief economist for the state Department of Finance. The largest contributor to growth in 2020 state personal income was government transfers — including stimulus payments and unemployment benefits, among others. And increases in revenue from higher-income earners was enough to offset losses from lower-income earners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“High-income earners are doing exceptionally well, further exacerbating inequality in the state,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The answer to the inequality question may help shape Sacramento policymaking after a unique recession in which lockdowns resulted in huge job losses, economic stimulus checks buoyed worker paychecks, taxes on capital gains from a surging stock market filled state coffers and the rise of remote work reshaped both the state housing market and its economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While federal aid may be expiring, Gov. Gavin Newsom said in January that he planned to use the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/01/california-budget-newsom/\">billions of unanticipated tax dollars to help struggling California families\u003c/a>. Newsom said he has not ruled out measures such as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/07/look-up-california-stimulus-golden-state/\">state-funded stimulus checks\u003c/a> like the ones that went to lower- and middle-income families last year. Fellow Democrats who lead the Legislature are interested in another Golden State stimulus, though they have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/02/california-legislators-debates-preview/\">doubts about Newsom’s proposed gas tax “holiday.”\u003c/a> Newsom and legislators have already \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/01/california-paid-sick-leave-deal/\">restored paid sick leave for COVID\u003c/a>, though workers at smaller businesses are excluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11904834 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53455_003_StockPhoto_AtHomeCOVIDTest_02022022-qut-1038x576.jpg']In his spending plan, the Democratic governor presented several policies aimed at closing the economic divide, including universal health care that includes coverage for the state’s undocumented population, health care subsidies for the middle class, expanding paid family leave, establishing a tax credit for families with young children, universal no-cost meals at schools and more money to house the state’s unhoused. The state last year also funded a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/07/universal-basic-income-california/\">guaranteed-income program\u003c/a>, with a $35 million pool to support current or new pilot programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has long struggled with poverty, exacerbated by some of the nation’s highest housing and gasoline costs, though there is evidence that progress was notched during the pandemic thanks to government aid. The state had the highest rate of poverty at 15.4%, as measured by the Census Bureau’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/publications/2021/demo/p60-275.pdf\">supplemental poverty measure\u003c/a>, which accounts for housing and transportation costs, as well as government spending and other factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-low-income-jobs-lost-during-pandemic\">Lower-income jobs lost during pandemic\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>From a jobs perspective, lower-wage workers bore the brunt of the pandemic recession, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2021/07/19/business/economy/pandemic-recession-over-coronavirus.html\">shortest on record\u003c/a>. And while lower-wage workers are now in high demand, they still have the most ground to make up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitra, of the state finance department, said that before the pandemic, the bulk of the jobs created paid about $20,000 a year or less, resulting in people needing to work more than one job, or being underemployed. A study last year by the United Ways of California estimated that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/07/cost-of-living-study-california-families/\">3.5 million California families\u003c/a> didn’t make enough to meet basic needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were already really seeing a lot of inequality in this state,” she said. “When the pandemic hit, those jobs were the first ones to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are signs lower-wage industries in the state are undergoing important changes. Lower-wage jobs such as office administration, security and janitorial services have been slow to recover, likely \u003ca href=\"https://www.capolicylab.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/Dec-2021-Analysis-of-Unemployment-Insurance-Claims-in-California.pdf\">pushing workers into other lower-wage industries\u003c/a>, according to an analysis last year by the California Policy Lab, a nonpartisan research center based at the University of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lower-wage workers in retail shops, hotels, restaurants, grocery stores and other such customer-facing establishments were hard hit by the pandemic. Meanwhile, the rise in home delivery services has accelerated the rise of warehouse jobs, including at Amazon and other online retailers, in pockets of California’s Central Valley and Inland Empire. But there have not been enough of these jobs to make up for the losses, said Till von Wachter, an economics professor at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are some sectors that have grown, such as transportation and warehousing, but they’re unlikely to have grown enough to absorb that big of a share,” von Wachter said. “They’re also not as ubiquitous as some of these other sectors. If you’re in San Bernardino, that’s a really important industry, but not, say, elsewhere in LA County.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-inflation-housing-hit-poor-the-hardest\">Inflation, housing hit people the hardest\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A spike in \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2022-02-22/california-gas-prices-ukraine-crisis\">energy prices due to the Ukraine crisis\u003c/a> is expected to harm the U.S. economy. Sharp rises in inflation tend to hit lower-income residents the hardest, and there is some initial evidence that this is playing out in California.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 2.6 million California households were participating in the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/data-portal/research-and-data/calfresh-data-dashboard\">CalFresh program\u003c/a>, which provides food benefits to individuals and families with lower incomes. That’s about the same level as the most recent peak in June 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906416\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11906416 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/022222-Gas-Prices-Station-MG-CM-05-800x533.jpeg\" alt=\"A Valero Gas Station Sign Showing Gas Prices\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/022222-Gas-Prices-Station-MG-CM-05-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/022222-Gas-Prices-Station-MG-CM-05-1020x679.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/022222-Gas-Prices-Station-MG-CM-05-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/022222-Gas-Prices-Station-MG-CM-05.jpeg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Valero gas station in Sacramento on Feb. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Even if people are working again, or more people are working, the cost of food is outpacing their incomes,” said Jacob Hibel, co-director of the Center for Poverty and Inequality Research at UC Davis. “Just having a job is not enough to guarantee that you have enough food to feed your family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And with housing prices skyrocketing last year, some people are now being cut out of a traditional route to the middle class, which is owning a home, experts said. \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/marketdata/data/haitraditional\">Housing affordability\u003c/a>, as measured by the number of Californians who could afford a median-priced, single-family home, hit 23% in the second quarter of 2021, according to the California Association of Realtors. That was the lowest point since prices were approaching their highs during the last bubble, in 2007, when 11% of Californians could own a home.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>That measure had risen slightly, to 25%, by the end of last year, according to the association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Higher-income workers, homeowners and people who earn investment income have, on the whole, seen their wealth increase over the last nearly two years, experts noted, likely raising wealth inequality in California. Researchers noted in interviews that the pandemic may have increased inequality in other key ways. Underserved children, for instance, fell further behind academically, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/05/us/coronavirus-education-lost-learning.html\">widening the achievement gap\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you see those kinds of impacts, they can really lock in inequality,” said Hibel, of UC Davis. “It tends to take young people who are either in poverty — or who are experiencing inequalities — and just make it much, much less likely that they’ll be able to climb out of that social stratum when they reach adulthood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article is part of the\u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-divide/\">\u003cem> California Divide\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> project, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequality and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Income inequality grew in California during three of the last four recessions before the COVID-19 pandemic. Researchers are trying to figure out whether the same happened in 2020.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Lea este artículo en \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/calmatters-en-espanol/2022/02/creo-la-pandemia-mas-desigualdad-de-ingresos-en-california/\">\u003cem>español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recessions in California tend to widen the gap between rich and poor. The sharp pandemic downturn of 2020 followed this pattern, with lower-income workers suffering the most. But unprecedented government relief kept millions from falling into poverty, and demand for labor boosted wages when businesses reopened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now with federal and state stimulus payments gone, and the recovery still underway, researchers are combing through employment statistics, as well as large-scale survey data, asking whether the pandemic resulted in a deepening of California’s divide. Three out of the last four recessions — excluding the bursting of the internet stock bubble — \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/incoming-inequality-and-economic-opportunity-in-california-december-2020.pdf#page=21\">increased income inequality in California\u003c/a>, the Public Policy Institute of California said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In coming months the institute expects to have its own inequality measure updated with 2020 data. Many Californians already see economic inequality as a facet of life here, with 69% of residents believing \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-economic-well-being-november-2021/\">the gap between the haves and have-nots is widening\u003c/a>, a November poll by the PPIC found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The challenge is that the surveys had a difficult time sampling low-income individuals and households during the pandemic,” Sarah Bohn, a researcher who studies the issue for the PPIC, wrote in an email. “So even though the survey data is available, we are doing extra work to validate the income inequality statistics we typically would have in hand by now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-further-exacerbating-inequality\">'Further exacerbating inequality'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are other signs the 2020 recession may have deepened the economic divide, said Somjita Mitra, chief economist for the state Department of Finance. The largest contributor to growth in 2020 state personal income was government transfers — including stimulus payments and unemployment benefits, among others. And increases in revenue from higher-income earners was enough to offset losses from lower-income earners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“High-income earners are doing exceptionally well, further exacerbating inequality in the state,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The answer to the inequality question may help shape Sacramento policymaking after a unique recession in which lockdowns resulted in huge job losses, economic stimulus checks buoyed worker paychecks, taxes on capital gains from a surging stock market filled state coffers and the rise of remote work reshaped both the state housing market and its economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While federal aid may be expiring, Gov. Gavin Newsom said in January that he planned to use the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/01/california-budget-newsom/\">billions of unanticipated tax dollars to help struggling California families\u003c/a>. Newsom said he has not ruled out measures such as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/07/look-up-california-stimulus-golden-state/\">state-funded stimulus checks\u003c/a> like the ones that went to lower- and middle-income families last year. Fellow Democrats who lead the Legislature are interested in another Golden State stimulus, though they have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/02/california-legislators-debates-preview/\">doubts about Newsom’s proposed gas tax “holiday.”\u003c/a> Newsom and legislators have already \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/01/california-paid-sick-leave-deal/\">restored paid sick leave for COVID\u003c/a>, though workers at smaller businesses are excluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In his spending plan, the Democratic governor presented several policies aimed at closing the economic divide, including universal health care that includes coverage for the state’s undocumented population, health care subsidies for the middle class, expanding paid family leave, establishing a tax credit for families with young children, universal no-cost meals at schools and more money to house the state’s unhoused. The state last year also funded a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/07/universal-basic-income-california/\">guaranteed-income program\u003c/a>, with a $35 million pool to support current or new pilot programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has long struggled with poverty, exacerbated by some of the nation’s highest housing and gasoline costs, though there is evidence that progress was notched during the pandemic thanks to government aid. The state had the highest rate of poverty at 15.4%, as measured by the Census Bureau’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/publications/2021/demo/p60-275.pdf\">supplemental poverty measure\u003c/a>, which accounts for housing and transportation costs, as well as government spending and other factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-low-income-jobs-lost-during-pandemic\">Lower-income jobs lost during pandemic\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>From a jobs perspective, lower-wage workers bore the brunt of the pandemic recession, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2021/07/19/business/economy/pandemic-recession-over-coronavirus.html\">shortest on record\u003c/a>. And while lower-wage workers are now in high demand, they still have the most ground to make up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitra, of the state finance department, said that before the pandemic, the bulk of the jobs created paid about $20,000 a year or less, resulting in people needing to work more than one job, or being underemployed. A study last year by the United Ways of California estimated that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/07/cost-of-living-study-california-families/\">3.5 million California families\u003c/a> didn’t make enough to meet basic needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were already really seeing a lot of inequality in this state,” she said. “When the pandemic hit, those jobs were the first ones to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are signs lower-wage industries in the state are undergoing important changes. Lower-wage jobs such as office administration, security and janitorial services have been slow to recover, likely \u003ca href=\"https://www.capolicylab.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/Dec-2021-Analysis-of-Unemployment-Insurance-Claims-in-California.pdf\">pushing workers into other lower-wage industries\u003c/a>, according to an analysis last year by the California Policy Lab, a nonpartisan research center based at the University of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lower-wage workers in retail shops, hotels, restaurants, grocery stores and other such customer-facing establishments were hard hit by the pandemic. Meanwhile, the rise in home delivery services has accelerated the rise of warehouse jobs, including at Amazon and other online retailers, in pockets of California’s Central Valley and Inland Empire. But there have not been enough of these jobs to make up for the losses, said Till von Wachter, an economics professor at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are some sectors that have grown, such as transportation and warehousing, but they’re unlikely to have grown enough to absorb that big of a share,” von Wachter said. “They’re also not as ubiquitous as some of these other sectors. If you’re in San Bernardino, that’s a really important industry, but not, say, elsewhere in LA County.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-inflation-housing-hit-poor-the-hardest\">Inflation, housing hit people the hardest\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A spike in \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2022-02-22/california-gas-prices-ukraine-crisis\">energy prices due to the Ukraine crisis\u003c/a> is expected to harm the U.S. economy. Sharp rises in inflation tend to hit lower-income residents the hardest, and there is some initial evidence that this is playing out in California.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 2.6 million California households were participating in the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/data-portal/research-and-data/calfresh-data-dashboard\">CalFresh program\u003c/a>, which provides food benefits to individuals and families with lower incomes. That’s about the same level as the most recent peak in June 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906416\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11906416 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/022222-Gas-Prices-Station-MG-CM-05-800x533.jpeg\" alt=\"A Valero Gas Station Sign Showing Gas Prices\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/022222-Gas-Prices-Station-MG-CM-05-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/022222-Gas-Prices-Station-MG-CM-05-1020x679.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/022222-Gas-Prices-Station-MG-CM-05-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/022222-Gas-Prices-Station-MG-CM-05.jpeg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Valero gas station in Sacramento on Feb. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Even if people are working again, or more people are working, the cost of food is outpacing their incomes,” said Jacob Hibel, co-director of the Center for Poverty and Inequality Research at UC Davis. “Just having a job is not enough to guarantee that you have enough food to feed your family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And with housing prices skyrocketing last year, some people are now being cut out of a traditional route to the middle class, which is owning a home, experts said. \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/marketdata/data/haitraditional\">Housing affordability\u003c/a>, as measured by the number of Californians who could afford a median-priced, single-family home, hit 23% in the second quarter of 2021, according to the California Association of Realtors. That was the lowest point since prices were approaching their highs during the last bubble, in 2007, when 11% of Californians could own a home.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>That measure had risen slightly, to 25%, by the end of last year, according to the association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Higher-income workers, homeowners and people who earn investment income have, on the whole, seen their wealth increase over the last nearly two years, experts noted, likely raising wealth inequality in California. Researchers noted in interviews that the pandemic may have increased inequality in other key ways. Underserved children, for instance, fell further behind academically, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/05/us/coronavirus-education-lost-learning.html\">widening the achievement gap\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you see those kinds of impacts, they can really lock in inequality,” said Hibel, of UC Davis. “It tends to take young people who are either in poverty — or who are experiencing inequalities — and just make it much, much less likely that they’ll be able to climb out of that social stratum when they reach adulthood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article is part of the\u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-divide/\">\u003cem> California Divide\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> project, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequality and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Ukraine Conflict Reverberates in California\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week, Russian President Vladimar Putin invaded the sovereign nation of Ukraine in a move that is being called Europe’s “darkest hour” since World War II. In response, U.S. President Joe Biden announced new sanctions on Russian banks and sent 7,000 troops to Europe. We get perspective from Michael McFaul, who served as the U.S. ambassador to Russia from 2012 to 2014.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We also talk with U.S. Rep. Ro Khanna, D-Fremont, about his condemnation of Russian aggression. Khanna wrote in a tweet, “The United States stands with Ukraine. We will hold Putin accountable for his unconscionable, unjustified, and illegal attack on the innocent people of Ukraine. He is committing a crime against humanity and flagrantly violating international law.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Michael McFaul, former U.S. ambassador to Russia, 2012-2014\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">U.S. Rep. Ro Khanna, D-Fremont\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hundreds gathered across California on Thursday to protest the war in Ukraine. We look at how the conflict in that region is affecting Bay Area companies and residents with ties to that region, as well as the latest poll numbers on whether masking should continue in schools and whether sports betting should be allowed in California. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guy Marzorati, KQED politics and government correspondent\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rachael Myrow, KQED Silicon Valley news desk senior editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Lake Cunningham Action Sports Park\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At Lake Cunningham Action Sports Park in San Jose, skateboards, scooters and bicycles carve, grind and get as much air as they can. It’s one of California’s largest skate parks and it’s this week’s look at Something Beautiful. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Ukraine Conflict Reverberates in California\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week, Russian President Vladimar Putin invaded the sovereign nation of Ukraine in a move that is being called Europe’s “darkest hour” since World War II. In response, U.S. President Joe Biden announced new sanctions on Russian banks and sent 7,000 troops to Europe. We get perspective from Michael McFaul, who served as the U.S. ambassador to Russia from 2012 to 2014.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We also talk with U.S. Rep. Ro Khanna, D-Fremont, about his condemnation of Russian aggression. Khanna wrote in a tweet, “The United States stands with Ukraine. We will hold Putin accountable for his unconscionable, unjustified, and illegal attack on the innocent people of Ukraine. He is committing a crime against humanity and flagrantly violating international law.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Michael McFaul, former U.S. ambassador to Russia, 2012-2014\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">U.S. Rep. Ro Khanna, D-Fremont\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hundreds gathered across California on Thursday to protest the war in Ukraine. We look at how the conflict in that region is affecting Bay Area companies and residents with ties to that region, as well as the latest poll numbers on whether masking should continue in schools and whether sports betting should be allowed in California. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guy Marzorati, KQED politics and government correspondent\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rachael Myrow, KQED Silicon Valley news desk senior editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Lake Cunningham Action Sports Park\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At Lake Cunningham Action Sports Park in San Jose, skateboards, scooters and bicycles carve, grind and get as much air as they can. It’s one of California’s largest skate parks and it’s this week’s look at Something Beautiful. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>For years, Ukraine has been one of Silicon Valley’s favorite offshore outposts for educated, cheap IT labor. There are now roughly 20,000 people of Ukrainian descent living in the Bay Area, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://san-francisco.mfa.gov.ua/en\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ukrainian consulate in San Francisco\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The connections between the two regions are not simply economic. Strong cultural affinities have developed. People move between the Bay Area and Ukraine and work together on projects. They get married to each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My wife is Ukrainian,” said John Sung Kim, CEO of the Bay Area-based outsourcing company \u003ca href=\"https://jetbridge.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">JetBridge\u003c/a>. He’s married to a Ukrainian woman, with in-laws in one of the disputed regions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They told him tanks have arrived in their town \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/live-updates/ukraine-russia-invasion-putin\">as Russia’s long-feared assault on Ukraine began Thursday\u003c/a>, and they’ve relocated to their basement. “So we need evacuation plans for them,” Kim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JetBridge employs more than 20 people in Ukraine, and the company has been working on contingency plans to get them out: to western Ukraine, to Poland, or even to the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we have to evacuate them, we also have to evacuate their families. And so this could be 100 people,” Kim said. But it’s an open question when that might happen. “Airports have been bombed and traffic is a no go. People are stuck.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then there’s the JetBridge team in Belarus, dependent, like their co-workers in Ukraine, on international money transfers for their salaries. Kim fears financial sanctions on Russia could be extended to include Belarus, a Russian ally. Should that happen, it could become difficult to pay his employees there. “So now we have questions, like, do we need to extract people out of Belarus?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906424\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11906424\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag.jpg\" alt=\"cyclist carrying bright yellow and blue ukrainian flag rides under series of metal hoops under a blue sky\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1416\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag-800x590.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag-1020x752.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag-160x118.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag-1536x1133.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A bicyclist waves the Ukrainian flag over his head as he rides through the Sonic Runway, an art installation outside San Jose City Hall. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While many companies big and small employ Ukrainians here or in Ukraine, those contacted by KQED declined to identify specific employees out of concern for their safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JustAnswer, a San Francisco-based tech company that employs 252 people in Ukraine, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/tech/article/How-Russia-invading-Ukraine-affects-the-workforce-16938923.php\">also has been working on contingency plans to keep its workers safe, make sure they get paid — and handle workers who want to serve in Ukraine’s military\u003c/a>, according to The San Francisco Chronicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google, Oracle, Snap, Grammarly and Ring also employ workers in Ukraine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Ring said the company is in close contact with the people it does business with in Ukraine, and that “we’re of course monitoring their well-being with great care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not the first time that our team members in Ukraine have experienced heightened uncertainty,” said a spokesperson for Grammarly, \u003ca href=\"https://gbozhok.medium.com/grammarly-the-story-of-how-three-ukrainians-created-the-most-popular-online-grammar-checker-5c3f20a2f66a\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a company founded by Ukrainians\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Grammarly also supports all of our team members, including those who call Ukraine home, with various mental health benefits and frequent internal communication updates that aim to provide clarity in a time of uncertainty,” the spokesperson said. “Our contingency plans also account for ensuring Grammarly’s services will not be disrupted. This includes backup communication methods and temporary transfer of business-critical responsibilities to team members outside of Ukraine to ensure our Ukraine-based team members can focus on the immediate safety of themselves and their families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, after Russia invaded and annexed Crimea, the nonprofit humanitarian aid organization \u003ca href=\"https://novaukraine.org/\">Nova Ukraine\u003c/a> was born in the Bay Area. It’s one of several groups raising funds for causes ranging from helping underserved children in Ukraine with educational aid, to COVID relief, to a letter-writing campaign directed at U.S. lawmakers regarding the Russian invasion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have fewer connections now than before,” said Igor Markov, a research scientist for a prominent Silicon Valley company who volunteers for Nova Ukraine in his spare time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He came to the U.S. in 1993 to study mathematics in graduate school. He estimates that a third of his high school class from Kyiv now lives in the U.S., reflecting how enmeshed the two countries have become in the last three decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Putin and his subservient government and parliament — they have gone way too far,” Markov said. “It’s not a matter of Russians versus Ukrainians at all. It’s a matter of Putin versus the world.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For years, Ukraine has been one of Silicon Valley’s favorite offshore outposts for educated, cheap IT labor. There are now roughly 20,000 people of Ukrainian descent living in the Bay Area, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://san-francisco.mfa.gov.ua/en\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ukrainian consulate in San Francisco\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The connections between the two regions are not simply economic. Strong cultural affinities have developed. People move between the Bay Area and Ukraine and work together on projects. They get married to each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My wife is Ukrainian,” said John Sung Kim, CEO of the Bay Area-based outsourcing company \u003ca href=\"https://jetbridge.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">JetBridge\u003c/a>. He’s married to a Ukrainian woman, with in-laws in one of the disputed regions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They told him tanks have arrived in their town \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/live-updates/ukraine-russia-invasion-putin\">as Russia’s long-feared assault on Ukraine began Thursday\u003c/a>, and they’ve relocated to their basement. “So we need evacuation plans for them,” Kim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JetBridge employs more than 20 people in Ukraine, and the company has been working on contingency plans to get them out: to western Ukraine, to Poland, or even to the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we have to evacuate them, we also have to evacuate their families. And so this could be 100 people,” Kim said. But it’s an open question when that might happen. “Airports have been bombed and traffic is a no go. People are stuck.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then there’s the JetBridge team in Belarus, dependent, like their co-workers in Ukraine, on international money transfers for their salaries. Kim fears financial sanctions on Russia could be extended to include Belarus, a Russian ally. Should that happen, it could become difficult to pay his employees there. “So now we have questions, like, do we need to extract people out of Belarus?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906424\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11906424\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag.jpg\" alt=\"cyclist carrying bright yellow and blue ukrainian flag rides under series of metal hoops under a blue sky\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1416\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag-800x590.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag-1020x752.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag-160x118.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CyclistUkraineFlag-1536x1133.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A bicyclist waves the Ukrainian flag over his head as he rides through the Sonic Runway, an art installation outside San Jose City Hall. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While many companies big and small employ Ukrainians here or in Ukraine, those contacted by KQED declined to identify specific employees out of concern for their safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JustAnswer, a San Francisco-based tech company that employs 252 people in Ukraine, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/tech/article/How-Russia-invading-Ukraine-affects-the-workforce-16938923.php\">also has been working on contingency plans to keep its workers safe, make sure they get paid — and handle workers who want to serve in Ukraine’s military\u003c/a>, according to The San Francisco Chronicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google, Oracle, Snap, Grammarly and Ring also employ workers in Ukraine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Ring said the company is in close contact with the people it does business with in Ukraine, and that “we’re of course monitoring their well-being with great care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not the first time that our team members in Ukraine have experienced heightened uncertainty,” said a spokesperson for Grammarly, \u003ca href=\"https://gbozhok.medium.com/grammarly-the-story-of-how-three-ukrainians-created-the-most-popular-online-grammar-checker-5c3f20a2f66a\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a company founded by Ukrainians\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Grammarly also supports all of our team members, including those who call Ukraine home, with various mental health benefits and frequent internal communication updates that aim to provide clarity in a time of uncertainty,” the spokesperson said. “Our contingency plans also account for ensuring Grammarly’s services will not be disrupted. This includes backup communication methods and temporary transfer of business-critical responsibilities to team members outside of Ukraine to ensure our Ukraine-based team members can focus on the immediate safety of themselves and their families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, after Russia invaded and annexed Crimea, the nonprofit humanitarian aid organization \u003ca href=\"https://novaukraine.org/\">Nova Ukraine\u003c/a> was born in the Bay Area. It’s one of several groups raising funds for causes ranging from helping underserved children in Ukraine with educational aid, to COVID relief, to a letter-writing campaign directed at U.S. lawmakers regarding the Russian invasion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have fewer connections now than before,” said Igor Markov, a research scientist for a prominent Silicon Valley company who volunteers for Nova Ukraine in his spare time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He came to the U.S. in 1993 to study mathematics in graduate school. He estimates that a third of his high school class from Kyiv now lives in the U.S., reflecting how enmeshed the two countries have become in the last three decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Putin and his subservient government and parliament — they have gone way too far,” Markov said. “It’s not a matter of Russians versus Ukrainians at all. It’s a matter of Putin versus the world.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than a dozen antitrust bills targeting Big Tech are currently in play in the nation’s capital, and Silicon Valley has mounted a full-court press to kill or soften the legislative onslaught.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills could make it more difficult for large tech companies to, among other things, acquire smaller companies, use their platforms to unduly boost their own products, and wield their huge cash stockpiles to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/11/13/666274605/how-big-is-amazon\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">dominate multiple, additional industries\u003c/a>.[aside postID=\"news_11889347\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51554_GettyImages-1235407516-qut.jpg\"]The main companies in the sights of federal lawmakers include Amazon, Apple, Google and Meta, the latter three of which are headquartered in the Bay Area. All four have become multibillion-dollar giants of advertising through buying and selling consumer data, while also variously dominating other industries like retail, apps and entertainment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal lawmakers on both sides of the aisle have historically taken a relatively light touch toward regulating the technology industry. But that \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2021/12/27/monopoly-antitrust-new-rules-tech-525161\">hands-off approach has recently shifted\u003c/a> among a growing number of Democrats, and even some Republicans, as the power and size of these companies has grown exponentially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have companies like Google that have 90% control over search engines,” Sen. Amy Klobuchar, D-Minnesota, \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/amyklobuchar/videos/1985625218247197/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">told CNN\u003c/a> last year. “What I’m proposing is, make sure [federal agencies like the Federal Trade Commission] are able to take on trillion-dollar companies like Facebook and Google. They can’t do it with Band-Aids and duct tape.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We must have laws that are as sophisticated as the companies we’re dealing with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In that vein, the slate of proposed legislation tackles a wide array of gray areas in the law to provide federal regulators with the resources — monetary and conceptual — to go after large companies. Here’s a small sampling of the bills:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/3816\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">HR 3816\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/2992\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">S 2992\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>The American Choice and Innovation Online Act\u003c/strong> would bar platforms like Apple’s App Store or Amazon’s Marketplace from “self-preferencing,” or giving their own products an unfair advantage over those of their competitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/3843?q=%7B%22search%22:%5B%223843%22,%223843%22%5D%7D&s=3&r=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">HR 3843\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/228?q=%7B%22search%22:%5B%22Merger+Filing+Fee+Modernization+Act%22,%22Merger%22,%22Filing%22,%22Fee%22,%22Modernization%22,%22Act%22%5D%7D&s=6&r=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">S 228\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>The Merger Filing Fee Modernization Act of 2021\u003c/strong> would increase the merger fees regulators collect from companies and use the additional amounts to fund aggressive enforcement of antitrust laws by the U.S. Department of Justice and the Federal Trade Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/3608?q=%7B%22search%22%3A%5B%22Social+Media+NUDGE+Act%22%2C%22Social%22%2C%22Media%22%2C%22NUDGE%22%2C%22Act%22%5D%7D&s=1&r=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">S 3608\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>The Social Media NUDGE Act\u003c/strong> would direct the National Science Foundation and the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering and Medicine to study “content neutral” ways to address the algorithmic amplification of harmful content.[aside postID=\"forum_2010101882161\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/43/2016/11/facebook-screen.jpg\"]But despite high-drama hearings from whistleblowers like former Facebook lead product manager \u003ca href=\"https://www.franceshaugen.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Frances Haugen\u003c/a>, most of these bills have yet to make it out of their respective committees. It’s entirely unclear how many will ever get a floor vote in the House or Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Klobuchar, among the handful of lawmakers leading the antitrust charge, has acknowledged that the odds are daunting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are up against a lot. … The tech companies have 2,500 lobbyists and probably 10,000 lawyers,” she said at a hearing of the Senate Judiciary \u003ca href=\"https://www.c-span.org/video/?516757-1/senate-hearing-impact-corporate-monopolies-innovation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Subcommittee on Competition Policy, Antitrust, and Consumer Rights\u003c/a> last December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And most analysts agree that if Republicans regain the majority in Congress after this year’s midterm elections, it’s game over for the biggest antitrust effort in generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Strong pushback\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tech industry proponents have presented a varied, and in some cases compelling, set of arguments against these legislative efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berin Szóka, president of TechFreedom, a \u003ca href=\"https://services.google.com/fh/files/misc/trade_association_and_third_party_groups.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tech-funded\u003c/a> think tank in Washington, D.C., argues that the bills are rushed and poorly written. He decries the lack of traditional legislative hearings and markups before floor debate, even while acknowledging this practice has fallen out of vogue in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are legislating the way that that cartoon shows the railroad bridge being built out over the canyon as the train is going — except we don’t know what the train looks like or where it’s going,” he said.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jennifer King, privacy and data policy fellow, Stanford Institute for Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence\"]‘We now have a legislative structure that’s just as dependent on those data practices that the commercial structure is dependent on: behavioral targeting and marketing practices that are really at issue in all these cases.’[/pullquote]Efforts by Democrats, like Klobuchar, to win support from key Republicans, he says, have resulted in bills full of ticking time bombs that could explode on Democrats and their allies the next time Republicans regain control of the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, Szóka argues, the same bill that would prevent tech titans from discriminating against competitors might also prevent them from removing companies from their app stores that have violated content rules, like Parler, a social media platform that has become a safe harbor for right-wing conspiracy theorists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be easy for these sites that cater to extremists to sue, to harass mainstream services, to rifle through emails, to depose executives,” said Szóka.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar concerns have been expressed by many in California’s congressional delegation, suggesting that Democrats could balk at supporting some of the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sens. Dianne Feinstein and Alex Padilla are among a large group of California Democrats who have criticized elements of the bills, mirroring some of the arguments made by tech-funded think tanks. Reps. Lou Correa, D-East LA; Ted Lieu, D-Torrance; Eric Swalwell, D-Castro Valley; Ro Khanna, D-Fremont; and Zoe Lofgren, D-San Jose also have raised concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think they spent more time on the hearing than they did in writing the proposed legislation. Because it’s not well crafted and it was done in a hurry,” Lofgren recently lamented about the American Choice and Innovation Online Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview last month with Julia Angwin of The Markup, \u003ca href=\"https://www.c-span.org/video/?517286-1/after-words-representative-ro-khanna\">Rep. Khanna said breakups are certainly justified\u003c/a> in some instances. “On Facebook, for example, where they’ve acquired Instagram and WhatsApp, you should have an unraveling of that company. I think you want to have a ban on mergers that are acquiring competitors.”[aside postID=\"news_11888891\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-461843598-scaled.jpg\"]But he cautioned about being “overly restrictive on all mergers,” noting that mergers and acquisitions are a basic element of the U.S. economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Washington Post recently reported that \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2022/01/21/tech-lobbying-in-washington/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">just seven large tech companies spent nearly $70 million\u003c/a> lobbying the U.S. government in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are genuinely concerned that they could break a wide range of popular services we offer to our users, all the work we do to make our products safe, private and secure, and in some cases can hurt American competitiveness by disadvantaging solely U.S. companies,” Google CEO Sundar Pichai said of the current bills during a recent earnings call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Lofgren and others who have voiced concerns with the current bills \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/02/03/tech-giants-are-doling-out-political-donations-antitrust-skeptics-congress/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">continue to take money\u003c/a> from the likes of Amazon, Google, Meta and Microsoft, but say that doesn’t influence their position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren told KQED, “That’s obviously baloney, and if that were the case, Anna [Eshoo] and I wouldn’t have introduced our privacy bill, which would require a huge change in the business model of any company that relies on the data of its users.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/6027/text?q=%7B%22search%22%3A%5B%22Online+Privacy+Act%22%2C%22Online%22%2C%22Privacy%22%2C%22Act%22%5D%7D&r=1&s=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Online Privacy Act\u003c/a> Lofgren reintroduced with fellow Silicon Valley Rep. Anna Eshoo is considered a serious threat to the personal data trading model that’s become the bread and butter for mega conglomerates. The legislation would require companies to protect users’ data, as well as establish a new federal agency to enforce privacy protections, and strengthen enforcement of privacy law violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer King, who follows data and privacy for the \u003ca href=\"http://cyberlaw.stanford.edu/about/people/jen-king\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Stanford Institute for Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence\u003c/a>, is not holding her breath for this Congress to act on any kind of revolutionary reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One big reason why: Both political parties, she notes, have grown quite fond of using targeted advertising themselves. “We now have a legislative structure that’s just as dependent on those data practices that the commercial structure is dependent on: behavioral targeting and marketing practices that are really at issue in all these cases,” King said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The one thing most lawmakers do seem to agree on is the need for some kind of new legislation, if only to bolster funding for federal regulators like those at the Federal Trade Commission. But what exactly that should look like is where the consensus falls apart.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than a dozen antitrust bills targeting Big Tech are currently in play in the nation’s capital, and Silicon Valley has mounted a full-court press to kill or soften the legislative onslaught.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills could make it more difficult for large tech companies to, among other things, acquire smaller companies, use their platforms to unduly boost their own products, and wield their huge cash stockpiles to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/11/13/666274605/how-big-is-amazon\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">dominate multiple, additional industries\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The main companies in the sights of federal lawmakers include Amazon, Apple, Google and Meta, the latter three of which are headquartered in the Bay Area. All four have become multibillion-dollar giants of advertising through buying and selling consumer data, while also variously dominating other industries like retail, apps and entertainment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal lawmakers on both sides of the aisle have historically taken a relatively light touch toward regulating the technology industry. But that \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2021/12/27/monopoly-antitrust-new-rules-tech-525161\">hands-off approach has recently shifted\u003c/a> among a growing number of Democrats, and even some Republicans, as the power and size of these companies has grown exponentially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have companies like Google that have 90% control over search engines,” Sen. Amy Klobuchar, D-Minnesota, \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/amyklobuchar/videos/1985625218247197/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">told CNN\u003c/a> last year. “What I’m proposing is, make sure [federal agencies like the Federal Trade Commission] are able to take on trillion-dollar companies like Facebook and Google. They can’t do it with Band-Aids and duct tape.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We must have laws that are as sophisticated as the companies we’re dealing with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In that vein, the slate of proposed legislation tackles a wide array of gray areas in the law to provide federal regulators with the resources — monetary and conceptual — to go after large companies. Here’s a small sampling of the bills:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/3816\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">HR 3816\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/2992\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">S 2992\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>The American Choice and Innovation Online Act\u003c/strong> would bar platforms like Apple’s App Store or Amazon’s Marketplace from “self-preferencing,” or giving their own products an unfair advantage over those of their competitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/3843?q=%7B%22search%22:%5B%223843%22,%223843%22%5D%7D&s=3&r=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">HR 3843\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/228?q=%7B%22search%22:%5B%22Merger+Filing+Fee+Modernization+Act%22,%22Merger%22,%22Filing%22,%22Fee%22,%22Modernization%22,%22Act%22%5D%7D&s=6&r=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">S 228\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>The Merger Filing Fee Modernization Act of 2021\u003c/strong> would increase the merger fees regulators collect from companies and use the additional amounts to fund aggressive enforcement of antitrust laws by the U.S. Department of Justice and the Federal Trade Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/3608?q=%7B%22search%22%3A%5B%22Social+Media+NUDGE+Act%22%2C%22Social%22%2C%22Media%22%2C%22NUDGE%22%2C%22Act%22%5D%7D&s=1&r=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">S 3608\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>The Social Media NUDGE Act\u003c/strong> would direct the National Science Foundation and the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering and Medicine to study “content neutral” ways to address the algorithmic amplification of harmful content.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But despite high-drama hearings from whistleblowers like former Facebook lead product manager \u003ca href=\"https://www.franceshaugen.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Frances Haugen\u003c/a>, most of these bills have yet to make it out of their respective committees. It’s entirely unclear how many will ever get a floor vote in the House or Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Klobuchar, among the handful of lawmakers leading the antitrust charge, has acknowledged that the odds are daunting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are up against a lot. … The tech companies have 2,500 lobbyists and probably 10,000 lawyers,” she said at a hearing of the Senate Judiciary \u003ca href=\"https://www.c-span.org/video/?516757-1/senate-hearing-impact-corporate-monopolies-innovation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Subcommittee on Competition Policy, Antitrust, and Consumer Rights\u003c/a> last December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And most analysts agree that if Republicans regain the majority in Congress after this year’s midterm elections, it’s game over for the biggest antitrust effort in generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Strong pushback\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tech industry proponents have presented a varied, and in some cases compelling, set of arguments against these legislative efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berin Szóka, president of TechFreedom, a \u003ca href=\"https://services.google.com/fh/files/misc/trade_association_and_third_party_groups.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tech-funded\u003c/a> think tank in Washington, D.C., argues that the bills are rushed and poorly written. He decries the lack of traditional legislative hearings and markups before floor debate, even while acknowledging this practice has fallen out of vogue in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are legislating the way that that cartoon shows the railroad bridge being built out over the canyon as the train is going — except we don’t know what the train looks like or where it’s going,” he said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Efforts by Democrats, like Klobuchar, to win support from key Republicans, he says, have resulted in bills full of ticking time bombs that could explode on Democrats and their allies the next time Republicans regain control of the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, Szóka argues, the same bill that would prevent tech titans from discriminating against competitors might also prevent them from removing companies from their app stores that have violated content rules, like Parler, a social media platform that has become a safe harbor for right-wing conspiracy theorists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be easy for these sites that cater to extremists to sue, to harass mainstream services, to rifle through emails, to depose executives,” said Szóka.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar concerns have been expressed by many in California’s congressional delegation, suggesting that Democrats could balk at supporting some of the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sens. Dianne Feinstein and Alex Padilla are among a large group of California Democrats who have criticized elements of the bills, mirroring some of the arguments made by tech-funded think tanks. Reps. Lou Correa, D-East LA; Ted Lieu, D-Torrance; Eric Swalwell, D-Castro Valley; Ro Khanna, D-Fremont; and Zoe Lofgren, D-San Jose also have raised concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think they spent more time on the hearing than they did in writing the proposed legislation. Because it’s not well crafted and it was done in a hurry,” Lofgren recently lamented about the American Choice and Innovation Online Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview last month with Julia Angwin of The Markup, \u003ca href=\"https://www.c-span.org/video/?517286-1/after-words-representative-ro-khanna\">Rep. Khanna said breakups are certainly justified\u003c/a> in some instances. “On Facebook, for example, where they’ve acquired Instagram and WhatsApp, you should have an unraveling of that company. I think you want to have a ban on mergers that are acquiring competitors.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But he cautioned about being “overly restrictive on all mergers,” noting that mergers and acquisitions are a basic element of the U.S. economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Washington Post recently reported that \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2022/01/21/tech-lobbying-in-washington/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">just seven large tech companies spent nearly $70 million\u003c/a> lobbying the U.S. government in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are genuinely concerned that they could break a wide range of popular services we offer to our users, all the work we do to make our products safe, private and secure, and in some cases can hurt American competitiveness by disadvantaging solely U.S. companies,” Google CEO Sundar Pichai said of the current bills during a recent earnings call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Lofgren and others who have voiced concerns with the current bills \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/02/03/tech-giants-are-doling-out-political-donations-antitrust-skeptics-congress/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">continue to take money\u003c/a> from the likes of Amazon, Google, Meta and Microsoft, but say that doesn’t influence their position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren told KQED, “That’s obviously baloney, and if that were the case, Anna [Eshoo] and I wouldn’t have introduced our privacy bill, which would require a huge change in the business model of any company that relies on the data of its users.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/6027/text?q=%7B%22search%22%3A%5B%22Online+Privacy+Act%22%2C%22Online%22%2C%22Privacy%22%2C%22Act%22%5D%7D&r=1&s=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Online Privacy Act\u003c/a> Lofgren reintroduced with fellow Silicon Valley Rep. Anna Eshoo is considered a serious threat to the personal data trading model that’s become the bread and butter for mega conglomerates. The legislation would require companies to protect users’ data, as well as establish a new federal agency to enforce privacy protections, and strengthen enforcement of privacy law violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer King, who follows data and privacy for the \u003ca href=\"http://cyberlaw.stanford.edu/about/people/jen-king\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Stanford Institute for Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence\u003c/a>, is not holding her breath for this Congress to act on any kind of revolutionary reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One big reason why: Both political parties, she notes, have grown quite fond of using targeted advertising themselves. “We now have a legislative structure that’s just as dependent on those data practices that the commercial structure is dependent on: behavioral targeting and marketing practices that are really at issue in all these cases,” King said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The tech industry is intricately linked to California’s identity and economy, bringing in an estimated \u003ca href=\"https://www.cyberstates.org/#interactiveMap?geoid=6__california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$520 billion\u003c/a> per year according to the Computing Technology Industry Association, a nonprofit trade association specializing in IT.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly 2 million Californians have jobs because of the state’s tech economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of Black representation in technology jobs has long been a point of contention for racial equity advocates, and claims of racial bias and discrimination within the industry remain persistent. In recent years, technology experts have raised alarms about racism being baked into the algorithms that determine credit worthiness, health treatments, job application status and more.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Yeshimabeit Milner, co-founder of Data for Black Lives\"]‘Data has been weaponized against Black communities, because the bullets, police dogs and fire hoses of the past have become the predictive policing, data-driven voter suppression and facial recognition of the present.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Discrimination in technology was featured at the January meetings of California’s Reparations Task Force, a nine-member body assigned the daunting job of conducting public meetings to study and develop reparation proposals for Black Californians. The task force, established by \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3121\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">AB 3121\u003c/a>, held meetings on Jan. 27 and 28 focused on public health and eligibility, in addition to technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of their scope of work, the task force is examining discriminatory practices in the public and private sectors, such as redlining and predatory lending, from 1868 to the present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The expert technology panel included Yeshimabeit Milner, co-founder of \u003ca href=\"https://d4bl.org/about.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Data for Black Lives\u003c/a>, a organization that seeks to use data science to improve the lives of Black people; Vinhcent Le and Debra Gore-Mann from \u003ca href=\"https://greenlining.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The Greenlining Institute\u003c/a>, an Oakland-based public policy and advocacy group focused on the economic empowerment of people of color; and \u003ca href=\"https://safiyaunoble.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Safiya U. Noble\u003c/a>, a MacArthur Foundation Fellow and professor of gender studies and African American studies at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are many ways the technology industry perpetuates the wealth gap, the experts told the task force. But, as Le and Gore-Mann said, harnessing technology may also be used as a reinvestment tool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before testifying about racism and discrimination in the tech industry, Noble, the author of “Algorithms of Oppression,” shared an anecdote about her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a descendant of enslaved Black Americans,” she said. “My paternal grandmother was born into sharecropping, and she and my grandfather bought many of our relatives out of this de facto system of slavery in Mississippi.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noble spoke about how algorithms used in criminal justice, resource allocation and surveillance can often lead to disparate outcomes for Black people.[aside postID=\"news_11898258,forum_2010101887335,news_11897977\" label=\"Related Posts\"]“Each of these types of carceral technology are unfairly pointed at vulnerable Black people,” she said. “California is central to the origin story of the tech industry, and so it must be understood as a powerful element in California history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Technology often allows systems to operate at a much faster speed and at a much higher scale, while also making the ability to intervene and question more difficult.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Milner explained some of the nuances of algorithms to the task force and the audience watching from their computer screens. A simple definition for algorithms, Milner said, is that they are “a set of step-by-step instructions to solve a problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A recipe is an algorithm, a list of instructions … the result is based on what we define from the beginning of the recipe as a success,” she added. “Data has been weaponized against Black communities, because the bullets, police dogs and fire hoses of the past have become the predictive policing, data-driven voter suppression and facial recognition of the present.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://vimeo.com/670990780\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a lack of transparency, accountability and clarity on what exactly goes into algorithms that are used to determine outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While it is in violation of federal law to deny people housing, employment and education based on race, you can’t sue an algorithm,” Milner said. “You don’t even need to use race as a variable. The legacy of slavery [has] made ZIP codes proxies for race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Le and Gore-Mann pointed out how racism in the tech industry can be traced back to redlining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Redlining lives on in the data that determines which neighborhoods get good access to the internet or new services and technologies,” Le said. “This is why the reparations work is so important. It gives us a chance to change the data points that give rise to data-driven discrimination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without proper oversight, systems can embed the history of discrimination and redlining into decisions, Le added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need race-aware data so we can test these systems that control access to economic opportunity for bias and discrimination,” he said. “The housing discrimination and the redlining of the past is still quite well and alive today. Our anti-discrimination laws have not kept pace with these technologies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One solution Gore-Mann and Le recognized is a mapping tool designed with social equity in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://oehha.ca.gov/calenviroscreen/about-calenviroscreen\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CalEnviroScreen\u003c/a> uses equity indicators like poverty, unemployment and exposure to pollution to identify marginalized communities that are eligible for increased investment from the state’s Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund. With the help of this algorithm, over $4.5 billion in state funding has gone toward investments in Black and Latino communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This program is a potential template to undo past discrimination and drive more investments into communities to improve economic opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reparations solutions will not close the gap if we’re continually allowing technology to widen the gap,” Gore-Mann said. “We see our praxis as the intersection between that economic equity, racial equity and building wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The data goes both ways — to help us analyze and create good policies and remove disparate impacts, but also to hold companies accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>There’s a lack of transparency, accountability and clarity on what exactly goes into algorithms that are used to determine outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While it is in violation of federal law to deny people housing, employment and education based on race, you can’t sue an algorithm,” Milner said. “You don’t even need to use race as a variable. The legacy of slavery [has] made ZIP codes proxies for race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Le and Gore-Mann pointed out how racism in the tech industry can be traced back to redlining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Redlining lives on in the data that determines which neighborhoods get good access to the internet or new services and technologies,” Le said. “This is why the reparations work is so important. It gives us a chance to change the data points that give rise to data-driven discrimination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without proper oversight, systems can embed the history of discrimination and redlining into decisions, Le added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need race-aware data so we can test these systems that control access to economic opportunity for bias and discrimination,” he said. “The housing discrimination and the redlining of the past is still quite well and alive today. Our anti-discrimination laws have not kept pace with these technologies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One solution Gore-Mann and Le recognized is a mapping tool designed with social equity in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://oehha.ca.gov/calenviroscreen/about-calenviroscreen\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CalEnviroScreen\u003c/a> uses equity indicators like poverty, unemployment and exposure to pollution to identify marginalized communities that are eligible for increased investment from the state’s Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund. With the help of this algorithm, over $4.5 billion in state funding has gone toward investments in Black and Latino communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This program is a potential template to undo past discrimination and drive more investments into communities to improve economic opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reparations solutions will not close the gap if we’re continually allowing technology to widen the gap,” Gore-Mann said. “We see our praxis as the intersection between that economic equity, racial equity and building wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The data goes both ways — to help us analyze and create good policies and remove disparate impacts, but also to hold companies accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>With California expecting another year of record state revenues, Gov. Gavin Newsom on Monday unveiled a spending plan that would make deep investments into containing the current COVID-19 surge, expanding health care access, shoring up drought response and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899691/gov-newsom-boosts-efforts-to-combat-organized-retail-theft-in-california\">fighting organized retail crime\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $286.4 billion proposal is aimed at tackling what Newsom’s administration deems California’s “most existential threats”: COVID-19, climate change, homelessness, inequality and public safety. With midterm elections and the governor’s reelection campaign looming this fall, however, those challenges also pose clear political threats to the national Democratic establishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘[We] continue to do what we can to fight this latest surge.’[/pullquote]His budget seems aimed at getting ahead of some of that. Newsom is asking lawmakers to spend an extra $1.4 billion immediately on pandemic response measures — a proposal that comes as the state faces down its third year of addressing the pandemic even as COVID-19 cases surge to record levels, causing major disruptions in schools and hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor wants the state to earmark $2.7 billion in additional money over the next 18 months \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/01/08/governor-newsom-announces-new-2-7-billion-covid-19-emergency-response-package/\">for increased testing, vaccination campaigns and support for hospitals and health care workers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal this year is to do more in testing and those vaccine boosters,” he said. “[We] continue to do what we can to fight this latest surge, in issues related to staffing of frontline workers in our hospitals, and dealing with this incredible stress and strain that so many in our system are facing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also praised “the individuals that show up every single day for work against just extraordinary, extraordinary circumstances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With at least $45 billion more in expected revenue than had been forecast by state officials last year — a number that could climb even higher over the coming months — Newsom also wants to expand health care access to all Californians, regardless of immigration status. If his proposal to make Medi-Cal available to all undocumented immigrants is approved, California would become the first state in the nation to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11879724\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS50190_GettyImages-1310021506-qut-1020x668.jpg\"]Not all of that $45 billion in extra money is unspoken for. Newsom noted that $16 billion of it will automatically go to schools, and $9 billion will be put in state reserves or used to pay down debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, California leaders will have about $20 billion extra to spend — cash Newsom said he wants to spend largely on one-time investments. It’s still unclear, the governor said, whether the state will have to refund any money to taxpayers under a 1979 law that places limits on state spending.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Schools and COVID-19\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>With the pandemic still top of mind for many Californians, Newsom is including a proposed $1.2 billion to help expand hours and capacity at testing sites as well as distribute millions of antigen tests to schools, local governments and clinics. The lack of access to testing has become a huge problem for schools in particular as the omicron variant drives cases to unprecedented levels, prompting staffing shortages and posing political challenges for Newsom and other state leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to testing, the governor wants to pump another $583 million into efforts to get more Californians vaccinated and boosted. That money would fund not only in-home vaccination and testing programs and free transportation to vaccine appointments, but also a public education campaign aimed at combating vaccine misinformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor also wants to invest billions more into behavioral health services — including for young people who have been hit hard by mental health issues during the pandemic. And, he’s proposing to continue offering two free meals a day to all public schoolchildren, not just those from families with incomes deemed low enough to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, to address concerns about how declining public school enrollment could hurt schools already struggling to survive the pandemic, Newsom is proposing a new way to calculate how much money school districts receive. Instead of basing budget figures on a district’s average daily attendance over one school year, the budget proposes allowing them to consider an average of three years of attendance figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Climate investments\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Despite wet weather in recent weeks, California is still facing a historic drought. Last year, lawmakers and the governor approved a $5.2 billion water package that will fund infrastructure projects around the state to make water more reliable and safer. In this year’s plan, Newsom proposes spending an additional $750 million to help residents, farmers and wildlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are mindful of our need to do better to prepare not only for short-term, medium- and long-term realities of a world that’s being replumbed both literally and figuratively as it comes to weather,” Newsom said, adding that in addition to investments in storage and infrastructure, “we have got to do more, all of us including my family, on water conservation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11900750\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/GettyImages-1323577332-1-1020x676.jpg\"]The governor is also including $1.2 billion in new spending on initiatives like forest thinning, prescribed burns, grazing, reforestation, fuel breaks and new technology to detect wildfires early. And he wants to direct nearly $650 million in new funds to support firefighting efforts — including $400 million for CalFire firefighters directly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are overwhelmed, they are stressed,” Newsom said of the CalFire workforce. “We have gotten staffing up [in recent years] but the workload is still profound.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom wants to reduce the state’s reliance on fossil fuels in part by investing a total of $10 billion to encourage the switch to electric vehicles, including nearly $4 billion for trucks, buses and heavy-duty vehicles. And he’s proposing over $1 billion over the next three years in new tax credits for businesses that create “cutting-edge climate solutions” and “develop green energy technologies and agree to share profits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Targeting inequality\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The governor also is prioritizing the state’s high cost of living, saying he wants to help blunt the rising costs of health care, housing and child care — and help small businesses stay open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among his initiatives:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Expanding Medi-Cal health coverage to undocumented immigrants who are between age 26 and 50. In recent years, the state has slowly increased access to the health care insurance program for Californians with lower incomes — first by expanding it to young people up to age 26 in 2019, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news//so-thankful-california-to-offer-medi-cal-to-235000-undocumented-californians\">and then last year by including an estimated 235,000 undocumented people over the age of 50\u003c/a>. Under this year’s proposal — which is likely to be embraced by the Democrat-led Legislature, another 764,000 people would be covered by January of 2024.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Investing in child care and education programs by adding thousands of new child care slots for lower-income families and increasing access to before-, after- and summer-school programs. He’s also proposing $4 billion in spending over the next several years to create universal preschool in California.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Earmarking $2 billion for grants and tax credits aimed at increasing housing production in California.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Providing hundreds of millions of dollars in grants and tax breaks to small businesses as well as waiving fees. Newsom, a business owner himself, noted the challenges small businesses have faced during this pandemic.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$182 million to fight the opioid epidemic, particularly the fentanyl crisis, including for overdose prevention and medication-assisted treatment.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>And, the governor said the state will be experimenting with a way to bring down the cost of prescription drugs by entering into agreements to produce its own insulin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Insulin epitomizes the failures in the pharmaceutical industry,” he said, adding that more details will be released in the coming months but that he hopes the pilot program could be a model for other pharmaceutical products.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Reducing homelessness\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In addition to $12 billion authorized last year, Newsom is proposing another $2 billion in spending this year aimed at getting people off the street and into shelters that have behavioral health support. He noted that the state has housed more than 50,000 people since the pandemic began, through its Project Roomkey program, but said more needs to be done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most strikingly, the governor indicated he intends to double down on one of the state’s most controversial strategies for getting people into housing: conservatorship laws, which allow counties to force residents deemed mentally incompetent by a court into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11887815\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1233456190-1020x680.jpg\"]Conservatorship laws have been vociferously opposed by some advocates for unhoused people and by civil libertarians, but the governor promised to overhaul the state’s laws this year, with more details in the coming weeks for what is sure to be a controversial proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Look, we recognize our responsibility to do more and better,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among his budget proposals: $1.4 billion for mobile crisis services, so that Medi-Cal providers can provide behavioral health care to unhoused residents where they are.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Public safety\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Newsom also is trying to get ahead of concerns about public safety. His proposal includes $255 million in grants to help local law enforcement combat organized retail crime — including by increasing police presence at stores. He’s piloting a new grant program to help small businesses that have been the victims of smash-and-grab theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also wants to make permanent a “smash and grab” division at the California Highway Patrol dedicated to assisting police agencies in the Bay Area, Sacramento, San Joaquin Valley, Los Angeles and San Diego regions combat retail, auto and rail theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label ='Related Coverage' tag='politics']The budget also calls for nearly $50 million to help both state and local prosecutors in theft-related cases — including to prosecute large retail theft rings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he understands that mayors and local police and prosecutors need support to tackle, in particular, organized theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s wrong and you have to be held to account,” he said, noting that those crimes threaten “our sense of safety,” which he called “foundational to any thriving society.”\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With California expecting another year of record state revenues, Gov. Gavin Newsom on Monday unveiled a spending plan that would make deep investments into containing the current COVID-19 surge, expanding health care access, shoring up drought response and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899691/gov-newsom-boosts-efforts-to-combat-organized-retail-theft-in-california\">fighting organized retail crime\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $286.4 billion proposal is aimed at tackling what Newsom’s administration deems California’s “most existential threats”: COVID-19, climate change, homelessness, inequality and public safety. With midterm elections and the governor’s reelection campaign looming this fall, however, those challenges also pose clear political threats to the national Democratic establishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>His budget seems aimed at getting ahead of some of that. Newsom is asking lawmakers to spend an extra $1.4 billion immediately on pandemic response measures — a proposal that comes as the state faces down its third year of addressing the pandemic even as COVID-19 cases surge to record levels, causing major disruptions in schools and hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor wants the state to earmark $2.7 billion in additional money over the next 18 months \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/01/08/governor-newsom-announces-new-2-7-billion-covid-19-emergency-response-package/\">for increased testing, vaccination campaigns and support for hospitals and health care workers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal this year is to do more in testing and those vaccine boosters,” he said. “[We] continue to do what we can to fight this latest surge, in issues related to staffing of frontline workers in our hospitals, and dealing with this incredible stress and strain that so many in our system are facing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also praised “the individuals that show up every single day for work against just extraordinary, extraordinary circumstances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With at least $45 billion more in expected revenue than had been forecast by state officials last year — a number that could climb even higher over the coming months — Newsom also wants to expand health care access to all Californians, regardless of immigration status. If his proposal to make Medi-Cal available to all undocumented immigrants is approved, California would become the first state in the nation to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Not all of that $45 billion in extra money is unspoken for. Newsom noted that $16 billion of it will automatically go to schools, and $9 billion will be put in state reserves or used to pay down debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, California leaders will have about $20 billion extra to spend — cash Newsom said he wants to spend largely on one-time investments. It’s still unclear, the governor said, whether the state will have to refund any money to taxpayers under a 1979 law that places limits on state spending.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Schools and COVID-19\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>With the pandemic still top of mind for many Californians, Newsom is including a proposed $1.2 billion to help expand hours and capacity at testing sites as well as distribute millions of antigen tests to schools, local governments and clinics. The lack of access to testing has become a huge problem for schools in particular as the omicron variant drives cases to unprecedented levels, prompting staffing shortages and posing political challenges for Newsom and other state leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to testing, the governor wants to pump another $583 million into efforts to get more Californians vaccinated and boosted. That money would fund not only in-home vaccination and testing programs and free transportation to vaccine appointments, but also a public education campaign aimed at combating vaccine misinformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor also wants to invest billions more into behavioral health services — including for young people who have been hit hard by mental health issues during the pandemic. And, he’s proposing to continue offering two free meals a day to all public schoolchildren, not just those from families with incomes deemed low enough to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, to address concerns about how declining public school enrollment could hurt schools already struggling to survive the pandemic, Newsom is proposing a new way to calculate how much money school districts receive. Instead of basing budget figures on a district’s average daily attendance over one school year, the budget proposes allowing them to consider an average of three years of attendance figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Climate investments\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Despite wet weather in recent weeks, California is still facing a historic drought. Last year, lawmakers and the governor approved a $5.2 billion water package that will fund infrastructure projects around the state to make water more reliable and safer. In this year’s plan, Newsom proposes spending an additional $750 million to help residents, farmers and wildlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are mindful of our need to do better to prepare not only for short-term, medium- and long-term realities of a world that’s being replumbed both literally and figuratively as it comes to weather,” Newsom said, adding that in addition to investments in storage and infrastructure, “we have got to do more, all of us including my family, on water conservation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The governor is also including $1.2 billion in new spending on initiatives like forest thinning, prescribed burns, grazing, reforestation, fuel breaks and new technology to detect wildfires early. And he wants to direct nearly $650 million in new funds to support firefighting efforts — including $400 million for CalFire firefighters directly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are overwhelmed, they are stressed,” Newsom said of the CalFire workforce. “We have gotten staffing up [in recent years] but the workload is still profound.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom wants to reduce the state’s reliance on fossil fuels in part by investing a total of $10 billion to encourage the switch to electric vehicles, including nearly $4 billion for trucks, buses and heavy-duty vehicles. And he’s proposing over $1 billion over the next three years in new tax credits for businesses that create “cutting-edge climate solutions” and “develop green energy technologies and agree to share profits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Targeting inequality\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The governor also is prioritizing the state’s high cost of living, saying he wants to help blunt the rising costs of health care, housing and child care — and help small businesses stay open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among his initiatives:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Expanding Medi-Cal health coverage to undocumented immigrants who are between age 26 and 50. In recent years, the state has slowly increased access to the health care insurance program for Californians with lower incomes — first by expanding it to young people up to age 26 in 2019, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news//so-thankful-california-to-offer-medi-cal-to-235000-undocumented-californians\">and then last year by including an estimated 235,000 undocumented people over the age of 50\u003c/a>. Under this year’s proposal — which is likely to be embraced by the Democrat-led Legislature, another 764,000 people would be covered by January of 2024.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Investing in child care and education programs by adding thousands of new child care slots for lower-income families and increasing access to before-, after- and summer-school programs. He’s also proposing $4 billion in spending over the next several years to create universal preschool in California.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Earmarking $2 billion for grants and tax credits aimed at increasing housing production in California.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Providing hundreds of millions of dollars in grants and tax breaks to small businesses as well as waiving fees. Newsom, a business owner himself, noted the challenges small businesses have faced during this pandemic.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$182 million to fight the opioid epidemic, particularly the fentanyl crisis, including for overdose prevention and medication-assisted treatment.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>And, the governor said the state will be experimenting with a way to bring down the cost of prescription drugs by entering into agreements to produce its own insulin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Insulin epitomizes the failures in the pharmaceutical industry,” he said, adding that more details will be released in the coming months but that he hopes the pilot program could be a model for other pharmaceutical products.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Reducing homelessness\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In addition to $12 billion authorized last year, Newsom is proposing another $2 billion in spending this year aimed at getting people off the street and into shelters that have behavioral health support. He noted that the state has housed more than 50,000 people since the pandemic began, through its Project Roomkey program, but said more needs to be done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most strikingly, the governor indicated he intends to double down on one of the state’s most controversial strategies for getting people into housing: conservatorship laws, which allow counties to force residents deemed mentally incompetent by a court into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Conservatorship laws have been vociferously opposed by some advocates for unhoused people and by civil libertarians, but the governor promised to overhaul the state’s laws this year, with more details in the coming weeks for what is sure to be a controversial proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Look, we recognize our responsibility to do more and better,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among his budget proposals: $1.4 billion for mobile crisis services, so that Medi-Cal providers can provide behavioral health care to unhoused residents where they are.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Public safety\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Newsom also is trying to get ahead of concerns about public safety. His proposal includes $255 million in grants to help local law enforcement combat organized retail crime — including by increasing police presence at stores. He’s piloting a new grant program to help small businesses that have been the victims of smash-and-grab theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also wants to make permanent a “smash and grab” division at the California Highway Patrol dedicated to assisting police agencies in the Bay Area, Sacramento, San Joaquin Valley, Los Angeles and San Diego regions combat retail, auto and rail theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The budget also calls for nearly $50 million to help both state and local prosecutors in theft-related cases — including to prosecute large retail theft rings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he understands that mayors and local police and prosecutors need support to tackle, in particular, organized theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s wrong and you have to be held to account,” he said, noting that those crimes threaten “our sense of safety,” which he called “foundational to any thriving society.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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