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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This article is adapted from an interview between KQED’s Brian Watt and San Francisco high school student Jimmy Luong. It was produced as part of KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/youthtakeover\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Youth Takeover Week.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many high school students in the Bay Area have been learning online for over a year. Jimmy Luong, a junior at Abraham Lincoln High School in San Francisco, used the time indoors to revive a passion from his younger days. He’s \u003ca href=\"https://youtube.com/channel/UCk4OuGnGEcY0fVlAA8jEDmw\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">making videos\u003c/a> about video games on YouTube.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luong, 17, spent several hours a day running a YouTube channel in ninth grade. At the time, the video game Fortnite was all the rage among young people. Luong said he had a niche that gave him a great idea for a YouTube series.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“See, most people played Fortnite on their computers or consoles like the PS4 or Xbox, but I played on my phone,” he said during an interview with KQED’s Brian Watt. “I was a mobile gamer and I happened to be really good. So I had my own thing. I stood out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fortnite, a Battle Royale game that has \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/05/05/608164530/the-fortnite-craze-might-be-here-to-stay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">swept\u003c/a> the video game world since its release in 2017, garnered more than \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/FortniteGame/status/1258079550321446912\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">350 million\u003c/a> registered players as of May 2020, during the early months of the pandemic. In a typical game, about 100 people play in a video game “lobby,” and the last one standing wins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Luong found a group of followers: people who both wanted to be good at playing Fortnite on their phones and who wanted to excel at it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The way I played the game, I liked to get as many kills as I could while also landing that victory,” he said. “I’ve tended to get about 20 to 30 kills out of 100. So that’s a big percentage of the lobby. That’s what most of my viewers came to watch.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But staying up past midnight for over 11 months to edit and post YouTube videos proved to be too much time for one single hobby. So Luong decided to stop and focus on school and off-screen hobbies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the pandemic hit. Luong found himself again in front of screens — like most Americans in lockdown — this time for hours and hours at a time without alternative activities. He decided to give his video game channel another shot, but this time with a newer game in the Call of Duty franchise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This time around, I don’t feel as … guilty of gaming for so long, because I do it anyways I’m not forced to go outside because, well — I can’t,” he said. “Since I’m already just gaming, I might as well just record it and edit and upload.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.businessinsider.com/american-kids-youtube-star-astronauts-survey-2019-7\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2019 poll\u003c/a>, YouTuber or vlogger was the most popular dream career among U.S. kids surveyed. Luong, whose channel reached 15,000 subscribers at its peak, aspired toward that career goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason I think my channel really blew up was because I was super dedicated. I wanted this to be my job,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luong quickly realized he could easily monetize his channel. But to do that, he would need to provide bank information that he didn’t have and that his parents refused to provide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lately, he’s considering other career options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really want to get into movie acting. I think I like working in the entertainment industry. That’s why I like YouTube so much,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Marin Was Once Armed With Nuclear Missiles. Thankfully, They Were Never Launched",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This article originally published on June 13, 2019.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout its history, the Bay Area has been a hotbed of military activity, from the original Army prison on \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/alca/learn/historyculture/alcatraz-military-timeline.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alcatraz Island\u003c/a>, to the building of nuclear submarines in Vallejo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(One of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.mareislandmuseum.org/about_x404/lcs-mariano-vallejo/mariano-g-vallejo/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">nuclear subs\u003c/a> built there was named after Mariano Vallejo, one of California’s early statesmen. You can see the vertical “sail” of that sub on Mare Island today.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a mere shadow of what it was during World War II or even up until the mid-1990s, when you could still catch sight of subs slinking to and from the Mare Island shipyard or aircraft carriers putting in at Alameda Naval Air Station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But did you know we also had missiles?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious listener Chris Johanson has done a little bit of reading about the old Nike missile base in the Marin Headlands, which is \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/nike-missile-site.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">now a museum\u003c/a> run by the National Park Service, and he knew that it had the ability to be equipped with nuclear missiles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I wasn’t sure if they ever actually had nuclear missiles in the Headlands themselves,” Chris said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oh, yeah there were nuclear missiles.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Last Line of Defense\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the 1950s and ’60s, there were Nike Ajax and \u003ca href=\"http://nikemissile.org/IFC/nike_hercules.shtml\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Hercules missiles\u003c/a> based all over the Bay Area, not just in the Marin Headlands. There were batteries in Pacifica, Fremont, San Rafael and on Angel Island. They were built to be a last line of defense against air attack during the Cold War.\u003cbr>\n[youtube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=D_tSIlMdZok&w=560&h=315]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They weren’t standing in vertical silos, as we think of land-based missiles today, but rather laid out horizontally in underground magazines, known as “the pit.” Each one was about the length of a school bus but much more sleek, like a set of lawn darts on steroids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The missiles are essentially shells now, but until the 1970s they carried nuclear warheads with a maximum yield of 40 to 60 kilotons. One kiloton is equivalent to the energy force of 1,000 tons of dynamite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people think we exaggerate destruction,” said Jerry Feight, a former Air Force missileman who now leads tours of the site, “but it was not an exaggeration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.globalsecurity.org/wmd/systems/w31.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">W31 nuclear warheads\u003c/a> on the Nike were “variable yield;” crews could literally dial up the size of the detonation. At 40 kilotons, the young soldiers stationed at the Marin Headlands battery, designated SF-88, could with a single missile unleash an atomic force greater than the bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki combined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some people think that’s kind of a bit of overkill,” Feight recently told a tour group, “but if we had to fire, effectively you’re already at World War III because the target had been identified, the Navy and Air Force hadn’t been able to bring him down, and we’re goin’ to war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘If It Flies, It Dies’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“You had this responsibility at a very young age,” said Dave Kreutzinger. He was stationed at SF-88 from 1967 to 1969.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I came here when I was 18,” he remembered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11753257\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 1806px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2003.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11753257\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2003.jpeg\" alt=\"Photo: Dave Kreutzinger in the missile magazine at SF-88\" width=\"1806\" height=\"1263\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2003.jpeg 1806w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2003-160x112.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2003-800x559.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2003-1020x713.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2003-1200x839.jpeg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1806px) 100vw, 1806px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Retired car dealer Dave Kreutzinger was among the young GIs who manned Marin’s Nike missile batteries in the 1960s. \u003ccite>(Craig Miller/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By the time he was 19, he was the launch officer, though as a specialist 4, he held the rank equivalent of a corporal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The oldest guy out here was 28,” he said matter-of-factly. “Most of us were 19.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their job was to shoot down incoming Soviet bombers — most likely whole squadrons carrying atomic bombs in the 20-megaton range. That was the perceived threat when the Nikes were rolled out in 1954, less than a decade after the first atomic bombs were dropped on Japan to force surrender and end World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Army cohort of 120 or so crewing the Nike battery had one primary mission: to try to save the Bay Area from the same fate by launching a single missile that would vaporize anything in the air for a radius of 30 miles around the intercept — a statistic that gave rise to the unit’s charming motto: “If it flies, it dies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11753261\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1950px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11753261\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011.jpeg\" alt=\"Photo: warhead housing\" width=\"1950\" height=\"1463\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011.jpeg 1950w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011-1200x900.jpeg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011-1832x1374.jpeg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011-1376x1032.jpeg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011-1044x783.jpeg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011-632x474.jpeg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011-536x402.jpeg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1950px) 100vw, 1950px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Housing for the W-31 nuclear warhead carried by the Nike Hercules missiles. These were “enhanced fission” devices that could release more than twice the energy of the bomb that devastated Nagasaki, Japan, at the end of World War II. \u003ccite>(Craig Miller/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By the time Dave Kreutzinger was there, the primary threat had shifted to intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs). But for years after the whole setup was obsolete, radar at SF-88 still swept the skies for 150 miles out, looking for Russian “Bear” bombers carrying nuclear weapons, something that Kreutzinger and his crew kind of took for granted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Actually, you didn’t think about it very much,” he said. “There was so much training, a lot of education went into being here. We knew the responsibility of it, but you practiced and practiced and practiced, and there’s a lot of testing involved to be sure that you have the mental ability to launch this weapon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time that would ever happen, of course, the U.S. would already be facing a nuclear attack from those incoming planes and/or missiles. It was taken for granted that a nuclear exchange with the Soviet Union would be the end of the world as we know it, a concept \u003ca href=\"http://www.nuclearfiles.org/menu/key-issues/nuclear-weapons/history/cold-war/strategy/strategy-mutual-assured-destruction.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">known as MAD\u003c/a> for “mutual assured destruction.” So, launching one of these Nike Hercules missiles would essentially mean that the apocalypse was already underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We kind of knew,” Kreutzinger said, “but it wasn’t on the top of our minds that this was pretty much the end. It wasn’t something you thought about all the time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Nike crews also knew that launching one of their supersonic spears in anger would likely be their last living act. The Army didn’t mince around this fact. They told Kreutzinger and his fellow GIs flat-out what their life expectancy would be after an actual launch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thirty minutes,” said Kreutzinger. “That was the thing that every crewman knew.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Prepared but Never Put Into Action\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Since Kreutzinger was still around to talk to us, that pretty well answers another question that Bay Curious listener Chris Johanson had: Were any of these missiles ever launched?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thankfully, no — except for training flights in New Mexico — though the crews were called to battle stations with regularity when worrisome “bogeys” appeared on the radar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The site was finally decommissioned in 1974 and the Park Service took it over. Since then, a small cadre of Cold War missile veterans has spent years cobbling parts together, often catching them just before they were scrapped, so that visitors can watch an actual Nike Hercules missile raised ominously on a giant elevator and hoisted into launch position at SF-88. Few visitors leave unimpressed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even more eerie was the feeling it gave Chris when Jerry Feight handed him the actual launch keys from 50 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you had those in your hand and it was of that era,” Feight calmly explained, “you could be part of sending the world to destruction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, no pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No pressure,” agreed Chris, laughing nervously, “no pressure whatsoever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>You can see veteran docents walk you through a mock launch sequence and answer all of your nuclear annihilation questions at the SF-88 site in the Marin Headlands on \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/nike-missile-site.htm\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">Saturday afternoons\u003c/a> from 12:30 p.m. to 3:30 p.m. During the COVID-19 pandemic, there are no tours.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious listener Chris Johanson has done a little bit of reading about the old Nike missile base in the Marin Headlands, which is \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/nike-missile-site.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">now a museum\u003c/a> run by the National Park Service, and he knew that it had the ability to be equipped with nuclear missiles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I wasn’t sure if they ever actually had nuclear missiles in the Headlands themselves,” Chris said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oh, yeah there were nuclear missiles.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Last Line of Defense\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the 1950s and ’60s, there were Nike Ajax and \u003ca href=\"http://nikemissile.org/IFC/nike_hercules.shtml\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Hercules missiles\u003c/a> based all over the Bay Area, not just in the Marin Headlands. There were batteries in Pacifica, Fremont, San Rafael and on Angel Island. They were built to be a last line of defense against air attack during the Cold War.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/D_tSIlMdZok'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/D_tSIlMdZok'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They weren’t standing in vertical silos, as we think of land-based missiles today, but rather laid out horizontally in underground magazines, known as “the pit.” Each one was about the length of a school bus but much more sleek, like a set of lawn darts on steroids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The missiles are essentially shells now, but until the 1970s they carried nuclear warheads with a maximum yield of 40 to 60 kilotons. One kiloton is equivalent to the energy force of 1,000 tons of dynamite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people think we exaggerate destruction,” said Jerry Feight, a former Air Force missileman who now leads tours of the site, “but it was not an exaggeration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.globalsecurity.org/wmd/systems/w31.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">W31 nuclear warheads\u003c/a> on the Nike were “variable yield;” crews could literally dial up the size of the detonation. At 40 kilotons, the young soldiers stationed at the Marin Headlands battery, designated SF-88, could with a single missile unleash an atomic force greater than the bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki combined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some people think that’s kind of a bit of overkill,” Feight recently told a tour group, “but if we had to fire, effectively you’re already at World War III because the target had been identified, the Navy and Air Force hadn’t been able to bring him down, and we’re goin’ to war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘If It Flies, It Dies’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“You had this responsibility at a very young age,” said Dave Kreutzinger. He was stationed at SF-88 from 1967 to 1969.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I came here when I was 18,” he remembered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11753257\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 1806px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2003.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11753257\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2003.jpeg\" alt=\"Photo: Dave Kreutzinger in the missile magazine at SF-88\" width=\"1806\" height=\"1263\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2003.jpeg 1806w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2003-160x112.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2003-800x559.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2003-1020x713.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2003-1200x839.jpeg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1806px) 100vw, 1806px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Retired car dealer Dave Kreutzinger was among the young GIs who manned Marin’s Nike missile batteries in the 1960s. \u003ccite>(Craig Miller/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By the time he was 19, he was the launch officer, though as a specialist 4, he held the rank equivalent of a corporal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The oldest guy out here was 28,” he said matter-of-factly. “Most of us were 19.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their job was to shoot down incoming Soviet bombers — most likely whole squadrons carrying atomic bombs in the 20-megaton range. That was the perceived threat when the Nikes were rolled out in 1954, less than a decade after the first atomic bombs were dropped on Japan to force surrender and end World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Army cohort of 120 or so crewing the Nike battery had one primary mission: to try to save the Bay Area from the same fate by launching a single missile that would vaporize anything in the air for a radius of 30 miles around the intercept — a statistic that gave rise to the unit’s charming motto: “If it flies, it dies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11753261\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1950px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11753261\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011.jpeg\" alt=\"Photo: warhead housing\" width=\"1950\" height=\"1463\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011.jpeg 1950w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011-1200x900.jpeg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011-1832x1374.jpeg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011-1376x1032.jpeg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011-1044x783.jpeg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011-632x474.jpeg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_2011-536x402.jpeg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1950px) 100vw, 1950px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Housing for the W-31 nuclear warhead carried by the Nike Hercules missiles. These were “enhanced fission” devices that could release more than twice the energy of the bomb that devastated Nagasaki, Japan, at the end of World War II. \u003ccite>(Craig Miller/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By the time Dave Kreutzinger was there, the primary threat had shifted to intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs). But for years after the whole setup was obsolete, radar at SF-88 still swept the skies for 150 miles out, looking for Russian “Bear” bombers carrying nuclear weapons, something that Kreutzinger and his crew kind of took for granted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Actually, you didn’t think about it very much,” he said. “There was so much training, a lot of education went into being here. We knew the responsibility of it, but you practiced and practiced and practiced, and there’s a lot of testing involved to be sure that you have the mental ability to launch this weapon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time that would ever happen, of course, the U.S. would already be facing a nuclear attack from those incoming planes and/or missiles. It was taken for granted that a nuclear exchange with the Soviet Union would be the end of the world as we know it, a concept \u003ca href=\"http://www.nuclearfiles.org/menu/key-issues/nuclear-weapons/history/cold-war/strategy/strategy-mutual-assured-destruction.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">known as MAD\u003c/a> for “mutual assured destruction.” So, launching one of these Nike Hercules missiles would essentially mean that the apocalypse was already underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We kind of knew,” Kreutzinger said, “but it wasn’t on the top of our minds that this was pretty much the end. It wasn’t something you thought about all the time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Nike crews also knew that launching one of their supersonic spears in anger would likely be their last living act. The Army didn’t mince around this fact. They told Kreutzinger and his fellow GIs flat-out what their life expectancy would be after an actual launch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thirty minutes,” said Kreutzinger. “That was the thing that every crewman knew.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Prepared but Never Put Into Action\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Since Kreutzinger was still around to talk to us, that pretty well answers another question that Bay Curious listener Chris Johanson had: Were any of these missiles ever launched?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thankfully, no — except for training flights in New Mexico — though the crews were called to battle stations with regularity when worrisome “bogeys” appeared on the radar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The site was finally decommissioned in 1974 and the Park Service took it over. Since then, a small cadre of Cold War missile veterans has spent years cobbling parts together, often catching them just before they were scrapped, so that visitors can watch an actual Nike Hercules missile raised ominously on a giant elevator and hoisted into launch position at SF-88. Few visitors leave unimpressed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even more eerie was the feeling it gave Chris when Jerry Feight handed him the actual launch keys from 50 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you had those in your hand and it was of that era,” Feight calmly explained, “you could be part of sending the world to destruction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, no pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No pressure,” agreed Chris, laughing nervously, “no pressure whatsoever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>You can see veteran docents walk you through a mock launch sequence and answer all of your nuclear annihilation questions at the SF-88 site in the Marin Headlands on \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/nike-missile-site.htm\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">Saturday afternoons\u003c/a> from 12:30 p.m. to 3:30 p.m. During the COVID-19 pandemic, there are no tours.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>DoorDash is launching lower-priced delivery options for U.S. restaurants, responding to criticism that the commissions it charges are too high for the beleaguered industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company said Tuesday it will offer a new basic plan that will charge restaurants 15% per order for delivery, or around half the cost of previous plans. That plan will limit the delivery area and shift more delivery costs to customers — they might pay $4.99 instead of $2.99, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Restaurants can pay more — commissions of 25% or 30% — for other plans if they want a larger delivery area, more visibility in DoorDash’s app or lower customer delivery fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DoorDash said local restaurants and chains with less than 75 locations are eligible for the new rates. The company wouldn’t say how many of its partner restaurants meet that criteria. But DoorDash delivers from nearly 400,000 restaurants using a network of 1 million freelance drivers, or gig workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before the pandemic, DoorDash, Grubhub and other delivery companies had a rocky relationship with restaurants, who criticized their high fees, lack of transparency and sometimes spotty service. That relationship was further tested by the pandemic, which closed dining rooms, greatly expanded customer demand for delivery and forced many restaurants to shift to carryout and delivery to survive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sympathetic lawmakers temporarily capped delivery companies’ commission fees — generally at 15% — in dozens of cities and states during the pandemic in an effort to help restaurants. In those cities, DoorDash said, the new rates will go into place once those caps expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But DoorDash insisted the caps weren’t the reason it changed its fees. Instead, the company said it was acting in response to restaurant owners who wanted more options. DoorDash Chief Operating Officer Christopher Payne said the company spent the last six months developing a plan that would help restaurants but still ensure drivers — and DoorDash itself — can make money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One size fits all really doesn’t work with restaurants,” Payne said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Payne said restaurants can change their plans depending on their needs at any given time. A new restaurant that wants to boost traffic and visibility might elect a plan with a higher commission fee, while an established restaurant that doesn’t rely much on delivery might choose a lower-cost plan. [aside tag=\"doordash, gig, gig-economy\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DoorDash said it’s also dropping its commission fee for pickup orders — which customers place through the DoorDash app but pick up themselves — to 6% from 15%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DoorDash rival Uber Eats has also been experimenting with lower-priced plans in recent months. A light plan — with a 5% commission fee — lets restaurants use their own drivers, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some restaurant owners remain wary. David Singh, who owns Mesa Pizza Co. in Santa Barbara, California, said he would welcome a plan with a 15% commission. But he is concerned there will be hidden fees attached.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Singh partnered with Grubhub early in the pandemic but quickly found he was losing money on every order. Grubhub was not only charging him a 30% commission, but also a credit card processing fee, and customers were getting charged a raft of service fees on top of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Singh does his own delivery, but the liability is expensive, so he’d gladly hand that off if he could.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fifteen percent I would do, as long as there are no hidden costs and they take care of my customers,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>DoorDash is launching lower-priced delivery options for U.S. restaurants, responding to criticism that the commissions it charges are too high for the beleaguered industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company said Tuesday it will offer a new basic plan that will charge restaurants 15% per order for delivery, or around half the cost of previous plans. That plan will limit the delivery area and shift more delivery costs to customers — they might pay $4.99 instead of $2.99, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Restaurants can pay more — commissions of 25% or 30% — for other plans if they want a larger delivery area, more visibility in DoorDash’s app or lower customer delivery fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DoorDash said local restaurants and chains with less than 75 locations are eligible for the new rates. The company wouldn’t say how many of its partner restaurants meet that criteria. But DoorDash delivers from nearly 400,000 restaurants using a network of 1 million freelance drivers, or gig workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before the pandemic, DoorDash, Grubhub and other delivery companies had a rocky relationship with restaurants, who criticized their high fees, lack of transparency and sometimes spotty service. That relationship was further tested by the pandemic, which closed dining rooms, greatly expanded customer demand for delivery and forced many restaurants to shift to carryout and delivery to survive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Leading up to the verdict in the trial of Derek Chauvin, the former Minneapolis police officer \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11870396/court-says-jury-has-reached-verdict-in-derek-chauvins-murder-trial\">convicted of murdering George Floyd\u003c/a>, Facebook announced its efforts to prevent online content from leading to offline harm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11870396\" label=\"The Derek Chauvin Verdict\"]\u003cbr>\nIn a \u003ca href=\"https://about.fb.com/news/2021/04/preparing-for-a-verdict-in-the-trial-of-derek-chauvin/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">blog post\u003c/a>, Facebook Vice President of Content Policy Monika Bickert wrote teams are removing calls to violence in Minneapolis, but not other locations. Notably, George Floyd’s death last year prompted protests nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That geographic limitation, however, could change. “We will continue to monitor events on the ground to determine if additional locations will be deemed as temporary, high-risk locations,” Bickert wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We want to strike the right balance between allowing people to speak about the trial and what the verdict means, while still doing our part to protect everyone’s safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facebook and Instagram posters will be allowed to discuss the trial without seeing their posts erased, since the social media giant considers Derek Chauvin a public figure. Facebook considers Floyd an involuntarily public figure, so praise, celebration or mockery of his death will be removed. In addition, content that Facebook’s screeners consider graphic will be marked as disturbing or sensitive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is not the first time in recent months Facebook has openly declared war on a topical subject that attracts misinformation (defined typically as unwittingly inaccurate posts or sharing) and disinformation (defined typically as intentional and/or coordinated by political actors). Consider the company’s efforts \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/nov/05/facebook-trump-stop-the-steal-group-removed\">to protect the integrity of the U.S. presidential election last November\u003c/a>, and protect public health during the coronavirus pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are some who believe that we have a financial interest in turning a blind eye to misinformation,” Facebook VP of Integrity Guy Rosen wrote in\u003ca href=\"https://about.fb.com/news/2021/03/how-were-tackling-misinformation-across-our-apps/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> late March\u003c/a>. “The opposite is true. We have every motivation to keep misinformation off of our apps and we’ve taken many steps to do so at the expense of user growth and engagement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facebook, directly and indirectly, employs \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11855408/social-media-giants-banned-trump-but-they-still-have-lots-of-problems\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tens of thousands\u003c/a> of content screeners, not to mention \u003ca href=\"https://www.businessinsider.com/zuckerberg-nuances-content-moderation-ai-misinformation-hearing-2021-3\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">artificial intelligence\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But outside research has found the company’s efforts often \u003ca href=\"https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/10/19/why-facebook-cant-fix-itself\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">undercut at the highest levels\u003c/a> of management, as well as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11866331/tech-giants-urged-to-clamp-down-on-misinformation-in-spanish-and-other-languages\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">inconsistent\u003c/a> and slow. A study out this week from the nonprofit advocacy group \u003ca href=\"https://secure.avaaz.org/campaign/en/facebook_neglect_europe_infodemic/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Avaaz\u003c/a> noted COVID-19 related misinformation — in English, in the U.S., which is to say the arena where Facebook’s content moderation is at its best — took the company the better part of a month to address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post was updated at 3:20 p.m. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11870396/court-says-jury-has-reached-verdict-in-derek-chauvins-murder-trial\">to reflect the conviction of Derek Chauvin\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is not the first time in recent months Facebook has openly declared war on a topical subject that attracts misinformation (defined typically as unwittingly inaccurate posts or sharing) and disinformation (defined typically as intentional and/or coordinated by political actors). Consider the company’s efforts \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/nov/05/facebook-trump-stop-the-steal-group-removed\">to protect the integrity of the U.S. presidential election last November\u003c/a>, and protect public health during the coronavirus pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are some who believe that we have a financial interest in turning a blind eye to misinformation,” Facebook VP of Integrity Guy Rosen wrote in\u003ca href=\"https://about.fb.com/news/2021/03/how-were-tackling-misinformation-across-our-apps/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> late March\u003c/a>. “The opposite is true. We have every motivation to keep misinformation off of our apps and we’ve taken many steps to do so at the expense of user growth and engagement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facebook, directly and indirectly, employs \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11855408/social-media-giants-banned-trump-but-they-still-have-lots-of-problems\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tens of thousands\u003c/a> of content screeners, not to mention \u003ca href=\"https://www.businessinsider.com/zuckerberg-nuances-content-moderation-ai-misinformation-hearing-2021-3\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">artificial intelligence\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But outside research has found the company’s efforts often \u003ca href=\"https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/10/19/why-facebook-cant-fix-itself\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">undercut at the highest levels\u003c/a> of management, as well as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11866331/tech-giants-urged-to-clamp-down-on-misinformation-in-spanish-and-other-languages\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">inconsistent\u003c/a> and slow. A study out this week from the nonprofit advocacy group \u003ca href=\"https://secure.avaaz.org/campaign/en/facebook_neglect_europe_infodemic/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Avaaz\u003c/a> noted COVID-19 related misinformation — in English, in the U.S., which is to say the arena where Facebook’s content moderation is at its best — took the company the better part of a month to address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post was updated at 3:20 p.m. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11870396/court-says-jury-has-reached-verdict-in-derek-chauvins-murder-trial\">to reflect the conviction of Derek Chauvin\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>While we were busy wrestling with our earthly problems, NASA's helicopter, Ingenuity, \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioremarsflight\">took off from the surface of Mars\u003c/a> and flew 10 feet high for about 40 seconds on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I think of the vastness of space (and any potential Martians), I think of the ridiculousness of the human species that has caused – and suffered – so much pain rooted in the pigmentation of our epidermal layer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, back on Earth, we \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/trial-over-killing-of-george-floyd/2021/04/20/989086291/1st-full-day-of-jury-deliberations-underway-in-chauvin-murder-trial\">await the verdict\u003c/a> in the Derek Chauvin trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Even a cursory review of the trendy newsletter platform Substack reveals a vast and varied roster of topics and writers, ranging from the headline-grabbing musings of punk rock icon \u003ca href=\"https://pattismith.substack.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Patti Smith\u003c/a> to the work of thousands of lesser-known hobbyists and self-styled experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Typically, Substack takes 10% of any revenue a newsletter writer generates selling subscriptions. The digital payment processor Stripe gets another 3% from the writer. Substack pays some particularly desirable writers substantial fees up front: mainly name-brand journalists, pundits and personalities, some of whom have abandoned mainstream media outlets to focus on Substack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That strategy differentiates Substack from other newsletter platforms – but it has also incited a backlash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flush with venture capital cash \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/substack-funding/newsletter-platform-substack-raises-65-mln-in-andreessen-horowitz-led-funding-round-idUKL4N2LS4FY\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">from the likes of Andreessen Horowitz\u003c/a>, Substack has approached some writers with big money upfront — $250,000 in some cases — in order to seed the 3-year-old platform with \u003ca href=\"https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2021/01/04/is-substack-the-media-future-we-want\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">people who will draw a crowd\u003c/a>. The company describes these deals, part of its Substack Pro program, on its \u003ca href=\"https://blog.substack.com/p/why-we-pay-writers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">blog\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>We see these deals as business decisions, not editorial ones. We don’t commission or edit stories. We don’t hire writers, or manage them. The writers, not Substack, are the owners. No-one writes \u003cem>for\u003c/em> Substack – they write for their own publications. We cannot contact their readers without explicit permission, and we make no attempt to influence their content, other than requiring that they adhere to the \u003ca href=\"https://substack.com/content\">content guidelines\u003c/a> that apply to all writers on Substack (read \u003ca href=\"https://blog.substack.com/p/substacks-view-of-content-moderation\">our stance on content moderation\u003c/a> for more).\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>That language strikes Sarah T. Roberts, who co-directs UCLA’s Center for Critical Internet Inquiry, as disingenuous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts’ \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/ubiquity75/status/1366115953419804677?s=20\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Twitter thread\u003c/a> predating the above blog post is part of a vitriolic online debate about Substack’s claim that it’s yet another Silicon Valley savior swooping in to save journalism from the economic collapse set off by other Silicon Valley companies like Google and Facebook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Substack co-founder Hamish McKenzie \u003ca href=\"https://blog.substack.com/p/whats-next-for-journalists\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">wrote last May\u003c/a>, “Some in the news business hope that Facebook and Google, under the right pressure from regulators, will send them rescue money. But no matter how much money can be squeezed out of the tech giants, it will never be enough to fix the broken parts of the support system that once sustained the free press. Instead, to find a way forward, those who care about the future of news need to play a different game – one that puts writers in control of their own destiny.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What’s Old Is New Again\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>New media players scooping up headline-grabbing talent is nothing new. Print publishers have done it for centuries, as have Hollywood movie studios and social media platforms, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"journalism\"]“I don’t think anything’s inherently wrong [with the practice],” Roberts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are other things she does object to, like the way she thinks Substack is encouraging journalists to flee the editorial oversight that comes with traditional media newsrooms; paired with Substack’s \u003ca href=\"https://blog.substack.com/p/substacks-view-of-content-moderation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">light hand when it comes to content moderation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s vetting and choosing certain people to give them a platform that it supports financially – and that is an editorial decision, which makes them something other than a neutral platform with no politics,” Roberts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whiteness, the maleness, the libertarian, right-wingness of [Substack Pro writers] is… pretty self-evident.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s referring to people like Matt Taibbi, Glenn Greenwald and Matthew Yglesias: men who used to operate — at least, some of the time — out of traditional newsrooms like the Guardian, Vox and The Atlantic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taibbi, who has reported on finance, media, politics and sports, wrote a \u003ca href=\"https://taibbi.substack.com/p/in-defense-of-substack\">response\u003c/a> to Roberts’ Twitter thread — on Substack, of course.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Roberts has things backward. Greenwald and I (as well as many other prominent Substack writers) got our start as independents. He was a blogger and I edited my own print newspapers. We both built substantial readerships on our own before being scooped up by ‘traditional’ news organizations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Substack declined to comment for this story. But company leaders \u003ca href=\"https://blog.substack.com/p/substack-is-for-independent-writers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">have posted at length\u003c/a> to counter some of the criticism directed at the select set of Substack writers who get the juicy deals:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>More than 30 writers have now signed Pro deals and they cover a range of issues, including politics, climate change, pop culture, sociology, feminism, history, health, literature, art, sports, and music. The program has already helped many writers make a living from their work – and in some cases, a fantastic living. The group includes a diverse set of viewpoints … More than half are women, and more than a third are people of color.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Substack will not release its list of Pro writers, leaders write in the blog post, out of concern for writers’ privacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation= \"UCLA professor Sarah T. Roberts\"]‘It’s vetting and choosing certain people to give them a platform that it supports financially, and that is an editorial decision, which makes them something other than a neutral platform with no politics.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, writer Jude Ellison Sady Doyle, who is non-binary, \u003ca href=\"https://doyles.substack.com/p/in-queers-we-trust-all-others-pay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">called out Substack\u003c/a> for “giving massive advances” to “men who can’t work in diverse environments without getting calls from HR.” They took particular offense to “extreme trans-eliminationist rhetoric” observed in some of the writers’ work, left Substack, and encouraged readers to do the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how many disaffected Substack writers and their readers are leaving the platform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Sunday, The New York Times reported Substack has signed up Danny and Grace Lavery, two \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2021/04/11/business/media/substack-newsletter-competition.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">high-profile transgender writers\u003c/a>, a deal rather well-timed to counter the above-mentioned attacks. \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/sadydoyle/status/1381574779438829569\">Doyle has responded\u003c/a> to this news on Twitter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In any case, Substack’s biggest problem may be the fact it’s proved it’s possible for people in the boardroom to make money off of newsletters. Now \u003ca href=\"https://www.theverge.com/2021/3/17/22336452/facebook-newsletters-substack-revue-media-groups-pages\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Facebook\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.businessinsider.com/what-are-twitter-newsletters\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Twitter\u003c/a> are getting into the game, and they have a lot more eyeballs and cash to offer writers with established fan bases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Even a cursory review of the trendy newsletter platform Substack reveals a vast and varied roster of topics and writers, ranging from the headline-grabbing musings of punk rock icon \u003ca href=\"https://pattismith.substack.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Patti Smith\u003c/a> to the work of thousands of lesser-known hobbyists and self-styled experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Typically, Substack takes 10% of any revenue a newsletter writer generates selling subscriptions. The digital payment processor Stripe gets another 3% from the writer. Substack pays some particularly desirable writers substantial fees up front: mainly name-brand journalists, pundits and personalities, some of whom have abandoned mainstream media outlets to focus on Substack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That strategy differentiates Substack from other newsletter platforms – but it has also incited a backlash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flush with venture capital cash \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/substack-funding/newsletter-platform-substack-raises-65-mln-in-andreessen-horowitz-led-funding-round-idUKL4N2LS4FY\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">from the likes of Andreessen Horowitz\u003c/a>, Substack has approached some writers with big money upfront — $250,000 in some cases — in order to seed the 3-year-old platform with \u003ca href=\"https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2021/01/04/is-substack-the-media-future-we-want\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">people who will draw a crowd\u003c/a>. The company describes these deals, part of its Substack Pro program, on its \u003ca href=\"https://blog.substack.com/p/why-we-pay-writers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">blog\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>We see these deals as business decisions, not editorial ones. We don’t commission or edit stories. We don’t hire writers, or manage them. The writers, not Substack, are the owners. No-one writes \u003cem>for\u003c/em> Substack – they write for their own publications. We cannot contact their readers without explicit permission, and we make no attempt to influence their content, other than requiring that they adhere to the \u003ca href=\"https://substack.com/content\">content guidelines\u003c/a> that apply to all writers on Substack (read \u003ca href=\"https://blog.substack.com/p/substacks-view-of-content-moderation\">our stance on content moderation\u003c/a> for more).\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>That language strikes Sarah T. Roberts, who co-directs UCLA’s Center for Critical Internet Inquiry, as disingenuous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts’ \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/ubiquity75/status/1366115953419804677?s=20\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Twitter thread\u003c/a> predating the above blog post is part of a vitriolic online debate about Substack’s claim that it’s yet another Silicon Valley savior swooping in to save journalism from the economic collapse set off by other Silicon Valley companies like Google and Facebook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Substack co-founder Hamish McKenzie \u003ca href=\"https://blog.substack.com/p/whats-next-for-journalists\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">wrote last May\u003c/a>, “Some in the news business hope that Facebook and Google, under the right pressure from regulators, will send them rescue money. But no matter how much money can be squeezed out of the tech giants, it will never be enough to fix the broken parts of the support system that once sustained the free press. Instead, to find a way forward, those who care about the future of news need to play a different game – one that puts writers in control of their own destiny.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What’s Old Is New Again\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>New media players scooping up headline-grabbing talent is nothing new. Print publishers have done it for centuries, as have Hollywood movie studios and social media platforms, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I don’t think anything’s inherently wrong [with the practice],” Roberts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are other things she does object to, like the way she thinks Substack is encouraging journalists to flee the editorial oversight that comes with traditional media newsrooms; paired with Substack’s \u003ca href=\"https://blog.substack.com/p/substacks-view-of-content-moderation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">light hand when it comes to content moderation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s vetting and choosing certain people to give them a platform that it supports financially – and that is an editorial decision, which makes them something other than a neutral platform with no politics,” Roberts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whiteness, the maleness, the libertarian, right-wingness of [Substack Pro writers] is… pretty self-evident.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s referring to people like Matt Taibbi, Glenn Greenwald and Matthew Yglesias: men who used to operate — at least, some of the time — out of traditional newsrooms like the Guardian, Vox and The Atlantic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taibbi, who has reported on finance, media, politics and sports, wrote a \u003ca href=\"https://taibbi.substack.com/p/in-defense-of-substack\">response\u003c/a> to Roberts’ Twitter thread — on Substack, of course.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Roberts has things backward. Greenwald and I (as well as many other prominent Substack writers) got our start as independents. He was a blogger and I edited my own print newspapers. We both built substantial readerships on our own before being scooped up by ‘traditional’ news organizations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Substack declined to comment for this story. But company leaders \u003ca href=\"https://blog.substack.com/p/substack-is-for-independent-writers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">have posted at length\u003c/a> to counter some of the criticism directed at the select set of Substack writers who get the juicy deals:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>More than 30 writers have now signed Pro deals and they cover a range of issues, including politics, climate change, pop culture, sociology, feminism, history, health, literature, art, sports, and music. The program has already helped many writers make a living from their work – and in some cases, a fantastic living. The group includes a diverse set of viewpoints … More than half are women, and more than a third are people of color.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Substack will not release its list of Pro writers, leaders write in the blog post, out of concern for writers’ privacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, writer Jude Ellison Sady Doyle, who is non-binary, \u003ca href=\"https://doyles.substack.com/p/in-queers-we-trust-all-others-pay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">called out Substack\u003c/a> for “giving massive advances” to “men who can’t work in diverse environments without getting calls from HR.” They took particular offense to “extreme trans-eliminationist rhetoric” observed in some of the writers’ work, left Substack, and encouraged readers to do the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how many disaffected Substack writers and their readers are leaving the platform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Sunday, The New York Times reported Substack has signed up Danny and Grace Lavery, two \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2021/04/11/business/media/substack-newsletter-competition.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">high-profile transgender writers\u003c/a>, a deal rather well-timed to counter the above-mentioned attacks. \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/sadydoyle/status/1381574779438829569\">Doyle has responded\u003c/a> to this news on Twitter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In any case, Substack’s biggest problem may be the fact it’s proved it’s possible for people in the boardroom to make money off of newsletters. Now \u003ca href=\"https://www.theverge.com/2021/3/17/22336452/facebook-newsletters-substack-revue-media-groups-pages\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Facebook\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.businessinsider.com/what-are-twitter-newsletters\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Twitter\u003c/a> are getting into the game, and they have a lot more eyeballs and cash to offer writers with established fan bases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "the-biggest-tech-unionization-effort-is-happening-at-the-new-york-times",
"title": "The Biggest Tech Unionization Effort Is Happening at the New York Times",
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"headTitle": "The Biggest Tech Unionization Effort Is Happening at the New York Times | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Thirty years ago, The New York Times did not have a website. Now, the company employs more than 700 tech workers, almost half its number of journalists. On Tuesday, those tech workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/live/2021/04/13/business/stock-market-today#new-york-times-tech-workers-form-a-union\">announced they want to form a union\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost half the Times is already unionized, including most of the journalists, along with more traditional newspaper technologists: the printers. Now, the tech workers want to join the journalists in their union, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nyguild.org/about-the-new-york-times\">The NewsGuild\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Times’ tech workers include everyone from software engineers and data scientists to designers and project managers. These are the people who develop the apps and website, make tools for journalists, analyze data about traffic, and just like the journalists, work around the clock when there is big news like an election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the latest in a series of unionizing efforts by both white collar tech workers and blue collar workers impacted by the internet and digital technology. If the Times workers are successful in their union bid, it will become the largest of any contemporary white collar tech worker organizing effort to be recognized by the National Labor Relations Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At KQED, we have been covering tech worker union efforts, but this story hits closer to home. My older brother is a programmer at the Times and part of the organizing effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I would obviously be partial when it comes to any negotiations with management, so I’m not reporting on any of that. Katie Robertson at The New York Times \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/live/2021/04/13/business/stock-market-today#new-york-times-tech-workers-form-a-union\">is covering how the union came together and how this union bid is being received\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What is happening at the Times though is a major development in a bigger story I have been reporting on for years: the growing realization among tech workers that they don’t have as much say on the job as they’d wish, and how organizing could be a way to change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The New York Times is a large media company, but like many remaining big newsrooms it’s also a growing tech company. Some of the tech workers do jobs specific to media, like making sure the story layouts transfer to print or helping journalists create visualizations for data. But there are teams of developers and engineers doing the same kind of work that happens at Google or Facebook: building apps, managing traffic and analyzing user data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I spoke with tech workers at The New York Times about why they wanted to form a union and how they see themselves in relation to other workers in the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Organizing to Make a Different Kind of Tech Company\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Senior software engineer Nozlee Samadzadeh helps build the internal site for Times journalists to compose and edit their stories. She got into tech after working as a writer and editor herself. Samadzadeh says it’s important for her to have a say in what she builds and how it is used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samadzadeh says, “Unionizing is the only way to introduce a democratic process in your workplace, to kind of get a seat at the table with people in charge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Labor Coverage' tag='labor']Like many of the tech workers at the Times, Samadzadeh says she’s at the company because of the mission. She doesn’t want to work at big tech companies or startups. “I just could not ever, I think, justify that for myself,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samadzadeh says she couldn’t be somewhere focusing primarily on profit instead of social good. She hopes a union will help workers at the Times advocate for the company to resist that influence from Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shay Culpepper is an engineer who makes dashboards to track metrics on the Times’ homepage. She feels the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really like going to work every day and not having to sit and contemplate the ethics of the tech I am building,” Culpepper says. “There are definitely ethical considerations, but I am not having cognitive dissonance about the things we are building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the workers have firsthand experience of doing exactly that in Silicon Valley. Dylan Nugent is a senior software engineer at the Times. He works on tools to take the stories input by journalists and display them across all the Times’ platforms. Before that, he worked at startups in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of these companies were not very diverse, and did not have an emphasis on diversity and inclusivity,” Nugent says. “A lot of them had the mentality of like: ‘We pay you well so any form of mistreatment or unpaid overtime, well, you shouldn’t have to worry about it because you’re already compensated well.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nugent says tech workers, and especially white men like him, should organize so they can use their relative privilege to help others in tech, as well as those in industries where workers have less power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I have a more powerful voice, let me use it to amplify the concerns of the people who aren’t being listened to,” he says. “Let me use it to help build a democratic workplace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Kathy Zhang, New York Times senior analytics manager\"]‘There is this myth of meritocracy that says, ‘If you can work really hard or if you gain these specialized skills, that will set you apart from everyone else and you’ll be able to reap these benefits that other people don’t have.”[/pullquote]Kathy Zhang is senior analytics manager on a team that measures traffic and other data for Times news products. She is excited to be part of a union that can push for diversity and equity in the workplace. She says tech workers need to realize they have something to gain from organizing just like any other worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is this myth of meritocracy that says, ‘If you can work really hard or if you gain these specialized skills, that will set you apart from everyone else and you’ll be able to reap these benefits that other people don’t have,’ ” Zhang says. “But I don’t think of myself as apart from other people. I don’t think that, just because I can write SQL and I can put some dashboards together, that means I should think of myself as exceptional. I don’t make any decisions in front of the board at shareholders meetings, right? I work for a paycheck.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the tech workers I spoke with were drawn to the Times by the mission and journalism of the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Allowing citizens around the world to be well-informed and to understand things, I think that sense of purpose is so beautiful,” Culpepper says. On top of that, she says the paper was doing incredible things digitally. She says she was obsessed with the cooking and sudoku apps before she started working there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My brother, Benjamin Harnett, used to read the paper cover to cover when he was a boy, and our mother had to politely ask for him to stop filling in the crossword before she got to it. He has been an engineer at the Times for nine years, disregarding the stream of recruitment emails from companies like Google and Facebook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The normal thing in the tech industry is to hop from company to company every two years,” he says. “You do a big project, get a promotion and then move on. You can’t build anything meaningful that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samadzadeh sees the union as a way for workers to be more involved and committed to the company. She says, “Everyone at the Times cares so much. The ability to get a chance to be part of making the Times better is just so exciting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Tech Workers Are Workers\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The tech workers at the Times could get material advantages they currently don’t have by joining The NewsGuild: things like overtime, a pension and a say in their health care through union reps. None of that is typical in Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guild organizer Marybeth Seitz-Brown says there is an interesting parallel between the tech workers of today and the journalists at The New York Times who first organized back in the 1930s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Intellectual workers, like journalists, were often identifying as professionals instead of workers that have things in common with the people they work with,” Seitz-Brown says. “In some ways, we are seeing the next wave of that same process that journalists went through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While tech workers are relatively well paid compared to some other workers in the economy, they have similar concerns over pay and job protection as all workers. Over the decades they have faced the same kinds of attacks by management and owners that KQED detailed in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/howwegothere\">a three-hour documentary on the erosion of worker power\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been abrupt layoffs of tech workers during economic crises, with the pandemic being the latest example. Hundreds of workers at some companies were fired en masse, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/news/technology-52091615\">sometimes over Zoom\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1990s, tech companies pioneered techniques to cut labor costs by outsourcing, contracting and temping workers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.lexisnexis.com/community/casebrief/p/casebrief-vizcaino-v-microsoft-corp\">all of which led to a class-action lawsuit against Microsoft\u003c/a>. Today \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11741371/two-tiered-caste-system-the-world-of-white-collar-contracting-in-silicon-valley\">there is a distinct two-tiered system in Silicon Valley\u003c/a> of full-time workers with benefits, and part timers and contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11741371 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/04182019_Google-qut-1020x697.jpg']There is a lot of misinformation about the wealth of tech workers. Big payouts can come from stock options, but that’s rare. Most tech workers are not at startups or high up at big tech companies. A majority rely on their wages, which have been relatively \u003ca href=\"https://www.computerworld.com/article/2493845/if-tech-is-so-important--why-are-it-wages-flat-.html\">stagnant for decades\u003c/a> along with everyone else’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>An Upswing in Organizing Despite Opposition\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Big tech companies have made organizing harder for tech workers than it is at media organizations like The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal, where some tech workers are already unionized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For one, the big tech companies are much larger than a media organization like the Times. On top of that, companies like Google and Facebook have divided their workers through contracting and outsourcing all over the globe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech giants are also actively fighting unionization efforts at the top and bottom of their workforces. Just last week, Amazon \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/09/982139494/its-a-no-amazon-warehouse-workers-vote-against-unionizing-in-historic-election\">defeated efforts to unionize workers\u003c/a> at its warehouse in Bessemer, Alabama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Amazon stopped the union for blue collar workers, union efforts are growing among white collar tech workers. Over 800 workers at Alphabet, Google’s parent company, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11853806/its-not-easy-to-unionize-at-tech-companies-but-google-employees-are-doing-it\">are organizing\u003c/a>. It’s a small fraction of the company’s approximately 250,000 workers – but just a few years ago you would have been hard pressed to find any tech worker in Silicon Valley \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11679302/in-a-direct-challenge-to-their-employers-tech-workers-begin-to-organize\">who was even talking about organizing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ruth Milkman, City University of New York\"]‘If you look historically at labor movements, they don’t grow incrementally, they grow in spurts. Everyone is wondering at the moment, are we at the early stage at such a spurt?’[/pullquote]The organizing movement in tech has spread from less privileged workers upward. First, service workers at companies like Apple and Facebook joined unions like the Teamsters and SEIU. Uber and Lyft drivers and other gig workers formed groups like \u003ca href=\"https://www.drivers-united.org/\">Rideshare Drivers United\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://gigworkersrising.org/\">Gig Workers Rising\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White collar tech worker organizing has been spurred by conflicts with management, but also over issues like a lack of diversity and equity, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714714/time-is-up-employee-unrest-grows-at-silicon-valley-companies\">and more political concerns about what their companies are building and how the products are being used\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech workers have formed organizations like the \u003ca href=\"https://techworkerscoalition.org/\">Tech Workers Coalition\u003c/a> and employees at companies like Google and Microsoft have spoken out publicly against contracts with the military and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, a group of around 90 subcontracted workers at Google in Pittsburgh joined the United Steelworkers union. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839817/how-a-scrappy-group-of-tech-workers-formed-one-of-the-only-unions-in-the-industry\">Smaller companies like Kickstarter\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://techcrunch.com/2021/03/02/following-unionization-glitch-signs-collective-bargaining-agreement/\">Glitch\u003c/a> started their own unions. Alongside this organizing, a string of online media organizations \u003ca href=\"https://culturalworkersorganize.org/digital-media-organizing-timeline/\">like Quartz, Vox and Slate have unionized\u003c/a>. The bid for a union at The New York Times is by far the biggest effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you look historically at labor movements, they don’t grow incrementally, they grow in spurts,” says Ruth Milkman, a sociologist who teaches labor studies at the City University of New York. “Everyone is wondering at the moment, are we at the early stage at such a spurt?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Milkman says we’re seeing lots of more privileged, educated workers starting to organize, which bodes well for the labor movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Skilled workers, in manufacturing and construction have often been in the vanguard of organizing, not so much out of a sense of, you know, that they can help their coworkers, but partly because they have the leverage,” Milkman says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the future of more and more companies rests on their tech workers. Milkman says the core grievance of workers at The New York Times is simple — and the same as the factory workers of the past — they want more say on the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Thirty years ago, The New York Times did not have a website. Now, the company employs more than 700 tech workers, almost half its number of journalists. On Tuesday, those tech workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/live/2021/04/13/business/stock-market-today#new-york-times-tech-workers-form-a-union\">announced they want to form a union\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost half the Times is already unionized, including most of the journalists, along with more traditional newspaper technologists: the printers. Now, the tech workers want to join the journalists in their union, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nyguild.org/about-the-new-york-times\">The NewsGuild\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Times’ tech workers include everyone from software engineers and data scientists to designers and project managers. These are the people who develop the apps and website, make tools for journalists, analyze data about traffic, and just like the journalists, work around the clock when there is big news like an election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the latest in a series of unionizing efforts by both white collar tech workers and blue collar workers impacted by the internet and digital technology. If the Times workers are successful in their union bid, it will become the largest of any contemporary white collar tech worker organizing effort to be recognized by the National Labor Relations Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At KQED, we have been covering tech worker union efforts, but this story hits closer to home. My older brother is a programmer at the Times and part of the organizing effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I would obviously be partial when it comes to any negotiations with management, so I’m not reporting on any of that. Katie Robertson at The New York Times \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/live/2021/04/13/business/stock-market-today#new-york-times-tech-workers-form-a-union\">is covering how the union came together and how this union bid is being received\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What is happening at the Times though is a major development in a bigger story I have been reporting on for years: the growing realization among tech workers that they don’t have as much say on the job as they’d wish, and how organizing could be a way to change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The New York Times is a large media company, but like many remaining big newsrooms it’s also a growing tech company. Some of the tech workers do jobs specific to media, like making sure the story layouts transfer to print or helping journalists create visualizations for data. But there are teams of developers and engineers doing the same kind of work that happens at Google or Facebook: building apps, managing traffic and analyzing user data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I spoke with tech workers at The New York Times about why they wanted to form a union and how they see themselves in relation to other workers in the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Organizing to Make a Different Kind of Tech Company\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Senior software engineer Nozlee Samadzadeh helps build the internal site for Times journalists to compose and edit their stories. She got into tech after working as a writer and editor herself. Samadzadeh says it’s important for her to have a say in what she builds and how it is used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samadzadeh says, “Unionizing is the only way to introduce a democratic process in your workplace, to kind of get a seat at the table with people in charge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Like many of the tech workers at the Times, Samadzadeh says she’s at the company because of the mission. She doesn’t want to work at big tech companies or startups. “I just could not ever, I think, justify that for myself,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samadzadeh says she couldn’t be somewhere focusing primarily on profit instead of social good. She hopes a union will help workers at the Times advocate for the company to resist that influence from Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shay Culpepper is an engineer who makes dashboards to track metrics on the Times’ homepage. She feels the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really like going to work every day and not having to sit and contemplate the ethics of the tech I am building,” Culpepper says. “There are definitely ethical considerations, but I am not having cognitive dissonance about the things we are building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the workers have firsthand experience of doing exactly that in Silicon Valley. Dylan Nugent is a senior software engineer at the Times. He works on tools to take the stories input by journalists and display them across all the Times’ platforms. Before that, he worked at startups in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of these companies were not very diverse, and did not have an emphasis on diversity and inclusivity,” Nugent says. “A lot of them had the mentality of like: ‘We pay you well so any form of mistreatment or unpaid overtime, well, you shouldn’t have to worry about it because you’re already compensated well.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nugent says tech workers, and especially white men like him, should organize so they can use their relative privilege to help others in tech, as well as those in industries where workers have less power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I have a more powerful voice, let me use it to amplify the concerns of the people who aren’t being listened to,” he says. “Let me use it to help build a democratic workplace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘There is this myth of meritocracy that says, ‘If you can work really hard or if you gain these specialized skills, that will set you apart from everyone else and you’ll be able to reap these benefits that other people don’t have.”",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Kathy Zhang is senior analytics manager on a team that measures traffic and other data for Times news products. She is excited to be part of a union that can push for diversity and equity in the workplace. She says tech workers need to realize they have something to gain from organizing just like any other worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is this myth of meritocracy that says, ‘If you can work really hard or if you gain these specialized skills, that will set you apart from everyone else and you’ll be able to reap these benefits that other people don’t have,’ ” Zhang says. “But I don’t think of myself as apart from other people. I don’t think that, just because I can write SQL and I can put some dashboards together, that means I should think of myself as exceptional. I don’t make any decisions in front of the board at shareholders meetings, right? I work for a paycheck.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the tech workers I spoke with were drawn to the Times by the mission and journalism of the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Allowing citizens around the world to be well-informed and to understand things, I think that sense of purpose is so beautiful,” Culpepper says. On top of that, she says the paper was doing incredible things digitally. She says she was obsessed with the cooking and sudoku apps before she started working there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My brother, Benjamin Harnett, used to read the paper cover to cover when he was a boy, and our mother had to politely ask for him to stop filling in the crossword before she got to it. He has been an engineer at the Times for nine years, disregarding the stream of recruitment emails from companies like Google and Facebook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The normal thing in the tech industry is to hop from company to company every two years,” he says. “You do a big project, get a promotion and then move on. You can’t build anything meaningful that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samadzadeh sees the union as a way for workers to be more involved and committed to the company. She says, “Everyone at the Times cares so much. The ability to get a chance to be part of making the Times better is just so exciting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Tech Workers Are Workers\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The tech workers at the Times could get material advantages they currently don’t have by joining The NewsGuild: things like overtime, a pension and a say in their health care through union reps. None of that is typical in Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guild organizer Marybeth Seitz-Brown says there is an interesting parallel between the tech workers of today and the journalists at The New York Times who first organized back in the 1930s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Intellectual workers, like journalists, were often identifying as professionals instead of workers that have things in common with the people they work with,” Seitz-Brown says. “In some ways, we are seeing the next wave of that same process that journalists went through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While tech workers are relatively well paid compared to some other workers in the economy, they have similar concerns over pay and job protection as all workers. Over the decades they have faced the same kinds of attacks by management and owners that KQED detailed in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/howwegothere\">a three-hour documentary on the erosion of worker power\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been abrupt layoffs of tech workers during economic crises, with the pandemic being the latest example. Hundreds of workers at some companies were fired en masse, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/news/technology-52091615\">sometimes over Zoom\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1990s, tech companies pioneered techniques to cut labor costs by outsourcing, contracting and temping workers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.lexisnexis.com/community/casebrief/p/casebrief-vizcaino-v-microsoft-corp\">all of which led to a class-action lawsuit against Microsoft\u003c/a>. Today \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11741371/two-tiered-caste-system-the-world-of-white-collar-contracting-in-silicon-valley\">there is a distinct two-tiered system in Silicon Valley\u003c/a> of full-time workers with benefits, and part timers and contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>There is a lot of misinformation about the wealth of tech workers. Big payouts can come from stock options, but that’s rare. Most tech workers are not at startups or high up at big tech companies. A majority rely on their wages, which have been relatively \u003ca href=\"https://www.computerworld.com/article/2493845/if-tech-is-so-important--why-are-it-wages-flat-.html\">stagnant for decades\u003c/a> along with everyone else’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>An Upswing in Organizing Despite Opposition\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Big tech companies have made organizing harder for tech workers than it is at media organizations like The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal, where some tech workers are already unionized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For one, the big tech companies are much larger than a media organization like the Times. On top of that, companies like Google and Facebook have divided their workers through contracting and outsourcing all over the globe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech giants are also actively fighting unionization efforts at the top and bottom of their workforces. Just last week, Amazon \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/09/982139494/its-a-no-amazon-warehouse-workers-vote-against-unionizing-in-historic-election\">defeated efforts to unionize workers\u003c/a> at its warehouse in Bessemer, Alabama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Amazon stopped the union for blue collar workers, union efforts are growing among white collar tech workers. Over 800 workers at Alphabet, Google’s parent company, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11853806/its-not-easy-to-unionize-at-tech-companies-but-google-employees-are-doing-it\">are organizing\u003c/a>. It’s a small fraction of the company’s approximately 250,000 workers – but just a few years ago you would have been hard pressed to find any tech worker in Silicon Valley \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11679302/in-a-direct-challenge-to-their-employers-tech-workers-begin-to-organize\">who was even talking about organizing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The organizing movement in tech has spread from less privileged workers upward. First, service workers at companies like Apple and Facebook joined unions like the Teamsters and SEIU. Uber and Lyft drivers and other gig workers formed groups like \u003ca href=\"https://www.drivers-united.org/\">Rideshare Drivers United\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://gigworkersrising.org/\">Gig Workers Rising\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White collar tech worker organizing has been spurred by conflicts with management, but also over issues like a lack of diversity and equity, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714714/time-is-up-employee-unrest-grows-at-silicon-valley-companies\">and more political concerns about what their companies are building and how the products are being used\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech workers have formed organizations like the \u003ca href=\"https://techworkerscoalition.org/\">Tech Workers Coalition\u003c/a> and employees at companies like Google and Microsoft have spoken out publicly against contracts with the military and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, a group of around 90 subcontracted workers at Google in Pittsburgh joined the United Steelworkers union. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839817/how-a-scrappy-group-of-tech-workers-formed-one-of-the-only-unions-in-the-industry\">Smaller companies like Kickstarter\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://techcrunch.com/2021/03/02/following-unionization-glitch-signs-collective-bargaining-agreement/\">Glitch\u003c/a> started their own unions. Alongside this organizing, a string of online media organizations \u003ca href=\"https://culturalworkersorganize.org/digital-media-organizing-timeline/\">like Quartz, Vox and Slate have unionized\u003c/a>. The bid for a union at The New York Times is by far the biggest effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you look historically at labor movements, they don’t grow incrementally, they grow in spurts,” says Ruth Milkman, a sociologist who teaches labor studies at the City University of New York. “Everyone is wondering at the moment, are we at the early stage at such a spurt?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Milkman says we’re seeing lots of more privileged, educated workers starting to organize, which bodes well for the labor movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Skilled workers, in manufacturing and construction have often been in the vanguard of organizing, not so much out of a sense of, you know, that they can help their coworkers, but partly because they have the leverage,” Milkman says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the future of more and more companies rests on their tech workers. Milkman says the core grievance of workers at The New York Times is simple — and the same as the factory workers of the past — they want more say on the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>For the first time since the pandemic started, Jacqueline Lopez and her family have money in their savings account. She and her husband both work in grocery stores around Los Angeles and they’re each getting an extra $5 per hour hazard pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels good,” Lopez said. “I can pay rent on time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’ve saved $2,000, enough to cover one month of expenses for her family. She has an 11-year-old, a 5-year-old and a 1-year-old. She said all of them, including her husband, got COVID-19 right around New Year’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic had already disrupted their work. In the fall, her husband abruptly lost his security guard job. Her hours were cut at a convenience store. So they started working in grocery stores, despite the danger of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I knew I was taking a big risk when it came to that, but we gotta work. We gotta eat,” she said. “We gotta pay rent.” [aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"gig\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of grocery store workers in California are getting extra pandemic compensation because local governments passed hazard pay laws. More than 20 cities and counties, like Oakland, Daly City and Los Angeles County either have the laws on the books or are considering them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It took almost a year after the pandemic began for lawmakers to get workers this extra pay, and in most cases it will only last a few months. It also does not apply to all workers in grocery stores. Workers for Instacart, Amazon Prime’s shopping service in Whole Foods and other gig-based apps aren’t eligible for the pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if lawmakers wanted to extend these benefits to gig workers, they would face an insurmountable legal hurdle \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843123/prop-22-explained-why-gig-companies-are-spending-huge-money-on-an-unprecedented-measure#written\">because of Proposition 22\u003c/a>. The voter-approved measure effectively stipulates that local governments cannot pass laws that specifically increase the pay or benefits for app-based gig workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland City Councilmember Noel Gallo said he wishes he could have extended the hazard pay ordinance he cosponsored to include gig workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of our front-line workers are out driving you to work, driving you to the grocery store, driving grandma and grandpa, and they also need to stay healthy and survive this crisis we are in,” Gallo said. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The grocery industry is increasingly relying on gig workers contracted through apps and denied employee benefits. Instacart said it hired 300,000 workers at the beginning of the pandemic. Amazon changed the layouts of Whole Foods to accommodate all the contract shoppers. Chains like Albertsons are replacing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11855931/albertsons-replaces-drivers-with-doordash\">delivery employees with DoorDash contractors\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While these workers experience the same increased exposure to COVID-19 as others in the grocery store, they aren’t getting the pay increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Geoff Vetter, a spokesperson for the Protect App-Based Drivers and Services coalition, said California cities and counties would have to raise the minimum wage for everyone if they want to increase pay for app-based workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has significantly limited the options for local governments to regulate the gig economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is so extreme about what Prop. 22 did is that it pretty much wrote us all out of the equation entirely,” said San Francisco Supervisor Matt Haney, who sponsored an ordinance to make gig companies provide personal protective equipment and pay workers for the time to sanitize their cars during the pandemic. [pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation= \"San Francisco Supervisor Matt Haney\"]‘What’s the case here is that some regulations that were written into law by the companies and passed by the voters have made it impossible for anyone to provide more extensive and stronger regulations.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney added that Proposition 22 has given gig companies legal grounds to sue and block an ordinance like this if they decide they don’t want to comply with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes, as a local government, we are preempted by the states or feds, but usually when that’s the case, another regulatory body or the state Legislature is taking up the responsibility,” Haney said. “What’s the case here is that some regulations that were written into law by the companies and passed by the voters have made it impossible for anyone to provide more extensive and stronger regulations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rey Fuentes, a legal fellow at the Partnership for Working Families, said California cities and counties have a history of pioneering progressive pro-worker legislation, like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821282/san-francisco-to-replace-wages-for-low-income-undocumented-workers-with-covid-19\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco’s paid sick leave program\u003c/a>, which he said was the first of its kind in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fuentes said it’s important for municipalities to test new policies out so that there are models for state and federal laws. “This allows for the experimentation that I think is so vital to our democracy and to developing good policy,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While grocery stores are pushing back on the hazard pay by temporarily closing locations and threatening legal action, gig companies don’t have to. Proposition 22 stops local governments from even trying to get higher wages or better benefits for gig workers, halting local experimentation with policy that could help the state’s growing number of app-based gig workers who are denied employee benefits and protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For the first time since the pandemic started, Jacqueline Lopez and her family have money in their savings account. She and her husband both work in grocery stores around Los Angeles and they’re each getting an extra $5 per hour hazard pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels good,” Lopez said. “I can pay rent on time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’ve saved $2,000, enough to cover one month of expenses for her family. She has an 11-year-old, a 5-year-old and a 1-year-old. She said all of them, including her husband, got COVID-19 right around New Year’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic had already disrupted their work. In the fall, her husband abruptly lost his security guard job. Her hours were cut at a convenience store. So they started working in grocery stores, despite the danger of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I knew I was taking a big risk when it came to that, but we gotta work. We gotta eat,” she said. “We gotta pay rent.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of grocery store workers in California are getting extra pandemic compensation because local governments passed hazard pay laws. More than 20 cities and counties, like Oakland, Daly City and Los Angeles County either have the laws on the books or are considering them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It took almost a year after the pandemic began for lawmakers to get workers this extra pay, and in most cases it will only last a few months. It also does not apply to all workers in grocery stores. Workers for Instacart, Amazon Prime’s shopping service in Whole Foods and other gig-based apps aren’t eligible for the pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if lawmakers wanted to extend these benefits to gig workers, they would face an insurmountable legal hurdle \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843123/prop-22-explained-why-gig-companies-are-spending-huge-money-on-an-unprecedented-measure#written\">because of Proposition 22\u003c/a>. The voter-approved measure effectively stipulates that local governments cannot pass laws that specifically increase the pay or benefits for app-based gig workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland City Councilmember Noel Gallo said he wishes he could have extended the hazard pay ordinance he cosponsored to include gig workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of our front-line workers are out driving you to work, driving you to the grocery store, driving grandma and grandpa, and they also need to stay healthy and survive this crisis we are in,” Gallo said. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The grocery industry is increasingly relying on gig workers contracted through apps and denied employee benefits. Instacart said it hired 300,000 workers at the beginning of the pandemic. Amazon changed the layouts of Whole Foods to accommodate all the contract shoppers. Chains like Albertsons are replacing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11855931/albertsons-replaces-drivers-with-doordash\">delivery employees with DoorDash contractors\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While these workers experience the same increased exposure to COVID-19 as others in the grocery store, they aren’t getting the pay increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Geoff Vetter, a spokesperson for the Protect App-Based Drivers and Services coalition, said California cities and counties would have to raise the minimum wage for everyone if they want to increase pay for app-based workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has significantly limited the options for local governments to regulate the gig economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is so extreme about what Prop. 22 did is that it pretty much wrote us all out of the equation entirely,” said San Francisco Supervisor Matt Haney, who sponsored an ordinance to make gig companies provide personal protective equipment and pay workers for the time to sanitize their cars during the pandemic. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney added that Proposition 22 has given gig companies legal grounds to sue and block an ordinance like this if they decide they don’t want to comply with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes, as a local government, we are preempted by the states or feds, but usually when that’s the case, another regulatory body or the state Legislature is taking up the responsibility,” Haney said. “What’s the case here is that some regulations that were written into law by the companies and passed by the voters have made it impossible for anyone to provide more extensive and stronger regulations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rey Fuentes, a legal fellow at the Partnership for Working Families, said California cities and counties have a history of pioneering progressive pro-worker legislation, like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821282/san-francisco-to-replace-wages-for-low-income-undocumented-workers-with-covid-19\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco’s paid sick leave program\u003c/a>, which he said was the first of its kind in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fuentes said it’s important for municipalities to test new policies out so that there are models for state and federal laws. “This allows for the experimentation that I think is so vital to our democracy and to developing good policy,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While grocery stores are pushing back on the hazard pay by temporarily closing locations and threatening legal action, gig companies don’t have to. Proposition 22 stops local governments from even trying to get higher wages or better benefits for gig workers, halting local experimentation with policy that could help the state’s growing number of app-based gig workers who are denied employee benefits and protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After four years of negotiations between Google and San Jose, the tech giant and the Silicon Valley city have announced a development plan for Google’s new transit-oriented campus near downtown. The plan includes \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/Home/ShowDocument?id=71001\">$200 million\u003c/a> in funding for affordable housing and preventing displacement. The Google community benefits package includes $150 million for various social programs aimed at preserving affordable housing, fighting homelessness and other housing-related goals.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The proposed campus, called Downtown West, will include 15 acres of open space, 4,000 new homes and 600 units allocated for affordable housing. \u003c/span> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Google’s benefits package also includes “opportunity grants,” which would provide college scholarships, career exploration for middle and high school students and support for small business and entrepreneurship in the city. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Google gets it, they’ve heard the community,” Mayor Sam Liccardo said Tuesday. “They’re eager to respond to the needs of the community and we look forward to this partnership.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Since \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11709962/despite-fierce-opposition-san-jose-city-council-unanimously-approves-major-public-land-sale-to-google\">2018\u003c/a>, when city officials approved the $110 million sale of public land for Google’s expanded campus, local housing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11754319/without-affordability-safeguards-googles-san-jose-campus-could-trigger-235-million-in-yearly-rent-hikes-report-finds\">advocates\u003c/a> have been vocal about their concern over the development’s likely impact on the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.statista.com/chart/23843/least-affordable-housing-markets/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">already low\u003c/a> housing affordability.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Maria Noel Fernandez, campaign director for the advocacy group \u003ca href=\"https://act.siliconvalleyrising.org/google-community-fund\">Silicon Valley Rising\u003c/a>, has been outspoken about her fears of what impact Google will have on San Jose’s low-income communities. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Google and the city listened to our four years of organizing, coming together with the community to develop a different kind of project,” Fernandez said. “By putting $150 million and real decision-making power in the hands of grassroots leaders in neighborhoods at risk of displacement, this project sets a new model for how tech development can keep families housed, and lift the quality of blue collar jobs.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The City Council votes on the project in late May, after which city officials are planning to create a commission made up of local organizations to decide how and where to spend the money. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“What we want in our downtown is not a corporate campus that’s going to simply displace people,” Liccardo said. “And what we see in response is not simply 7 million square feet of office, but in fact thousands of homes, many affordable, as well as retail and restaurants and a whole host of amenities that will be a really great attraction for residents who live right here in downtown … as well as the entire region.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Housing advocates have feared Google moving into San Jose and increasing the already high housing costs in the Silicon Valley capital. Google is offering a solution: funding for programs fighting homelessness and anti-displacement efforts.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After four years of negotiations between Google and San Jose, the tech giant and the Silicon Valley city have announced a development plan for Google’s new transit-oriented campus near downtown. The plan includes \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/Home/ShowDocument?id=71001\">$200 million\u003c/a> in funding for affordable housing and preventing displacement. The Google community benefits package includes $150 million for various social programs aimed at preserving affordable housing, fighting homelessness and other housing-related goals.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The proposed campus, called Downtown West, will include 15 acres of open space, 4,000 new homes and 600 units allocated for affordable housing. \u003c/span> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Google’s benefits package also includes “opportunity grants,” which would provide college scholarships, career exploration for middle and high school students and support for small business and entrepreneurship in the city. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Google gets it, they’ve heard the community,” Mayor Sam Liccardo said Tuesday. “They’re eager to respond to the needs of the community and we look forward to this partnership.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Since \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11709962/despite-fierce-opposition-san-jose-city-council-unanimously-approves-major-public-land-sale-to-google\">2018\u003c/a>, when city officials approved the $110 million sale of public land for Google’s expanded campus, local housing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11754319/without-affordability-safeguards-googles-san-jose-campus-could-trigger-235-million-in-yearly-rent-hikes-report-finds\">advocates\u003c/a> have been vocal about their concern over the development’s likely impact on the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.statista.com/chart/23843/least-affordable-housing-markets/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">already low\u003c/a> housing affordability.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Maria Noel Fernandez, campaign director for the advocacy group \u003ca href=\"https://act.siliconvalleyrising.org/google-community-fund\">Silicon Valley Rising\u003c/a>, has been outspoken about her fears of what impact Google will have on San Jose’s low-income communities. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Google and the city listened to our four years of organizing, coming together with the community to develop a different kind of project,” Fernandez said. “By putting $150 million and real decision-making power in the hands of grassroots leaders in neighborhoods at risk of displacement, this project sets a new model for how tech development can keep families housed, and lift the quality of blue collar jobs.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The City Council votes on the project in late May, after which city officials are planning to create a commission made up of local organizations to decide how and where to spend the money. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“What we want in our downtown is not a corporate campus that’s going to simply displace people,” Liccardo said. “And what we see in response is not simply 7 million square feet of office, but in fact thousands of homes, many affordable, as well as retail and restaurants and a whole host of amenities that will be a really great attraction for residents who live right here in downtown … as well as the entire region.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Finding a vaccine appointment can be confusing and complicated — especially if you’re not particularly comfortable using the internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11855623/where-can-i-get-a-covid-19-vaccine-in-the-bay-area-your-questions-answered#county\"> County public health webpages in the Bay Area\u003c/a> \u003cem>have\u003c/em> progressively gotten easier to navigate as vaccine information has become more available. But it wasn’t so easy a few months ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zoelle Egner was working in the marketing department for a big tech company, from home in Oakland, and was also frantically trying to find vaccine information. Egner said she saw friends doing exactly the same, “calling 20, 30 locations, trying to understand [if they] were eligible for a vaccine, how they get an appointment — and over and over again, really hitting walls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11856204/californias-clearest-covid-19-vaccine-appointment-dashboard-is-run-by-volunteers\">she and her friends decided to do something about it\u003c/a>. They created \u003ca href=\"https://www.vaccinateca.com/\">VaccinateCA.com\u003c/a>, an aggregator website that compiles data from clinics and pharmacies across the state. After typing in your ZIP code or county name, a list of sites will pop up with vaccination information for eligible people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we call the people who can actually give you a vaccine and we write down what they say — do they have a vaccine, who is eligible and how do you get an appointment — then hopefully, hundreds or even thousands of phone calls don’t need to be made [by members of the public,” said Egner.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[aside postID=\"news_11855623\"]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VaccinateCA swiftly expanded as more volunteers signed up to help maintain the site. But Egner and her team weren’t the only people using technology to address information gaps around vaccination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adam Freemer created \u003ca href=\"https://www.vaxxmax.com/\">VaxxMax,\u003c/a> a website that fetches data from pharmacy websites, including Walgreens, CVS and Rite Aid, on the status of vaccination slots at each provider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I quickly became frustrated with the process you have to go through on the pharmacy sites,” Freemer said. “I brainstormed a bit and thought of a mechanism that could help in the process, originally only for my own personal use.” Freemer created a code and built a website that others could use, scraping code for Rite Aid stores. Eventually, the website expanded to other vaccine providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VaccinateCA and VaxxMax are just two of many sites that promise a clearer answer to the question on everyone’s mind: Where can I find a vaccine?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some, like \u003ca href=\"https://vaccinefinder.org/\">VaccineFinder\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.vaccinespotter.org/CA/\">Vaccine Spotter\u003c/a>, scan available appointments at clinics and pharmacies near your ZIP code — essentially aggregating information that’s already available online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sign-up sites like \u003ca href=\"https://hidrb.com/\">Dr. B\u003c/a> go further, and will put you on a waitlist for a leftover vaccine that could be available near you at a moment’s notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What \u003cstrong>— and Who — \u003c/strong>Gets Left Out?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It’s worth clarifying that these kinds of sites aren’t run by public health departments, or the state itself. As such, their priorities — including speed and convenience — aren’t necessarily those of public health officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, public health and internet ethics watchdogs have misgivings about some of these kinds of sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irina Raicu, director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.scu.edu/ethics/focus-areas/internet-ethics/\">internet ethics program at Santa Clara University’s Markkula Center,\u003c/a> worries that while these sites are easy to use for many Bay Area residents, they also require internet access and a fair amount of internet literacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anytime something is done through the internet, it means that it’s leaving some people out,” said Raicu.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[aside postID=\"news_11856204\"]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her colleague Dr. Charles Binkley, the Markkula Center’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.scu.edu/ethics/focus-areas/bioethics/\">director of bioethics\u003c/a>, feels that the existence of \u003cem>multiple\u003c/em> sites is part of what’s confusing the public around vaccines. He also cautions that it’s impossible for people using these sites to be completely sure of their accuracy, despite the best efforts of those running them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of VaccinateCA’s method of volunteers calling vaccination sites to aggregate information, Binkley believes that “it’s very unlikely that the person who is answering the phone is going to have this global view of how many doses they have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’d rather see are these engineers working within the system that’s already in place to make it better, rather than trying to duplicate it outside,” said Binkley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of these volunteer or pop-up websites were created months ago, back when public health departments were scrambling to handle an influx of traffic from eager residents looking for vaccine information, all as eligibility shifted frequently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only have counties somewhat improved the navigability of their public health websites, but in late January, the California Department of Public Health launched \u003ca href=\"https://myturn.ca.gov/\">My Turn \u003c/a>— a centralized place for Californians to assess their eligibility for a vaccine, and then find an appointment near them as supplies allow. And in light of these developments, Raicu believes privately created sites like VaccinateCA or Dr. B might have outlived their usefulness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It may be that this kind of site maybe made every ethical sense in the world for a week, while something better wasn’t around,” Raicu said. “And maybe it needs, at some point, to just go away — because it’s interfering with the efforts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Ethics of Hunting Leftover Vaccines\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Sites like Dr. B have encouraged people, eager for their vaccine, but not yet eligible, to be on the lookout for a leftover dose. But while some sites \u003cem>will\u003c/em> dole out leftover vaccines to ineligible people at the end of the day, other vaccination sites — especially those operated by the Federal Emergency Management Agency — have strict regulations for where leftover vaccines can go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.theoaklandarena.com/ring-central\">RingCentral Coliseum\u003c/a> in Oakland is a FEMA-operated site. According to officials from the California Governor’s Office of Emergency Services, site operators will call the Alameda Office of Education, the Sheriff’s Office and the Transportation Commission to give leftover vaccines to vulnerable individuals in high-risk jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other sites, like San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/location/moscone-center-south-covid-19-vaccine-site\">Moscone Center\u003c/a>, operated through Kaiser Permanente, have different guidelines that allow them to be more loose with their leftover vaccines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Standard practice is that appointments are required at the Moscone vaccination hub,” a spokesperson from San Francisco’s COVID Command Center said — but “occasionally, when small amounts of unused vaccines are left over at the end of the day, vaccines may be made available to a limited number of people who do not have appointments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Binkley is skeptical of this standby-line model for vaccine distribution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is ‘first-come, first-served’ really a great ethical model? Well, no,” he said. “Typically the ‘first-comers’ are not the most vulnerable, or who need it the most.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binkley worries that when people wait in line for a leftover vaccine, the people who might need a vaccine, but \u003cem>can’t\u003c/em> wait in line, aren’t able to get that shot. And he worries that sites like Dr. B perpetuate this problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Dr. B prioritized people not by who signed up first, but instead based prioritization on a person’s personal information and health circumstances, they could “prioritize you according to the phases and the tiers that have been decided on,” Binkley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, if you have a line forming for leftover doses at the end of the day and you have a healthy 22-year-old at the front of the line and a 89-year-old with diabetes at the end of the line, you would prioritize the 89-year-old over the 22-year-old, just based on phases,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Binkley’s ideal ethical world, Dr. B would morph into a structure of volunteers who would get the vaccine — but who would also bring along people who don’t have access to transportation, or who are from more vulnerable populations, to get the vaccine \u003cem>with\u003c/em> them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I would love to see is people saying, ‘OK, I’m going to get my vaccine, I’m going to reach out to people I know who don’t have transportation and see if they want to go with me,” Binkley said. “So that we not only think about ourselves, and we think about our neighbor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Finding a vaccine appointment can be confusing and complicated — especially if you’re not particularly comfortable using the internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11855623/where-can-i-get-a-covid-19-vaccine-in-the-bay-area-your-questions-answered#county\"> County public health webpages in the Bay Area\u003c/a> \u003cem>have\u003c/em> progressively gotten easier to navigate as vaccine information has become more available. But it wasn’t so easy a few months ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zoelle Egner was working in the marketing department for a big tech company, from home in Oakland, and was also frantically trying to find vaccine information. Egner said she saw friends doing exactly the same, “calling 20, 30 locations, trying to understand [if they] were eligible for a vaccine, how they get an appointment — and over and over again, really hitting walls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11856204/californias-clearest-covid-19-vaccine-appointment-dashboard-is-run-by-volunteers\">she and her friends decided to do something about it\u003c/a>. They created \u003ca href=\"https://www.vaccinateca.com/\">VaccinateCA.com\u003c/a>, an aggregator website that compiles data from clinics and pharmacies across the state. After typing in your ZIP code or county name, a list of sites will pop up with vaccination information for eligible people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we call the people who can actually give you a vaccine and we write down what they say — do they have a vaccine, who is eligible and how do you get an appointment — then hopefully, hundreds or even thousands of phone calls don’t need to be made [by members of the public,” said Egner.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VaccinateCA swiftly expanded as more volunteers signed up to help maintain the site. But Egner and her team weren’t the only people using technology to address information gaps around vaccination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adam Freemer created \u003ca href=\"https://www.vaxxmax.com/\">VaxxMax,\u003c/a> a website that fetches data from pharmacy websites, including Walgreens, CVS and Rite Aid, on the status of vaccination slots at each provider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I quickly became frustrated with the process you have to go through on the pharmacy sites,” Freemer said. “I brainstormed a bit and thought of a mechanism that could help in the process, originally only for my own personal use.” Freemer created a code and built a website that others could use, scraping code for Rite Aid stores. Eventually, the website expanded to other vaccine providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VaccinateCA and VaxxMax are just two of many sites that promise a clearer answer to the question on everyone’s mind: Where can I find a vaccine?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some, like \u003ca href=\"https://vaccinefinder.org/\">VaccineFinder\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.vaccinespotter.org/CA/\">Vaccine Spotter\u003c/a>, scan available appointments at clinics and pharmacies near your ZIP code — essentially aggregating information that’s already available online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sign-up sites like \u003ca href=\"https://hidrb.com/\">Dr. B\u003c/a> go further, and will put you on a waitlist for a leftover vaccine that could be available near you at a moment’s notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What \u003cstrong>— and Who — \u003c/strong>Gets Left Out?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It’s worth clarifying that these kinds of sites aren’t run by public health departments, or the state itself. As such, their priorities — including speed and convenience — aren’t necessarily those of public health officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, public health and internet ethics watchdogs have misgivings about some of these kinds of sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irina Raicu, director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.scu.edu/ethics/focus-areas/internet-ethics/\">internet ethics program at Santa Clara University’s Markkula Center,\u003c/a> worries that while these sites are easy to use for many Bay Area residents, they also require internet access and a fair amount of internet literacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anytime something is done through the internet, it means that it’s leaving some people out,” said Raicu.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her colleague Dr. Charles Binkley, the Markkula Center’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.scu.edu/ethics/focus-areas/bioethics/\">director of bioethics\u003c/a>, feels that the existence of \u003cem>multiple\u003c/em> sites is part of what’s confusing the public around vaccines. He also cautions that it’s impossible for people using these sites to be completely sure of their accuracy, despite the best efforts of those running them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of VaccinateCA’s method of volunteers calling vaccination sites to aggregate information, Binkley believes that “it’s very unlikely that the person who is answering the phone is going to have this global view of how many doses they have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’d rather see are these engineers working within the system that’s already in place to make it better, rather than trying to duplicate it outside,” said Binkley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of these volunteer or pop-up websites were created months ago, back when public health departments were scrambling to handle an influx of traffic from eager residents looking for vaccine information, all as eligibility shifted frequently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only have counties somewhat improved the navigability of their public health websites, but in late January, the California Department of Public Health launched \u003ca href=\"https://myturn.ca.gov/\">My Turn \u003c/a>— a centralized place for Californians to assess their eligibility for a vaccine, and then find an appointment near them as supplies allow. And in light of these developments, Raicu believes privately created sites like VaccinateCA or Dr. B might have outlived their usefulness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It may be that this kind of site maybe made every ethical sense in the world for a week, while something better wasn’t around,” Raicu said. “And maybe it needs, at some point, to just go away — because it’s interfering with the efforts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Ethics of Hunting Leftover Vaccines\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Sites like Dr. B have encouraged people, eager for their vaccine, but not yet eligible, to be on the lookout for a leftover dose. But while some sites \u003cem>will\u003c/em> dole out leftover vaccines to ineligible people at the end of the day, other vaccination sites — especially those operated by the Federal Emergency Management Agency — have strict regulations for where leftover vaccines can go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.theoaklandarena.com/ring-central\">RingCentral Coliseum\u003c/a> in Oakland is a FEMA-operated site. According to officials from the California Governor’s Office of Emergency Services, site operators will call the Alameda Office of Education, the Sheriff’s Office and the Transportation Commission to give leftover vaccines to vulnerable individuals in high-risk jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other sites, like San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/location/moscone-center-south-covid-19-vaccine-site\">Moscone Center\u003c/a>, operated through Kaiser Permanente, have different guidelines that allow them to be more loose with their leftover vaccines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Standard practice is that appointments are required at the Moscone vaccination hub,” a spokesperson from San Francisco’s COVID Command Center said — but “occasionally, when small amounts of unused vaccines are left over at the end of the day, vaccines may be made available to a limited number of people who do not have appointments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Binkley is skeptical of this standby-line model for vaccine distribution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is ‘first-come, first-served’ really a great ethical model? Well, no,” he said. “Typically the ‘first-comers’ are not the most vulnerable, or who need it the most.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binkley worries that when people wait in line for a leftover vaccine, the people who might need a vaccine, but \u003cem>can’t\u003c/em> wait in line, aren’t able to get that shot. And he worries that sites like Dr. B perpetuate this problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Dr. B prioritized people not by who signed up first, but instead based prioritization on a person’s personal information and health circumstances, they could “prioritize you according to the phases and the tiers that have been decided on,” Binkley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, if you have a line forming for leftover doses at the end of the day and you have a healthy 22-year-old at the front of the line and a 89-year-old with diabetes at the end of the line, you would prioritize the 89-year-old over the 22-year-old, just based on phases,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Binkley’s ideal ethical world, Dr. B would morph into a structure of volunteers who would get the vaccine — but who would also bring along people who don’t have access to transportation, or who are from more vulnerable populations, to get the vaccine \u003cem>with\u003c/em> them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I would love to see is people saying, ‘OK, I’m going to get my vaccine, I’m going to reach out to people I know who don’t have transportation and see if they want to go with me,” Binkley said. “So that we not only think about ourselves, and we think about our neighbor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "After a String of Bungled Tech Upgrades, California Tries a New Approach",
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"headTitle": "After a String of Bungled Tech Upgrades, California Tries a New Approach | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California may be home to some of the biggest tech companies in the world, but as the pandemic unemployment payment scandal has shown, proximity to greatness doesn’t seem to have helped the state’s IT messes, much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout 2020, millions of Californians waited helplessly for delayed unemployment checks while the Employment Development Department mistakenly paid out billions of dollars to fraudsters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That wasn’t the half of it: EDD was also overwhelmed by the sheer number of people filing for unemployment after losing their jobs during the pandemic. That’s partly because some of California’s largest agencies rely on a 60-year-old computer programming language called COBOL for some of their operations. That includes EDD, the DMV and Medi-Cal’s fee-for-service program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s too late to prevent the unemployment disarray at EDD, but the state is hoping a new way of procuring and updating technology will help prevent similar computer meltdowns in the future. Some of these improvements are already underway, but reforms on some of the legacy systems may not bear fruit for at least three to five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/KQED/status/1354957502077657099\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has made improving the state’s technology and increasing innovation a big focus: In 2019, he created the Office of Digital Innovation and signed an executive order implementing a new method for choosing which vendors and programs to upgrade the state’s aging technology infrastructure. Amy Tong, California’s chief information officer and director of the Department of Technology, said the state used to have their priorities backward — they’d tell vendors what their department needed, and how they should get there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, California is telling vendors what \u003cem>problem it needs solved\u003c/em> and asking vendors to not only provide solutions, but show proof that their solution is the best one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tell me what idea you can bring forward in solving that and demonstrate to me how you would solve that,” Tong said. “So that’s a two-step process that we have implemented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The change is needed according to Assemblymember David Chiu, D-San Francisco. He said the state generally does a poor job managing \u003ca href=\"https://cdt.ca.gov/policy/it-project-tracking/\">IT modernization projects\u003c/a>. Chiu has served on the Assembly Budget Committee for six years. He said efforts to modernize these systems tend to go off the rails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As legislators, we are often asked to approve tens of millions of dollars, if not hundreds of millions of dollars on top of budgets that have been blown, projects that are years behind in being completed,” he said.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Amy Tong, CA Chief Information Officer and Director of the Department of Technology\"]‘We’re not saying, ‘Oh, not our problem.’ We own it, we fix it, we keep moving. That is a culture shift.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are \u003ca href=\"https://www.independent.org/publications/article.asp?id=13241\">plenty of examples\u003c/a> to point to, but perhaps one of the largest is the implementation of \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/reports/2020/4132/fiscal-project-update-080120.pdf\">FI$Cal\u003c/a>, a financial management system that is supposed to integrate the state’s accounting, budgeting, cash management and procurement processes. That effort started in 2005 with a six-year timeline and a $138 million budget. The cost has since ballooned to around $1 billion and the deadline has been pushed to 2022 as the scope of the project has gradually increased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu said lawmakers are often put in tough positions when dealing with half-done projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From my perspective, the Legislature generally acquiesces to the incremental budget requests where we continue to throw good money after bad,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s long history of bungling IT projects means a lot of legislators remain skeptical about whether the state can get these projects right. Tong knows that’s what she’s up against and said the state has become a lot more transparent about its challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re out front,” Tong said. “We’re not saying, ‘Oh, not our problem.’ We own it, we fix it, we keep moving. That is a culture shift.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tong said the cost of recent IT projects has been smaller compared with projects in the past. The California Department of Technology’s \u003ca href=\"https://cdt.ca.gov/policy/it-project-tracking/\">project tracker page\u003c/a> shows a number of IT efforts coming in at under $20 million, though there are also several costing hundreds of millions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department has laid out its goals in its \u003ca href=\"https://vision2023.cdt.ca.gov/\">Vision 2023\u003c/a> strategic plan, which includes delivering fast and secure public services and making common technology easy to use across government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state is also trying to shift how it approaches massive system upgrades. Some of its largest agencies are running on technology that’s decades old and specifically tailored to the agency that’s using it. Tong said that makes overhauling an entire system all at once impractical. So the state is taking a different approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11860924\" label=\"More on EDD's Problems\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No more big rip and replace of a big system, because when you do that, imagine the retraining, the reprocessing, it’s just awful,” she said. “So rather than do that, let’s take a look at the big things you need to do, but do it in a more modular manner. And then you can do a lot quicker.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian Metzker, senior fiscal and policy analyst with the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office, said the new method of asking for input from vendors and requiring them to demonstrate how their ideas work could help the state understand what its needs are and how different vendors could meet them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I don’t think that there has been, necessarily, a good example of a legacy system being modernized that really is transformative yet,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state could have a case study in how to fix an ailing department computer system soon from the Department of Motor Vehicles. The DMV has been plagued by \u003ca href=\"https://esd.dof.ca.gov/reports/reportPdf/C87E0788-C250-E911-9105-00505685B5D1/California%20Department%20of%20Motor%20Vehicles%20Performance%20Audit%20March%202019\">long wait times and system outages\u003c/a>, caused in part by outdated technology. DMV Director Steve Gordon said the agency has just begun the process of updating its computer system using the new proof-of-concept method.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just starting on the road, but it’s going to be a three- to five-year journey,” Gordon said. “We’re doing our first module, hopefully this calendar year, and then we’re going to be doing successive modules. And then at the end of it, hopefully, all the DMV will be on a new platform.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a project a lot of people will likely be watching closely to see whether this latest approach helps bring California into the future, or ends in another expensive IT mess.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California may be home to some of the biggest tech companies in the world, but as the pandemic unemployment payment scandal has shown, proximity to greatness doesn’t seem to have helped the state’s IT messes, much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout 2020, millions of Californians waited helplessly for delayed unemployment checks while the Employment Development Department mistakenly paid out billions of dollars to fraudsters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That wasn’t the half of it: EDD was also overwhelmed by the sheer number of people filing for unemployment after losing their jobs during the pandemic. That’s partly because some of California’s largest agencies rely on a 60-year-old computer programming language called COBOL for some of their operations. That includes EDD, the DMV and Medi-Cal’s fee-for-service program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s too late to prevent the unemployment disarray at EDD, but the state is hoping a new way of procuring and updating technology will help prevent similar computer meltdowns in the future. Some of these improvements are already underway, but reforms on some of the legacy systems may not bear fruit for at least three to five years.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has made improving the state’s technology and increasing innovation a big focus: In 2019, he created the Office of Digital Innovation and signed an executive order implementing a new method for choosing which vendors and programs to upgrade the state’s aging technology infrastructure. Amy Tong, California’s chief information officer and director of the Department of Technology, said the state used to have their priorities backward — they’d tell vendors what their department needed, and how they should get there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, California is telling vendors what \u003cem>problem it needs solved\u003c/em> and asking vendors to not only provide solutions, but show proof that their solution is the best one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tell me what idea you can bring forward in solving that and demonstrate to me how you would solve that,” Tong said. “So that’s a two-step process that we have implemented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The change is needed according to Assemblymember David Chiu, D-San Francisco. He said the state generally does a poor job managing \u003ca href=\"https://cdt.ca.gov/policy/it-project-tracking/\">IT modernization projects\u003c/a>. Chiu has served on the Assembly Budget Committee for six years. He said efforts to modernize these systems tend to go off the rails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As legislators, we are often asked to approve tens of millions of dollars, if not hundreds of millions of dollars on top of budgets that have been blown, projects that are years behind in being completed,” he said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are \u003ca href=\"https://www.independent.org/publications/article.asp?id=13241\">plenty of examples\u003c/a> to point to, but perhaps one of the largest is the implementation of \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/reports/2020/4132/fiscal-project-update-080120.pdf\">FI$Cal\u003c/a>, a financial management system that is supposed to integrate the state’s accounting, budgeting, cash management and procurement processes. That effort started in 2005 with a six-year timeline and a $138 million budget. The cost has since ballooned to around $1 billion and the deadline has been pushed to 2022 as the scope of the project has gradually increased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu said lawmakers are often put in tough positions when dealing with half-done projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From my perspective, the Legislature generally acquiesces to the incremental budget requests where we continue to throw good money after bad,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s long history of bungling IT projects means a lot of legislators remain skeptical about whether the state can get these projects right. Tong knows that’s what she’s up against and said the state has become a lot more transparent about its challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re out front,” Tong said. “We’re not saying, ‘Oh, not our problem.’ We own it, we fix it, we keep moving. That is a culture shift.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tong said the cost of recent IT projects has been smaller compared with projects in the past. The California Department of Technology’s \u003ca href=\"https://cdt.ca.gov/policy/it-project-tracking/\">project tracker page\u003c/a> shows a number of IT efforts coming in at under $20 million, though there are also several costing hundreds of millions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department has laid out its goals in its \u003ca href=\"https://vision2023.cdt.ca.gov/\">Vision 2023\u003c/a> strategic plan, which includes delivering fast and secure public services and making common technology easy to use across government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state is also trying to shift how it approaches massive system upgrades. Some of its largest agencies are running on technology that’s decades old and specifically tailored to the agency that’s using it. Tong said that makes overhauling an entire system all at once impractical. So the state is taking a different approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No more big rip and replace of a big system, because when you do that, imagine the retraining, the reprocessing, it’s just awful,” she said. “So rather than do that, let’s take a look at the big things you need to do, but do it in a more modular manner. And then you can do a lot quicker.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian Metzker, senior fiscal and policy analyst with the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office, said the new method of asking for input from vendors and requiring them to demonstrate how their ideas work could help the state understand what its needs are and how different vendors could meet them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I don’t think that there has been, necessarily, a good example of a legacy system being modernized that really is transformative yet,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state could have a case study in how to fix an ailing department computer system soon from the Department of Motor Vehicles. The DMV has been plagued by \u003ca href=\"https://esd.dof.ca.gov/reports/reportPdf/C87E0788-C250-E911-9105-00505685B5D1/California%20Department%20of%20Motor%20Vehicles%20Performance%20Audit%20March%202019\">long wait times and system outages\u003c/a>, caused in part by outdated technology. DMV Director Steve Gordon said the agency has just begun the process of updating its computer system using the new proof-of-concept method.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just starting on the road, but it’s going to be a three- to five-year journey,” Gordon said. “We’re doing our first module, hopefully this calendar year, and then we’re going to be doing successive modules. And then at the end of it, hopefully, all the DMV will be on a new platform.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Fueled by Volunteers, ‘Japantown Prepared’ Strives to Keep San Jose's Asian Seniors Safe",
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"content": "\u003cp>Jean Yoshida lives a few blocks from Japantown near downtown San Jose. She jogs around the neighborhood often, and these days, does so on high alert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really made me think that if I’m feeling this way, I couldn’t imagine how the senior population [is] feeling,” said Yoshida, a young Asian-American woman. “Just to get out of their house, go to the market, just run their daily errands.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recent attacks in Atlanta and in various parts of the Bay Area have alarmed members of the local Asian American community and prompted some of them to take measures into their own hands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yoshida says she’s been worried about her elderly relatives in Milpitas and her parents in San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Rich Saito, head of Japantown Prepared\"]‘I don’t want people to be paranoid, but I want them to be aware of what’s around them.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was really one of the things that got me thinking I need to be out there, I need to be an extra set of eyes,” she said. “If I can help make them feel a little bit safer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Yoshida joined \u003ca href=\"https://japantownprepared.wordpress.com/\">Japantown Prepared\u003c/a>, a group originally started by a retired San Jose police officer in 2011 to prepare residents for natural disasters. But last year, when \u003ca href=\"https://secureservercdn.net/104.238.69.231/a1w.90d.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Press-Statement-re_-Bay-Area-Elderly-Incidents-2.9.2021-1.pdf\">attacks against elderly Asian residents\u003c/a> began to rise, Rich Saito, who founded the group, grew increasingly concerned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I get angry that people take out their aggressions on unsuspecting, undeserving, defenseless people,” Saito said. “So, it makes me want to do things. Something!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The frequency of \u003ca href=\"https://www.csusb.edu/sites/default/files/FACT%20SHEET-%20Anti-Asian%20Hate%202020%203.2.21.pdf\">attacks against Asian Americans\u003c/a> more than doubled last year in San Jose alone, according to the Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism at Cal State San Bernardino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]A few days after the mass shooting in Atlanta on March 16, in which six of the eight people killed were Asian women, Saito expanded his group’s emergency response routine to include a patrol unit. Now, volunteers wear bright red vests and walk the neighborhood during the day and night, introducing themselves to everyone on the streets, especially seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want people to be paranoid, but I want them to be aware of what’s around them,” Saito said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saito is modeling his program after the \u003ca href=\"https://unitedpeacecollaborative.org/about-us\">United Peace Collaborative\u003c/a>, a volunteer patrol group based in San Francisco’s Chinatown. Leanna Louie started the group early last year after the first spike in attacks against elderly Asian residents there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We love to believe that love solves all of the world’s problems, but we know that it hasn’t. Sometimes, you love them but they don’t love you back,” Louie said. “And when they come on the offense, you have to have a defense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Louie, the mission is personal. Her mother was attacked and robbed three times in the past decade. She now wants to empower Asian elders to speak up and fight back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Always be alert. I see people, they’re looking at the floor, looking at their phone. They’re not paying attention to their surroundings, they’re not looking people in the eye,” Louie said. “You have to always be alert.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11866439,news_11865333,news_11865171\"]That’s the same advice Saito is giving elderly Asian residents in San Jose’s Japantown. Both Louie and Saito’s programs focus on de-escalation — an effort to reduce tensions and avoid conflict. But volunteers are also trained to call the police when it becomes clear that a situation is escalating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“During training, we explicitly tell our volunteers we are looking for unusual or suspicious behavior,” Saito said. “To make people feel welcome, I encourage [volunteers] to introduce themselves, explain what we are doing, and ask them if they have any questions or if there is anything we can do for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar patrol programs have started in \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcbayarea.com/news/local/new-oakland-chinatown-foot-patrol-forms-to-protect-asian-american-community/2481091/\">Oakland\u003c/a> and some other cities across the Bay Area. The San Jose Police Department has also increased patrols in Japantown and in \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/SJPD_PIO/status/1373420464672960514?s=20\">Little Saigon\u003c/a>, one of California’s largest Vietnamese American communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to spread the word about Japantown Prepared among San Jose’s senior community, Saito is working with the \u003ca href=\"https://yuaikai.org/\">Yu-Ai Kai Senior Center\u003c/a> in Japantown, which serves about 700 seniors a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The seniors and majority of the AAPI community are feeling on edge with their personal safety as AAPI hate crimes are in the news daily,” said Jennifer Masuda, the center’s executive director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope the patrol will give our elders the confidence and freedom to leave their home; to know it is safe to pick up their lunch, grocery shop, go to church — basically to do what they want,” Masuda said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Saito recently started his patrol program, he says his email inbox has been overflowing with requests to volunteer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have over 330 emails of people interested in finding out about [the program],” he said. “There’s a lot of really good people out there who care about what’s going on, and they want to do something about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Jean Yoshida lives a few blocks from Japantown near downtown San Jose. She jogs around the neighborhood often, and these days, does so on high alert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really made me think that if I’m feeling this way, I couldn’t imagine how the senior population [is] feeling,” said Yoshida, a young Asian-American woman. “Just to get out of their house, go to the market, just run their daily errands.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recent attacks in Atlanta and in various parts of the Bay Area have alarmed members of the local Asian American community and prompted some of them to take measures into their own hands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yoshida says she’s been worried about her elderly relatives in Milpitas and her parents in San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was really one of the things that got me thinking I need to be out there, I need to be an extra set of eyes,” she said. “If I can help make them feel a little bit safer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Yoshida joined \u003ca href=\"https://japantownprepared.wordpress.com/\">Japantown Prepared\u003c/a>, a group originally started by a retired San Jose police officer in 2011 to prepare residents for natural disasters. But last year, when \u003ca href=\"https://secureservercdn.net/104.238.69.231/a1w.90d.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Press-Statement-re_-Bay-Area-Elderly-Incidents-2.9.2021-1.pdf\">attacks against elderly Asian residents\u003c/a> began to rise, Rich Saito, who founded the group, grew increasingly concerned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I get angry that people take out their aggressions on unsuspecting, undeserving, defenseless people,” Saito said. “So, it makes me want to do things. Something!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The frequency of \u003ca href=\"https://www.csusb.edu/sites/default/files/FACT%20SHEET-%20Anti-Asian%20Hate%202020%203.2.21.pdf\">attacks against Asian Americans\u003c/a> more than doubled last year in San Jose alone, according to the Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism at Cal State San Bernardino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A few days after the mass shooting in Atlanta on March 16, in which six of the eight people killed were Asian women, Saito expanded his group’s emergency response routine to include a patrol unit. Now, volunteers wear bright red vests and walk the neighborhood during the day and night, introducing themselves to everyone on the streets, especially seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want people to be paranoid, but I want them to be aware of what’s around them,” Saito said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saito is modeling his program after the \u003ca href=\"https://unitedpeacecollaborative.org/about-us\">United Peace Collaborative\u003c/a>, a volunteer patrol group based in San Francisco’s Chinatown. Leanna Louie started the group early last year after the first spike in attacks against elderly Asian residents there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We love to believe that love solves all of the world’s problems, but we know that it hasn’t. Sometimes, you love them but they don’t love you back,” Louie said. “And when they come on the offense, you have to have a defense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Louie, the mission is personal. Her mother was attacked and robbed three times in the past decade. She now wants to empower Asian elders to speak up and fight back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Always be alert. I see people, they’re looking at the floor, looking at their phone. They’re not paying attention to their surroundings, they’re not looking people in the eye,” Louie said. “You have to always be alert.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That’s the same advice Saito is giving elderly Asian residents in San Jose’s Japantown. Both Louie and Saito’s programs focus on de-escalation — an effort to reduce tensions and avoid conflict. But volunteers are also trained to call the police when it becomes clear that a situation is escalating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“During training, we explicitly tell our volunteers we are looking for unusual or suspicious behavior,” Saito said. “To make people feel welcome, I encourage [volunteers] to introduce themselves, explain what we are doing, and ask them if they have any questions or if there is anything we can do for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar patrol programs have started in \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcbayarea.com/news/local/new-oakland-chinatown-foot-patrol-forms-to-protect-asian-american-community/2481091/\">Oakland\u003c/a> and some other cities across the Bay Area. The San Jose Police Department has also increased patrols in Japantown and in \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/SJPD_PIO/status/1373420464672960514?s=20\">Little Saigon\u003c/a>, one of California’s largest Vietnamese American communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to spread the word about Japantown Prepared among San Jose’s senior community, Saito is working with the \u003ca href=\"https://yuaikai.org/\">Yu-Ai Kai Senior Center\u003c/a> in Japantown, which serves about 700 seniors a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The seniors and majority of the AAPI community are feeling on edge with their personal safety as AAPI hate crimes are in the news daily,” said Jennifer Masuda, the center’s executive director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope the patrol will give our elders the confidence and freedom to leave their home; to know it is safe to pick up their lunch, grocery shop, go to church — basically to do what they want,” Masuda said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Saito recently started his patrol program, he says his email inbox has been overflowing with requests to volunteer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have over 330 emails of people interested in finding out about [the program],” he said. “There’s a lot of really good people out there who care about what’s going on, and they want to do something about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"radiolab": {
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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},
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"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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"snap-judgment": {
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"title": "Snap Judgment",
"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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