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"content": "\u003cp>Gov.-elect Gavin Newsom has said he’ll make the needs of California children a priority. That has early childhood care and education advocates excited, and there are hopes that Newsom’s administration will be more proactive than his predecessor, Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One possible course of action is modernizing California’s child care system. \u003ca href=\"http://palcare.org/home\">Palcare in Burlingame\u003c/a> is one of the rare child care centers that offers extended hours. It’s open until 11 p.m., Monday through Saturday and is considered a model center by some in the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11714486\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11714486 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34534_Leo-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Dr. Jonathan Bradley picks up his 22-month-old son Leo from Palcare Childcare in Burlingame, CA\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34534_Leo-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34534_Leo-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34534_Leo-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34534_Leo-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34534_Leo-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Jonathan Bradley picks up his 22-month-old son, Leo, from Palcare in Burlingame. \u003ccite>(Katie Orr/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On a recent evening around 6 p.m., anesthesiologist Jonathan Bradley arrived to pick up his 22-month-old son, Leo. Bradley said the extended care hours have been instrumental for his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My wife works full time and, for me, my schedule is very erratic, including weekends and overnights,” he said. “It’s definitely been a game changer for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mom Mari Duck feels the same way. She’s an air traffic controller at nearby San Francisco International Airport, and her 15-month-old daughter, Emerald, is enrolled in Palcare.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/47114/which-qualities-of-early-childcare-programs-help-parents-and-kids-succeed\">Which Qualities of Early Child Care Programs Help Parents and Kids Succeed?\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/47114/which-qualities-of-early-childcare-programs-help-parents-and-kids-succeed\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/23/2016/12/preschool-disconnect_slide-3726bed19f01ef932c74fecb1ba8ac361a18e819-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I have a very nontraditional schedule. For example, tonight I’m working until 9:30 at night,” she said. “So, to be able to not disrupt my daughter’s schedule too much, and have her be at a daycare where she knows all the teachers and can stay there late while I’m at work, really helps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palcare is trying to meet a massive need for child care in the community. The organization says the wait list for its infant care program is about three years long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem isn’t limited to the Bay Area. Finding any care can be a struggle for families. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kidsdata.org/region/2/california/summary#18/education-child-care\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">A report from kidsdata.org\u003c/a> shows just a quarter of California kids have access to licensed child care in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ted Lempert, with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.childrennow.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">advocacy group Children Now,\u003c/a> said early childhood programs were cut dramatically during the Great Recession under Brown, who he said wasn’t very active on child care issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jerry Brown did a lot of good things as governor, but early childhood was not one of his priorities,” said Lempert. “Quite frankly, the Legislature really had to step up and push him to invest in early childhood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘California has this incredible opportunity to really think about the twin goals (it’s) had for a very long time, which is to support working families’ needs, and child development and early learning and brain development in a child care setting.’\u003ccite>Erin Gabel, First Five California\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But with Newsom, who has four young children, taking over, Lempert expects there to be a focus on building programs back up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He knows that to do this right it will cost money,” Lempert said. “We’re not going to be able to do it all in one year, two years and four years. But part of leadership is setting a goal, and that’s what we’ve been lacking in this state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erin Gabel, with \u003ca href=\"http://www.ccfc.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">First 5 California,\u003c/a> said the state needs to address the inadequate reimbursement rates for child care providers and modernize its system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California has this incredible opportunity to really think about the twin goals (it’s) had for a very long time,” she said. “Which is to support working families’ needs and child development and early learning and brain development in a child care setting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates expect to see a lot of legislation around early childhood in 2019 as Newsom kicks off his term, including a push to unionize child care workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov.-elect Gavin Newsom has said he’ll make the needs of California children a priority. That has early childhood care and education advocates excited, and there are hopes that Newsom’s administration will be more proactive than his predecessor, Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One possible course of action is modernizing California’s child care system. \u003ca href=\"http://palcare.org/home\">Palcare in Burlingame\u003c/a> is one of the rare child care centers that offers extended hours. It’s open until 11 p.m., Monday through Saturday and is considered a model center by some in the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11714486\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11714486 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34534_Leo-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Dr. Jonathan Bradley picks up his 22-month-old son Leo from Palcare Childcare in Burlingame, CA\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34534_Leo-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34534_Leo-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34534_Leo-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34534_Leo-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34534_Leo-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Jonathan Bradley picks up his 22-month-old son, Leo, from Palcare in Burlingame. \u003ccite>(Katie Orr/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On a recent evening around 6 p.m., anesthesiologist Jonathan Bradley arrived to pick up his 22-month-old son, Leo. Bradley said the extended care hours have been instrumental for his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My wife works full time and, for me, my schedule is very erratic, including weekends and overnights,” he said. “It’s definitely been a game changer for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mom Mari Duck feels the same way. She’s an air traffic controller at nearby San Francisco International Airport, and her 15-month-old daughter, Emerald, is enrolled in Palcare.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/47114/which-qualities-of-early-childcare-programs-help-parents-and-kids-succeed\">Which Qualities of Early Child Care Programs Help Parents and Kids Succeed?\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/47114/which-qualities-of-early-childcare-programs-help-parents-and-kids-succeed\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/23/2016/12/preschool-disconnect_slide-3726bed19f01ef932c74fecb1ba8ac361a18e819-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I have a very nontraditional schedule. For example, tonight I’m working until 9:30 at night,” she said. “So, to be able to not disrupt my daughter’s schedule too much, and have her be at a daycare where she knows all the teachers and can stay there late while I’m at work, really helps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palcare is trying to meet a massive need for child care in the community. The organization says the wait list for its infant care program is about three years long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem isn’t limited to the Bay Area. Finding any care can be a struggle for families. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kidsdata.org/region/2/california/summary#18/education-child-care\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">A report from kidsdata.org\u003c/a> shows just a quarter of California kids have access to licensed child care in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ted Lempert, with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.childrennow.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">advocacy group Children Now,\u003c/a> said early childhood programs were cut dramatically during the Great Recession under Brown, who he said wasn’t very active on child care issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jerry Brown did a lot of good things as governor, but early childhood was not one of his priorities,” said Lempert. “Quite frankly, the Legislature really had to step up and push him to invest in early childhood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘California has this incredible opportunity to really think about the twin goals (it’s) had for a very long time, which is to support working families’ needs, and child development and early learning and brain development in a child care setting.’\u003ccite>Erin Gabel, First Five California\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But with Newsom, who has four young children, taking over, Lempert expects there to be a focus on building programs back up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He knows that to do this right it will cost money,” Lempert said. “We’re not going to be able to do it all in one year, two years and four years. But part of leadership is setting a goal, and that’s what we’ve been lacking in this state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erin Gabel, with \u003ca href=\"http://www.ccfc.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">First 5 California,\u003c/a> said the state needs to address the inadequate reimbursement rates for child care providers and modernize its system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California has this incredible opportunity to really think about the twin goals (it’s) had for a very long time,” she said. “Which is to support working families’ needs and child development and early learning and brain development in a child care setting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates expect to see a lot of legislation around early childhood in 2019 as Newsom kicks off his term, including a push to unionize child care workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>During his first stint as California governor 40 years ago, Jerry Brown appointed a slew of diverse — sometimes controversial — judges and signed a sentencing law that fundamentally changed how the state approached punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways, things weren’t so different during Brown’s second go-around in the governor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/guvtransition\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Brown Out, Newsom In\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/guvtransition\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/12/20/JerryBrownMain.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As the Jerry Brown era winds down and California prepares for the governorship of Gavin Newsom, KQED is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/guvtransition\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">looking back\u003c/a> at Gov. Brown’s legacy and ahead to the challenges and opportunities facing Gov.-elect Newsom.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Over the past eight years, Brown oversaw a dramatic shift in how California approaches criminal justice, including authoring a law that upended how the state treats nonviolent offenders and writing a ballot measure that rolled back the “lock ’em up” sentencing philosophy he championed in 1976. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time around, the governor appointed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714131/browns-longest-lasting-legacy-judges\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">more than 600 judges\u003c/a>, including four to the state’s high court who represent not just more women and people of color, but also a much broader set of career experiences and philosophical backgrounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he’s gone much further than he did in the 1970s and 1980s: Over his final two terms, Brown issued 1,189 pardons and 152 commutations — dwarfing any of his predecessors and his own previous record, when he issued 404 pardons and just one commutation. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s also vetoed dozens of bills that would have created new crimes and signed numerous sentencing reforms that give offenders chances at shorter sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brown’s Evolution on Criminal Justice\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways, Brown’s evolution tracks with that of California voters, who have embraced even further-reaching criminal justice reforms than the governor initially wanted. Both Brown and the electorate were encouraged down that path by a landmark legal case that resulted in the U.S. Supreme Court ordering the state to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2011/05/23/136579580/california-is-ordered-to-cut-its-prison-population\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">reduce its prison population\u003c/a> by tens of thousands of inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the state has about 34,000 fewer people in state prisons than it did when Brown was sworn into the governor’s office in 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gov. Brown has presided over a legacy of criminal justice reform that is really unmatched across the country,” said Stanford University’s Michael Romano, who runs the university’s Three Strikes Project and helped write two of the recent criminal justice ballot initiatives that Brown was not involved in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole United States prison population has come down over the past 10 years, and all of that reduction is a result of the reductions that we’ve seen in California. And at the same time, the crime rates in California from when these reforms started to kick in, in 2011, to today are down,” Romano said. “So we’ve been able to reduce our prison population, significantly reduce the amount of injustice in the system, and improve public safety. And Gov. Brown has presided over that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714131/browns-longest-lasting-legacy-judges\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Brown’s Longest-Lasting Legacy: Judges\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714131/browns-longest-lasting-legacy-judges\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS4469_106397071-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The governor’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714131/browns-longest-lasting-legacy-judges\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">judicial appointments\u003c/a> will leave a lasting imprint on the state, breaking the mold with candidates from diverse professional and personal backgrounds.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Romano credited Brown for his creative approach to the problem, saying the governor — the only person to ever lead California for four terms — understands the power of that office and what he called “the administrative state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that both of the sweeping laws that Brown authored — Assembly Bill 109, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11107949/realignment-5-years-on-counties-build-jails-for-inmates-with-mental-illness\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">known as realignment\u003c/a>, and Proposition 57, which made broad changes to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11114572/jerry-brown-pushes-earlier-release-of-felons-under-proposition-57\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">parole rules\u003c/a> — did not rely on simply reducing criminal sentences or throwing the doors of prisons and jails open indiscriminately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He has not reduced a single sentence” with the changes in law, Romano said, “but he has shifted the responsibility and the incentives within the system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Proposition 57, which voters approved in 2016, that meant giving prison officials more flexibility to reward prisoners who have participated in rehabilitative programs with shorter sentences. Under AB 109, it meant redirecting most nonviolent offenders to county jails instead of state prisons to serve their sentences, giving counties more incentives to rehabilitate offenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown pushed both measures not only because he came to believe that many of the “tough on crime” laws of the 1980s and 1990s were a mistake, but because he had to. In the first months of his second administration, the U.S. Supreme Court issued that order, telling California its overcrowded prisons were unconstitutional because inmates were being denied medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the changes championed by the governor haven’t been without critics, Romano believes Brown’s approach was brilliant because it avoided the political pitfalls of releasing inmates early, and marshaled forces Brown had at his disposal within state government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This type of administrative reform has proven in some ways to be more effective than any other type of criminal justice reform and mass incarceration reform that we typically talk about,” Romano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘Too Much Change Too Quickly’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, not everyone is on board. Law enforcement groups opposed most of the major sentencing reforms that have been adopted in recent years, and continue to blame those changes for the increase in property crimes that some communities have experienced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morgan Hill Police Chief David Swing is president of the California Police Chiefs Association. He said there’s been a “sea change” in how the state approaches criminal justice under Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714250/governor-jerry-brown-on-leaving-office-leftover-campaign-cash-lessons-from-his-mother-and-car-shopping\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">LISTEN: Gov. Brown Exit Interview with ‘Political Breakdown’\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714250/governor-jerry-brown-on-leaving-office-leftover-campaign-cash-lessons-from-his-mother-and-car-shopping\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/JB-Politcal-Breakdown-1180x886.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gov. Brown \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714250/governor-jerry-brown-on-leaving-office-leftover-campaign-cash-lessons-from-his-mother-and-car-shopping\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">sat down\u003c/a> with KQED politics reporter Marisa Lagos and editor Scott Shafer at the governor’s mansion in Sacramento to talk about life after office, his plans for his unspent campaign cash, what Democrats need in 2020, challenges for Gov.-elect Gavin Newsom and the influence of his mother.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“And we would say that it’s been too much change too quickly,” he said. “When you have that much change all at once, there isn’t an opportunity to really evaluate the efficacy of those programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swing is right. The state has not made an effort to track the effects of many of the changes, instead relying on outside groups like universities and think tanks to draw their own conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He believes the reforms have come at a cost but — in a sign of how far the conversation has come over the past decade — he also said police groups don’t want to return to the days of simply locking people up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that incarceration doesn’t solve the problem. There has to be a program afterwards, even during custody, in order for someone to have the best chance of being successful,” he said, arguing that the state hasn’t done enough to invest in those types of programs amid the significant reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swing also said the state has gone too far, particularly with measures like the voter-approved Proposition 47, which Brown did not support when it was on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10652368/proposition-47-gives-former-felons-a-new-chance\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 47\u003c/a> helped reduce the prison population by reducing most drug possession charges from felonies to misdemeanors — meaning those inmates would serve their time in local jails, not state prisons — and made petty theft of items up to $950 a misdemeanor as well. It also allowed people to retroactively petition courts to change their sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A Changing Relationship With Law Enforcement\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former state Sen. Mark Leno said the history behind Proposition 47 shows how law enforcement, long a powerful lobbying force in Sacramento, overreached at times during Brown’s tenure. And how the governor became increasingly more willing to push back against police and prosecutors over his two terms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leno said prior to voters weighing in on Proposition 47 in 2014, he authored a measure that didn’t go quite as far as the initiative, but would have let prosecutors decide whether to charge someone with a felony or misdemeanor in many drug and petty theft cases. But law enforcement groups — particularly prosecutors — lobbied the governor to veto the bill, and he did.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689707/in-shift-california-lawmakers-embrace-some-ambitious-criminal-justice-reforms\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">In Shift, California Lawmakers Embrace Some Ambitious Criminal Justice Reforms\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689707/in-shift-california-lawmakers-embrace-some-ambitious-criminal-justice-reforms\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/RS26392_IMG_1968-qut-1180x885.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The last legislative session under Gov. Brown \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689707/in-shift-california-lawmakers-embrace-some-ambitious-criminal-justice-reforms\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">bucked law enforcement\u003c/a> to pass laws ending cash bail, reforming the felony murder rule and opening up police records, among others.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>When he was elected in 2010, Leno noted, Brown was attorney general and had the support of all the state’s major law enforcement groups. But by the last few years of his governorship, Brown was pushing ballot measures, like Proposition 57, against the wishes of district attorneys and signing police oversight bills over the cries of police associations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once he became governor he probably had a clearer view of how serious the prison crisis was and that he was under court order to do something about it,” Leno said. “He in some ways almost reverted more back to his Jesuit roots of fairness and making sure people have second chances in life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That meant signing bills that reduced criminal sentences, Leno said, but also vetoing those that would have led to more people being incarcerated. It included signing a landmark bail reform bill last year that, if upheld by the voters in 2020, will eliminate the requirement that suspects \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689184/gov-brown-signs-bill-ending-cash-bail-in-california\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">pay money\u003c/a> to secure their release ahead of trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it’s an overstatement to say Jerry Brown has been visionary in this area. He looked down the road, saw what needed to be done, and then figured out what to do and did it. That’s the definition of a visionary,” Leno said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All those policy changes, Leno said, will impact the state’s criminal justice system for years to come.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>During his first stint as California governor 40 years ago, Jerry Brown appointed a slew of diverse — sometimes controversial — judges and signed a sentencing law that fundamentally changed how the state approached punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways, things weren’t so different during Brown’s second go-around in the governor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/guvtransition\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Brown Out, Newsom In\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/guvtransition\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/12/20/JerryBrownMain.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As the Jerry Brown era winds down and California prepares for the governorship of Gavin Newsom, KQED is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/guvtransition\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">looking back\u003c/a> at Gov. Brown’s legacy and ahead to the challenges and opportunities facing Gov.-elect Newsom.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Over the past eight years, Brown oversaw a dramatic shift in how California approaches criminal justice, including authoring a law that upended how the state treats nonviolent offenders and writing a ballot measure that rolled back the “lock ’em up” sentencing philosophy he championed in 1976. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time around, the governor appointed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714131/browns-longest-lasting-legacy-judges\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">more than 600 judges\u003c/a>, including four to the state’s high court who represent not just more women and people of color, but also a much broader set of career experiences and philosophical backgrounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he’s gone much further than he did in the 1970s and 1980s: Over his final two terms, Brown issued 1,189 pardons and 152 commutations — dwarfing any of his predecessors and his own previous record, when he issued 404 pardons and just one commutation. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s also vetoed dozens of bills that would have created new crimes and signed numerous sentencing reforms that give offenders chances at shorter sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brown’s Evolution on Criminal Justice\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways, Brown’s evolution tracks with that of California voters, who have embraced even further-reaching criminal justice reforms than the governor initially wanted. Both Brown and the electorate were encouraged down that path by a landmark legal case that resulted in the U.S. Supreme Court ordering the state to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2011/05/23/136579580/california-is-ordered-to-cut-its-prison-population\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">reduce its prison population\u003c/a> by tens of thousands of inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the state has about 34,000 fewer people in state prisons than it did when Brown was sworn into the governor’s office in 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gov. Brown has presided over a legacy of criminal justice reform that is really unmatched across the country,” said Stanford University’s Michael Romano, who runs the university’s Three Strikes Project and helped write two of the recent criminal justice ballot initiatives that Brown was not involved in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole United States prison population has come down over the past 10 years, and all of that reduction is a result of the reductions that we’ve seen in California. And at the same time, the crime rates in California from when these reforms started to kick in, in 2011, to today are down,” Romano said. “So we’ve been able to reduce our prison population, significantly reduce the amount of injustice in the system, and improve public safety. And Gov. Brown has presided over that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714131/browns-longest-lasting-legacy-judges\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Brown’s Longest-Lasting Legacy: Judges\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714131/browns-longest-lasting-legacy-judges\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS4469_106397071-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The governor’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714131/browns-longest-lasting-legacy-judges\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">judicial appointments\u003c/a> will leave a lasting imprint on the state, breaking the mold with candidates from diverse professional and personal backgrounds.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Romano credited Brown for his creative approach to the problem, saying the governor — the only person to ever lead California for four terms — understands the power of that office and what he called “the administrative state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that both of the sweeping laws that Brown authored — Assembly Bill 109, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11107949/realignment-5-years-on-counties-build-jails-for-inmates-with-mental-illness\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">known as realignment\u003c/a>, and Proposition 57, which made broad changes to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11114572/jerry-brown-pushes-earlier-release-of-felons-under-proposition-57\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">parole rules\u003c/a> — did not rely on simply reducing criminal sentences or throwing the doors of prisons and jails open indiscriminately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He has not reduced a single sentence” with the changes in law, Romano said, “but he has shifted the responsibility and the incentives within the system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Proposition 57, which voters approved in 2016, that meant giving prison officials more flexibility to reward prisoners who have participated in rehabilitative programs with shorter sentences. Under AB 109, it meant redirecting most nonviolent offenders to county jails instead of state prisons to serve their sentences, giving counties more incentives to rehabilitate offenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown pushed both measures not only because he came to believe that many of the “tough on crime” laws of the 1980s and 1990s were a mistake, but because he had to. In the first months of his second administration, the U.S. Supreme Court issued that order, telling California its overcrowded prisons were unconstitutional because inmates were being denied medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the changes championed by the governor haven’t been without critics, Romano believes Brown’s approach was brilliant because it avoided the political pitfalls of releasing inmates early, and marshaled forces Brown had at his disposal within state government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This type of administrative reform has proven in some ways to be more effective than any other type of criminal justice reform and mass incarceration reform that we typically talk about,” Romano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘Too Much Change Too Quickly’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, not everyone is on board. Law enforcement groups opposed most of the major sentencing reforms that have been adopted in recent years, and continue to blame those changes for the increase in property crimes that some communities have experienced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morgan Hill Police Chief David Swing is president of the California Police Chiefs Association. He said there’s been a “sea change” in how the state approaches criminal justice under Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714250/governor-jerry-brown-on-leaving-office-leftover-campaign-cash-lessons-from-his-mother-and-car-shopping\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">LISTEN: Gov. Brown Exit Interview with ‘Political Breakdown’\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714250/governor-jerry-brown-on-leaving-office-leftover-campaign-cash-lessons-from-his-mother-and-car-shopping\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/JB-Politcal-Breakdown-1180x886.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gov. Brown \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714250/governor-jerry-brown-on-leaving-office-leftover-campaign-cash-lessons-from-his-mother-and-car-shopping\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">sat down\u003c/a> with KQED politics reporter Marisa Lagos and editor Scott Shafer at the governor’s mansion in Sacramento to talk about life after office, his plans for his unspent campaign cash, what Democrats need in 2020, challenges for Gov.-elect Gavin Newsom and the influence of his mother.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“And we would say that it’s been too much change too quickly,” he said. “When you have that much change all at once, there isn’t an opportunity to really evaluate the efficacy of those programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swing is right. The state has not made an effort to track the effects of many of the changes, instead relying on outside groups like universities and think tanks to draw their own conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He believes the reforms have come at a cost but — in a sign of how far the conversation has come over the past decade — he also said police groups don’t want to return to the days of simply locking people up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that incarceration doesn’t solve the problem. There has to be a program afterwards, even during custody, in order for someone to have the best chance of being successful,” he said, arguing that the state hasn’t done enough to invest in those types of programs amid the significant reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swing also said the state has gone too far, particularly with measures like the voter-approved Proposition 47, which Brown did not support when it was on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10652368/proposition-47-gives-former-felons-a-new-chance\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 47\u003c/a> helped reduce the prison population by reducing most drug possession charges from felonies to misdemeanors — meaning those inmates would serve their time in local jails, not state prisons — and made petty theft of items up to $950 a misdemeanor as well. It also allowed people to retroactively petition courts to change their sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A Changing Relationship With Law Enforcement\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former state Sen. Mark Leno said the history behind Proposition 47 shows how law enforcement, long a powerful lobbying force in Sacramento, overreached at times during Brown’s tenure. And how the governor became increasingly more willing to push back against police and prosecutors over his two terms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leno said prior to voters weighing in on Proposition 47 in 2014, he authored a measure that didn’t go quite as far as the initiative, but would have let prosecutors decide whether to charge someone with a felony or misdemeanor in many drug and petty theft cases. But law enforcement groups — particularly prosecutors — lobbied the governor to veto the bill, and he did.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689707/in-shift-california-lawmakers-embrace-some-ambitious-criminal-justice-reforms\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">In Shift, California Lawmakers Embrace Some Ambitious Criminal Justice Reforms\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689707/in-shift-california-lawmakers-embrace-some-ambitious-criminal-justice-reforms\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/RS26392_IMG_1968-qut-1180x885.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The last legislative session under Gov. Brown \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689707/in-shift-california-lawmakers-embrace-some-ambitious-criminal-justice-reforms\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">bucked law enforcement\u003c/a> to pass laws ending cash bail, reforming the felony murder rule and opening up police records, among others.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>When he was elected in 2010, Leno noted, Brown was attorney general and had the support of all the state’s major law enforcement groups. But by the last few years of his governorship, Brown was pushing ballot measures, like Proposition 57, against the wishes of district attorneys and signing police oversight bills over the cries of police associations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once he became governor he probably had a clearer view of how serious the prison crisis was and that he was under court order to do something about it,” Leno said. “He in some ways almost reverted more back to his Jesuit roots of fairness and making sure people have second chances in life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That meant signing bills that reduced criminal sentences, Leno said, but also vetoing those that would have led to more people being incarcerated. It included signing a landmark bail reform bill last year that, if upheld by the voters in 2020, will eliminate the requirement that suspects \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689184/gov-brown-signs-bill-ending-cash-bail-in-california\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">pay money\u003c/a> to secure their release ahead of trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it’s an overstatement to say Jerry Brown has been visionary in this area. He looked down the road, saw what needed to be done, and then figured out what to do and did it. That’s the definition of a visionary,” Leno said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All those policy changes, Leno said, will impact the state’s criminal justice system for years to come.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>From answering listeners’ questions on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> to investigating sexual assault in the yoga community, from following the migrant caravan to covering the deadliest and most destructive fire in California history, KQED reported on the issues you needed to know about this year. We’ve compiled a list of our most popular news stories — based on page views and other metrics — that grabbed our audience’s attention as the year comes to a close.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11665993/watch-video-of-airliners-near-disaster-at-sfo\">WATCH: Harrowing NTSB Video of Airliner’s Near-Disaster at SFO\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11714807\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-05-02-at-4.47.42-PM-800x641.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11714807 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-05-02-at-4.47.42-PM-800x641.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"641\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-05-02-at-4.47.42-PM-800x641.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-05-02-at-4.47.42-PM-800x641-160x128.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Google Earth view of Runways 28L and 28R at San Francisco International Airport. During a nighttime landing in July 2017, an Air Canada flight crew confused a crowded taxiway at the top of this image with their assigned runway, 28R. \u003ccite>(Google Earth)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The National Transportation Safety Board released a trove of documentation collected after an incident in July 2017 in which an Air Canada jet narrowly avoided landing on a San Francisco International Airport taxiway crowded with airliners waiting to take off.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11643575/stockton-gets-ready-to-experiment-with-universal-basic-income\">\u003cstrong>Stockton Gets Ready to Experiment With Universal Basic Income\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11714811\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1180px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS4328_147225167-1180x856.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11714811 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS4328_147225167-1180x856.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1180\" height=\"856\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS4328_147225167-1180x856.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS4328_147225167-1180x856-160x116.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS4328_147225167-1180x856-800x580.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS4328_147225167-1180x856-1020x740.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS4328_147225167-1180x856-960x696.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS4328_147225167-1180x856-240x174.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS4328_147225167-1180x856-375x272.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS4328_147225167-1180x856-520x377.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1180px) 100vw, 1180px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A pedestrian walks by the vacant Bank of Stockton on June 27, 2012, in Stockton, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Wage stagnation. Rising housing prices. Loss of middle-class jobs. The looming threat of automation. These are some of the problems facing Stockton and its residents, but the city’s mayor, Michael Tubbs, says his city is far from unique.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think Stockton is absolutely ground zero for a lot of the issues we are facing as a nation,” Tubbs said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tubbs is coordinating an effort to test a new way to sustain residents: universal basic income, or UBI. For one year, several dozen Stockton families will get $500 a month, no strings attached.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11701363/huge-cluster-of-octopuses-observed-southwest-of-monterey\">\u003cstrong>Huge Cluster of Octopuses Observed Southwest of Monterey\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11714812\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1180px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/cam1_20181023220412_edited-1180x664.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11714812\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/cam1_20181023220412_edited-1180x664.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1180\" height=\"664\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/cam1_20181023220412_edited-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/cam1_20181023220412_edited-1180x664-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/cam1_20181023220412_edited-1180x664-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/cam1_20181023220412_edited-1180x664-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/cam1_20181023220412_edited-1180x664-960x540.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/cam1_20181023220412_edited-1180x664-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/cam1_20181023220412_edited-1180x664-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/cam1_20181023220412_edited-1180x664-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1180px) 100vw, 1180px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Octopuses observed at the Davidson Seamount, an ocean habitat about 80 miles to the southwest of Monterey. \u003ccite>(Ocean Exploration Trust/NOAA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It was at the very end of a 35-hour expedition when scientists spotted the octopuses — more than a thousand of them — in a previously unexplored rocky habitat near the Davidson Seamount, an ocean habitat about 80 miles southwest of Monterey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were found in “brooding” positions, with their arms inverted as they covered their eggs, which they cemented to rocks approximately 10,000 feet below the ocean surface.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the first time scientists had found this type of cluster on the West Coast, and only the second time they have ever been observed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11690316/metoo-unmasks-the-open-secret-of-sexual-abuse-in-yoga\">#MeToo Unmasks the Open Secret of Sexual Abuse in Yoga\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648278\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29256_yogaharassment_final01-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11648278\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29256_yogaharassment_final01-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1028\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29256_yogaharassment_final01-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29256_yogaharassment_final01-qut-160x86.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29256_yogaharassment_final01-qut-800x428.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29256_yogaharassment_final01-qut-1020x546.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29256_yogaharassment_final01-qut-1180x632.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29256_yogaharassment_final01-qut-960x514.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29256_yogaharassment_final01-qut-240x129.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29256_yogaharassment_final01-qut-375x201.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29256_yogaharassment_final01-qut-520x278.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In the world of yoga, where there is a long history of sexual misconduct and abuse of power, experts and leaders say, the #MeToo soul-searching is only beginning. \u003ccite>(Mark Fiore/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Women are telling their stories amid a global outcry and reckoning over sexual misconduct and abuse — the #MeToo movement — at the highest levels of political office and in many industries, such as film, media and food. The growing number of accounts has forced many businesses and sectors to examine their codes of conduct, reporting processes and handling of bad actors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In yoga, experts and leaders say, that soul-searching is only beginning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED found that the yoga community is struggling to rein in this sexual misconduct and abuse in its ranks. Some experts believe the lack of oversight of teachers and schools is adding to the problems of an industry experiencing explosive growth, where touch and trust are a fundamental part of the practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11653858/film-with-footage-after-san-franciscos-1906-quake-found-at-flea-market\">\u003cstrong>Footage of San Francisco After 1906 Quake Found at Flea Market\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11714813\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1180px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-03-04-at-4.20.26-PM-1-1180x547.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11714813\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-03-04-at-4.20.26-PM-1-1180x547.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1180\" height=\"547\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-03-04-at-4.20.26-PM-1-1180x547.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-03-04-at-4.20.26-PM-1-1180x547-160x74.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-03-04-at-4.20.26-PM-1-1180x547-800x371.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-03-04-at-4.20.26-PM-1-1180x547-1020x473.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-03-04-at-4.20.26-PM-1-1180x547-960x445.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-03-04-at-4.20.26-PM-1-1180x547-240x111.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-03-04-at-4.20.26-PM-1-1180x547-375x174.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-03-04-at-4.20.26-PM-1-1180x547-520x241.png 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1180px) 100vw, 1180px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Miles Brothers, Still from ‘A Trip Down Market Street,’ 1906. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Rick Prelinger)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>More than a century after San Francisco’s deadly 1906 earthquake, a film reel surfaced at a flea market with nine minutes of footage capturing the city two weeks after the devastation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The long-lost find portrays some of the city’s post-quake decimation, including City Hall with its dome nearly destroyed, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/1906-quake-film-aftermath-found-SF-damage-clip-12722840.php?utm_campaign=twitter-desktop&utm_source=CMS%20Sharing%20Button&utm_medium=social\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/a> said. Much of the city was flattened and thousands were killed in the “great quake” and ensuing fire on April 18, 1906.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11667236/what-happened-to-perry-foster-michigan-san-francisco\">\u003cstrong>After His Death on the Street, a San Francisco Tent Resident’s Story Comes Into Focus\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11678485\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11678485\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry.jpg\" alt=\"Perry Foster lived in early 2016 on Division Street between Harrison and Bryant streets. He was from Grand Rapids, Michigan, where he was still a legend among high school classmates as the football star who led his team to an undefeated season and a state championship. Foster died on April 11, 2018.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1537\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry-160x128.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry-800x640.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry-1020x817.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry-1200x961.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry-1180x945.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry-960x769.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry-240x192.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry-375x300.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry-520x416.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Perry Foster lived in early 2016 on Division Street between Harrison and Bryant streets. He was from Grand Rapids, Michigan, where he was still a legend among high school classmates as the football star who led his team to an undefeated season and a state championship. Foster died on April 11, 2018. \u003ccite>(Dan Brekke/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, a KQED News reporter had a brief meeting with a frank, thoughtful homeless man on the streets of San Francisco. When the man died earlier this year, the reporter learned there was more to his story.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11705958/u-s-hardens-border-at-tijuana-to-prepare-for-migrant-caravan\">\u003cstrong>U.S. Hardens Border at Tijuana to Prepare for Migrant Caravan\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11714818\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1180px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1061160044-1180x787.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11714818 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1061160044-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1180\" height=\"787\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1061160044-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1061160044-1180x787-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1061160044-1180x787-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1061160044-1180x787-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1061160044-1180x787-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1061160044-1180x787-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1061160044-1180x787-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1061160044-1180x787-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1180px) 100vw, 1180px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. Department of Defense personnel install barriers requested by Customs and Border Protection at the San Ysidro Port of Entry in San Diego, under the Operation Secure Line anticipating the arrival of Central American migrants heading toward the border on Nov. 13, 2018. \u003ccite>(Guillermo Arias/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The U.S. government said it was starting work in November to “harden” the border crossing from Tijuana, Mexico, to prepare for the arrival of a migrant caravan leapfrogging its way across western Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The caravans became a campaign issue in U.S. midterm elections and President Trump ordered the deployment of over 5,000 military troops to the border to help fend off the migrants. Trump has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11703507/fact-check-migrants-are-not-overwhelming-the-southwest-border\">insinuated without proof\u003c/a> that there are criminals or even terrorists in the group.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11659870/a-timeline-leading-up-to-the-youtube-shooting\">A Timeline Leading Up to the YouTube Shooting\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11659817\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1400px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/aghdam.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11659817\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/aghdam.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1400\" height=\"1866\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/aghdam.jpg 1400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/aghdam-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/aghdam-800x1066.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/aghdam-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/aghdam-1180x1573.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/aghdam-960x1280.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/aghdam-240x320.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/aghdam-375x500.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/aghdam-520x693.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1400px) 100vw, 1400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nasim Najafi Aghdam, who shot three people and then killed herself at YouTube headquarters in San Bruno, was upset with the company, San Bruno Police Chief Ed Barberini said during a press conference. \u003ccite>(San Bruno Police Department)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A woman shot and wounded three people before fatally shooting herself at YouTube’s headquarters in San Bruno in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suspect, 39-year-old Nasim Najafi Aghdam, resided in the Riverside County city of Menifee. To earn income, she created videos for a number of websites, including YouTube.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11680592/highlights-from-the-california-democratic-partys-summer-executive-board-meeting\">State Democrats Endorse de León for U.S. Senate Over Feinstein\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11714858\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1180px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x522-1180x522.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11714858\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x522-1180x522.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1180\" height=\"522\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x522-1180x522.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x522-1180x522-160x71.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x522-1180x522-800x354.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x522-1180x522-1020x451.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x522-1180x522-960x425.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x522-1180x522-240x106.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x522-1180x522-375x166.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x522-1180x522-520x230.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1180px) 100vw, 1180px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The California Democratic Party voted to endorse state Sen. Kevin de León (R) over U.S. Sen. Dianne Feinstein (L) for U.S. Senate. \u003ccite>(Mark Wilson/Getty Images and Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California Democratic Party’s executive board voted to endorse state Sen. Kevin de León for U.S. Senate over Sen. Dianne Feinstein. De León received 65 percent of the vote, compared to just 7 percent for Feinstein. An endorsement required 60 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11683753/cal-fire-incident-report-on-death-of-dozer-operator-braden-varney\">How Cal Fire Dozer Operator Died: Report Lays Out Steps Leading to Ferguson Fire Tragedy\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11714859\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1180px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1003516730-1180x786.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11714859 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1003516730-1180x786.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1180\" height=\"786\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1003516730-1180x786.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1003516730-1180x786-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1003516730-1180x786-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1003516730-1180x786-1020x679.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1180px) 100vw, 1180px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Firefighters drive along dozer line near the Ferguson Fire in Stanislaus National Forest, near Yosemite National Park, eight days after the fire broke out in mid-July. \u003ccite>(Noah Berger/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A Cal Fire bulldozer operator killed in mid-July during the first hours of the Ferguson Fire near Yosemite was working alone on a treacherous jeep trail when his 42,000-pound machine crashed down a mountainside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Cal Fire report on the death of Braden Varney, 36, also says that fire commanders on the scene of the Ferguson Fire had been unable to communicate with him for more than four hours before he was discovered dead in the wreckage of his machine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report, which KQED obtained under a California Public Records Act request, suggests incident commanders and the bulldozer crew were lax in following basic safety protocols prior to the fatal incident early the morning of July 14.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>From answering listeners’ questions on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> to investigating sexual assault in the yoga community, from following the migrant caravan to covering the deadliest and most destructive fire in California history, KQED reported on the issues you needed to know about this year. We’ve compiled a list of our most popular news stories — based on page views and other metrics — that grabbed our audience’s attention as the year comes to a close.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11665993/watch-video-of-airliners-near-disaster-at-sfo\">WATCH: Harrowing NTSB Video of Airliner’s Near-Disaster at SFO\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11714807\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-05-02-at-4.47.42-PM-800x641.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11714807 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-05-02-at-4.47.42-PM-800x641.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"641\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-05-02-at-4.47.42-PM-800x641.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-05-02-at-4.47.42-PM-800x641-160x128.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Google Earth view of Runways 28L and 28R at San Francisco International Airport. During a nighttime landing in July 2017, an Air Canada flight crew confused a crowded taxiway at the top of this image with their assigned runway, 28R. \u003ccite>(Google Earth)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The National Transportation Safety Board released a trove of documentation collected after an incident in July 2017 in which an Air Canada jet narrowly avoided landing on a San Francisco International Airport taxiway crowded with airliners waiting to take off.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11643575/stockton-gets-ready-to-experiment-with-universal-basic-income\">\u003cstrong>Stockton Gets Ready to Experiment With Universal Basic Income\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11714811\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1180px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS4328_147225167-1180x856.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11714811 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS4328_147225167-1180x856.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1180\" height=\"856\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS4328_147225167-1180x856.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS4328_147225167-1180x856-160x116.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS4328_147225167-1180x856-800x580.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS4328_147225167-1180x856-1020x740.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS4328_147225167-1180x856-960x696.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS4328_147225167-1180x856-240x174.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS4328_147225167-1180x856-375x272.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS4328_147225167-1180x856-520x377.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1180px) 100vw, 1180px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A pedestrian walks by the vacant Bank of Stockton on June 27, 2012, in Stockton, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Wage stagnation. Rising housing prices. Loss of middle-class jobs. The looming threat of automation. These are some of the problems facing Stockton and its residents, but the city’s mayor, Michael Tubbs, says his city is far from unique.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think Stockton is absolutely ground zero for a lot of the issues we are facing as a nation,” Tubbs said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tubbs is coordinating an effort to test a new way to sustain residents: universal basic income, or UBI. For one year, several dozen Stockton families will get $500 a month, no strings attached.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11701363/huge-cluster-of-octopuses-observed-southwest-of-monterey\">\u003cstrong>Huge Cluster of Octopuses Observed Southwest of Monterey\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11714812\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1180px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/cam1_20181023220412_edited-1180x664.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11714812\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/cam1_20181023220412_edited-1180x664.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1180\" height=\"664\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/cam1_20181023220412_edited-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/cam1_20181023220412_edited-1180x664-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/cam1_20181023220412_edited-1180x664-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/cam1_20181023220412_edited-1180x664-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/cam1_20181023220412_edited-1180x664-960x540.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/cam1_20181023220412_edited-1180x664-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/cam1_20181023220412_edited-1180x664-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/cam1_20181023220412_edited-1180x664-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1180px) 100vw, 1180px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Octopuses observed at the Davidson Seamount, an ocean habitat about 80 miles to the southwest of Monterey. \u003ccite>(Ocean Exploration Trust/NOAA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It was at the very end of a 35-hour expedition when scientists spotted the octopuses — more than a thousand of them — in a previously unexplored rocky habitat near the Davidson Seamount, an ocean habitat about 80 miles southwest of Monterey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were found in “brooding” positions, with their arms inverted as they covered their eggs, which they cemented to rocks approximately 10,000 feet below the ocean surface.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the first time scientists had found this type of cluster on the West Coast, and only the second time they have ever been observed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11690316/metoo-unmasks-the-open-secret-of-sexual-abuse-in-yoga\">#MeToo Unmasks the Open Secret of Sexual Abuse in Yoga\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648278\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29256_yogaharassment_final01-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11648278\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29256_yogaharassment_final01-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1028\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29256_yogaharassment_final01-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29256_yogaharassment_final01-qut-160x86.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29256_yogaharassment_final01-qut-800x428.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29256_yogaharassment_final01-qut-1020x546.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29256_yogaharassment_final01-qut-1180x632.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29256_yogaharassment_final01-qut-960x514.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29256_yogaharassment_final01-qut-240x129.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29256_yogaharassment_final01-qut-375x201.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29256_yogaharassment_final01-qut-520x278.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In the world of yoga, where there is a long history of sexual misconduct and abuse of power, experts and leaders say, the #MeToo soul-searching is only beginning. \u003ccite>(Mark Fiore/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Women are telling their stories amid a global outcry and reckoning over sexual misconduct and abuse — the #MeToo movement — at the highest levels of political office and in many industries, such as film, media and food. The growing number of accounts has forced many businesses and sectors to examine their codes of conduct, reporting processes and handling of bad actors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In yoga, experts and leaders say, that soul-searching is only beginning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED found that the yoga community is struggling to rein in this sexual misconduct and abuse in its ranks. Some experts believe the lack of oversight of teachers and schools is adding to the problems of an industry experiencing explosive growth, where touch and trust are a fundamental part of the practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11653858/film-with-footage-after-san-franciscos-1906-quake-found-at-flea-market\">\u003cstrong>Footage of San Francisco After 1906 Quake Found at Flea Market\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11714813\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1180px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-03-04-at-4.20.26-PM-1-1180x547.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11714813\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-03-04-at-4.20.26-PM-1-1180x547.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1180\" height=\"547\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-03-04-at-4.20.26-PM-1-1180x547.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-03-04-at-4.20.26-PM-1-1180x547-160x74.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-03-04-at-4.20.26-PM-1-1180x547-800x371.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-03-04-at-4.20.26-PM-1-1180x547-1020x473.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-03-04-at-4.20.26-PM-1-1180x547-960x445.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-03-04-at-4.20.26-PM-1-1180x547-240x111.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-03-04-at-4.20.26-PM-1-1180x547-375x174.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Screen-Shot-2018-03-04-at-4.20.26-PM-1-1180x547-520x241.png 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1180px) 100vw, 1180px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Miles Brothers, Still from ‘A Trip Down Market Street,’ 1906. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Rick Prelinger)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>More than a century after San Francisco’s deadly 1906 earthquake, a film reel surfaced at a flea market with nine minutes of footage capturing the city two weeks after the devastation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The long-lost find portrays some of the city’s post-quake decimation, including City Hall with its dome nearly destroyed, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/1906-quake-film-aftermath-found-SF-damage-clip-12722840.php?utm_campaign=twitter-desktop&utm_source=CMS%20Sharing%20Button&utm_medium=social\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/a> said. Much of the city was flattened and thousands were killed in the “great quake” and ensuing fire on April 18, 1906.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11667236/what-happened-to-perry-foster-michigan-san-francisco\">\u003cstrong>After His Death on the Street, a San Francisco Tent Resident’s Story Comes Into Focus\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11678485\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11678485\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry.jpg\" alt=\"Perry Foster lived in early 2016 on Division Street between Harrison and Bryant streets. He was from Grand Rapids, Michigan, where he was still a legend among high school classmates as the football star who led his team to an undefeated season and a state championship. Foster died on April 11, 2018.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1537\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry-160x128.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry-800x640.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry-1020x817.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry-1200x961.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry-1180x945.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry-960x769.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry-240x192.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry-375x300.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/perry-520x416.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Perry Foster lived in early 2016 on Division Street between Harrison and Bryant streets. He was from Grand Rapids, Michigan, where he was still a legend among high school classmates as the football star who led his team to an undefeated season and a state championship. Foster died on April 11, 2018. \u003ccite>(Dan Brekke/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, a KQED News reporter had a brief meeting with a frank, thoughtful homeless man on the streets of San Francisco. When the man died earlier this year, the reporter learned there was more to his story.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11705958/u-s-hardens-border-at-tijuana-to-prepare-for-migrant-caravan\">\u003cstrong>U.S. Hardens Border at Tijuana to Prepare for Migrant Caravan\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11714818\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1180px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1061160044-1180x787.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11714818 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1061160044-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1180\" height=\"787\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1061160044-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1061160044-1180x787-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1061160044-1180x787-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1061160044-1180x787-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1061160044-1180x787-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1061160044-1180x787-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1061160044-1180x787-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1061160044-1180x787-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1180px) 100vw, 1180px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. Department of Defense personnel install barriers requested by Customs and Border Protection at the San Ysidro Port of Entry in San Diego, under the Operation Secure Line anticipating the arrival of Central American migrants heading toward the border on Nov. 13, 2018. \u003ccite>(Guillermo Arias/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The U.S. government said it was starting work in November to “harden” the border crossing from Tijuana, Mexico, to prepare for the arrival of a migrant caravan leapfrogging its way across western Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The caravans became a campaign issue in U.S. midterm elections and President Trump ordered the deployment of over 5,000 military troops to the border to help fend off the migrants. Trump has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11703507/fact-check-migrants-are-not-overwhelming-the-southwest-border\">insinuated without proof\u003c/a> that there are criminals or even terrorists in the group.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11659870/a-timeline-leading-up-to-the-youtube-shooting\">A Timeline Leading Up to the YouTube Shooting\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11659817\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1400px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/aghdam.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11659817\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/aghdam.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1400\" height=\"1866\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/aghdam.jpg 1400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/aghdam-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/aghdam-800x1066.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/aghdam-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/aghdam-1180x1573.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/aghdam-960x1280.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/aghdam-240x320.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/aghdam-375x500.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/aghdam-520x693.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1400px) 100vw, 1400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nasim Najafi Aghdam, who shot three people and then killed herself at YouTube headquarters in San Bruno, was upset with the company, San Bruno Police Chief Ed Barberini said during a press conference. \u003ccite>(San Bruno Police Department)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A woman shot and wounded three people before fatally shooting herself at YouTube’s headquarters in San Bruno in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suspect, 39-year-old Nasim Najafi Aghdam, resided in the Riverside County city of Menifee. To earn income, she created videos for a number of websites, including YouTube.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11680592/highlights-from-the-california-democratic-partys-summer-executive-board-meeting\">State Democrats Endorse de León for U.S. Senate Over Feinstein\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11714858\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1180px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x522-1180x522.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11714858\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x522-1180x522.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1180\" height=\"522\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x522-1180x522.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x522-1180x522-160x71.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x522-1180x522-800x354.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x522-1180x522-1020x451.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x522-1180x522-960x425.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x522-1180x522-240x106.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x522-1180x522-375x166.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x522-1180x522-520x230.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1180px) 100vw, 1180px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The California Democratic Party voted to endorse state Sen. Kevin de León (R) over U.S. Sen. Dianne Feinstein (L) for U.S. Senate. \u003ccite>(Mark Wilson/Getty Images and Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California Democratic Party’s executive board voted to endorse state Sen. Kevin de León for U.S. Senate over Sen. Dianne Feinstein. De León received 65 percent of the vote, compared to just 7 percent for Feinstein. An endorsement required 60 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11683753/cal-fire-incident-report-on-death-of-dozer-operator-braden-varney\">How Cal Fire Dozer Operator Died: Report Lays Out Steps Leading to Ferguson Fire Tragedy\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11714859\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1180px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1003516730-1180x786.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11714859 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1003516730-1180x786.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1180\" height=\"786\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1003516730-1180x786.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1003516730-1180x786-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1003516730-1180x786-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1003516730-1180x786-1020x679.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1180px) 100vw, 1180px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Firefighters drive along dozer line near the Ferguson Fire in Stanislaus National Forest, near Yosemite National Park, eight days after the fire broke out in mid-July. \u003ccite>(Noah Berger/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A Cal Fire bulldozer operator killed in mid-July during the first hours of the Ferguson Fire near Yosemite was working alone on a treacherous jeep trail when his 42,000-pound machine crashed down a mountainside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Cal Fire report on the death of Braden Varney, 36, also says that fire commanders on the scene of the Ferguson Fire had been unable to communicate with him for more than four hours before he was discovered dead in the wreckage of his machine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/program/kqed-newsroom/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED Newsroom\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Friday, Dec. 21, 2018\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">7 p.m. on Channel 9\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gov. Jerry Brown\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jerry Brown is wrapping up his third and final term as governor of California. He successfully reversed the state’s fiscal woes and leaves office with a projected budget surplus of $30 billion in state coffers. Brown oversaw a broad overhaul of the state’s criminal justice system and fought for policies to combat climate change while facing challenges from the Trump administration. KQED California Politics and Government Senior Editor Scott Shafer sits down with the outgoing governor to reflect on his legacy.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>2018 in Review\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We look back at some of the top stories of 2018. In politics, California played a key role in the midterm election’s “blue wave,” where Democrats won congressional seats long held by Republicans in the Central Valley and Southern California. Meanwhile, refugees became the focus of a bitter political debate as the Trump administration separated families at the border and civil rights advocates went to court. We also reflect on the tragic Butte County Camp Fire as displaced residents decide whether to rebuild or move on. And in the tech industry, it’s been a year filled with troubling revelations about how companies like Facebook, Google and Twitter handle user data.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cb>Lily Jamali,\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> KQED The California Report co-host\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cb>Marisa Lagos, \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED California Politics and Government reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cb>Tonya Mosley\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, KQED Silicon Valley bureau chief\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Comedian Paula Poundstone\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Comedian Paula Poundstone is a star panelist on the NPR quiz show, “Wait Wait, Don’t Tell Me!”, where she’s known for her off-the-cuff humor. She has had an HBO special and her own variety show, and is on her second podcast, called “Nobody Listens to Paula Poundstone.” She’s also the author of two books, including “The Totally Unscientific Study of the Search for Human Happiness.” Poundstone started her career and refined her stand-up act at tiny clubs and open mic nights in San Francisco in the 1980s. She returns to the Bay Area to talk with us ahead of her New Year’s Eve show at the Nourse Theater, now renamed the Sydney Goldstein Theater.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jerry Brown is wrapping up his third and final term as governor of California. He successfully reversed the state’s fiscal woes and leaves office with a projected budget surplus of $30 billion in state coffers. Brown oversaw a broad overhaul of the state’s criminal justice system and fought for policies to combat climate change while facing challenges from the Trump administration. KQED California Politics and Government Senior Editor Scott Shafer sits down with the outgoing governor to reflect on his legacy.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>2018 in Review\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We look back at some of the top stories of 2018. In politics, California played a key role in the midterm election’s “blue wave,” where Democrats won congressional seats long held by Republicans in the Central Valley and Southern California. Meanwhile, refugees became the focus of a bitter political debate as the Trump administration separated families at the border and civil rights advocates went to court. We also reflect on the tragic Butte County Camp Fire as displaced residents decide whether to rebuild or move on. And in the tech industry, it’s been a year filled with troubling revelations about how companies like Facebook, Google and Twitter handle user data.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cb>Lily Jamali,\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> KQED The California Report co-host\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cb>Marisa Lagos, \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED California Politics and Government reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cb>Tonya Mosley\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, KQED Silicon Valley bureau chief\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Comedian Paula Poundstone\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Comedian Paula Poundstone is a star panelist on the NPR quiz show, “Wait Wait, Don’t Tell Me!”, where she’s known for her off-the-cuff humor. She has had an HBO special and her own variety show, and is on her second podcast, called “Nobody Listens to Paula Poundstone.” She’s also the author of two books, including “The Totally Unscientific Study of the Search for Human Happiness.” Poundstone started her career and refined her stand-up act at tiny clubs and open mic nights in San Francisco in the 1980s. She returns to the Bay Area to talk with us ahead of her New Year’s Eve show at the Nourse Theater, now renamed the Sydney Goldstein Theater.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>House Republicans couldn’t get stricter work rules for those who receive food stamps into law. So the Trump administration is attempting to sidestep Congress and add them anyway. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, the Department of Agriculture unveiled \u003ca href=\"https://fns-prod.azureedge.net/sites/default/files/snap/ABAWDtoOFR.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">a regulatory proposal\u003c/a> to expand work requirements for those in the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed rule change makes it harder for states to waive work requirements in areas that have high unemployment, currently defined as 20 percent above the national average. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The USDA is calling for those waivers to be limited to one year, down from up to two years states can currently request. It also wants to slash states’ ability to “bank” waivers for future years and is pushing to restrict waivers under certain criteria where local unemployment is around 7 percent. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, the proposed rule could reduce areas that qualify for waivers by roughly 75 percent, according to USDA officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The change to the federal SNAP program, which is overseen by the USDA, comes on the same day President Trump is expected to sign the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/12/11/673453156/farm-bill-compromise-reached-with-snap-changes-out-industrial-hemp-in\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">$867 billion \u003c/a>farm bill into law. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These actions will save hard-working taxpayers $15 billion over 10 years,” said Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue, adding that the proposed rule would also get Trump “to support a farm bill he might otherwise have opposed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under current law, able-bodied adults without dependents — commonly referred to by the acronym “ABAWDs” — are required to work 20 hours a week or be in a job training program. An ABAWD is classified as someone 18 to 49 who is not elderly, a woman who is pregnant or someone living with a disability. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a USDA \u003ca href=\"https://fns-prod.azureedge.net/sites/default/files/snap/ABAWDSFactSheet.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">fact sheet\u003c/a>, 2.8 million individual ABAWDs on SNAP rolls in 2016 were not working. If the proposed rule change from USDA is approved, roughly 755,000 would lose food stamp benefits as a result of the new waiver restrictions. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the latest push by the Trump administration to call for stricter work requirements as a way to move more Americans off public assistance and toward self-sufficiency, often pointing to the low unemployment rate, currently at 3.7 percent, as evidence jobs are available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This restores the dignity of work to a sizable segment of our population, while it’s also respectful of the taxpayers who fund the [SNAP] program,” Perdue said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farm bill negotiations were bogged down for months over work requirement provisions included in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/21/622365893/house-passes-farm-bill-with-controversial-work-requirements\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">House-passed\u003c/a> version of the farm bill. Those provisions, supported by House Republicans and the president were eventually \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/12/11/673453156/farm-bill-compromise-reached-with-snap-changes-out-industrial-hemp-in\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">weeded out\u003c/a> of the final bill. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats on Capitol Hill lambasted the proposal, including Sen. Debbie Stabenow, D-Mich., the ranking member on the Senate Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition and Forestry, saying the change was “driven by ideology.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This regulation blatantly ignores the bipartisan Farm Bill that the president is signing today and disregards over 20 years of history giving states flexibility to request waivers based on local job conditions,” Stabenow said in a statement. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do not support unilateral and unjustified changes that would take food away from families,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Mike Conaway, R-Texas, the chairman of the House Agriculture committee, cheered the administration’s push. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an issue we took head-on in the House-passed farm bill, creating a road map for states to more effectively engage [able-bodied adults without dependents] in this booming economy,” Conaway said in a statement. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I applaud the proposed rule and proudly stand with the Trump administration in demonstrating the importance of state accountability and recipient success.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once the proposed rule is published in the Federal Register, it will be open for 60 days for the public to comment. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Sidestepping+Congress%2C+Trump+Administration+Proposes+More+Work+Rules+For+Food+Stamps&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>House Republicans couldn’t get stricter work rules for those who receive food stamps into law. So the Trump administration is attempting to sidestep Congress and add them anyway. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, the Department of Agriculture unveiled \u003ca href=\"https://fns-prod.azureedge.net/sites/default/files/snap/ABAWDtoOFR.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">a regulatory proposal\u003c/a> to expand work requirements for those in the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed rule change makes it harder for states to waive work requirements in areas that have high unemployment, currently defined as 20 percent above the national average. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The USDA is calling for those waivers to be limited to one year, down from up to two years states can currently request. It also wants to slash states’ ability to “bank” waivers for future years and is pushing to restrict waivers under certain criteria where local unemployment is around 7 percent. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, the proposed rule could reduce areas that qualify for waivers by roughly 75 percent, according to USDA officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The change to the federal SNAP program, which is overseen by the USDA, comes on the same day President Trump is expected to sign the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/12/11/673453156/farm-bill-compromise-reached-with-snap-changes-out-industrial-hemp-in\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">$867 billion \u003c/a>farm bill into law. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These actions will save hard-working taxpayers $15 billion over 10 years,” said Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue, adding that the proposed rule would also get Trump “to support a farm bill he might otherwise have opposed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under current law, able-bodied adults without dependents — commonly referred to by the acronym “ABAWDs” — are required to work 20 hours a week or be in a job training program. An ABAWD is classified as someone 18 to 49 who is not elderly, a woman who is pregnant or someone living with a disability. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a USDA \u003ca href=\"https://fns-prod.azureedge.net/sites/default/files/snap/ABAWDSFactSheet.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">fact sheet\u003c/a>, 2.8 million individual ABAWDs on SNAP rolls in 2016 were not working. If the proposed rule change from USDA is approved, roughly 755,000 would lose food stamp benefits as a result of the new waiver restrictions. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the latest push by the Trump administration to call for stricter work requirements as a way to move more Americans off public assistance and toward self-sufficiency, often pointing to the low unemployment rate, currently at 3.7 percent, as evidence jobs are available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This restores the dignity of work to a sizable segment of our population, while it’s also respectful of the taxpayers who fund the [SNAP] program,” Perdue said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farm bill negotiations were bogged down for months over work requirement provisions included in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/21/622365893/house-passes-farm-bill-with-controversial-work-requirements\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">House-passed\u003c/a> version of the farm bill. Those provisions, supported by House Republicans and the president were eventually \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/12/11/673453156/farm-bill-compromise-reached-with-snap-changes-out-industrial-hemp-in\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">weeded out\u003c/a> of the final bill. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats on Capitol Hill lambasted the proposal, including Sen. Debbie Stabenow, D-Mich., the ranking member on the Senate Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition and Forestry, saying the change was “driven by ideology.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This regulation blatantly ignores the bipartisan Farm Bill that the president is signing today and disregards over 20 years of history giving states flexibility to request waivers based on local job conditions,” Stabenow said in a statement. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do not support unilateral and unjustified changes that would take food away from families,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Mike Conaway, R-Texas, the chairman of the House Agriculture committee, cheered the administration’s push. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an issue we took head-on in the House-passed farm bill, creating a road map for states to more effectively engage [able-bodied adults without dependents] in this booming economy,” Conaway said in a statement. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I applaud the proposed rule and proudly stand with the Trump administration in demonstrating the importance of state accountability and recipient success.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once the proposed rule is published in the Federal Register, it will be open for 60 days for the public to comment. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Sidestepping+Congress%2C+Trump+Administration+Proposes+More+Work+Rules+For+Food+Stamps&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]D[/dropcap]o you know how much your neighbor’s house cost? How about how much they pay in property taxes? We usually don’t pry into our neighbors’ lives and ask these questions, but as part of our special on California’s Proposition 13, that’s exactly what we did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year marks the 40th anniversary of Proposition 13, which essentially locks in a homeowner’s property tax to the year they bought their home — no matter how much their home increases in value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To get a sense of Proposition 13’s impact on Californians, KQED Education Reporter Vanessa Rancaño looked at her own neighborhood in North Oakland, where she rents a home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711712\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11711712\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">KQED Education Reporter Vanessa Rancaño invited her North Oakland neighbors over to talk about the impact Proposition 13 has had on their lives. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On a rainy day in late November, three of her neighbors and a fellow Oakland resident met in Rancaño’s living room for brunch and a conversation about how Proposition 13 affects each of them differently — even though they live just doors away from each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700683/too-few-homes-is-proposition-13-to-blame-for-californias-housing-shortage\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cstrong>Michelle Krasowski\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711718\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11711718\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Michelle Krasowski is a librarian who rents an apartment in North Oakland.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michelle Krasowski is a librarian who rents an apartment in North Oakland. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California Dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Michelle Krasowski works as the Librarian Specialist in support of Adult Services for the Contra Costa County Library System. She has rented an apartment on the block for two years, and says she spends most of her paycheck on rent. She says she was shocked when she found out how her rent compares to what her landlord is paying in property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“I feel like he’s he’s getting a lot out of this and I’m getting a lot sucked out of me and my life. I’m here to serve the public and my community, I’m invested in improving people’s quality of life — especially for people like me who are government workers. I can’t negotiate a higher salary. I have a salary cap. There is no rent cap, there is no home sales cap. So in this particular climate I’ll never be able to own a home. And that’s really sad to me as somebody who really cares about the people around me.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ken Wilkins\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711749\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11711749\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Ken Wilkens is retired. He bought his house in Oakland in 1976.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ken Wilkins is retired. He bought his house in Oakland in 1976. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 1976 (two years before Proposition 13 passed), Ken Wilkins bought his home for $18,500. That was $2,000 less than he paid for the car he drives now. Now, he pays only $1,800 in property taxes, which helps him stay in the neighborhood as a retired senior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“I think I [voted for Proposition 13], but I really didn’t think it out really well. I think there should have been some other compromise like businesses should not have had that break at all. But I actually am happy to be under Proposition 13. [If Proposition 13 were theoretically repealed], I think I would move to Nebraska!”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700810/similar-homes-different-taxes-is-proposition-13-fair-to-new-homeowners\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cstrong>Jas Johl\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711756\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11711756\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Jas Johl got a job in the tech industry so she could buy her house.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jas Johl got a job in the tech industry so she could buy her house. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jas Johl grew up in Sacramento and got a needs-based scholarship to attend UC Berkeley for college. She chose to work in the tech industry because she wanted to own a home in Oakland. She says she is more willing to pay her hefty property taxes ($13,000), because they go toward funding public education. Still, she says, it doesn’t seem right that so few people have the chance to be homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“My parents were immigrants, I grew up in a family of seven on a $35,000 income. And now I am a family of one with…I don’t know how many times that income. I do think I’m very lucky but I also feel like it shouldn’t be this hard. I like the job I have now. But I mean, would I be a teacher if being a teacher paid the same amount?”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Gardner\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711766\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11711766\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Henry Gardner was Oakland's Assistant City Manager in 1978 when Prop 13 passed.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Henry Gardner was Oakland’s Assistant City Manager in 1978 when Prop 13 passed. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Henry Gardner has lived in Oakland since 1971. He was Assistant City Manager when Proposition 13 passed and became City Manager three years later. He says as a homeowner, he benefits from Proposition 13 — even though he says it has hurt the city “tremendously.” Gardner is a strong advocate of a split roll tax, which would adjust property taxes more frequently. It will be on the ballot in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“[The] California dream is to expose our children to arts, to culture, to music, to have high-quality libraries, to have communities that are safe. Those are all California dreams. It’s not just ownership. It’s an opportunity to advance, and we have lost a lot of that. Not all of it’s due to Proposition 13, but a lot of it is.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">D\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>o you know how much your neighbor’s house cost? How about how much they pay in property taxes? We usually don’t pry into our neighbors’ lives and ask these questions, but as part of our special on California’s Proposition 13, that’s exactly what we did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year marks the 40th anniversary of Proposition 13, which essentially locks in a homeowner’s property tax to the year they bought their home — no matter how much their home increases in value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To get a sense of Proposition 13’s impact on Californians, KQED Education Reporter Vanessa Rancaño looked at her own neighborhood in North Oakland, where she rents a home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711712\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11711712\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34431_TCR-120118_PROP13-_101-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">KQED Education Reporter Vanessa Rancaño invited her North Oakland neighbors over to talk about the impact Proposition 13 has had on their lives. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On a rainy day in late November, three of her neighbors and a fellow Oakland resident met in Rancaño’s living room for brunch and a conversation about how Proposition 13 affects each of them differently — even though they live just doors away from each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700683/too-few-homes-is-proposition-13-to-blame-for-californias-housing-shortage\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cstrong>Michelle Krasowski\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711718\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11711718\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Michelle Krasowski is a librarian who rents an apartment in North Oakland.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34435_TCR-120118_PROP13-_205-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michelle Krasowski is a librarian who rents an apartment in North Oakland. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California Dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Michelle Krasowski works as the Librarian Specialist in support of Adult Services for the Contra Costa County Library System. She has rented an apartment on the block for two years, and says she spends most of her paycheck on rent. She says she was shocked when she found out how her rent compares to what her landlord is paying in property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“I feel like he’s he’s getting a lot out of this and I’m getting a lot sucked out of me and my life. I’m here to serve the public and my community, I’m invested in improving people’s quality of life — especially for people like me who are government workers. I can’t negotiate a higher salary. I have a salary cap. There is no rent cap, there is no home sales cap. So in this particular climate I’ll never be able to own a home. And that’s really sad to me as somebody who really cares about the people around me.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ken Wilkins\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711749\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11711749\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Ken Wilkens is retired. He bought his house in Oakland in 1976.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34430_TCR-120118_PROP13-_147-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ken Wilkins is retired. He bought his house in Oakland in 1976. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 1976 (two years before Proposition 13 passed), Ken Wilkins bought his home for $18,500. That was $2,000 less than he paid for the car he drives now. Now, he pays only $1,800 in property taxes, which helps him stay in the neighborhood as a retired senior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“I think I [voted for Proposition 13], but I really didn’t think it out really well. I think there should have been some other compromise like businesses should not have had that break at all. But I actually am happy to be under Proposition 13. [If Proposition 13 were theoretically repealed], I think I would move to Nebraska!”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700810/similar-homes-different-taxes-is-proposition-13-fair-to-new-homeowners\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cstrong>Jas Johl\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711756\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11711756\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Jas Johl got a job in the tech industry so she could buy her house.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34432_TCR-120118_PROP13-_292-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jas Johl got a job in the tech industry so she could buy her house. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jas Johl grew up in Sacramento and got a needs-based scholarship to attend UC Berkeley for college. She chose to work in the tech industry because she wanted to own a home in Oakland. She says she is more willing to pay her hefty property taxes ($13,000), because they go toward funding public education. Still, she says, it doesn’t seem right that so few people have the chance to be homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“My parents were immigrants, I grew up in a family of seven on a $35,000 income. And now I am a family of one with…I don’t know how many times that income. I do think I’m very lucky but I also feel like it shouldn’t be this hard. I like the job I have now. But I mean, would I be a teacher if being a teacher paid the same amount?”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Gardner\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711766\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11711766\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Henry Gardner was Oakland's Assistant City Manager in 1978 when Prop 13 passed.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34433_TCR-120118_PROP13-_257-qut-1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Henry Gardner was Oakland’s Assistant City Manager in 1978 when Prop 13 passed. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Henry Gardner has lived in Oakland since 1971. He was Assistant City Manager when Proposition 13 passed and became City Manager three years later. He says as a homeowner, he benefits from Proposition 13 — even though he says it has hurt the city “tremendously.” Gardner is a strong advocate of a split roll tax, which would adjust property taxes more frequently. It will be on the ballot in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“[The] California dream is to expose our children to arts, to culture, to music, to have high-quality libraries, to have communities that are safe. Those are all California dreams. It’s not just ownership. It’s an opportunity to advance, and we have lost a lot of that. Not all of it’s due to Proposition 13, but a lot of it is.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "chief-justice-of-the-california-supreme-court-leaves-the-republican-party-citing-kavanaugh",
"title": "Chief Justice of the California Supreme Court Leaves the Republican Party, Citing Kavanaugh",
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"headTitle": "Chief Justice of the California Supreme Court Leaves the Republican Party, Citing Kavanaugh | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California Chief Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye has quietly given up her Republican registration and re-registered as a no-party-preference voter, saying Thursday she had become increasingly uncomfortable with the GOP’s direction nationally and in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a phone interview with CALmatters, Cantil-Sakauye—who was a prosecutor before becoming a judge 28 years ago and California Supreme Court chief justice in 2011—said she made the final decision to change her registration after watching the U.S. Senate confirmation hearings of U.S. Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh. “You can draw your own conclusions,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In those hearings, Kavanaugh denied allegations by Christine Blasey Ford, a Palo Alto professor, that he assaulted her when they were high school students in Maryland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been thinking about it for some time,” Cantil-Sakauye said, adding that she talked it over with her husband and friends. Their consensus, she said, was that, “you didn’t leave the party. The party left you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 59-year-old jurist, who as chief justice is the head of the judicial branch of government, is the latest high-profile Republican to disavow the party in the wake of President Donald Trump’s 2016 election, though she did so without fanfare. Political consultant Steve Schmidt, who ran Sen. John McCain’s 2008 presidential campaign, TV personality and former congressman Joe Scarborough and others have publicly peeled off as GOP priorities shifted to reflect the president and his administration’s combative style and nationalist agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her decision also underscores the GOP’s decline in California, where Republicans’ share of registered voters has plummeted to less than a quarter of the electorate, below no-party-preference registration. And it reflects the diminished support for the GOP among women, particularly since the divisive Kavanaugh hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Associated Press poll found that women favored Democratic candidates over Republicans 56-41 percent in the recent congressional elections. “I felt compelled to make a choice now,” said Cantil-Sakauye, the first Filipina-American Supreme Court justice and the second woman to serve as California’s chief justice. “It better suits what I do and how I approach issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She answered the question about her party registration Thursday after appearing on a National Judicial College-hosted panel at the National Press Club with judges and justices who discussed attacks on the judiciary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cantil-Sakauye last year sent a pointed letter to then U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions and then Homeland Security Secretary John Kelly urging that federal law enforcement cease the practice of “stalking undocumented immigrants” to arrest them in courthouses. She warned that it would prompt immigrants to stop reporting crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11712244/judges-ask-ice-to-make-courts-off-limits-to-immigration-arrests\">Judges Ask ICE to Make Courts Off Limits to Immigration Arrests\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11712244/judges-ask-ice-to-make-courts-off-limits-to-immigration-arrests\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/gettyimages-888870656-e9acdd0cdcb80ec5cd16b8a05023e4e5664f30fb-1180x885.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Enforcement policies that include stalking courthouses and arresting undocumented immigrants, the vast majority of whom pose no risk to public safety, are neither safe nor fair,” she wrote. Kelly and Sessions dismissed her request, telling her to address her concerns to Gov. Jerry Brown and that California “sanctuary” policies “threaten public safety, rather than enhance it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Thursday event, she cited the dispute over courthouse arrests, and also indirect attacks, including legislative efforts to shape the judiciary by using the budget to direct judges’ priorities, and sniping by other judges. She has resisted such earmarks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe the attacks are going to stop. I do not believe the undermining and marginalizing of the branch will ever stop. And it is people’s right to speak up,” she said. But she added that judges need to help their cause by opening themselves and the courts to the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, she said, she, other judges, legislators, and schools are working to increase and improve civics education in public schools.Republican Govs. George Deukmejian and Pete Wilson appointed Cantil-Sakauye to the trial courts, and Republican Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger appointed her first to an appellate court and then to the California Supreme Court as chief justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until recently, the court had been divided, with four justices appointed by Republican governors and three by Democratic Gov. Brown. Brown’s fourth appointee, Joshua Groban, is expected to be confirmed at a hearing next week.Decisions during Cantil-Sakauye’s tenure as chief justice, however, have generally conveyed cohesion, with the court regularly issuing decisions that are unanimous or near-unanimous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "'I felt compelled to make a choice now,' said Tani Cantil-Sakauye, the second woman to serve as California's chief justice. 'It better suits what I do and how I approach issues.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California Chief Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye has quietly given up her Republican registration and re-registered as a no-party-preference voter, saying Thursday she had become increasingly uncomfortable with the GOP’s direction nationally and in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a phone interview with CALmatters, Cantil-Sakauye—who was a prosecutor before becoming a judge 28 years ago and California Supreme Court chief justice in 2011—said she made the final decision to change her registration after watching the U.S. Senate confirmation hearings of U.S. Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh. “You can draw your own conclusions,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In those hearings, Kavanaugh denied allegations by Christine Blasey Ford, a Palo Alto professor, that he assaulted her when they were high school students in Maryland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been thinking about it for some time,” Cantil-Sakauye said, adding that she talked it over with her husband and friends. Their consensus, she said, was that, “you didn’t leave the party. The party left you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 59-year-old jurist, who as chief justice is the head of the judicial branch of government, is the latest high-profile Republican to disavow the party in the wake of President Donald Trump’s 2016 election, though she did so without fanfare. Political consultant Steve Schmidt, who ran Sen. John McCain’s 2008 presidential campaign, TV personality and former congressman Joe Scarborough and others have publicly peeled off as GOP priorities shifted to reflect the president and his administration’s combative style and nationalist agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her decision also underscores the GOP’s decline in California, where Republicans’ share of registered voters has plummeted to less than a quarter of the electorate, below no-party-preference registration. And it reflects the diminished support for the GOP among women, particularly since the divisive Kavanaugh hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Associated Press poll found that women favored Democratic candidates over Republicans 56-41 percent in the recent congressional elections. “I felt compelled to make a choice now,” said Cantil-Sakauye, the first Filipina-American Supreme Court justice and the second woman to serve as California’s chief justice. “It better suits what I do and how I approach issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She answered the question about her party registration Thursday after appearing on a National Judicial College-hosted panel at the National Press Club with judges and justices who discussed attacks on the judiciary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cantil-Sakauye last year sent a pointed letter to then U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions and then Homeland Security Secretary John Kelly urging that federal law enforcement cease the practice of “stalking undocumented immigrants” to arrest them in courthouses. She warned that it would prompt immigrants to stop reporting crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11712244/judges-ask-ice-to-make-courts-off-limits-to-immigration-arrests\">Judges Ask ICE to Make Courts Off Limits to Immigration Arrests\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11712244/judges-ask-ice-to-make-courts-off-limits-to-immigration-arrests\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/gettyimages-888870656-e9acdd0cdcb80ec5cd16b8a05023e4e5664f30fb-1180x885.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Enforcement policies that include stalking courthouses and arresting undocumented immigrants, the vast majority of whom pose no risk to public safety, are neither safe nor fair,” she wrote. Kelly and Sessions dismissed her request, telling her to address her concerns to Gov. Jerry Brown and that California “sanctuary” policies “threaten public safety, rather than enhance it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Thursday event, she cited the dispute over courthouse arrests, and also indirect attacks, including legislative efforts to shape the judiciary by using the budget to direct judges’ priorities, and sniping by other judges. She has resisted such earmarks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe the attacks are going to stop. I do not believe the undermining and marginalizing of the branch will ever stop. And it is people’s right to speak up,” she said. But she added that judges need to help their cause by opening themselves and the courts to the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, she said, she, other judges, legislators, and schools are working to increase and improve civics education in public schools.Republican Govs. George Deukmejian and Pete Wilson appointed Cantil-Sakauye to the trial courts, and Republican Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger appointed her first to an appellate court and then to the California Supreme Court as chief justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until recently, the court had been divided, with four justices appointed by Republican governors and three by Democratic Gov. Brown. Brown’s fourth appointee, Joshua Groban, is expected to be confirmed at a hearing next week.Decisions during Cantil-Sakauye’s tenure as chief justice, however, have generally conveyed cohesion, with the court regularly issuing decisions that are unanimous or near-unanimous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]I[/dropcap]n a scramble to keep people enrolled in health care plans, what did New Jersey, Vermont and the District of Columbia do earlier this year that California has not done?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They began requiring that their residents carry health coverage or face a state penalty for going without it. Such “individual mandates” aim to replace the federal mandate—perhaps the most controversial but essential part of the Affordable Care Act, often called Obamacare—that sought to force people to sign up for health insurance or pay a tax penalty. The Republican Congress and the Trump administration have repealed that federal penalty, effective next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The clock is ticking. Obamacare has led to a record number of Californians having medical coverage. But a new study warns that if the state does nothing to counteract the Trump administration’s moves to undermine Obamacare, up to 1 million more Californians could be without health insurance within the next five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s kept California from enacting its own mandate? Some state Democratic leaders are wary of enacting a state mandate without also making health insurance cheaper for Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Providing subsidies is a better reality for members of our community than providing penalties,” said Assemblyman Joaquin Arambula, a Fresno Democrat who co-chaired the select committee on universal health care that conducted town halls across the state last summer. “It’s the carrot versus the stick.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento state Sen. Richard Pan, a Democrat who chairs the Senate Health Committee, said the Legislature is focused on keeping the state’s insurance market exchange, known as Covered California, strong. Some 2 million Californians buy health coverage through the exchange, which provides federal subsidies to low-income purchasers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are going to do what we can in California to stabilize the insurance market, to do what we can to make health insurance, particularly on Covered California, affordable,” said Pan, who has not yet endorsed any particular remedy. “We are up against a federal administration that is doing the opposite and forcing people to pay higher premiums.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we look at options, like do we want to do an individual mandate, we also need to recognize part of what is driving that is not only the removal of the federal mandate, but also actions taken to increase insurance premiums,” Pan continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the Affordable Care Act was implemented in 2013, the state’s uninsured rate has dropped from 20 percent to 7 percent. Currently 3.4 million Californians are uninsured, undocumented immigrant adults making up the majority of that group.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“We don’t want to require people to buy coverage that they can’t afford.”\u003cbr>\n— \u003cspan style=\"font-style: italic\">Anthony Wright, executive director of HealthAccess, which advocates for consumers\u003c/span>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But without more aggressive state intervention to counter Washington’s retreat from the program, an estimated 500,000 to 800,000 more Californians under 65 will be uninsured by 2023, according to a new study from the UC Berkeley Center for Labor Research and Education and the UCLA Center for Health Policy Research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A mandate and state subsidies are among options the Legislature will be exploring to combat the expected exodus from insurance. But both are controversial. An Economist/YouGov poll found that 66 percent of Americans oppose a mandate. And although a few other states such as Vermont and Massachusetts do offer state subsidies, in California state subsidies could cost up to an estimated $500 million, at a time when an incoming Democratic governor and Democratic supermajorities in the Legislature have promised pricey programs such as universal health care and universal preschool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, Covered California enrollment, now underway through Jan. 15, is meeting projections—with a big caveat. As of the end of November, more than 90,000 newly insured people signed up, said Peter Lee, its executive director. But those projections already were lowered by 10 to 12 percent compared to last year because it was unknown what effect the removal of the penalty would have on sign-ups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no question that a penalty imposed on individuals for whom health insurance is affordable is a good policy,” said Lee, who said he would follow whatever rules the Legislature adopts. “The penalty encourages people to participate in a system that, if they don’t, we all bear the cost. And it encourages people to do the right thing for themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11698852/6-things-to-know-about-covered-california-open-enrollment-for-2019\">6 Things To Know About Covered California Open Enrollment for 2019\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11698852/6-things-to-know-about-covered-california-open-enrollment-for-2019\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS11278_479421059-1038x576.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Covered California is working on a report commissioned by the Legislature on how to best bolster the system. It’s due in February, and Lee said a variety of options are on the table, including a mandate, expanding subsidies and using state money to lower premiums, a process called reinsurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of those ideas echo the recommendations UC researchers offered in their study: incorporate a state mandate with penalty funds going toward making insurance more affordable, state-funded subsidies in addition to the existing federal subsidies, and a Medi-Cal expansion to include low-income undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These are not new ideas but they are politically and financially costly, said Gerald Kominski, a fellow at the UCLA Center for Health Policy Research.“We know that the mandate drives people into the market,” said Kominski. “If you’re going to pay a tax penalty and not have health insurance, why not look for insurance when almost 90 percent of those who buy in through Covered California received some sort of subsidy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state could consider bringing the whole threshold down for everybody,” he continued. “The point is to lower the thresholds and make people pay less out of pocket. That would increase affordability for lots of families.” Some advocates agree that a potential state mandate must also include a mechanism for making insurance more attainable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11712113\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11712113\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/HealthCareSignups-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"People wait to register for helath care insurance during an enrollment fair on March 28, 2014 in Bay Point.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/HealthCareSignups-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/HealthCareSignups-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/HealthCareSignups-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/HealthCareSignups-1200x802.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/HealthCareSignups.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People wait to register for health care insurance during an enrollment fair on March 28, 2014, in Bay Point. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want to require people to buy coverage that they can’t afford. And what they can afford may be different in a high-cost-of-living state like California,” said Anthony Wright, executive director of HealthAccess, which advocates for consumers. “That’s why it’s hard to have a conversation about a mandate without affordability assistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the federal mandate, Americans were compelled to carry health insurance or pay a penalty of $695 per adult or 2.5 percent of household income, whichever is higher, unless insurance costs more than 8 percent of a household’s income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the repeal of that ultimatum, California is bracing for the biggest dropouts among its residents who have been buying insurance through the subsidized Covered California program. The program projects it could lose 10 to 30 percent of its participants.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“There’s no question that a penalty imposed on individuals for whom health insurance is affordable is a good policy.” \u003ccite>Peter Lee, executive director for Covered California\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But the state also expects wider losses, including among the 46 percent of Californians who get insurance through employers, because they also will no longer be required to have it. Even Medi-Cal, the state-paid program for low-income Californians, will lose about 350,000 people, the study estimates, because the lack of a federal mandate may deter people from seeking health coverage at all—meaning they’ll never discover if they qualify for Medi-Cal. Last year the California Legislature considered creating a state mandate as part of budget discussions that included making insurance more affordable, but neither idea made it into the final budget proposal submitted to the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts and advocates are hopeful that these ideas may gain traction under Gov.-elect Gavin Newsom, who has talked a big game on health care and access, pledging during his campaign to support single payer and universal coverage. If more Californians drop their health insurance, everyone pays. People most likely to drop out are the young and the healthy, experts say. But they are critical to keeping the whole operation afloat because the system cannot be made up of only sick people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California already has taken steps to shore up the Affordable Care Act: banning short-term health plans, adopting legislation barring work requirements for Medi-Cal and offering a longer open enrollment period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Legislators tell us to expect a fresh look at state initiatives to stabilize the insurance market,” said Richard Cauchi who oversees health initiatives for the National Conference of State Legislatures. “So ‘stay tuned’ to see how many states will create their own solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Obamacare required people to sign up for health insurance or pay a penalty. Congress has repealed that federal penalty, effective next year. And the clock is ticking.",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/elizabeth-aguilera/\">Elizabeth Aguilera\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">I\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n a scramble to keep people enrolled in health care plans, what did New Jersey, Vermont and the District of Columbia do earlier this year that California has not done?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They began requiring that their residents carry health coverage or face a state penalty for going without it. Such “individual mandates” aim to replace the federal mandate—perhaps the most controversial but essential part of the Affordable Care Act, often called Obamacare—that sought to force people to sign up for health insurance or pay a tax penalty. The Republican Congress and the Trump administration have repealed that federal penalty, effective next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The clock is ticking. Obamacare has led to a record number of Californians having medical coverage. But a new study warns that if the state does nothing to counteract the Trump administration’s moves to undermine Obamacare, up to 1 million more Californians could be without health insurance within the next five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s kept California from enacting its own mandate? Some state Democratic leaders are wary of enacting a state mandate without also making health insurance cheaper for Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Providing subsidies is a better reality for members of our community than providing penalties,” said Assemblyman Joaquin Arambula, a Fresno Democrat who co-chaired the select committee on universal health care that conducted town halls across the state last summer. “It’s the carrot versus the stick.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento state Sen. Richard Pan, a Democrat who chairs the Senate Health Committee, said the Legislature is focused on keeping the state’s insurance market exchange, known as Covered California, strong. Some 2 million Californians buy health coverage through the exchange, which provides federal subsidies to low-income purchasers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are going to do what we can in California to stabilize the insurance market, to do what we can to make health insurance, particularly on Covered California, affordable,” said Pan, who has not yet endorsed any particular remedy. “We are up against a federal administration that is doing the opposite and forcing people to pay higher premiums.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we look at options, like do we want to do an individual mandate, we also need to recognize part of what is driving that is not only the removal of the federal mandate, but also actions taken to increase insurance premiums,” Pan continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the Affordable Care Act was implemented in 2013, the state’s uninsured rate has dropped from 20 percent to 7 percent. Currently 3.4 million Californians are uninsured, undocumented immigrant adults making up the majority of that group.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“We don’t want to require people to buy coverage that they can’t afford.”\u003cbr>\n— \u003cspan style=\"font-style: italic\">Anthony Wright, executive director of HealthAccess, which advocates for consumers\u003c/span>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But without more aggressive state intervention to counter Washington’s retreat from the program, an estimated 500,000 to 800,000 more Californians under 65 will be uninsured by 2023, according to a new study from the UC Berkeley Center for Labor Research and Education and the UCLA Center for Health Policy Research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A mandate and state subsidies are among options the Legislature will be exploring to combat the expected exodus from insurance. But both are controversial. An Economist/YouGov poll found that 66 percent of Americans oppose a mandate. And although a few other states such as Vermont and Massachusetts do offer state subsidies, in California state subsidies could cost up to an estimated $500 million, at a time when an incoming Democratic governor and Democratic supermajorities in the Legislature have promised pricey programs such as universal health care and universal preschool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, Covered California enrollment, now underway through Jan. 15, is meeting projections—with a big caveat. As of the end of November, more than 90,000 newly insured people signed up, said Peter Lee, its executive director. But those projections already were lowered by 10 to 12 percent compared to last year because it was unknown what effect the removal of the penalty would have on sign-ups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no question that a penalty imposed on individuals for whom health insurance is affordable is a good policy,” said Lee, who said he would follow whatever rules the Legislature adopts. “The penalty encourages people to participate in a system that, if they don’t, we all bear the cost. And it encourages people to do the right thing for themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11698852/6-things-to-know-about-covered-california-open-enrollment-for-2019\">6 Things To Know About Covered California Open Enrollment for 2019\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11698852/6-things-to-know-about-covered-california-open-enrollment-for-2019\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS11278_479421059-1038x576.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Covered California is working on a report commissioned by the Legislature on how to best bolster the system. It’s due in February, and Lee said a variety of options are on the table, including a mandate, expanding subsidies and using state money to lower premiums, a process called reinsurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of those ideas echo the recommendations UC researchers offered in their study: incorporate a state mandate with penalty funds going toward making insurance more affordable, state-funded subsidies in addition to the existing federal subsidies, and a Medi-Cal expansion to include low-income undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These are not new ideas but they are politically and financially costly, said Gerald Kominski, a fellow at the UCLA Center for Health Policy Research.“We know that the mandate drives people into the market,” said Kominski. “If you’re going to pay a tax penalty and not have health insurance, why not look for insurance when almost 90 percent of those who buy in through Covered California received some sort of subsidy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state could consider bringing the whole threshold down for everybody,” he continued. “The point is to lower the thresholds and make people pay less out of pocket. That would increase affordability for lots of families.” Some advocates agree that a potential state mandate must also include a mechanism for making insurance more attainable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11712113\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11712113\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/HealthCareSignups-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"People wait to register for helath care insurance during an enrollment fair on March 28, 2014 in Bay Point.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/HealthCareSignups-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/HealthCareSignups-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/HealthCareSignups-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/HealthCareSignups-1200x802.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/HealthCareSignups.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People wait to register for health care insurance during an enrollment fair on March 28, 2014, in Bay Point. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want to require people to buy coverage that they can’t afford. And what they can afford may be different in a high-cost-of-living state like California,” said Anthony Wright, executive director of HealthAccess, which advocates for consumers. “That’s why it’s hard to have a conversation about a mandate without affordability assistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the federal mandate, Americans were compelled to carry health insurance or pay a penalty of $695 per adult or 2.5 percent of household income, whichever is higher, unless insurance costs more than 8 percent of a household’s income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the repeal of that ultimatum, California is bracing for the biggest dropouts among its residents who have been buying insurance through the subsidized Covered California program. The program projects it could lose 10 to 30 percent of its participants.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“There’s no question that a penalty imposed on individuals for whom health insurance is affordable is a good policy.” \u003ccite>Peter Lee, executive director for Covered California\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But the state also expects wider losses, including among the 46 percent of Californians who get insurance through employers, because they also will no longer be required to have it. Even Medi-Cal, the state-paid program for low-income Californians, will lose about 350,000 people, the study estimates, because the lack of a federal mandate may deter people from seeking health coverage at all—meaning they’ll never discover if they qualify for Medi-Cal. Last year the California Legislature considered creating a state mandate as part of budget discussions that included making insurance more affordable, but neither idea made it into the final budget proposal submitted to the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts and advocates are hopeful that these ideas may gain traction under Gov.-elect Gavin Newsom, who has talked a big game on health care and access, pledging during his campaign to support single payer and universal coverage. If more Californians drop their health insurance, everyone pays. People most likely to drop out are the young and the healthy, experts say. But they are critical to keeping the whole operation afloat because the system cannot be made up of only sick people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California already has taken steps to shore up the Affordable Care Act: banning short-term health plans, adopting legislation barring work requirements for Medi-Cal and offering a longer open enrollment period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Legislators tell us to expect a fresh look at state initiatives to stabilize the insurance market,” said Richard Cauchi who oversees health initiatives for the National Conference of State Legislatures. “So ‘stay tuned’ to see how many states will create their own solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 11:45 a.m. 12/10/18\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recent deaths of two inmates on California’s death row at San Quentin State Prison took place as Marin County health paramedics received a “spike” in calls from the prison related to opioid overdoses, according to the county’s top health official.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Matt Willis, Marin County’s public health officer, said in the past six months the county’s emergency medical services responded to 155 ambulance calls at San Quentin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ten of those calls for service to the prison, which took place between June 5 and Dec. 5, were reported as overdoses, Willis said. And, six of the suspected overdose cases happened between the previous Sunday and last Tuesday, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is clearly a spike in overdose events, on top of a baseline of one or so per month,” Willis said in an email Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also said that the deaths of the two death row inmates last week were attributed to suspected drug overdoses, pending results from the Marin County Coroner’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last Monday, \u003ca href=\"https://news.cdcr.ca.gov/news-releases/2018/12/04/condemned-inmate-herminio-serna-dies-of-unknown-causes/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Herminio Serna\u003c/a>, a 53-year-old gang member sentenced to death for multiple murders in San Jose, was found unresponsive in his cell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after, guards found \u003ca href=\"https://news.cdcr.ca.gov/news-releases/2018/12/05/condemned-inmate-joseph-a-perez-jr-dies-of-unknown-cause/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Joseph Perez\u003c/a>, a 47-year-old inmate sentenced to death for killing a woman who was stabbed and strangled during a robbery of her Lafayette home in 1998, also unresponsive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Autopsy reports on their deaths are expected next month, according to Marin County Chief Deputy Coroner Roger Fielding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State prison officials have not officially linked the two deaths with illegal drug use, but a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/12/06/death-row-inmate-dies-at-san-quentin-second-in-two-days/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">statement\u003c/a> from the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation said health care staff at San Quentin are conducting outreach and education for inmates on the dangers of drug abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last May, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11665693/fentanyl-blamed-for-apparent-overdoses-that-killed-california-prisoner-sickened-others\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED reported\u003c/a> that four inmates at San Quentin had died from drug overdoses since the beginning of 2017. Of those four, two involved fentanyl, according to the Marin County Sheriff’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Willis said the recent rise of cases at San Quentin is part of a cyclical trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is typically the pattern: We see a bad batch or very high-potency batch of fentanyl or heroin come into the community, and we’ll see spikes,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cases are reviving attention on efforts by the CDCR to reduce the flow of illegal drugs into the prison system and to treat inmates battling addiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s absolutely unacceptable to be holding people who are in effect our wards of the state, to have them dying on our watch for use of illegal substances,” said state Sen. Nancy Skinner, D-Berkeley, who chairs the Senate’s Public Safety Committee and has called for corrections officials to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11666434/top-state-lawmaker-california-prisons-must-do-more-to-reduce-inmate-drug-overdoses\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">do a better job of preventing illegal opioid drugs\u003c/a> from entering the prison system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last April, a series of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11665693/fentanyl-blamed-for-apparent-overdoses-that-killed-california-prisoner-sickened-others\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">suspected overdoses at Mule Creek State Prison\u003c/a> in Amador County killed one inmate and sickened 12 others. State tests determined that fentanyl was the prime suspect in those cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following month, Gov. Jerry Brown’s administration unveiled a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11669671/governors-plan-for-stepped-up-searches-aims-to-stem-flow-of-drugs-into-prisons\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">new strategy\u003c/a> to reduce the amount of illegal drugs in state prisons. The governor’s budget included a $13.8 million proposal to search everyone who enters and exits the California Substance Abuse Treatment Facility and State Prison at Corcoran in Kings County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Drugs do find their way into the state’s 35 institutions,” CDCR spokeswoman Terry Thornton said. “There’s no tolerance for this. It really undermines safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, 29 inmates died of drug overdoses, prison officials have said. Last year, 40 died in such cases, according to \u003ca href=\"https://cchcs.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/60/MS/2017-Inmate-Death-Reviews.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">analysis\u003c/a> of prisoner deaths by the California Correctional Health Care Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far this year, there have been 35 confirmed drug overdose deaths, according to Thornton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Illegal drugs come into the state prison system through CDCR employees and visitors. In some cases they are thrown over prison fences and are dropped from drones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Don Specter, executive director of the Prison Law Office, said overdoses in the prison system are a major problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s as serious, if not more serious, than in the community,” Specter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s plan also includes $3.6 million for an addiction treatment plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inmate advocates like Specter have been pushing for more help for prisoners battling addiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s very little treatment for what is a gigantic group of people who have substances abuse problems,” Specter said. “The state of California has only recently begun… to ramp up drug treatment in the prisons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health officials and lawmakers have pressured state prison officials to use treatment medications like buprenorphine to help struggling inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just need to make sure to build systems to get those treatments into our jails and prisons,” Willis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Locking people away with opioid addiction without addressing the root cause, we haven’t made a lot of progress in that person’s life if we don’t really take advantage of that opportunity to treat them,” Willis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October, Clark Kelso, the federal official who controls medical care at the state’s prisons, announced a plan to spend $252 million a year to provide medication aimed at reducing fatal drug overdoses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelso’s plan calls for the state to provide drug treatment to 13,000 inmates to reduce craving while weening them off opioids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Associated Press contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 11:45 a.m. 12/10/18\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recent deaths of two inmates on California’s death row at San Quentin State Prison took place as Marin County health paramedics received a “spike” in calls from the prison related to opioid overdoses, according to the county’s top health official.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Matt Willis, Marin County’s public health officer, said in the past six months the county’s emergency medical services responded to 155 ambulance calls at San Quentin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ten of those calls for service to the prison, which took place between June 5 and Dec. 5, were reported as overdoses, Willis said. And, six of the suspected overdose cases happened between the previous Sunday and last Tuesday, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is clearly a spike in overdose events, on top of a baseline of one or so per month,” Willis said in an email Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also said that the deaths of the two death row inmates last week were attributed to suspected drug overdoses, pending results from the Marin County Coroner’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last Monday, \u003ca href=\"https://news.cdcr.ca.gov/news-releases/2018/12/04/condemned-inmate-herminio-serna-dies-of-unknown-causes/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Herminio Serna\u003c/a>, a 53-year-old gang member sentenced to death for multiple murders in San Jose, was found unresponsive in his cell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after, guards found \u003ca href=\"https://news.cdcr.ca.gov/news-releases/2018/12/05/condemned-inmate-joseph-a-perez-jr-dies-of-unknown-cause/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Joseph Perez\u003c/a>, a 47-year-old inmate sentenced to death for killing a woman who was stabbed and strangled during a robbery of her Lafayette home in 1998, also unresponsive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Autopsy reports on their deaths are expected next month, according to Marin County Chief Deputy Coroner Roger Fielding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State prison officials have not officially linked the two deaths with illegal drug use, but a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/12/06/death-row-inmate-dies-at-san-quentin-second-in-two-days/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">statement\u003c/a> from the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation said health care staff at San Quentin are conducting outreach and education for inmates on the dangers of drug abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last May, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11665693/fentanyl-blamed-for-apparent-overdoses-that-killed-california-prisoner-sickened-others\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED reported\u003c/a> that four inmates at San Quentin had died from drug overdoses since the beginning of 2017. Of those four, two involved fentanyl, according to the Marin County Sheriff’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Willis said the recent rise of cases at San Quentin is part of a cyclical trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is typically the pattern: We see a bad batch or very high-potency batch of fentanyl or heroin come into the community, and we’ll see spikes,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cases are reviving attention on efforts by the CDCR to reduce the flow of illegal drugs into the prison system and to treat inmates battling addiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s absolutely unacceptable to be holding people who are in effect our wards of the state, to have them dying on our watch for use of illegal substances,” said state Sen. Nancy Skinner, D-Berkeley, who chairs the Senate’s Public Safety Committee and has called for corrections officials to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11666434/top-state-lawmaker-california-prisons-must-do-more-to-reduce-inmate-drug-overdoses\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">do a better job of preventing illegal opioid drugs\u003c/a> from entering the prison system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last April, a series of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11665693/fentanyl-blamed-for-apparent-overdoses-that-killed-california-prisoner-sickened-others\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">suspected overdoses at Mule Creek State Prison\u003c/a> in Amador County killed one inmate and sickened 12 others. State tests determined that fentanyl was the prime suspect in those cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following month, Gov. Jerry Brown’s administration unveiled a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11669671/governors-plan-for-stepped-up-searches-aims-to-stem-flow-of-drugs-into-prisons\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">new strategy\u003c/a> to reduce the amount of illegal drugs in state prisons. The governor’s budget included a $13.8 million proposal to search everyone who enters and exits the California Substance Abuse Treatment Facility and State Prison at Corcoran in Kings County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Drugs do find their way into the state’s 35 institutions,” CDCR spokeswoman Terry Thornton said. “There’s no tolerance for this. It really undermines safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, 29 inmates died of drug overdoses, prison officials have said. Last year, 40 died in such cases, according to \u003ca href=\"https://cchcs.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/60/MS/2017-Inmate-Death-Reviews.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">analysis\u003c/a> of prisoner deaths by the California Correctional Health Care Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far this year, there have been 35 confirmed drug overdose deaths, according to Thornton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Illegal drugs come into the state prison system through CDCR employees and visitors. In some cases they are thrown over prison fences and are dropped from drones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Don Specter, executive director of the Prison Law Office, said overdoses in the prison system are a major problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s as serious, if not more serious, than in the community,” Specter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s plan also includes $3.6 million for an addiction treatment plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inmate advocates like Specter have been pushing for more help for prisoners battling addiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s very little treatment for what is a gigantic group of people who have substances abuse problems,” Specter said. “The state of California has only recently begun… to ramp up drug treatment in the prisons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health officials and lawmakers have pressured state prison officials to use treatment medications like buprenorphine to help struggling inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just need to make sure to build systems to get those treatments into our jails and prisons,” Willis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Locking people away with opioid addiction without addressing the root cause, we haven’t made a lot of progress in that person’s life if we don’t really take advantage of that opportunity to treat them,” Willis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October, Clark Kelso, the federal official who controls medical care at the state’s prisons, announced a plan to spend $252 million a year to provide medication aimed at reducing fatal drug overdoses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelso’s plan calls for the state to provide drug treatment to 13,000 inmates to reduce craving while weening them off opioids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Associated Press contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Whiter, Poorer, Trumpier: the New Republican California",
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"content": "\u003cp>After the shellacking that California Republicans took in this year’s midterm elections, many figures within the more pragmatic wings of the party establishment had \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/commentary/my-turn-california-republicans-missed-the-future/\">hoped\u003c/a> that the party would turn away from the divisive politics of President Trump and seek to become a more diverse coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the short term, the midterm election whittled away all the purple sections of the state now represented by the GOP, leaving only the scarlet-red core. With striking losses in Orange County and the Central Valley, the Republican Party’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11704247/these-7-california-congressional-races-could-determine-which-party-controls-the-house\">diminished congressional delegation\u003c/a> will now represent a less diverse and less well-off subset of Californians and an electorate that was most enamored with the president. It will also be a much smaller portion of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, 26 percent of Californians are represented in Congress by a Republican. Next year, that number will fall to 13 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to the election, the average Californian living in a Republican-held district earned $65,634 per year. That’s slightly above the state average of $63,783. The average district was also slightly less educated than the state as whole (19 percent have bachelor’s degrees compared to 20 percent statewide) and significantly whiter (49 percent to 38 percent).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://infogram.com/changing-cagop-1hnq41wxzkvd63z\">http://infogram.com/changing-cagop-1hnq41wxzkvd63z\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results\">election\u003c/a> that cost them seven of their 14 seats, the GOP was driven inland, losing every seat that touches the Pacific Ocean and tossed out of its former stronghold in Orange County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party also lost the suburbs north of Los Angeles and — assuming Democrat T.J. Cox maintains his lead over Rep. David Valadao in Hanford — two seats in the Central Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so come January, when only half of the Republican delegation will return to Washington, D.C., the average income of the new, diminished GOP-represented electorate will be nearly $5,000 lower. It will also be majority non-Latino white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only 16 percent of the population will have a college degree. And notably, every district in which less than a majority of voters supported Trump in 2016 abandoned the Republican brand this year. Only Trump country remains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This could make it all the more difficult for Republicans who want to rebuild the party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the GOP’s broader electoral viability in California may depend on its willingness to disassociate itself from the politics of the president, the remaining Republican members of Congress — representing the most fiercely Trumpian corners of the state — may have little incentive to do that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://CALmatters.org\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The midterm election whittled away all the purple sections of the state now represented by the GOP, leaving only the scarlet-red core.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After the shellacking that California Republicans took in this year’s midterm elections, many figures within the more pragmatic wings of the party establishment had \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/commentary/my-turn-california-republicans-missed-the-future/\">hoped\u003c/a> that the party would turn away from the divisive politics of President Trump and seek to become a more diverse coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the short term, the midterm election whittled away all the purple sections of the state now represented by the GOP, leaving only the scarlet-red core. With striking losses in Orange County and the Central Valley, the Republican Party’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11704247/these-7-california-congressional-races-could-determine-which-party-controls-the-house\">diminished congressional delegation\u003c/a> will now represent a less diverse and less well-off subset of Californians and an electorate that was most enamored with the president. It will also be a much smaller portion of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, 26 percent of Californians are represented in Congress by a Republican. Next year, that number will fall to 13 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to the election, the average Californian living in a Republican-held district earned $65,634 per year. That’s slightly above the state average of $63,783. The average district was also slightly less educated than the state as whole (19 percent have bachelor’s degrees compared to 20 percent statewide) and significantly whiter (49 percent to 38 percent).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://infogram.com/changing-cagop-1hnq41wxzkvd63z\">http://infogram.com/changing-cagop-1hnq41wxzkvd63z\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results\">election\u003c/a> that cost them seven of their 14 seats, the GOP was driven inland, losing every seat that touches the Pacific Ocean and tossed out of its former stronghold in Orange County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party also lost the suburbs north of Los Angeles and — assuming Democrat T.J. Cox maintains his lead over Rep. David Valadao in Hanford — two seats in the Central Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so come January, when only half of the Republican delegation will return to Washington, D.C., the average income of the new, diminished GOP-represented electorate will be nearly $5,000 lower. It will also be majority non-Latino white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only 16 percent of the population will have a college degree. And notably, every district in which less than a majority of voters supported Trump in 2016 abandoned the Republican brand this year. Only Trump country remains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This could make it all the more difficult for Republicans who want to rebuild the party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the GOP’s broader electoral viability in California may depend on its willingness to disassociate itself from the politics of the president, the remaining Republican members of Congress — representing the most fiercely Trumpian corners of the state — may have little incentive to do that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://CALmatters.org\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]T[/dropcap]his month, Colorado elected the nation’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/11/07/665387829/in-colorado-jared-polis-becomes-first-openly-gay-elected-governor\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">first openly gay governor\u003c/a> and voters across the country sent a record number of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/07/us/politics/lgbt-election-winners-midterms.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">LGBT candidates\u003c/a> to Congress. Here in California, Los Angeles state Sen. Ricardo Lara was elected state insurance commissioner, making him the first openly LGBT candidate to win a statewide election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It all comes 40 years after the assassination of the first openly gay elected official in California: Harvey Milk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, the recent success of LGBT candidates in the midterm elections would have been hard to imagine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, a conservative state senator named John Briggs was pushing a statewide ballot measure, known as Proposition 6 or the Briggs Initiative, to ban gay and lesbian teachers. Milk, an openly gay member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, led the fight against the proposition, debating Briggs around the state, and that November, voters overwhelmingly defeated Proposition 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just 11 days later, San Francisco was thrown into shock. More than 900 Peoples Temple followers of the Rev. Jim Jones died at Jonestown on Nov. 18, 1978, after following his orders to drink fruit punch laced with cyanide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, nine days after that, Dianne Feinstein, then the president of the Board of Supervisors, announced to the world that Milk and San Francisco Mayor George Moscone had been gunned down in City Hall by former Supervisor Dan White.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember this so well, and it’s still traumatic,” Feinstein, now a U.S. senator, recently said on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11701374/i-get-things-done-dianne-feinstein-on-her-history-political-style-and-the-future-of-compromise-in-the-senate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED’s Political Breakdown\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She vividly recalls the day she found Milk’s body. “Because I tried to get a pulse in his wrist and put my finger in a bullet hole,” she said. “And it was clear he was dead. And that changed the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘He Wanted to Open the City Up to Everyone’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moscone had been elected mayor three years earlier, earning a tough, narrow victory over John Barbagelata, a very conservative opponent who represented old San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Moscone was a charmer,” said filmmaker Steve Talbot. “He was an extremely handsome guy. Everybody said he had a movie star smile. He loved people. They called him the people’s mayor when he got into office, and everyone called him ‘George.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Talbot wrote a new PBS documentary titled “\u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/video/moscone-a-legacy-of-change-hlozkc/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Moscone: A Legacy of Change\u003c/a>” that is airing on KQED this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11708263/remembering-george-moscone-the-peoples-mayor-of-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Remembering George Moscone, ‘The People’s Mayor’ of San Francisco\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11708263/remembering-george-moscone-the-peoples-mayor-of-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/George-R.-Moscone-photo-courtesy-Moscone-Family-date-unknown-Credit-University-of-the-Pacific-4-800x639.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"639\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10467212\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Often overshadowed by Harvey Milk in death, George Moscone left behind a lasting progressive legacy as a state legislator and mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I think that was a watershed election in the history of San Francisco,” Talbot said. “It really changed things because the old establishment in San Francisco, which was essentially white Italian and Irish guys, gave way to this new guy who is also white Italian. But he wanted to open the city up to everybody. The full rainbow of San Francisco people, including Harvey Milk, who he appointed to his first commission.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, the San Francisco we know today was just beginning to emerge. Art Agnos, who became mayor more than a decade later, says Moscone opened up city government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the first time, neighborhood activists in large proportions were put on commissions by Mayor Moscone, and that signaled a kind of new engagement by neighborhoods that we hadn’t seen in San Francisco before,” Agnos said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘What We Were Doing Was Brand-New’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of gay men and lesbians were flocking to the city at the time — some rejected by their families, others just wanting a place to be themselves. Many gravitated to the city’s Castro District, where Milk, then just a colorful neighborhood activist, owned a camera store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Cleve Jones was in his early 20s and drawn to Milk’s brand of populism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just a wonderful thing when one is allowed to participate in something that is brand-new,” Jones recalled recently. “And we all knew that what we were doing was brand-new. Nobody had ever seen this before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11706591\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 720px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11706591 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/gwen-and-harvey-1.jpg\" alt=\"As a young activist Gwenn Craig worked with Harvey Milk to defeat an anti-gay ballot measure in 1978.\" width=\"720\" height=\"540\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/gwen-and-harvey-1.jpg 720w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/gwen-and-harvey-1-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 720px) 100vw, 720px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">As a young activist Gwenn Craig worked with Harvey Milk to defeat an anti-gay ballot measure in 1978. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Gwenn Craig)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Milk’s rise also attracted people like Gwenn Craig to get involved in his campaign for gay rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was amazing the number of people we had volunteering on his campaign and the number of people who saw him as the best hope for how we were going to succeed as a movement,” Craig said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1977, when Milk won a seat on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, Craig said there were a lot of tears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were so swept up because to them it meant not just Harvey’s acceptance by the voters of San Francisco, but also their acceptance by society,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Death at City Hall\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the celebration in San Francisco was short-lived. On Nov. 27, 1978, less than two weeks after the Jonestown massacre, former Supervisor Dan White climbed through a basement window at City Hall carrying a loaded gun and headed for the mayor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White had suddenly resigned from the board and went into a rage after learning that Mayor Moscone would not reappoint him. After shooting Moscone, White walked across City Hall and shot and killed Milk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cleve Jones, then a student intern working for Milk, got the news while he was on Castro Street that day. He raced back to City Hall and up to Milk’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went running up the stairs to find Harvey and saw his body when I turned the corner,” Jones said. “It was just horrifying. I’d never seen a dead person before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Devastated, Jones organized a candlelight march that night from the Castro down Market Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just thought ‘Well, it’s all over now.’ But then the sun went down and people began to gather, and they were gay and straight and young and old and black and brown and white, and we marched to Civic Center and filled it with candlelight,” he said. “And I remember standing in that huge crowd and realizing that of course it wasn’t over. It was, in fact, just beginning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>LGBT Representation 40 Years After Milk\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Milk, the gay rights movement has scored political victories that would have been inconceivable four decades ago. Today, Milk’s seat on the Board of Supervisors is occupied by another openly gay supervisor, Rafael Mandelman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As someone who was 5 years old when he was shot, I am continually grateful not just for Harvey but for the folks of that generation who really did change the world,” Mandelman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11707340/why-harvey-milk-still-matters-to-these-young-people\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Why Harvey Milk Still Matters to These Young People\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11707340/why-harvey-milk-still-matters-to-these-young-people\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11708237\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS34106_Museum.05-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS34106_Museum.05-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS34106_Museum.05-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS34106_Museum.05-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS34106_Museum.05-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS34106_Museum.05-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A lot has changed in the LGBT world in the last 40 years. How much do young queer people today know about Harvey Milk? And what does he mean to them?\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But first, Mandelman notes, Milk changed himself. The closeted former Wall Street stockbroker left New York and came to San Francisco, where he could open a small business and be out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today, young queer professionals certainly can be in San Francisco and be out and proud and work at Salesforce or in real estate or banks or any aspect of American business and do just fine,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mandelman is hoping to build on Milk’s legacy of progressive politics, but he worries that as queer people are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11634601/is-the-castro-getting-less-gay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">priced out of gay neighborhoods\u003c/a> like the Castro, it dilutes their political power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, I am the only LGBT person on the Board of Supervisors, and that is less representation than our community has had in decades. That’s a little concerning to me,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there is much more LGBT representation where it would have been hard to imagine four decades ago, in places like rural Minnesota, Kansas and Arizona, where voters elected LGBT officials earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gwenn Craig, who came to San Francisco in the 1970s and worked with Milk before he was killed, traces it all back to Milk pushing people to come out of the closet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think that he sort of started this path that made it possible for the openly gay officials that were elected in this last round. And it makes me so proud,” Craig said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it surely would have made Harvey Milk proud, too.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">T\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>his month, Colorado elected the nation’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/11/07/665387829/in-colorado-jared-polis-becomes-first-openly-gay-elected-governor\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">first openly gay governor\u003c/a> and voters across the country sent a record number of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/07/us/politics/lgbt-election-winners-midterms.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">LGBT candidates\u003c/a> to Congress. Here in California, Los Angeles state Sen. Ricardo Lara was elected state insurance commissioner, making him the first openly LGBT candidate to win a statewide election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It all comes 40 years after the assassination of the first openly gay elected official in California: Harvey Milk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, the recent success of LGBT candidates in the midterm elections would have been hard to imagine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, a conservative state senator named John Briggs was pushing a statewide ballot measure, known as Proposition 6 or the Briggs Initiative, to ban gay and lesbian teachers. Milk, an openly gay member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, led the fight against the proposition, debating Briggs around the state, and that November, voters overwhelmingly defeated Proposition 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just 11 days later, San Francisco was thrown into shock. More than 900 Peoples Temple followers of the Rev. Jim Jones died at Jonestown on Nov. 18, 1978, after following his orders to drink fruit punch laced with cyanide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, nine days after that, Dianne Feinstein, then the president of the Board of Supervisors, announced to the world that Milk and San Francisco Mayor George Moscone had been gunned down in City Hall by former Supervisor Dan White.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember this so well, and it’s still traumatic,” Feinstein, now a U.S. senator, recently said on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11701374/i-get-things-done-dianne-feinstein-on-her-history-political-style-and-the-future-of-compromise-in-the-senate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED’s Political Breakdown\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She vividly recalls the day she found Milk’s body. “Because I tried to get a pulse in his wrist and put my finger in a bullet hole,” she said. “And it was clear he was dead. And that changed the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘He Wanted to Open the City Up to Everyone’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moscone had been elected mayor three years earlier, earning a tough, narrow victory over John Barbagelata, a very conservative opponent who represented old San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Moscone was a charmer,” said filmmaker Steve Talbot. “He was an extremely handsome guy. Everybody said he had a movie star smile. He loved people. They called him the people’s mayor when he got into office, and everyone called him ‘George.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Talbot wrote a new PBS documentary titled “\u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/video/moscone-a-legacy-of-change-hlozkc/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Moscone: A Legacy of Change\u003c/a>” that is airing on KQED this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11708263/remembering-george-moscone-the-peoples-mayor-of-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Remembering George Moscone, ‘The People’s Mayor’ of San Francisco\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11708263/remembering-george-moscone-the-peoples-mayor-of-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/George-R.-Moscone-photo-courtesy-Moscone-Family-date-unknown-Credit-University-of-the-Pacific-4-800x639.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"639\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10467212\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Often overshadowed by Harvey Milk in death, George Moscone left behind a lasting progressive legacy as a state legislator and mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I think that was a watershed election in the history of San Francisco,” Talbot said. “It really changed things because the old establishment in San Francisco, which was essentially white Italian and Irish guys, gave way to this new guy who is also white Italian. But he wanted to open the city up to everybody. The full rainbow of San Francisco people, including Harvey Milk, who he appointed to his first commission.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, the San Francisco we know today was just beginning to emerge. Art Agnos, who became mayor more than a decade later, says Moscone opened up city government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the first time, neighborhood activists in large proportions were put on commissions by Mayor Moscone, and that signaled a kind of new engagement by neighborhoods that we hadn’t seen in San Francisco before,” Agnos said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘What We Were Doing Was Brand-New’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of gay men and lesbians were flocking to the city at the time — some rejected by their families, others just wanting a place to be themselves. Many gravitated to the city’s Castro District, where Milk, then just a colorful neighborhood activist, owned a camera store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Cleve Jones was in his early 20s and drawn to Milk’s brand of populism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just a wonderful thing when one is allowed to participate in something that is brand-new,” Jones recalled recently. “And we all knew that what we were doing was brand-new. Nobody had ever seen this before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11706591\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 720px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11706591 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/gwen-and-harvey-1.jpg\" alt=\"As a young activist Gwenn Craig worked with Harvey Milk to defeat an anti-gay ballot measure in 1978.\" width=\"720\" height=\"540\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/gwen-and-harvey-1.jpg 720w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/gwen-and-harvey-1-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 720px) 100vw, 720px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">As a young activist Gwenn Craig worked with Harvey Milk to defeat an anti-gay ballot measure in 1978. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Gwenn Craig)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Milk’s rise also attracted people like Gwenn Craig to get involved in his campaign for gay rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was amazing the number of people we had volunteering on his campaign and the number of people who saw him as the best hope for how we were going to succeed as a movement,” Craig said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1977, when Milk won a seat on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, Craig said there were a lot of tears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were so swept up because to them it meant not just Harvey’s acceptance by the voters of San Francisco, but also their acceptance by society,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Death at City Hall\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the celebration in San Francisco was short-lived. On Nov. 27, 1978, less than two weeks after the Jonestown massacre, former Supervisor Dan White climbed through a basement window at City Hall carrying a loaded gun and headed for the mayor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White had suddenly resigned from the board and went into a rage after learning that Mayor Moscone would not reappoint him. After shooting Moscone, White walked across City Hall and shot and killed Milk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cleve Jones, then a student intern working for Milk, got the news while he was on Castro Street that day. He raced back to City Hall and up to Milk’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went running up the stairs to find Harvey and saw his body when I turned the corner,” Jones said. “It was just horrifying. I’d never seen a dead person before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Devastated, Jones organized a candlelight march that night from the Castro down Market Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just thought ‘Well, it’s all over now.’ But then the sun went down and people began to gather, and they were gay and straight and young and old and black and brown and white, and we marched to Civic Center and filled it with candlelight,” he said. “And I remember standing in that huge crowd and realizing that of course it wasn’t over. It was, in fact, just beginning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>LGBT Representation 40 Years After Milk\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Milk, the gay rights movement has scored political victories that would have been inconceivable four decades ago. Today, Milk’s seat on the Board of Supervisors is occupied by another openly gay supervisor, Rafael Mandelman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As someone who was 5 years old when he was shot, I am continually grateful not just for Harvey but for the folks of that generation who really did change the world,” Mandelman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11707340/why-harvey-milk-still-matters-to-these-young-people\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Why Harvey Milk Still Matters to These Young People\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11707340/why-harvey-milk-still-matters-to-these-young-people\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11708237\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS34106_Museum.05-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS34106_Museum.05-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS34106_Museum.05-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS34106_Museum.05-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS34106_Museum.05-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS34106_Museum.05-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A lot has changed in the LGBT world in the last 40 years. How much do young queer people today know about Harvey Milk? And what does he mean to them?\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But first, Mandelman notes, Milk changed himself. The closeted former Wall Street stockbroker left New York and came to San Francisco, where he could open a small business and be out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today, young queer professionals certainly can be in San Francisco and be out and proud and work at Salesforce or in real estate or banks or any aspect of American business and do just fine,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mandelman is hoping to build on Milk’s legacy of progressive politics, but he worries that as queer people are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11634601/is-the-castro-getting-less-gay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">priced out of gay neighborhoods\u003c/a> like the Castro, it dilutes their political power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, I am the only LGBT person on the Board of Supervisors, and that is less representation than our community has had in decades. That’s a little concerning to me,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there is much more LGBT representation where it would have been hard to imagine four decades ago, in places like rural Minnesota, Kansas and Arizona, where voters elected LGBT officials earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gwenn Craig, who came to San Francisco in the 1970s and worked with Milk before he was killed, traces it all back to Milk pushing people to come out of the closet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think that he sort of started this path that made it possible for the openly gay officials that were elected in this last round. And it makes me so proud,” Craig said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"masters-of-scale": {
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"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
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"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"order": 11
},
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"on-the-media": {
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"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"planet-money": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
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