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"content": "\u003cp>In a wood-paneled courtroom in San Francisco’s Hall of Justice one recent morning, a young deputy district attorney was pacing the floor and clicking through a slide presentation. The prosecutor was building her final argument to the jury that a young man who had broken into a woman’s home high on meth and left with her laptop should be convicted of burglary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the audience, Miriam Hernández sat among a dozen or so Mexican law professors, watching the prosecutor in rapt attention. This courtroom staple of the American justice system was something new for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernández worked as a prosecutor for 23 years in Puebla, south of Mexico City. But not once in all those years had she stood up in a courtroom and made closing arguments. That’s because, until very recently, Mexico didn’t have courtrooms, and it didn’t have oral trials conducted in public, as the United States does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything used to be done in writing, 100 percent,” Hernández said. “But filing a legal brief is not the same as arguing a case in front of a judge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Mexico wrestles with crime and corruption, it is giving its justice system a total overhaul, designed to build accountability and strengthen the rule of law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the old “inquisitorial” system, prosecutors had outsized power, and defense attorneys had no ability to challenge the evidence put forward by the prosecution. The presumption of innocence was meaningless, in part because people charged with crimes could languish in jail for years before a case was decided. And victims rarely saw justice, since barely one crime out of 100 was prosecuted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sweeping package of legislative changes and constitutional amendments that aimed to transform the structure of Mexico’s judicial system was enacted in 2008, and it was supposed to be fully operational in the federal courts and all of Mexico’s 32 state court systems by 2016. But three years on, many states are still struggling to adopt the reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Hernández said, even in Puebla, which has lagged other states, the change can already be felt. For example, both victims and the accused are now afforded more rights in the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was common knowledge that our old system had a lot of human rights violations,” she said. “A suspect’s confession was the highest form of proof. [In Spanish, they call it, \u003cem>‘la reina de las pruebas,\u003c/em>’ or ‘the queen of evidence.’] And confessions were sometimes obtained through torture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today the law explicitly bans torture, and there are safeguards in place to reduce its likelihood: A confession can’t be used in court unless it was obtained in the presence of the suspect’s defense attorney. The reforms have moved Mexico to an “adversarial” legal system, more like that in the United States, in which trials are conducted in open court, before a judge who is a neutral arbiter (Mexico did not adopt a jury system). Lawyers can cross-examine the other side’s witnesses. And defendants have the right to counsel, even if they can’t afford to pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These days, there’s much less room for abuses, Hernández says, now that hearings in Mexico are open to the public, and lawyers can challenge evidence presented by the other side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, police are no longer just patrol officers tasked with preventing crime. They have new responsibilities to gather evidence and maintain the integrity of crime scenes. But investigating crimes is a whole new skill set, and training for police is lacking in many parts of Mexico. In Puebla, part of Hernández’s work is to train officers for their new role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Hernández and the other professors have already begun teaching their law students in Puebla how to work in the re-made courts. But their visit to San Francisco’s Hall of Justice gave them a first-hand look at how a veteran prosecutor and public defender built their cases. They also spent a day at the UC Berkeley School of Law, where a pair of instructors coached them on how to teach students the soft skills needed for oral trials — to think on their feet, to communicate verbally, to be willing to try something new and fail and try again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The visits were part of a two-week \u003ca href=\"https://justiceinmexico.org/oasis-program/\">training \u003c/a>course in California, organized by the Justice in Mexico project at the University of San Diego, and funded by the U.S. State Department. The United States has supported Mexico’s justice reforms part of the $3 billion \u003ca href=\"https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/IF10578.pdf\">Mérida Initiative\u003c/a>, a 12-year-old binational partnership aimed at strengthening security and the rule of law in Mexico, and combating drug trafficking organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767696\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11767696\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Judge Gerardo Sandoval talks with a Mexican law professor about the American court system on July 23, 2019, as part of a legal training in California for Mexicans helping to overhaul their justice system. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During a mid-morning break in the San Francisco burglary trial, the judge, Gerardo Sandoval, invited the visitors for a chat in his chambers. Hernández and the other professors filed through a door at the rear of the courtroom and crowded around the judge in his temporary office. They peppered him with questions about the American system and how it resembled their own — or differed from it: Is the defendant required to testify? What happens when a lawyer raises objections? Who pays expert witnesses?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A young defense attorney named Edgar Martínez said he was impressed to see the American lawyers get up and walk around the courtroom and use visual aids in their closing arguments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish we could use these techniques in Mexico,” Martínez said. “Mexican courtrooms are rigid. We’re supposed to stay at our desks and speak into microphones, so the proceedings can be recorded. I’ve asked judges to let me stand up, and I’ve asked if I can show slides, but they won’t permit it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandoval counseled patience. He reminded Martínez that the U.S. legal system of a century ago (or even half that in some southern states) would be unrecognizable today. And it keeps evolving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re just in the first stages of a new system,” he said. “In time, Mexico will find the right balance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first time Sandoval has met with Mexican lawyers in the California training program. Before he returned to the bench to resume the burglary case, he said this was his way of giving back to the country where his parents were born — to help Mexico build a justice system that can withstand the corrupting influence of cartels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sunshine is the best disinfectant,” Sandoval said. “So it can only help things there, with the terrible violence they have and the drug trafficking they have, to have greater transparency and bring greater confidence in the judicial system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Sandoval added, it’s in the best interest of the United States if neighboring Mexico can become a more just and secure country. In the long run, it could even reduce the pressure for Mexicans to migrate north.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"Immigration Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can only say, not as a judge but as a child of immigrants, nobody leaves home because they want to. People leave because either there’s no work or they feel in danger,” he said. “So having a safer Mexico, having a more stable Mexico, is not only going to make people feel safer but also, I think, encourage economic development, and that will be good ultimately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But right now, organized crime and drug violence are widespread in Mexico. Police — and many in the public — want the government to be tough on crime. Surprisingly, that means they’re wary, even hostile, to the new system. That’s because stricter standards for evidence — and the idea that defendants are innocent until proven guilty — mean that sometimes the bad guys are acquitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, though, even before the reforms, \u003ca href=\"http://www.cwagweb.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/08/Justice-Reform-in-Mexico_Woodrow-Wilson.pdf\">criminals routinely escaped justice\u003c/a>. Just one crime out of four was reported, and barely one out of 100 crimes were brought to trial, according to David Shirk, who directs the University of San Diego’s Justice in Mexico project that runs these trainings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you commit a crime in Mexico, even a very serious crime like murder, there’s a very high probability that you’re going to get away with it,” Shirk said. “That’s what the criminal justice reforms are really trying to address. They’re trying to raise the bar for police and prosecutors so that they develop the skills and protocols that are necessary to ensure that they are more effective … . They can’t get away with the kind of evidence tampering and forced confessions that were so prominent throughout the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shirk has heard complaints from Mexican politicians and business leaders that the judicial reforms are allowing criminals to walk free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11735361\" label=\" More Reporting Supported by the Adelante Latin America Reporting Initiative\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s not true,” he said. “Bad prosecutions and ineffective police are allowing criminals to walk free because they’re not following due process. The system now requires that everybody follows due process and you can’t blame the system for setting high expectations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernández, the former prosecutor, said the task of building a whole new legal system — and winning over public opinion — is so big it will take generations. But she’s committed to doing her part to get there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I always tell my university students that I won’t live to see it completed,” she said. “It’s my grandchildren — or maybe my great-grandchildren — who will live to see it.”\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003cbr>\nThis story was reported with the support of a fellowship from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.iwmf.org/programs/adelante/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Adelante Reporting Initiative\u003c/a> of the International Women’s Media Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In a wood-paneled courtroom in San Francisco’s Hall of Justice one recent morning, a young deputy district attorney was pacing the floor and clicking through a slide presentation. The prosecutor was building her final argument to the jury that a young man who had broken into a woman’s home high on meth and left with her laptop should be convicted of burglary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the audience, Miriam Hernández sat among a dozen or so Mexican law professors, watching the prosecutor in rapt attention. This courtroom staple of the American justice system was something new for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernández worked as a prosecutor for 23 years in Puebla, south of Mexico City. But not once in all those years had she stood up in a courtroom and made closing arguments. That’s because, until very recently, Mexico didn’t have courtrooms, and it didn’t have oral trials conducted in public, as the United States does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything used to be done in writing, 100 percent,” Hernández said. “But filing a legal brief is not the same as arguing a case in front of a judge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Mexico wrestles with crime and corruption, it is giving its justice system a total overhaul, designed to build accountability and strengthen the rule of law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the old “inquisitorial” system, prosecutors had outsized power, and defense attorneys had no ability to challenge the evidence put forward by the prosecution. The presumption of innocence was meaningless, in part because people charged with crimes could languish in jail for years before a case was decided. And victims rarely saw justice, since barely one crime out of 100 was prosecuted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sweeping package of legislative changes and constitutional amendments that aimed to transform the structure of Mexico’s judicial system was enacted in 2008, and it was supposed to be fully operational in the federal courts and all of Mexico’s 32 state court systems by 2016. But three years on, many states are still struggling to adopt the reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Hernández said, even in Puebla, which has lagged other states, the change can already be felt. For example, both victims and the accused are now afforded more rights in the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was common knowledge that our old system had a lot of human rights violations,” she said. “A suspect’s confession was the highest form of proof. [In Spanish, they call it, \u003cem>‘la reina de las pruebas,\u003c/em>’ or ‘the queen of evidence.’] And confessions were sometimes obtained through torture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today the law explicitly bans torture, and there are safeguards in place to reduce its likelihood: A confession can’t be used in court unless it was obtained in the presence of the suspect’s defense attorney. The reforms have moved Mexico to an “adversarial” legal system, more like that in the United States, in which trials are conducted in open court, before a judge who is a neutral arbiter (Mexico did not adopt a jury system). Lawyers can cross-examine the other side’s witnesses. And defendants have the right to counsel, even if they can’t afford to pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These days, there’s much less room for abuses, Hernández says, now that hearings in Mexico are open to the public, and lawyers can challenge evidence presented by the other side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, police are no longer just patrol officers tasked with preventing crime. They have new responsibilities to gather evidence and maintain the integrity of crime scenes. But investigating crimes is a whole new skill set, and training for police is lacking in many parts of Mexico. In Puebla, part of Hernández’s work is to train officers for their new role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Hernández and the other professors have already begun teaching their law students in Puebla how to work in the re-made courts. But their visit to San Francisco’s Hall of Justice gave them a first-hand look at how a veteran prosecutor and public defender built their cases. They also spent a day at the UC Berkeley School of Law, where a pair of instructors coached them on how to teach students the soft skills needed for oral trials — to think on their feet, to communicate verbally, to be willing to try something new and fail and try again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The visits were part of a two-week \u003ca href=\"https://justiceinmexico.org/oasis-program/\">training \u003c/a>course in California, organized by the Justice in Mexico project at the University of San Diego, and funded by the U.S. State Department. The United States has supported Mexico’s justice reforms part of the $3 billion \u003ca href=\"https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/IF10578.pdf\">Mérida Initiative\u003c/a>, a 12-year-old binational partnership aimed at strengthening security and the rule of law in Mexico, and combating drug trafficking organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767696\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11767696\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Judge Gerardo Sandoval talks with a Mexican law professor about the American court system on July 23, 2019, as part of a legal training in California for Mexicans helping to overhaul their justice system. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During a mid-morning break in the San Francisco burglary trial, the judge, Gerardo Sandoval, invited the visitors for a chat in his chambers. Hernández and the other professors filed through a door at the rear of the courtroom and crowded around the judge in his temporary office. They peppered him with questions about the American system and how it resembled their own — or differed from it: Is the defendant required to testify? What happens when a lawyer raises objections? Who pays expert witnesses?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A young defense attorney named Edgar Martínez said he was impressed to see the American lawyers get up and walk around the courtroom and use visual aids in their closing arguments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish we could use these techniques in Mexico,” Martínez said. “Mexican courtrooms are rigid. We’re supposed to stay at our desks and speak into microphones, so the proceedings can be recorded. I’ve asked judges to let me stand up, and I’ve asked if I can show slides, but they won’t permit it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandoval counseled patience. He reminded Martínez that the U.S. legal system of a century ago (or even half that in some southern states) would be unrecognizable today. And it keeps evolving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re just in the first stages of a new system,” he said. “In time, Mexico will find the right balance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first time Sandoval has met with Mexican lawyers in the California training program. Before he returned to the bench to resume the burglary case, he said this was his way of giving back to the country where his parents were born — to help Mexico build a justice system that can withstand the corrupting influence of cartels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sunshine is the best disinfectant,” Sandoval said. “So it can only help things there, with the terrible violence they have and the drug trafficking they have, to have greater transparency and bring greater confidence in the judicial system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Sandoval added, it’s in the best interest of the United States if neighboring Mexico can become a more just and secure country. In the long run, it could even reduce the pressure for Mexicans to migrate north.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can only say, not as a judge but as a child of immigrants, nobody leaves home because they want to. People leave because either there’s no work or they feel in danger,” he said. “So having a safer Mexico, having a more stable Mexico, is not only going to make people feel safer but also, I think, encourage economic development, and that will be good ultimately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But right now, organized crime and drug violence are widespread in Mexico. Police — and many in the public — want the government to be tough on crime. Surprisingly, that means they’re wary, even hostile, to the new system. That’s because stricter standards for evidence — and the idea that defendants are innocent until proven guilty — mean that sometimes the bad guys are acquitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, though, even before the reforms, \u003ca href=\"http://www.cwagweb.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/08/Justice-Reform-in-Mexico_Woodrow-Wilson.pdf\">criminals routinely escaped justice\u003c/a>. Just one crime out of four was reported, and barely one out of 100 crimes were brought to trial, according to David Shirk, who directs the University of San Diego’s Justice in Mexico project that runs these trainings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you commit a crime in Mexico, even a very serious crime like murder, there’s a very high probability that you’re going to get away with it,” Shirk said. “That’s what the criminal justice reforms are really trying to address. They’re trying to raise the bar for police and prosecutors so that they develop the skills and protocols that are necessary to ensure that they are more effective … . They can’t get away with the kind of evidence tampering and forced confessions that were so prominent throughout the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shirk has heard complaints from Mexican politicians and business leaders that the judicial reforms are allowing criminals to walk free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s not true,” he said. “Bad prosecutions and ineffective police are allowing criminals to walk free because they’re not following due process. The system now requires that everybody follows due process and you can’t blame the system for setting high expectations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernández, the former prosecutor, said the task of building a whole new legal system — and winning over public opinion — is so big it will take generations. But she’s committed to doing her part to get there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I always tell my university students that I won’t live to see it completed,” she said. “It’s my grandchildren — or maybe my great-grandchildren — who will live to see it.”\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003cbr>\nThis story was reported with the support of a fellowship from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.iwmf.org/programs/adelante/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Adelante Reporting Initiative\u003c/a> of the International Women’s Media Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The acting head of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services just rewrote the Statue of Liberty’s poem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While defending the Trump administration’s new “public charge” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11766997/trump-administration-rule-would-penalize-immigrants-for-needing-benefits\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">immigration policy\u003c/a>, Ken Cuccinelli \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11767202/immigration-chief-give-me-your-tired-your-poor-who-can-stand-on-their-own-2-feet\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">updated\u003c/a> Emma Lazarus’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/stli/learn/historyculture/colossus.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">famous “New Colossus” poem\u003c/a> during an interview on NPR’s Morning Edition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s worth remembering that this\u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2019/08/trump-revives-a-19th-century-scheme-to-block-poor-immigrants/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> isn’t the first time\u003c/a> the United States turned a xenophobic streak into a policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/rachelnpr/status/1161251407569309697\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The acting head of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services just rewrote the Statue of Liberty’s poem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While defending the Trump administration’s new “public charge” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11766997/trump-administration-rule-would-penalize-immigrants-for-needing-benefits\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">immigration policy\u003c/a>, Ken Cuccinelli \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11767202/immigration-chief-give-me-your-tired-your-poor-who-can-stand-on-their-own-2-feet\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">updated\u003c/a> Emma Lazarus’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/stli/learn/historyculture/colossus.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">famous “New Colossus” poem\u003c/a> during an interview on NPR’s Morning Edition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s worth remembering that this\u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2019/08/trump-revives-a-19th-century-scheme-to-block-poor-immigrants/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> isn’t the first time\u003c/a> the United States turned a xenophobic streak into a policy.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In recent weeks, protests against Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) have been cropping up all over the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Activists rallied \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11761560/on-prime-day-activists-in-san-francisco-demand-amazon-cut-ties-with-ice\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">outside Amazon’s office\u003c/a> and in front of Sen. Dianne Feinstein’s office, but the newest effort is concentrated: 30 days of consistent protest all in one place, the ICE headquarters at 630 Sansome St. in San Francisco. These protests also have another constant: They’ll be waving a long red banner emblazoned with “Close the Camps: Seeking Refuge is Not Illegal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Penny Rosenwasser, protest organizer']‘Caging children, keeping them from having access to basic necessities, from their families, is unacceptable.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organizers, called Month of Momentum, plan on sending a new set of advocates each day from many different sectors—such as lawyers, teachers and health care workers. They’ll gather almost every day from noon to 1 p.m. for the rest of August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, the activists assembled for their first official action to protest the detention of migrant children at camps along the border. The building they gathered in front of is innocuous, blending in with the other high-rise offices in the area. You’d miss it, but for the chanting and banners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765342\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765342\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Protestors display signs showing photos of children who died in detention centers to motorists along Sansome Street during the Aug. 1 protests.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters display signs showing photos of children who died in detention centers. \u003ccite>(Kate Wolffe/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sixteen people were arrested the night before and cited for illegal camping in front of the building. But there was no trace of that the next day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the beginning of the protest, lead organizer Penny Rosenwasser summed up the group’s goals. “Caging children, keeping them from having access to basic necessities, from their families, is unacceptable,” she said. “We need to close the camps and pressure Pelosi, Kamala Harris, Dianne Feinstein to defund ICE.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Penny Rosenwasser, protest organizer']‘Folks said, “Oh, apartheid will never end, the Berlin Wall will never end.” But you have to believe it can happen and have that vision and organize people!’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Rosenwasser, the action is about addressing her helplessness: “I call it ‘activism as therapy.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She thinks this is why so many different groups have signed up to be part of the monthlong action. Those listed on the roster include people not normally represented at immigration protests: witches, librarians, a medical cannabis action committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks said, ‘Oh, apartheid will never end, the Berlin Wall will never end,’ ” she said. “But you have to believe it can happen and have that vision and organize people!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, a different group, Bay Area Women in Black, took over leading the protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765336\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765336\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Japanese internment camp survivor Chizu Omori speaks on the parallels between the internment of Japanese Americans during World War Two and the detention of migrants today during the August 1, 2019 protests outside of the ICE building in San Francisco.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Japanese internment camp survivor Chizu Omori speaks on the parallels between the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II and the detention of migrants today. \u003ccite>(Kate Wolffe/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Robb Godshaw, an adjunct professor at San Francisco State University, decided to come out and join them after hearing about it through friends. He’s now planning on coming every weekday in August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The presence of racist and unsanitary concentration camps is deeply disturbing to me,” he said, noting some members of his family was persecuted during the Holocaust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Godshaw brought three co-workers to join him as a way to channel frustrated energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are so many atrocities brewing, so much outrage on a daily basis, that it kind of fosters this sense of helplessness where people feel extremely disempowered,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='u-s-immigration-and-customs-enforcement' label='More coverage on ICE']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Month of Momentum will carry on through August, protests against current immigration policies and practice have been cropping around the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, a group called Abolish ICE also assembled outside the ICE building. They spent one night at the location and planned to spend a second, but the San Francisco Police Department broke up the group around 2 a.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Abolish ICE organizers, officers were unnecessarily violent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SFPD declined to comment, saying they don’t comment on police tactics for safety reasons. Officer Adam Lobsinger said one person was booked into county jail and is still there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That action followed a protest in July in front of Feinstein’s office on Post Street. There, protesters were criticizing Feinstein and other local lawmakers for voting for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11758640/close-the-camps-protesters-in-s-f-call-for-end-to-detention-of-migrant-children-families\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a $4.6 billion emergency border funding bill. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In response to recent protests, ICE has taken additional security measures to ensure employee safety and the security of all offices,” said Paul Prince, a spokesman for Homeland Security, in a statement. “ICE operations across the country have and will continue to proceed as normal despite these events.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Organizers plan on sending a new set of advocates each day, including lawyers, teachers and health care workers. Protests against national immigration policy have been cropping up all around the city.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In recent weeks, protests against Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) have been cropping up all over the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Activists rallied \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11761560/on-prime-day-activists-in-san-francisco-demand-amazon-cut-ties-with-ice\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">outside Amazon’s office\u003c/a> and in front of Sen. Dianne Feinstein’s office, but the newest effort is concentrated: 30 days of consistent protest all in one place, the ICE headquarters at 630 Sansome St. in San Francisco. These protests also have another constant: They’ll be waving a long red banner emblazoned with “Close the Camps: Seeking Refuge is Not Illegal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organizers, called Month of Momentum, plan on sending a new set of advocates each day from many different sectors—such as lawyers, teachers and health care workers. They’ll gather almost every day from noon to 1 p.m. for the rest of August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, the activists assembled for their first official action to protest the detention of migrant children at camps along the border. The building they gathered in front of is innocuous, blending in with the other high-rise offices in the area. You’d miss it, but for the chanting and banners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765342\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765342\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Protestors display signs showing photos of children who died in detention centers to motorists along Sansome Street during the Aug. 1 protests.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters display signs showing photos of children who died in detention centers. \u003ccite>(Kate Wolffe/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sixteen people were arrested the night before and cited for illegal camping in front of the building. But there was no trace of that the next day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the beginning of the protest, lead organizer Penny Rosenwasser summed up the group’s goals. “Caging children, keeping them from having access to basic necessities, from their families, is unacceptable,” she said. “We need to close the camps and pressure Pelosi, Kamala Harris, Dianne Feinstein to defund ICE.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Rosenwasser, the action is about addressing her helplessness: “I call it ‘activism as therapy.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She thinks this is why so many different groups have signed up to be part of the monthlong action. Those listed on the roster include people not normally represented at immigration protests: witches, librarians, a medical cannabis action committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks said, ‘Oh, apartheid will never end, the Berlin Wall will never end,’ ” she said. “But you have to believe it can happen and have that vision and organize people!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, a different group, Bay Area Women in Black, took over leading the protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765336\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765336\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Japanese internment camp survivor Chizu Omori speaks on the parallels between the internment of Japanese Americans during World War Two and the detention of migrants today during the August 1, 2019 protests outside of the ICE building in San Francisco.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Japanese internment camp survivor Chizu Omori speaks on the parallels between the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II and the detention of migrants today. \u003ccite>(Kate Wolffe/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Robb Godshaw, an adjunct professor at San Francisco State University, decided to come out and join them after hearing about it through friends. He’s now planning on coming every weekday in August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The presence of racist and unsanitary concentration camps is deeply disturbing to me,” he said, noting some members of his family was persecuted during the Holocaust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Godshaw brought three co-workers to join him as a way to channel frustrated energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are so many atrocities brewing, so much outrage on a daily basis, that it kind of fosters this sense of helplessness where people feel extremely disempowered,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Month of Momentum will carry on through August, protests against current immigration policies and practice have been cropping around the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, a group called Abolish ICE also assembled outside the ICE building. They spent one night at the location and planned to spend a second, but the San Francisco Police Department broke up the group around 2 a.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Abolish ICE organizers, officers were unnecessarily violent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SFPD declined to comment, saying they don’t comment on police tactics for safety reasons. Officer Adam Lobsinger said one person was booked into county jail and is still there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That action followed a protest in July in front of Feinstein’s office on Post Street. There, protesters were criticizing Feinstein and other local lawmakers for voting for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11758640/close-the-camps-protesters-in-s-f-call-for-end-to-detention-of-migrant-children-families\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a $4.6 billion emergency border funding bill. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In response to recent protests, ICE has taken additional security measures to ensure employee safety and the security of all offices,” said Paul Prince, a spokesman for Homeland Security, in a statement. “ICE operations across the country have and will continue to proceed as normal despite these events.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "timeline-the-frustrating-political-history-of-homelessness-in-san-francisco",
"title": "TIMELINE: The Frustrating Political History of Homelessness in San Francisco",
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"headTitle": "TIMELINE: The Frustrating Political History of Homelessness in San Francisco | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>It has vexed San Francisco’s leaders for more than three decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last seven mayors — from Dianne Feinstein to London Breed — have all tried to tackle the city’s persistent homelessness, introducing scores of different plans and task forces, each of which has ultimately failed to markedly reduce the sheer number of people living on the streets. Consistently ranked among the most pressing concerns for San Francisco’s residents, homelessness has proved to be a political lightning rod in a city known for its progressive views, innovative spirit and enormous income gaps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have, of course, been some successes along the way, though progress has often been hard to notice. Over the last 15 years, the city estimates that it has housed more than \u003ca href=\"https://projects.sfchronicle.com/sf-homeless/2018-state-of-homelessness/#\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">26,000 homeless people\u003c/a>. But that’s come at tremendous cost: The city spent more than $300 million on homeless prevention services in 2018, and yet the day-to-day population didn’t dip. It actually grew, to more than 8,000, \u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/research-reports/san-francisco-homeless-point-in-time-count-reports/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to city’s latest point-in-time count\u003c/a> (and that didn’t include the nearly 1,800 additional homeless people who were counted in jails, hospitals and rehabilitation facilities).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following timeline describes the various ways each of the city’s last seven mayors has tried to tackle this intractable issue. View it interactively or in text format below.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Photos used with permission from the \u003ca href=\"http://projects.sfchronicle.com/sf-homeless/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv style=\"width: 100%;\">\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://cdn.knightlab.com/libs/timeline3/latest/embed/index.html?source=1LbAvhax2McC2llFgIX7zWBHbX2rVDBhPITnNCUhuSBQ&font=Default&lang=en&initial_zoom=2&height=750\" width=\"1300\" height=\"750\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>1975-1982: A Perfect Storm\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s long-term homeless population remained relatively small through the 1970s. “We didn’t even call them homeless people,” recalls journalist Steve Talbot, a longtime city resident. In the early 1980s, though, homelessness became a full-blown crisis throughout the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crisis was a decade in the making — the result of a combination of massive state and federal cuts to mental health services and public housing, a wave of Vietnam veterans in need of help, skyrocketing home prices and a spike in unemployment caused by the national recession. San Francisco was hit particularly hard, especially in the Tenderloin and other downtown neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>1982-1988: Feinstein’s Muni Bus Shelters\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765203\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765203\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2-800x561.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"561\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2-800x561.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2-160x112.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2-1020x715.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Dianne Feinstein and members of her administration walk through a shantytown slated to be dismantled, near Seventh and Berry streets, on Jan. 28, 1986. \u003ccite>(Steve Ringman/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayor Dianne Feinstein approached the homeless issue as a passing phenomenon. Rather than creating permanent housing and long-term services, her administration relied primarily on church-based emergency shelters, soup kitchens and city-funded overnight stays in cheap, private hotels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strategy proved costly and ultimately unsuccessful. Many of the shelters were poorly managed and underfunded, and fell quickly into disrepair. In one notorious instance, the city converted a set of old Muni buses into temporary shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after the city failed to provide adequate supervision, the facilities were vandalized and Feinstein ordered them evacuated and towed away. Contrary to the predictions of officials, the city’s homeless population continued to grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>1988-1992: ‘Camp Agnos’\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765137\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/agnos2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765137\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/agnos2-800x586.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"586\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/agnos2-800x586.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/agnos2-160x117.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/agnos2.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Art Agnos fields questions during a news conference in 1989 announcing the city’s master plan on homelessness. \u003ccite>(Sam Forencich/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During his first year in office, Mayor Art Agnos, a social worker, unveiled his “beyond shelter” strategy, a sweeping initiative to provide services to the city’s homeless that he claimed would be a model for the nation. The plan called for building two centers — the first city-owned shelters — where homeless clients could be assessed and receive health and counseling services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agnos’s reputation, though, took a hit that summer when hundreds of homeless people set up camp in Civic Center Plaza. The press dubbed it “Camp Agnos.” For months, he allowed the camp and its residents to remain, but under mounting pressure, eventually ordered police to dismantle it. His string of shelters opened hastily in 1990 to accommodate victims of the October 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake, but lacking adequate resources, they soon became overcrowded and understaffed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following year, Agnos was unseated by Frank Jordan, his former police chief, who pledged to dramatically change tack and deal with homelessness through a law-and-order approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>1992-1996: Jordan’s ‘Matrix’\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765136\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/jordan1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765136\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/jordan1-800x623.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"623\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/jordan1-800x623.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/jordan1-160x125.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/jordan1.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Frank Jordan, who was San Francisco’s police chief before becoming mayor, tells a homeless man where he can find shelter for the night. \u003ccite>(Brant Ward/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Soon after taking office, Mayor Frank Jordan instituted his Matrix program, an enforcement-based strategy using police to forcibly clear homeless people from the streets and steer them into health and housing services. During the first six months of the program, police issued 6,000 citations for quality-of-life misdemeanors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics said the approach criminalized the poor and merely managed homelessness rather than doing anything to prevent it. But many residents and businesses, weary of deteriorating street conditions, supported the plan. In 1994, voters approved Jordan’s measures to ban loitering near ATMs and to replace part of city welfare checks with housing vouchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without enough services in place to handle the uptick in numbers, though, little progress was made in preventing the homeless from returning to the streets. Similar to the fate of his predecessor, Jordan’s poorly performing homeless policies — used as ammunition by his challenger, Willie Brown — contributed to his failed re-election bid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>1996-2004: Brown’s Grand Vision\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765135\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/brown3.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765135\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/brown3-800x530.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"530\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/brown3-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/brown3-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/brown3.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Willie Brown wields a broom as part of his litter-removal program, while neighborhood youth look on. Brown says his “only option was to manage” homelessness. \u003ccite>(Lea Suzuki/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayor Willie Brown pledged to bring in outside government funding to expand social services and develop a regional plan with other Bay Area cities. But during the subsequent period of economic expansion and gentrification, fueled by the late 1990s dot-com boom, those plans fell short.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown did lead a successful increase in the city’s affordable housing stock, creating thousands of new units and beds by leasing and renovating cheap residential hotels and heavily subsidizing the rent. But he also took a number of controversial pro-development actions, such as increasing quality-of-life citations and closing the Mission Rock homeless shelter to build a parking lot adjacent to Oracle Park (then called SBC Park).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his second term, Brown took little leadership on the issue, famously declaring homelessness a problem “that may not be solvable.” In 2002, the San Francisco’s homeless population spiked at more than 8,600, as the city became gripped by a housing shortage and skyrocketing costs amid the economic boom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>2004-2010: Newsom’s Supportive Housing\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765134\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/newsom1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765134\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/newsom1-800x520.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"520\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/newsom1-800x520.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/newsom1-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/newsom1.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Gavin Newsom at the McAllister Hotel on April 30, 2004, where rooms were being made available to the homeless. \u003ccite>(Brant Ward/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a city supervisor, Gavin Newsom championed the controversial “Care Not Cash” measure, slashing cash payments to the homeless and redirecting funds toward housing. In his first year as mayor, he introduced an ambitious 10-year plan to end chronic homelessness by creating 3,000 housing units with supportive services and replacing emergency shelter beds with 24-hour clinics. Although the plan fell short of its goal, it did move thousands of homeless people off the streets over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the program’s first year, homelessness in the city dropped by nearly 30% from its 2002 high. But then the numbers froze — at over 6,000 people — through the remainder of his tenure. As mayor, Newsom also sponsored a measure approved by voters in 2010 that restricted sitting or lying on sidewalks. Homelessness, he later claimed, is the “manifestation of complete, abject failure as a society. We’ll never solve this at City Hall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>2011-2017: Lee’s Department of Homelessness\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765133\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/lee.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11765133 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/lee-800x573.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"573\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/lee-800x573.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/lee-160x115.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/lee.jpg 920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Ed Lee stops to talk with residents of the Raman Hotel on Howard Street, a supportive housing facility. \u003ccite>(Brant Ward/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayor Ed Lee, who was appointed after Newsom became lieutenant governor, initially devoted significantly less attention than his predecessor to homelessness. In an effort to woo major tech companies, Lee cleared areas in the Mid-Market district and nearby neighborhoods, and ordered large homeless camps dismantled. Criticized for avoiding the issue, Lee opened the city’s first navigation center in 2015, a 24-hour multiservice homeless shelter providing housing assistance and drug abuse rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A month into his second full term, Lee announced a new citywide homeless department, an effort to group all services under one roof and spend at least $1 billion over the following four years to help thousands of people find supportive housing. The department launched in July 2016. A year later, it reported a double-digit decrease in family and youth homelessness, but a slight rise in the number of single homeless adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee then launched a “coordinated entry” initiative to consolidate the dozens of city-funded homeless service groups under one system and have a shared database. Meanwhile, public complaints about encampments, human waste and needles increased sharply, from about 6,300 in 2011 to more than 44,000 in 2016, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Despite-money-and-work-homelessness-in-SF-as-bad-11242946.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>2018-Today: Breed’s ‘Housing First’ Push\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765218\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11765218 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-800x551.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"551\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-800x551.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-160x110.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-1020x703.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-1200x827.jpeg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-1920x1323.jpeg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173.jpeg 1960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor London Breed, flanked by city officials, at the official groundbreaking on July 9, 2019, of a new Broadway development, which is expected to provide 178 new units of affordable housing for families, seniors and formerly homeless seniors. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LondonBreed/status/1148710274699948032\">Courtesy of Mayor Breed's office (via Twitter)\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed entered office pledging to further the reach of programs established by her predecessor. Early on, she committed to adding at least 1,000 new shelter beds by 2020 and upheld Lee’s promise of building 5,000 units of housing annually, significantly expanding the city’s affordable housing stock and protecting existing affordable units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed has also proposed expanding the number of navigation centers throughout the city — including a recent proposal to open a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/SF-proposes-first-safe-parking-lot-for-homeless-14096895.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">safe parking site\u003c/a> for people living in their vehicles — and strongly \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/heatherknight/article/Breed-says-fight-for-safe-injection-sites-in-SF-13273455.php\">supports safe injection sites \u003c/a>for drug users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since October 2018, her administration has added nearly 300 shelter beds, with proposals for about 500 more, and helped move \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Mayor-angered-it-takes-so-damn-long-to-14097717.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">some 1,500 people off the streets\u003c/a> since she took office, with drops in veteran and youth homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, a one-night homeless count in January identified nearly 9,800 homeless people in San Francisco (including those in jails, hospitals and rehabilitation facilities) — \u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/FINAL-PIT-Report-2019-San-Francisco.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">more than half of them unsheltered \u003c/a>— a 30% increase since 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, some of Breed’s efforts to build new shelters have hit major roadblocks. Most notably, her plan to build a 200-bed navigation center on the Embarcadero this summer is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11760996/opponents-of-navigation-center-say-city-taking-big-risk-in-starting-to-prep-site\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">now tied up in litigation \u003c/a>after a neighborhood group sued to halt construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And despite Breed’s ongoing efforts to expedite the construction of affordable housing, the city \u003ca href=\"http://commissions.sfplanning.org/cpcpackets/1996.0013CWP_2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">netted just over 2,500 new units\u003c/a> in 2018, a 42% decrease since 2017, marking the lowest gain in five years. Breed is now pushing the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Largest-affordable-housing-bond-in-SF-s-history-14083614.php?psid=6rEnl\">biggest affordable housing bond in San Francisco’s history,\u003c/a> which would yield $600 million and up to 2,800 units if approved by voters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed also angered key homeless advocates when she opposed Proposition C, which she said lacked proper accountability provisions. The measure, which voters decisively approved in November 2018, creates a new tax on large corporations, and is expected to bring in as much as $300 million annually for homeless services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "San Francisco's last seven mayors have each pledged, in their own ways, to solve the city's intractable homeless crisis. But to date, each administration has fallen short of its goals.",
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"title": "TIMELINE: The Frustrating Political History of Homelessness in San Francisco | KQED",
"description": "San Francisco's last seven mayors have each pledged, in their own ways, to solve the city's intractable homeless crisis. But to date, each administration has fallen short of its goals.",
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"headline": "TIMELINE: The Frustrating Political History of Homelessness in San Francisco",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It has vexed San Francisco’s leaders for more than three decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last seven mayors — from Dianne Feinstein to London Breed — have all tried to tackle the city’s persistent homelessness, introducing scores of different plans and task forces, each of which has ultimately failed to markedly reduce the sheer number of people living on the streets. Consistently ranked among the most pressing concerns for San Francisco’s residents, homelessness has proved to be a political lightning rod in a city known for its progressive views, innovative spirit and enormous income gaps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have, of course, been some successes along the way, though progress has often been hard to notice. Over the last 15 years, the city estimates that it has housed more than \u003ca href=\"https://projects.sfchronicle.com/sf-homeless/2018-state-of-homelessness/#\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">26,000 homeless people\u003c/a>. But that’s come at tremendous cost: The city spent more than $300 million on homeless prevention services in 2018, and yet the day-to-day population didn’t dip. It actually grew, to more than 8,000, \u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/research-reports/san-francisco-homeless-point-in-time-count-reports/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to city’s latest point-in-time count\u003c/a> (and that didn’t include the nearly 1,800 additional homeless people who were counted in jails, hospitals and rehabilitation facilities).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following timeline describes the various ways each of the city’s last seven mayors has tried to tackle this intractable issue. View it interactively or in text format below.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Photos used with permission from the \u003ca href=\"http://projects.sfchronicle.com/sf-homeless/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv style=\"width: 100%;\">\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://cdn.knightlab.com/libs/timeline3/latest/embed/index.html?source=1LbAvhax2McC2llFgIX7zWBHbX2rVDBhPITnNCUhuSBQ&font=Default&lang=en&initial_zoom=2&height=750\" width=\"1300\" height=\"750\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>1975-1982: A Perfect Storm\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s long-term homeless population remained relatively small through the 1970s. “We didn’t even call them homeless people,” recalls journalist Steve Talbot, a longtime city resident. In the early 1980s, though, homelessness became a full-blown crisis throughout the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crisis was a decade in the making — the result of a combination of massive state and federal cuts to mental health services and public housing, a wave of Vietnam veterans in need of help, skyrocketing home prices and a spike in unemployment caused by the national recession. San Francisco was hit particularly hard, especially in the Tenderloin and other downtown neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>1982-1988: Feinstein’s Muni Bus Shelters\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765203\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765203\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2-800x561.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"561\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2-800x561.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2-160x112.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2-1020x715.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Dianne Feinstein and members of her administration walk through a shantytown slated to be dismantled, near Seventh and Berry streets, on Jan. 28, 1986. \u003ccite>(Steve Ringman/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayor Dianne Feinstein approached the homeless issue as a passing phenomenon. Rather than creating permanent housing and long-term services, her administration relied primarily on church-based emergency shelters, soup kitchens and city-funded overnight stays in cheap, private hotels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strategy proved costly and ultimately unsuccessful. Many of the shelters were poorly managed and underfunded, and fell quickly into disrepair. In one notorious instance, the city converted a set of old Muni buses into temporary shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after the city failed to provide adequate supervision, the facilities were vandalized and Feinstein ordered them evacuated and towed away. Contrary to the predictions of officials, the city’s homeless population continued to grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>1988-1992: ‘Camp Agnos’\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765137\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/agnos2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765137\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/agnos2-800x586.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"586\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/agnos2-800x586.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/agnos2-160x117.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/agnos2.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Art Agnos fields questions during a news conference in 1989 announcing the city’s master plan on homelessness. \u003ccite>(Sam Forencich/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During his first year in office, Mayor Art Agnos, a social worker, unveiled his “beyond shelter” strategy, a sweeping initiative to provide services to the city’s homeless that he claimed would be a model for the nation. The plan called for building two centers — the first city-owned shelters — where homeless clients could be assessed and receive health and counseling services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agnos’s reputation, though, took a hit that summer when hundreds of homeless people set up camp in Civic Center Plaza. The press dubbed it “Camp Agnos.” For months, he allowed the camp and its residents to remain, but under mounting pressure, eventually ordered police to dismantle it. His string of shelters opened hastily in 1990 to accommodate victims of the October 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake, but lacking adequate resources, they soon became overcrowded and understaffed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following year, Agnos was unseated by Frank Jordan, his former police chief, who pledged to dramatically change tack and deal with homelessness through a law-and-order approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>1992-1996: Jordan’s ‘Matrix’\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765136\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/jordan1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765136\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/jordan1-800x623.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"623\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/jordan1-800x623.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/jordan1-160x125.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/jordan1.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Frank Jordan, who was San Francisco’s police chief before becoming mayor, tells a homeless man where he can find shelter for the night. \u003ccite>(Brant Ward/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Soon after taking office, Mayor Frank Jordan instituted his Matrix program, an enforcement-based strategy using police to forcibly clear homeless people from the streets and steer them into health and housing services. During the first six months of the program, police issued 6,000 citations for quality-of-life misdemeanors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics said the approach criminalized the poor and merely managed homelessness rather than doing anything to prevent it. But many residents and businesses, weary of deteriorating street conditions, supported the plan. In 1994, voters approved Jordan’s measures to ban loitering near ATMs and to replace part of city welfare checks with housing vouchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without enough services in place to handle the uptick in numbers, though, little progress was made in preventing the homeless from returning to the streets. Similar to the fate of his predecessor, Jordan’s poorly performing homeless policies — used as ammunition by his challenger, Willie Brown — contributed to his failed re-election bid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>1996-2004: Brown’s Grand Vision\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765135\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/brown3.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765135\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/brown3-800x530.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"530\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/brown3-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/brown3-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/brown3.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Willie Brown wields a broom as part of his litter-removal program, while neighborhood youth look on. Brown says his “only option was to manage” homelessness. \u003ccite>(Lea Suzuki/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayor Willie Brown pledged to bring in outside government funding to expand social services and develop a regional plan with other Bay Area cities. But during the subsequent period of economic expansion and gentrification, fueled by the late 1990s dot-com boom, those plans fell short.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown did lead a successful increase in the city’s affordable housing stock, creating thousands of new units and beds by leasing and renovating cheap residential hotels and heavily subsidizing the rent. But he also took a number of controversial pro-development actions, such as increasing quality-of-life citations and closing the Mission Rock homeless shelter to build a parking lot adjacent to Oracle Park (then called SBC Park).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his second term, Brown took little leadership on the issue, famously declaring homelessness a problem “that may not be solvable.” In 2002, the San Francisco’s homeless population spiked at more than 8,600, as the city became gripped by a housing shortage and skyrocketing costs amid the economic boom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>2004-2010: Newsom’s Supportive Housing\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765134\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/newsom1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765134\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/newsom1-800x520.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"520\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/newsom1-800x520.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/newsom1-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/newsom1.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Gavin Newsom at the McAllister Hotel on April 30, 2004, where rooms were being made available to the homeless. \u003ccite>(Brant Ward/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a city supervisor, Gavin Newsom championed the controversial “Care Not Cash” measure, slashing cash payments to the homeless and redirecting funds toward housing. In his first year as mayor, he introduced an ambitious 10-year plan to end chronic homelessness by creating 3,000 housing units with supportive services and replacing emergency shelter beds with 24-hour clinics. Although the plan fell short of its goal, it did move thousands of homeless people off the streets over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the program’s first year, homelessness in the city dropped by nearly 30% from its 2002 high. But then the numbers froze — at over 6,000 people — through the remainder of his tenure. As mayor, Newsom also sponsored a measure approved by voters in 2010 that restricted sitting or lying on sidewalks. Homelessness, he later claimed, is the “manifestation of complete, abject failure as a society. We’ll never solve this at City Hall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>2011-2017: Lee’s Department of Homelessness\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765133\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/lee.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11765133 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/lee-800x573.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"573\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/lee-800x573.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/lee-160x115.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/lee.jpg 920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Ed Lee stops to talk with residents of the Raman Hotel on Howard Street, a supportive housing facility. \u003ccite>(Brant Ward/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayor Ed Lee, who was appointed after Newsom became lieutenant governor, initially devoted significantly less attention than his predecessor to homelessness. In an effort to woo major tech companies, Lee cleared areas in the Mid-Market district and nearby neighborhoods, and ordered large homeless camps dismantled. Criticized for avoiding the issue, Lee opened the city’s first navigation center in 2015, a 24-hour multiservice homeless shelter providing housing assistance and drug abuse rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A month into his second full term, Lee announced a new citywide homeless department, an effort to group all services under one roof and spend at least $1 billion over the following four years to help thousands of people find supportive housing. The department launched in July 2016. A year later, it reported a double-digit decrease in family and youth homelessness, but a slight rise in the number of single homeless adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee then launched a “coordinated entry” initiative to consolidate the dozens of city-funded homeless service groups under one system and have a shared database. Meanwhile, public complaints about encampments, human waste and needles increased sharply, from about 6,300 in 2011 to more than 44,000 in 2016, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Despite-money-and-work-homelessness-in-SF-as-bad-11242946.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>2018-Today: Breed’s ‘Housing First’ Push\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765218\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11765218 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-800x551.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"551\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-800x551.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-160x110.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-1020x703.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-1200x827.jpeg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-1920x1323.jpeg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173.jpeg 1960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor London Breed, flanked by city officials, at the official groundbreaking on July 9, 2019, of a new Broadway development, which is expected to provide 178 new units of affordable housing for families, seniors and formerly homeless seniors. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LondonBreed/status/1148710274699948032\">Courtesy of Mayor Breed's office (via Twitter)\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed entered office pledging to further the reach of programs established by her predecessor. Early on, she committed to adding at least 1,000 new shelter beds by 2020 and upheld Lee’s promise of building 5,000 units of housing annually, significantly expanding the city’s affordable housing stock and protecting existing affordable units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed has also proposed expanding the number of navigation centers throughout the city — including a recent proposal to open a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/SF-proposes-first-safe-parking-lot-for-homeless-14096895.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">safe parking site\u003c/a> for people living in their vehicles — and strongly \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/heatherknight/article/Breed-says-fight-for-safe-injection-sites-in-SF-13273455.php\">supports safe injection sites \u003c/a>for drug users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since October 2018, her administration has added nearly 300 shelter beds, with proposals for about 500 more, and helped move \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Mayor-angered-it-takes-so-damn-long-to-14097717.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">some 1,500 people off the streets\u003c/a> since she took office, with drops in veteran and youth homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, a one-night homeless count in January identified nearly 9,800 homeless people in San Francisco (including those in jails, hospitals and rehabilitation facilities) — \u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/FINAL-PIT-Report-2019-San-Francisco.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">more than half of them unsheltered \u003c/a>— a 30% increase since 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, some of Breed’s efforts to build new shelters have hit major roadblocks. Most notably, her plan to build a 200-bed navigation center on the Embarcadero this summer is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11760996/opponents-of-navigation-center-say-city-taking-big-risk-in-starting-to-prep-site\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">now tied up in litigation \u003c/a>after a neighborhood group sued to halt construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And despite Breed’s ongoing efforts to expedite the construction of affordable housing, the city \u003ca href=\"http://commissions.sfplanning.org/cpcpackets/1996.0013CWP_2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">netted just over 2,500 new units\u003c/a> in 2018, a 42% decrease since 2017, marking the lowest gain in five years. Breed is now pushing the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Largest-affordable-housing-bond-in-SF-s-history-14083614.php?psid=6rEnl\">biggest affordable housing bond in San Francisco’s history,\u003c/a> which would yield $600 million and up to 2,800 units if approved by voters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed also angered key homeless advocates when she opposed Proposition C, which she said lacked proper accountability provisions. The measure, which voters decisively approved in November 2018, creates a new tax on large corporations, and is expected to bring in as much as $300 million annually for homeless services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "san-jose-state-could-turn-this-building-into-housing-but-who-should-get-to-live-there",
"title": "San Jose State Could Turn This Building Into Housing – But Who Should Get to Live There?",
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"headTitle": "San Jose State Could Turn This Building Into Housing – But Who Should Get to Live There? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In the midst of the Bay Area’s housing crisis, San Jose State University may get a gift it could never afford today: an office building near campus, ripe for razing and replacing with apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the heart of downtown San Jose, a block from SJSU’s campus, sits the state-owned Alfred E. Alquist Building. From a design standpoint, it’s fair to say few people give it a second look.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Charlie Faas, SJSU senior vice president of administration and finance']‘If we don’t solve the faculty staff housing issue, it’s going to be really hard to have classes and educate students.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This building is ugly,” said Charlie Faas, SJSU’s senior vice president of administration and finance. “This building is a three-story concrete pillar-type building that has a lot of open spaces inside, a lot of less-than-good utilization of the space, and it’s short.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state agrees. In fact, California’s real estate division recommended that current tenants — like the Department of Public Health — move elsewhere so that the Alquist Building can be transferred to another state agency free of charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose State wants to be that agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing Help for Faculty Feeling the Squeeze\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Faas has big plans: parking, retail and several new residential towers, with up to 1,000 below-market-rate apartments for faculty and graduate students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"William Armaline, professor of sociology at SJSU\"]‘You work very hard on a professional degree … I’m a tenured professor. You expect at least to not live a fully precarious existence in terms of, you know, housing and food.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we don’t solve the faculty staff housing issue, it’s going to be really hard to have classes and educate students, and at the end of the day that’s what we’re about,” Faas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has been named the hottest housing market in the country by Zillow two years in a row. The median rent is \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/san-jose-ca/home-values/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$3,500\u003c/a>. It can be difficult even for tenured professors to compete in that housing market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You work very hard on a professional degree or a doctorate and you work very hard to establish your career,” said SJSU sociology professor William Armaline. “I’m a tenured professor. You expect at least to not live a fully precarious existence in terms of, you know, housing and food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Armaline and his wife, who works as a social worker, can’t afford to buy a house in San Jose. They rent a condo about 2 miles from campus. They got a good deal on the rent, and the landlord hasn’t asked for market rate in seven years. But it’s a tight squeeze for the couple, their foster daughter and their foster grandkid. And it’s in need of some serious updates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re in the kind of situation that we’re in, and I think many others are in, you basically start fixing everything yourself and seeing which you can live with,” Armaline said. “Because, you know, you’re really only living at the generosity of that landlord, who quite frankly has a great deal more interest in getting rid of you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>But What About Homeless Students?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But faculty and staff should not be the school’s only priority, according to Mayra Bernabe of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/shasjsu/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Student Homeless Alliance\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Student Homelessness\" tag=\"student-homelessness\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www2.calstate.edu/impact-of-the-csu/student-success/basic-needs-initiative/Documents/BasicNeedsStudy_phaseII_withAccessibilityComments.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">A 2018 survey\u003c/a> found that roughly 13 percent of San Jose State students experienced homelessness in the past year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our students cannot go through their four years plus without the basic needs. And that’s, you know, food and housing,” Bernabe said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some homeless students spend the night in San Jose State’s 24-hour library. Juan Marrufo, who just graduated from San Jose State, used to sleep there sometimes between shifts at his part-time job and classes. He says you don’t get good sleep there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would have my backpack around my arms because I was afraid that somebody might steal my backpack or my information,” Marrufo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Alliance is asking that 20 percent of Faas’ planned units be affordable for very low-income and extremely low-income students. But even if he agrees, it would be several years before anyone gets a door key.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Ash Kalra helped put a $250,000 allocation to San Jose State into the California general budget to help the university create a development plan. It would need to be approved by the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s a win for the state, a win for San Jose State University and certainly a win for the city of San Jose, ultimately benefiting students in need,” Kalra said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What Happens Next?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Jose State will deliver its plans for the project to the state. California’s Department of General Services will evaluate SJSU’s plans, and make a decision on the Alquist building’s fate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The] decision would be guided by what is in the state’s best interest,” said Jennifer Lida, a Dept. of General Services spokesperson in an email to KQED. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But it’s a balance of any number of factors, including: our authority; state needs, such as housing; our fiduciary responsibility; the tenant department’s needs; the constituents of the tenant departments and other state agency needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "San Jose State University is in the process of applying to take over an old state building near campus and replace it with up to 1,000 below-market-rate apartments.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the midst of the Bay Area’s housing crisis, San Jose State University may get a gift it could never afford today: an office building near campus, ripe for razing and replacing with apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the heart of downtown San Jose, a block from SJSU’s campus, sits the state-owned Alfred E. Alquist Building. From a design standpoint, it’s fair to say few people give it a second look.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This building is ugly,” said Charlie Faas, SJSU’s senior vice president of administration and finance. “This building is a three-story concrete pillar-type building that has a lot of open spaces inside, a lot of less-than-good utilization of the space, and it’s short.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state agrees. In fact, California’s real estate division recommended that current tenants — like the Department of Public Health — move elsewhere so that the Alquist Building can be transferred to another state agency free of charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose State wants to be that agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘You work very hard on a professional degree … I’m a tenured professor. You expect at least to not live a fully precarious existence in terms of, you know, housing and food.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we don’t solve the faculty staff housing issue, it’s going to be really hard to have classes and educate students, and at the end of the day that’s what we’re about,” Faas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has been named the hottest housing market in the country by Zillow two years in a row. The median rent is \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/san-jose-ca/home-values/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$3,500\u003c/a>. It can be difficult even for tenured professors to compete in that housing market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You work very hard on a professional degree or a doctorate and you work very hard to establish your career,” said SJSU sociology professor William Armaline. “I’m a tenured professor. You expect at least to not live a fully precarious existence in terms of, you know, housing and food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Armaline and his wife, who works as a social worker, can’t afford to buy a house in San Jose. They rent a condo about 2 miles from campus. They got a good deal on the rent, and the landlord hasn’t asked for market rate in seven years. But it’s a tight squeeze for the couple, their foster daughter and their foster grandkid. And it’s in need of some serious updates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re in the kind of situation that we’re in, and I think many others are in, you basically start fixing everything yourself and seeing which you can live with,” Armaline said. “Because, you know, you’re really only living at the generosity of that landlord, who quite frankly has a great deal more interest in getting rid of you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>But What About Homeless Students?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But faculty and staff should not be the school’s only priority, according to Mayra Bernabe of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/shasjsu/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Student Homeless Alliance\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www2.calstate.edu/impact-of-the-csu/student-success/basic-needs-initiative/Documents/BasicNeedsStudy_phaseII_withAccessibilityComments.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">A 2018 survey\u003c/a> found that roughly 13 percent of San Jose State students experienced homelessness in the past year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our students cannot go through their four years plus without the basic needs. And that’s, you know, food and housing,” Bernabe said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some homeless students spend the night in San Jose State’s 24-hour library. Juan Marrufo, who just graduated from San Jose State, used to sleep there sometimes between shifts at his part-time job and classes. He says you don’t get good sleep there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would have my backpack around my arms because I was afraid that somebody might steal my backpack or my information,” Marrufo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Alliance is asking that 20 percent of Faas’ planned units be affordable for very low-income and extremely low-income students. But even if he agrees, it would be several years before anyone gets a door key.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Ash Kalra helped put a $250,000 allocation to San Jose State into the California general budget to help the university create a development plan. It would need to be approved by the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s a win for the state, a win for San Jose State University and certainly a win for the city of San Jose, ultimately benefiting students in need,” Kalra said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What Happens Next?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Jose State will deliver its plans for the project to the state. California’s Department of General Services will evaluate SJSU’s plans, and make a decision on the Alquist building’s fate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The] decision would be guided by what is in the state’s best interest,” said Jennifer Lida, a Dept. of General Services spokesperson in an email to KQED. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But it’s a balance of any number of factors, including: our authority; state needs, such as housing; our fiduciary responsibility; the tenant department’s needs; the constituents of the tenant departments and other state agency needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>U.S. Sen. Kamala Harris walked onstage Wednesday night for her second presidential debate with a lot of pressure and high expectations hanging over her head — and she mostly delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='small' align='right' citation='Former Vice President Joe Biden']‘This is not a Republican talking point; Republicans are trying to kill Obamacare.’[/pullquote]Harris, who is viewed as one of a few frontrunners in the crowded Democratic field, found herself at the center of the stage alongside former Vice President Joe Biden — and at the center of many attacks from her fellow Democrats on issues ranging from health care to her record as a prosecutor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden, especially, came out swinging at Harris, a turnaround from his lackluster response to her attacks in the first debate in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The senator has had several plans,” Biden said, referring to Harris’ flip-flopping on whether she supports eliminating private insurance coverage. “You can’t beat Donald Trump with double-talk on this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris — whose \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11757814/kamala-harris-swings-at-joe-biden-while-eric-swalwell-strives-to-stand-out-in-democratic-debate\">standout performance\u003c/a> during the first debate boosted her poll numbers and breathed life into her campaign — appeared a bit nervous as the night began, but seemed to pick up steam as the debate wore on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After greeting Biden casually — “Hey, Joe,” she said, with him responding, “Go easy on me, kid” — Harris quickly pivoted to attacking the vice president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11764808\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11764808\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Democratic presidential hopefuls wave from the stage ahead of the second Democratic primary debate of the 2020 presidential campaign season hosted by CNN at the Fox Theatre in Detroit, Michigan, on July 31, 2019.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic presidential hopefuls wave from the stage ahead of the second Democratic primary debate of the 2020 presidential campaign season hosted by CNN at the Fox Theatre in Detroit, Michigan, on July 31, 2019. \u003ccite>(Jim Watson/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The first portion of the debate focused heavily on health care, with Biden and Harris sparring over their competing proposals. But neither candidate seemed as fluent talking about the complicated policy issue as Sens. Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders did Tuesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Harris did land some punches. She \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/2019/7/29/8933257/kamala-harris-medicare-for-all-bernie-sanders-private-insurance\">unveiled her own health care plan this week\u003c/a> — a proposal she calls “Medicare for All,” but that would still include private insurers — and spent a significant amount of time attacking Biden for his more \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/2019/7/16/20694598/joe-biden-health-care-plan-public-option\">modest proposal,\u003c/a> which would keep the current health care structure in place but let people buy into a public option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your plan does not cover everyone in America — by your staff’s, and everyone’s, definition — 10 million people will not have access to health care,” Harris told Biden. “In 2018, in America, for a Democrat to be running on a health care plan that doesn’t cover everyone is without excuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='small' align='right' citation='U.S. Sen. Kamala Harris']‘I think you can judge people by when they are under fire and it’s not about some fancy opinion on a stage, but when they’re in the position to actually make a decision — what do they do.’[/pullquote]Harris, as she did in the last debate, also sought to rise above the rest of the field as they bickered. This time, it was during the health care debate when she told the other candidates, “We cannot keep going with the Republican talking points on this. You gotta stop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden pushed back: “This is not a Republican talking point; Republicans are trying to kill Obamacare.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris also found herself on the defensive over her record as a prosecutor and California attorney general, with both Biden and Hawaii Rep. Tulsi Gabbard taking her to task over problems that arose during her tenure — like a \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/crime-lab-scandal-rocked-kamala-harriss-term-as-san-francisco-district-attorney/2019/03/06/825df094-392b-11e9-a06c-3ec8ed509d15_story.html?utm_term=.9b3cfde54ca0\">drug lab scandal\u003c/a> that resulted in hundreds of criminal cases being dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='election-2020' label='Election 2020 Coverage']But it was Gabbard’s accusation that Harris “blocked evidence from being revealed” in a death row case — an apparent reference to the Kevin Cooper appeals — that led the California senator to push back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris said she has been opposed to the death penalty her entire career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is my background, that is my work. I am proud of it. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Harris, who is viewed as one of a few frontrunners in the crowded Democratic field, found herself at the center of the stage alongside former Vice President Joe Biden — and at the center of many attacks from her fellow Democrats on issues ranging from health care to her record as a prosecutor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden, especially, came out swinging at Harris, a turnaround from his lackluster response to her attacks in the first debate in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The senator has had several plans,” Biden said, referring to Harris’ flip-flopping on whether she supports eliminating private insurance coverage. “You can’t beat Donald Trump with double-talk on this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris — whose \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11757814/kamala-harris-swings-at-joe-biden-while-eric-swalwell-strives-to-stand-out-in-democratic-debate\">standout performance\u003c/a> during the first debate boosted her poll numbers and breathed life into her campaign — appeared a bit nervous as the night began, but seemed to pick up steam as the debate wore on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After greeting Biden casually — “Hey, Joe,” she said, with him responding, “Go easy on me, kid” — Harris quickly pivoted to attacking the vice president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11764808\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11764808\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Democratic presidential hopefuls wave from the stage ahead of the second Democratic primary debate of the 2020 presidential campaign season hosted by CNN at the Fox Theatre in Detroit, Michigan, on July 31, 2019.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic presidential hopefuls wave from the stage ahead of the second Democratic primary debate of the 2020 presidential campaign season hosted by CNN at the Fox Theatre in Detroit, Michigan, on July 31, 2019. \u003ccite>(Jim Watson/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The first portion of the debate focused heavily on health care, with Biden and Harris sparring over their competing proposals. But neither candidate seemed as fluent talking about the complicated policy issue as Sens. Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders did Tuesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Harris did land some punches. She \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/2019/7/29/8933257/kamala-harris-medicare-for-all-bernie-sanders-private-insurance\">unveiled her own health care plan this week\u003c/a> — a proposal she calls “Medicare for All,” but that would still include private insurers — and spent a significant amount of time attacking Biden for his more \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/2019/7/16/20694598/joe-biden-health-care-plan-public-option\">modest proposal,\u003c/a> which would keep the current health care structure in place but let people buy into a public option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your plan does not cover everyone in America — by your staff’s, and everyone’s, definition — 10 million people will not have access to health care,” Harris told Biden. “In 2018, in America, for a Democrat to be running on a health care plan that doesn’t cover everyone is without excuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Harris, as she did in the last debate, also sought to rise above the rest of the field as they bickered. This time, it was during the health care debate when she told the other candidates, “We cannot keep going with the Republican talking points on this. You gotta stop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden pushed back: “This is not a Republican talking point; Republicans are trying to kill Obamacare.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris also found herself on the defensive over her record as a prosecutor and California attorney general, with both Biden and Hawaii Rep. Tulsi Gabbard taking her to task over problems that arose during her tenure — like a \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/crime-lab-scandal-rocked-kamala-harriss-term-as-san-francisco-district-attorney/2019/03/06/825df094-392b-11e9-a06c-3ec8ed509d15_story.html?utm_term=.9b3cfde54ca0\">drug lab scandal\u003c/a> that resulted in hundreds of criminal cases being dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But it was Gabbard’s accusation that Harris “blocked evidence from being revealed” in a death row case — an apparent reference to the Kevin Cooper appeals — that led the California senator to push back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris said she has been opposed to the death penalty her entire career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is my background, that is my work. I am proud of it. I think you can judge people by when they are under fire and it’s not about some fancy opinion on a stage, but when they’re in the position to actually make a decision — what do they do,” she said. “When I was in the position of having to decide whether or not to seek a death penalty on cases I prosecuted, I made a very difficult decision that was not popular to not seek the death penalty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, Harris had a good night, but not a stellar one that could significantly change the tenor of the race in any significant way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Robert Mueller Testifies on Capitol Hill\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Former special counsel Robert Mueller testified in front of the House Judiciary and Intelligence committees on Wednesday, sounding the alarm on Russian interference in our elections, and pushing back on President Trump’s insistence that the two-year investigation into the 2016 presidential election was a “witch hunt.” Mueller’s testimony wasn’t seen as giving the Democrats the game-changing moment they were looking for, dimming the prospect of an impeachment push. It remains unclear whether Republicans in Washington will do anything to combat what Mueller warned was an active threat from Russia. Meanwhile, a Senate Intelligence Committee report released Thursday found that all 50 states were targeted by Russia in the 2016 election.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lanhee Chen, fellow, Hoover Institution\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jeremy B. White, California reporter, Politico\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>San Bruno Housing Project Fails\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Earlier this month in San Bruno, the Mills Park Plaza housing project, slated to provide 425 units of housing near BART and Caltrain, was rejected by San Bruno’s City Council with a single “no” vote. A report from the San Francisco Chronicle this week cited resident concerns over increased traffic and that the building was out of scale with other housing in the area. This was despite the project’s developer, Signature Development Group, following the guidelines of the city’s transit corridor plan and incorporating requests from residents and city officials. The failed project comes at a time when San Bruno is rapidly adding jobs with little housing to match, and raises questions about the housing approval process in this time of crisis in housing supply and affordability.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Susan Kirsch, founder, Livable California\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Heather Knight, columnist, San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Facebook Settles with FTC \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On Wednesday, Facebook agreed to pay $5 billion in a settlement with the Federal Trade Commission over the tech giant’s role in the Cambridge Analytica scandal. FTC Chairman Joe Simons asserted in a press conference that “Facebook betrayed the trust of its users and deceived them about their ability to control their personal information.” Part of the FTC agreement requires Facebook to establish an independent privacy committee with the understanding that any false certification will make it subject to individual civil and criminal penalties. On the same day, Facebook reported $16 billion in revenue for the second quarter, a 28 percent increase from the same period a year ago.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guest:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Jeremy Owens, San Francisco bureau chief, MarketWatch\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Robert Mueller Testifies on Capitol Hill\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Former special counsel Robert Mueller testified in front of the House Judiciary and Intelligence committees on Wednesday, sounding the alarm on Russian interference in our elections, and pushing back on President Trump’s insistence that the two-year investigation into the 2016 presidential election was a “witch hunt.” Mueller’s testimony wasn’t seen as giving the Democrats the game-changing moment they were looking for, dimming the prospect of an impeachment push. It remains unclear whether Republicans in Washington will do anything to combat what Mueller warned was an active threat from Russia. Meanwhile, a Senate Intelligence Committee report released Thursday found that all 50 states were targeted by Russia in the 2016 election.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lanhee Chen, fellow, Hoover Institution\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jeremy B. White, California reporter, Politico\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>San Bruno Housing Project Fails\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Earlier this month in San Bruno, the Mills Park Plaza housing project, slated to provide 425 units of housing near BART and Caltrain, was rejected by San Bruno’s City Council with a single “no” vote. A report from the San Francisco Chronicle this week cited resident concerns over increased traffic and that the building was out of scale with other housing in the area. This was despite the project’s developer, Signature Development Group, following the guidelines of the city’s transit corridor plan and incorporating requests from residents and city officials. The failed project comes at a time when San Bruno is rapidly adding jobs with little housing to match, and raises questions about the housing approval process in this time of crisis in housing supply and affordability.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Susan Kirsch, founder, Livable California\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Heather Knight, columnist, San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Facebook Settles with FTC \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On Wednesday, Facebook agreed to pay $5 billion in a settlement with the Federal Trade Commission over the tech giant’s role in the Cambridge Analytica scandal. FTC Chairman Joe Simons asserted in a press conference that “Facebook betrayed the trust of its users and deceived them about their ability to control their personal information.” Part of the FTC agreement requires Facebook to establish an independent privacy committee with the understanding that any false certification will make it subject to individual civil and criminal penalties. On the same day, Facebook reported $16 billion in revenue for the second quarter, a 28 percent increase from the same period a year ago.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "trump-administration-considering-travel-ban-on-guatemalans-after-asylum-snub",
"title": "Trump Administration Considering 'Travel Ban' on Guatemalans After Asylum Snub",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration is actively investigating imposing a travel ban against Guatemala unless the Central American nation takes significant steps to curb illegal migration northward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a move reminiscent of the pressure campaign President Trump launched against Mexico over immigration, the travel ban is the most explosive option of three that the administration says it’s considering against the Central American nation, according to White House and other U.S. sources familiar with the plans. Trump charged Guatemala with backing out on an immigration deal with the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_11763374' label='Guatemalans in the Bay Area'] “If Guatemala doesn’t take significant action to help protect our borders, then we will, of course, look at all manner of solutions to the serious crisis we face,” a White House official told NPR, “whether it’s a travel ban, significant actions on remittances and/or tariffs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House is looking at the authority already granted to the executive branch to suspend the entry of classes of people when it’s considered detrimental to national interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump said Wednesday that the United States was planning to take “severe” action against the government of Guatemala after, he said, it broke a deal with the United States to serve as a safe third-party country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nOne of Trump’s strategies for reducing the number of people crossing the border is to get them to go through the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/07/15/741769333/u-s-sets-new-asylum-rule-telling-potential-refugees-to-apply-elsewhere\">asylum process outside the United States\u003c/a>. Guatemala was particularly important for that strategy; the deal would have obligated migrants who traveled through Guatemala to seek protection there instead of traveling to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This month, Guatemala’s high court blocked its government from signing the deal with the United States. Trump said he didn’t believe that the court acted independently of the Guatemalan government and that the United States would take action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re looking at something very severe with respect to Guatemala,” Trump said Wednesday as he was leaving the White House on his way to a fundraiser in West Virginia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House didn’t share specific details of how the travel ban would be implemented, such as whether it would apply to all Guatemalans or only certain groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But officials are looking at the same powers to control the U.S. borders that Trump cited when he banned travel from several predominantly Muslim nations shortly after becoming president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Leon Fresco, immigration assistant attorney during the Obama administration']‘The president is not going to be able to show that law-abiding Guatemalans doing trade and commerce in the United States are in any way detrimental to the interest of the United States.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under a provision of immigration law, Congress has given the president sweeping power to indefinitely block “the entry of any class of aliens into the United States” that he or she thinks would be “detrimental to the interests of the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Vaughan, director of policy studies for the Center for Immigration Studies, who speaks regularly with the administration, said the situation is “long past out of control.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The president is frustrated that Congress and some lower court judges are blocking his efforts to address the border crisis, and his options are limited, so he is willing to push the envelope to get results,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Targeting remittances \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump made similar threats against Mexico if it didn’t take greater steps to slow migration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This spring, Trump threatened to impose new tariffs starting at 5% that would climb to 25% against Mexico if its government didn’t stop the flow of migrants to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump abandoned the threat when, he said, Mexico agreed to strengthen patrols on the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Guatemalan government did not immediately respond to questions about the possibility of a travel ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11763470\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11763470\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/gettyimages-1157206925_slide-2c839eb73235c229c203731388477eefed96a880-s1600-c85-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A Mexican migration officer checks the identification documents of Guatemalan migrants who crossed to Ciudad Hidalgo in Mexico on Monday.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/gettyimages-1157206925_slide-2c839eb73235c229c203731388477eefed96a880-s1600-c85-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/gettyimages-1157206925_slide-2c839eb73235c229c203731388477eefed96a880-s1600-c85-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/gettyimages-1157206925_slide-2c839eb73235c229c203731388477eefed96a880-s1600-c85-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/gettyimages-1157206925_slide-2c839eb73235c229c203731388477eefed96a880-s1600-c85-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/gettyimages-1157206925_slide-2c839eb73235c229c203731388477eefed96a880-s1600-c85.jpg 1600w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Mexican migration officer checks the identification documents of Guatemalan migrants who crossed to Ciudad Hidalgo in Mexico on Monday. \u003ccite>(Alfredo Estrella/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Guatemalan President Jimmy Morales said in a statement that the government was aware of the possible measures that the Trump administration could take and blamed the country’s court for damaging the “good relationship” the government has with the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All this jeopardizes the bilateral relationship with the United States that will lead to possible sanctions,” Morales said on social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A fee or tax on Guatemalan remittances could be devastating to the Guatemalan economy. Guatemalan nationals living abroad sent back $9.5 billion in 2018, making up 12% of the country’s GDP, according to World Bank data. Most of that money comes from the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first time Trump has floated the idea of targeting remittances. As a candidate, he promised that Mexico would pay for a wall along the U.S.-Mexico border without equivocation or nuance and proposed a six-step plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On day 2 Mexico will immediately protest,” the campaign wrote in a two-page briefing. “They receive approximately $24 billion a year in remittances from Mexican nationals working in the United States. The majority of that amount comes from illegal aliens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Legal challenges expected\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the Trump administration’s previous bans against several Muslim-majority nations, any action taken against Guatemala is likely to trigger a legal battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Immigration specialist David Bier']‘This would be a far broader use of the travel ban authority that we’ve seen by any prior president.’[/pullquote] But that threat is unlikely to sway Trump. He reminded a group of conservative youths on Tuesday that his administration eventually won the nearly year-and-a-half-long legal fight over a revised version of that first travel ban in the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People don’t realize we won the ban,” Trump said Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leon Fresco, who served as deputy assistant attorney general for the Office of Immigration Litigation in the Obama administration, said the Trump administration is likely to face a greater legal challenge if it seeks to block Guatemalans conducting legitimate business in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There will be lawsuits because the standard for a travel ban is that you have to show that the entry of law-abiding Guatemalans would be detrimental to the interest of the United States,” Fresco said. “And the president is not going to be able to show that law-abiding Guatemalans doing trade and commerce in the United States are in any way detrimental to the interest of the United States. There is no security threat of any kind from Guatemala toward the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House official emphasized that the Trump administration would simply use long-standing powers taken by \u003ca href=\"https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/FR-2004-01-14/pdf/04-957.pdf\">many past administrations\u003c/a> to block citizens of some countries from entering the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='asylum' label='the remittances angle']In 1986, President Ronald Reagan \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/federal-register/codification/proclamations/05517.html\">imposed a ban on Cuban nationals\u003c/a> and, in 1988, on \u003ca href=\"https://www.cato.org/blog/prior-presidents-travel-bans-are-different-president-trumps-ban\">certain Nicaraguan officials\u003c/a> for the “unjustified expulsion from Nicaragua of the United States ambassador and seven other United States diplomats.” The Clinton and Obama administrations also blocked some foreign nationals from entering the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But immigration specialists, such as David Bier of the Cato Institute, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cato.org/blog/prior-presidents-travel-bans-are-different-president-trumps-ban\">argue that no president\u003c/a> has used the provision on the same scale as Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No prior ban had ever targeted multiple nationalities at the same time,” Bier told NPR. “And only one earlier ban in 1986 had included an entire nationality and that one only did so for a few months. This would be a far broader use of the travel ban authority that we’ve seen by any prior president.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. sources familiar with the administration’s plans to take action against Guatemala caution that nothing is final until Trump signs the paperwork. But they say the plans show Trump’s comments were not just a mere threat after Guatemala backed out of the deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not like a gleam in anyone’s eyes. It’s in the works,” said a source familiar with details of some of the remittance plans. “This is not just some random comment from Trump. It’s a reflection of policies that they’re looking to implement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The possible ban comes after Central American nation said it couldn't sign a deal with Trump administration to force migrants to claim asylum there instead of the U.S.",
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"title": "Trump Administration Considering 'Travel Ban' on Guatemalans After Asylum Snub | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Trump administration is actively investigating imposing a travel ban against Guatemala unless the Central American nation takes significant steps to curb illegal migration northward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a move reminiscent of the pressure campaign President Trump launched against Mexico over immigration, the travel ban is the most explosive option of three that the administration says it’s considering against the Central American nation, according to White House and other U.S. sources familiar with the plans. Trump charged Guatemala with backing out on an immigration deal with the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> “If Guatemala doesn’t take significant action to help protect our borders, then we will, of course, look at all manner of solutions to the serious crisis we face,” a White House official told NPR, “whether it’s a travel ban, significant actions on remittances and/or tariffs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House is looking at the authority already granted to the executive branch to suspend the entry of classes of people when it’s considered detrimental to national interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump said Wednesday that the United States was planning to take “severe” action against the government of Guatemala after, he said, it broke a deal with the United States to serve as a safe third-party country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nOne of Trump’s strategies for reducing the number of people crossing the border is to get them to go through the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/07/15/741769333/u-s-sets-new-asylum-rule-telling-potential-refugees-to-apply-elsewhere\">asylum process outside the United States\u003c/a>. Guatemala was particularly important for that strategy; the deal would have obligated migrants who traveled through Guatemala to seek protection there instead of traveling to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This month, Guatemala’s high court blocked its government from signing the deal with the United States. Trump said he didn’t believe that the court acted independently of the Guatemalan government and that the United States would take action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re looking at something very severe with respect to Guatemala,” Trump said Wednesday as he was leaving the White House on his way to a fundraiser in West Virginia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House didn’t share specific details of how the travel ban would be implemented, such as whether it would apply to all Guatemalans or only certain groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But officials are looking at the same powers to control the U.S. borders that Trump cited when he banned travel from several predominantly Muslim nations shortly after becoming president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under a provision of immigration law, Congress has given the president sweeping power to indefinitely block “the entry of any class of aliens into the United States” that he or she thinks would be “detrimental to the interests of the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Vaughan, director of policy studies for the Center for Immigration Studies, who speaks regularly with the administration, said the situation is “long past out of control.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The president is frustrated that Congress and some lower court judges are blocking his efforts to address the border crisis, and his options are limited, so he is willing to push the envelope to get results,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Targeting remittances \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump made similar threats against Mexico if it didn’t take greater steps to slow migration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This spring, Trump threatened to impose new tariffs starting at 5% that would climb to 25% against Mexico if its government didn’t stop the flow of migrants to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump abandoned the threat when, he said, Mexico agreed to strengthen patrols on the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Guatemalan government did not immediately respond to questions about the possibility of a travel ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11763470\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11763470\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/gettyimages-1157206925_slide-2c839eb73235c229c203731388477eefed96a880-s1600-c85-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A Mexican migration officer checks the identification documents of Guatemalan migrants who crossed to Ciudad Hidalgo in Mexico on Monday.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/gettyimages-1157206925_slide-2c839eb73235c229c203731388477eefed96a880-s1600-c85-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/gettyimages-1157206925_slide-2c839eb73235c229c203731388477eefed96a880-s1600-c85-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/gettyimages-1157206925_slide-2c839eb73235c229c203731388477eefed96a880-s1600-c85-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/gettyimages-1157206925_slide-2c839eb73235c229c203731388477eefed96a880-s1600-c85-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/gettyimages-1157206925_slide-2c839eb73235c229c203731388477eefed96a880-s1600-c85.jpg 1600w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Mexican migration officer checks the identification documents of Guatemalan migrants who crossed to Ciudad Hidalgo in Mexico on Monday. \u003ccite>(Alfredo Estrella/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Guatemalan President Jimmy Morales said in a statement that the government was aware of the possible measures that the Trump administration could take and blamed the country’s court for damaging the “good relationship” the government has with the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All this jeopardizes the bilateral relationship with the United States that will lead to possible sanctions,” Morales said on social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A fee or tax on Guatemalan remittances could be devastating to the Guatemalan economy. Guatemalan nationals living abroad sent back $9.5 billion in 2018, making up 12% of the country’s GDP, according to World Bank data. Most of that money comes from the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first time Trump has floated the idea of targeting remittances. As a candidate, he promised that Mexico would pay for a wall along the U.S.-Mexico border without equivocation or nuance and proposed a six-step plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On day 2 Mexico will immediately protest,” the campaign wrote in a two-page briefing. “They receive approximately $24 billion a year in remittances from Mexican nationals working in the United States. The majority of that amount comes from illegal aliens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Legal challenges expected\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the Trump administration’s previous bans against several Muslim-majority nations, any action taken against Guatemala is likely to trigger a legal battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> But that threat is unlikely to sway Trump. He reminded a group of conservative youths on Tuesday that his administration eventually won the nearly year-and-a-half-long legal fight over a revised version of that first travel ban in the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People don’t realize we won the ban,” Trump said Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leon Fresco, who served as deputy assistant attorney general for the Office of Immigration Litigation in the Obama administration, said the Trump administration is likely to face a greater legal challenge if it seeks to block Guatemalans conducting legitimate business in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There will be lawsuits because the standard for a travel ban is that you have to show that the entry of law-abiding Guatemalans would be detrimental to the interest of the United States,” Fresco said. “And the president is not going to be able to show that law-abiding Guatemalans doing trade and commerce in the United States are in any way detrimental to the interest of the United States. There is no security threat of any kind from Guatemala toward the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House official emphasized that the Trump administration would simply use long-standing powers taken by \u003ca href=\"https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/FR-2004-01-14/pdf/04-957.pdf\">many past administrations\u003c/a> to block citizens of some countries from entering the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In 1986, President Ronald Reagan \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/federal-register/codification/proclamations/05517.html\">imposed a ban on Cuban nationals\u003c/a> and, in 1988, on \u003ca href=\"https://www.cato.org/blog/prior-presidents-travel-bans-are-different-president-trumps-ban\">certain Nicaraguan officials\u003c/a> for the “unjustified expulsion from Nicaragua of the United States ambassador and seven other United States diplomats.” The Clinton and Obama administrations also blocked some foreign nationals from entering the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But immigration specialists, such as David Bier of the Cato Institute, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cato.org/blog/prior-presidents-travel-bans-are-different-president-trumps-ban\">argue that no president\u003c/a> has used the provision on the same scale as Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No prior ban had ever targeted multiple nationalities at the same time,” Bier told NPR. “And only one earlier ban in 1986 had included an entire nationality and that one only did so for a few months. This would be a far broader use of the travel ban authority that we’ve seen by any prior president.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. sources familiar with the administration’s plans to take action against Guatemala caution that nothing is final until Trump signs the paperwork. But they say the plans show Trump’s comments were not just a mere threat after Guatemala backed out of the deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not like a gleam in anyone’s eyes. It’s in the works,” said a source familiar with details of some of the remittance plans. “This is not just some random comment from Trump. It’s a reflection of policies that they’re looking to implement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Child care provider Pat Alexander has been in the industry for nearly 50 years. She and her husband currently run an in-home child care center outside Sacramento. And still, after all these years, she’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11754857/they-may-be-in-demand-but-child-care-workers-still-struggle-to-make-ends-meet\">barely making ends meet\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After our deductions and our business expenses, our salary was close to $24,000 for two of us,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='small' align='right' citation='Elise Gould, co-author of a new report on early child care and education costs']‘Early educators are expected to underwrite the costs of the broken child care system with their low wages.’[/pullquote]Alexander’s situation is the norm, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/170307/pre/b7a9a323f03a5d02bff17f258fc64fab44fb4a0bd8342c52d63545374f944a02/\">new report\u003c/a> released Tuesday from the Economic Policy Institute and UC Berkeley’s Center for the Study of Child Care Employment. Overall, the report finds California’s early educators are six times as likely as K–12 teachers to live in poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Parents want to have high quality for their kids but they often can’t afford it,” said Elise Gould, who co-authored the report. “And the other side of that is early educators are expected to underwrite the costs of the broken child care system with their low wages.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The economics of the system don’t add up. For example, Alexander currently charges about $600 a month for care. She can’t charge more because she needs to stay competitive. But that means she can’t afford to hire an assistant or pay herself for all the hours she spends planning lessons, shopping for supplies and cleaning up after the kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gould said child care centers face cost burdens as well — including for renting the space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='small' align='right' citation='Pat Alexander, who runs a child care center in Elk Grove with her husband']‘After our deductions and our business expenses, our salary was close to $24,000 for two of us.’[/pullquote]“You need to staff a center for as long as it takes for parents to be able to drop off their kids, then transport themselves to work, work their full day, and then be able to get back and pick up their kids at the end of the day,” she said, which can add up to a 12-hour day for child care workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents face their own economic challenges, too. The report finds center-based infant care costs the typical family in the state 25% of their annual income. The average fee for full-time child care in California ranges from $11,200 a year for a 4-year-old to $16,500 a year for an infant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='child-care' label='Related Coverage']Gould and her co-authors suggested that lawmakers overhaul the child care system. They recommend funding professional development for early education teachers and paying them in line with what K-12 teachers make. Incorporating those changes, and others, would cost money. The report estimates a revamped system would cost between about $30 billion and $75 billion a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Letting the system continue as it is hurts everyone, Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If teachers aren’t doing well, if they’re experiencing stress because of their low pay, then that’s going to factor into the quality (of care) that those children are getting,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Gould points out the early childhood workforce is largely made up of women, who she said are undervalued for the work they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there’s an undervaluing in terms of the teaching of young children. Undervaluing of what has been historically women’s work — historically women of color doing that work,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature is considering several bills aimed at improving the early child care system. The legislation includes an effort \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB378\">to let in-home providers unionize\u003c/a>, and requiring \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB123\">more training\u003c/a> for child care workers.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Child care provider Pat Alexander has been in the industry for nearly 50 years. She and her husband currently run an in-home child care center outside Sacramento. And still, after all these years, she’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11754857/they-may-be-in-demand-but-child-care-workers-still-struggle-to-make-ends-meet\">barely making ends meet\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After our deductions and our business expenses, our salary was close to $24,000 for two of us,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Alexander’s situation is the norm, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/170307/pre/b7a9a323f03a5d02bff17f258fc64fab44fb4a0bd8342c52d63545374f944a02/\">new report\u003c/a> released Tuesday from the Economic Policy Institute and UC Berkeley’s Center for the Study of Child Care Employment. Overall, the report finds California’s early educators are six times as likely as K–12 teachers to live in poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Parents want to have high quality for their kids but they often can’t afford it,” said Elise Gould, who co-authored the report. “And the other side of that is early educators are expected to underwrite the costs of the broken child care system with their low wages.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The economics of the system don’t add up. For example, Alexander currently charges about $600 a month for care. She can’t charge more because she needs to stay competitive. But that means she can’t afford to hire an assistant or pay herself for all the hours she spends planning lessons, shopping for supplies and cleaning up after the kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“You need to staff a center for as long as it takes for parents to be able to drop off their kids, then transport themselves to work, work their full day, and then be able to get back and pick up their kids at the end of the day,” she said, which can add up to a 12-hour day for child care workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents face their own economic challenges, too. The report finds center-based infant care costs the typical family in the state 25% of their annual income. The average fee for full-time child care in California ranges from $11,200 a year for a 4-year-old to $16,500 a year for an infant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Gould and her co-authors suggested that lawmakers overhaul the child care system. They recommend funding professional development for early education teachers and paying them in line with what K-12 teachers make. Incorporating those changes, and others, would cost money. The report estimates a revamped system would cost between about $30 billion and $75 billion a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Letting the system continue as it is hurts everyone, Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If teachers aren’t doing well, if they’re experiencing stress because of their low pay, then that’s going to factor into the quality (of care) that those children are getting,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Gould points out the early childhood workforce is largely made up of women, who she said are undervalued for the work they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there’s an undervaluing in terms of the teaching of young children. Undervaluing of what has been historically women’s work — historically women of color doing that work,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature is considering several bills aimed at improving the early child care system. The legislation includes an effort \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB378\">to let in-home providers unionize\u003c/a>, and requiring \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB123\">more training\u003c/a> for child care workers.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration announced on Monday it is expanding fast-track deportation regulations to include the removal of undocumented immigrants who cannot prove they have been in the U.S. continuously for two years or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The change dramatically expands the ability of the Department of Homeland Security to quickly deport certain immigrants without any of the due-process protections granted to most other people, including the right to an attorney and to a hearing before a judge. It is set to go into effect Tuesday and is the latest escalation of the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The effect of that change will be to enhance national security and public safety — while reducing government costs — by facilitating prompt immigration determinations,” DHS said in a \u003ca href=\"https://s3.amazonaws.com/public-inspection.federalregister.gov/2019-15710.pdf\">notice\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, DHS stated part of the purpose for the policy revision is to “harmonize” existing regulations to apply equally to undocumented immigrants who arrive by land and sea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, undocumented immigrants who cross into the U.S. by land can be deported without an immigration hearing if they are arrested within 100 miles of the border during the first 14 days after their arrival. Those who arrive by sea can be deported without legal proceedings if they are unable to prove they have been living in the U.S. for two years or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But under the latest proposal, all geographical limitations would be lifted and rapid removal proceedings would be applied to all undocumented immigrants who have been in the country for less than two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move is also designed to mitigate a massive court backlog of immigration cases “and will reduce the significant costs to the government associated with full removal proceedings before an immigration judge.” DHS said that as of June there were 909,034 pending immigration cases. It estimates the average removal proceeding for an undocumented immigrant not being held in detention “has been pending for more than two years before an immigration judge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early 2017, days after taking office, President Trump issued an \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-border-security-immigration-enforcement-improvements/\">executive order\u003c/a> directing DHS to expand the use of expedited removal. The order designated recent unauthorized arrivals as a top priority for deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='immigration' label='More Immigration Coverage']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We plan on challenging the change … speedily,” Anand Balakrishnan, senior staff attorney for the ACLU’s Immigrant Rights Project told NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balakrishnan called the policy shift “extremely sweeping,” and said it authorizes any Customs and Border Protection officer to determine whether a person has been in the U.S. the requisite amount of time to trigger legal proceedings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only way out of that is for the person to affirmatively prove that they’ve been here for two years or more. To have that evidence on them at all times,” he said. “It puts the burden on every noncitizen to prove their continuous presence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that deportations could happen within hours of a person’s arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From what we know about the way expedited removals have been administered in the past, it’s been rife with errors,” Balakrishnan said. “U.S. citizens have been ordered deported” and in other cases, people who have lived in the country for more than a decade have also been ejected, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DHS notice stated that unaccompanied children may not be placed in expedited removal under current law. Further, undocumented immigrants can apply for asylum when they are apprehended, potentially delaying an immediate deportation until a credible-fear hearing and a determination is made. People who are deported under expedited removal regulations have no right to appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pro-immigration American Immigration Council estimates \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/research/primer-expedited-removal\">thousands \u003c/a>of people could be deported as a result of the expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Trump administration announced on Monday it is expanding fast-track deportation regulations to include the removal of undocumented immigrants who cannot prove they have been in the U.S. continuously for two years or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The change dramatically expands the ability of the Department of Homeland Security to quickly deport certain immigrants without any of the due-process protections granted to most other people, including the right to an attorney and to a hearing before a judge. It is set to go into effect Tuesday and is the latest escalation of the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The effect of that change will be to enhance national security and public safety — while reducing government costs — by facilitating prompt immigration determinations,” DHS said in a \u003ca href=\"https://s3.amazonaws.com/public-inspection.federalregister.gov/2019-15710.pdf\">notice\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, DHS stated part of the purpose for the policy revision is to “harmonize” existing regulations to apply equally to undocumented immigrants who arrive by land and sea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, undocumented immigrants who cross into the U.S. by land can be deported without an immigration hearing if they are arrested within 100 miles of the border during the first 14 days after their arrival. Those who arrive by sea can be deported without legal proceedings if they are unable to prove they have been living in the U.S. for two years or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We plan on challenging the change … speedily,” Anand Balakrishnan, senior staff attorney for the ACLU’s Immigrant Rights Project told NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balakrishnan called the policy shift “extremely sweeping,” and said it authorizes any Customs and Border Protection officer to determine whether a person has been in the U.S. the requisite amount of time to trigger legal proceedings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only way out of that is for the person to affirmatively prove that they’ve been here for two years or more. To have that evidence on them at all times,” he said. “It puts the burden on every noncitizen to prove their continuous presence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that deportations could happen within hours of a person’s arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From what we know about the way expedited removals have been administered in the past, it’s been rife with errors,” Balakrishnan said. “U.S. citizens have been ordered deported” and in other cases, people who have lived in the country for more than a decade have also been ejected, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DHS notice stated that unaccompanied children may not be placed in expedited removal under current law. Further, undocumented immigrants can apply for asylum when they are apprehended, potentially delaying an immediate deportation until a credible-fear hearing and a determination is made. People who are deported under expedited removal regulations have no right to appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pro-immigration American Immigration Council estimates \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/research/primer-expedited-removal\">thousands \u003c/a>of people could be deported as a result of the expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
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"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"science-friday": {
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