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Swalwell’s attorney, Philip Andonian, praised Thompson’s lawsuit, filed under a Reconstruction-era law called the Ku Klux Klan Act, and said they were behind it 100%, but saw the need for this one, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see ourselves as having a different angle to this, holding Trump accountable for the incitement, the disinformation,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Presidents are historically afforded broad immunity from lawsuits for actions they take in their role as commander in chief. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Rep. Eric Swalwell, who served as a House manager in Donald Trump’s last impeachment trial, filed a lawsuit Friday against the former president, his son, lawyer and a Republican congressman whose actions he charges led to January’s insurrection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Democrat’s suit, filed in federal court in Washington, alleges a conspiracy to violate civil rights, along with negligence, inciting a riot and inflicting emotional distress. It follows a similar suit filed by Rep. Bennie Thompson, D-Mississippi, last month in an attempt to hold the former president accountable in some way for his actions Jan. 6, following his Senate acquittal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell charges that Trump, his son Donald Jr., along with former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani and Republican Rep. Mo Brooks of Alabama, had made “false and incendiary allegations of fraud and theft, and in direct response to the Defendant’s express calls for violence at the rally, a violent mob attacked the U.S. Capitol.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit spells out in detail how the Trumps, Giuliani and Brooks spread baseless claims of election fraud, both before and after the 2020 presidential election was declared, and charges that they helped to spin up the thousands of rioters before they stormed the Capitol. Five people died as a result of the violence on Jan. 6, including a U.S. Capitol Police officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s spokesman, Jason Miller, called Swalwell a “low-life” with “no credibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, after failing miserably with two impeachment hoaxes,” Swalwell is attacking “our greatest President with yet another witch hunt,” Miller said in a statement. “It’s a disgrace that a compromised Member of Congress like Swalwell still sits on the House Intelligence Committee.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks said the lawsuit was frivolous and “a meritless ploy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I make no apologies whatsoever for fighting for accurate and honest elections,” he said, adding he wore the lawsuit “like a badge of courage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit, through Trump’s own words, accuses the former president of inciting the riot, using much of the same playbook used by Swalwell and others during Trump’s impeachment trial — that his lies over the election results stirred supporters into the false belief the 2020 election had been stolen, that he egged the angry mob on through his rally speech and that he did nothing when faced with the images of throngs of his supporters smashing windows at the U.S. Capitol and sending lawmakers fleeing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those with knowledge claimed that during this moment of national horror, Trump was ‘delighted’ and was ‘confused about why other people on his team weren’t as excited as he was.’ Others described Trump as ‘borderline enthusiastic’ about the unfolding violence,” according to the suit. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike Thompson’s lawsuit — filed against Trump, Giuliani and some far-right extremist groups whose members are alleged to have participated in the insurrection — Swalwell’s did not specify whether he was filing in his personal or official capacity, which would require additional approvals from the House and involve House attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both lawsuits cite a federal civil rights law that was enacted to counter the Ku Klux Klan’s intimidation of officials. Swalwell’s attorney, Philip Andonian, praised Thompson’s lawsuit, filed under a Reconstruction-era law called the Ku Klux Klan Act, and said they were behind it 100%, but saw the need for this one, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see ourselves as having a different angle to this, holding Trump accountable for the incitement, the disinformation,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Presidents are historically afforded broad immunity from lawsuits for actions they take in their role as commander in chief. But the lawsuit, like the one by Thompson, was brought against Trump in his personal, not official, capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell also describes in detail being trapped in the House chamber with many other members of Congress as plainclothes Capitol Police officers barricaded the doors and tried to fend off the mob at gunpoint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fearing for their lives, the Plaintiff and others masked their identities as members of Congress, texted loved ones in case the worst happened, and took shelter throughout the Capitol complex,” the lawsuit reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit alleges that Brooks “conspired with the other Defendants to undermine the election results by alleging, without evidence, that the election had been rigged and by pressuring elected officials, courts, and ultimately Congress to reject the results.” It notes that he spoke at a rally supporting Trump at the Ellipse, near the White House, shortly before thousands of pro-Trump rioters made their way to the Capitol and overwhelmed police officers to shove their way inside the building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit seeks unspecified damages, and Swalwell also wants a court to order all of the defendants to provide written notice to him a week before they plan to have a rally in Washington that would draw more than 50 people.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>“Unable to accept defeat, Donald Trump waged an all out war on a peaceful transition of power,” Swalwell said in a statement. “He lied to his followers again and again claiming the election was stolen from them, filed a mountain of frivolous lawsuits — nearly all of which failed, tried to intimidate election officials, and finally called upon his supporters to descend on Washington D.C. to ‘stop the steal.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press writer Lisa Mascaro contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A state lawmaker wants to make it easier for people who have been arrested or convicted of a crime and subsequently turned their lives around to seal their legal records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is whether the 8 million Californians who have served their time, or been arrested, but not charged, should be able to do fundamental things like get jobs, volunteer at their kids’ schools or secure housing. Many of those opportunities are off limits to people with criminal records, even if their convictions have technically been expunged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"State Sen. Maria Elena Durazo, D-Los Angeles\"]‘I say, when an individual has taken responsibility for their actions completely, California should provide them tools to turn the page and give them the new opportunities.’[/pullquote]The bill, by Los Angeles state Sen. Maria Elena Durazo, calls for all arrest records that don’t result in a conviction to be sealed so they are not publicly accessible. It would also allow records to be sealed for people convicted of felonies who have subsequently finished their prison or jail time and parole or probation, and stayed out of trouble for two years. The measure would exclude sex offenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Coming out of the labor movement, to me, the key is a good job. It’s the way to build a better life. It’s a way to protect and support our loved ones,” said Durazo, a Democrat, noting that current law requires the state to keep someone’s record on file for 100 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These men and women have completed the sentence they were given. Many of them took classes, enrolled in counseling while they were incarcerated. They pursued rehabilitation work to be ready for their reentry after their release. Instead of being able to put their new skills to use, they are hit with hundreds, if not thousands of restrictions and limitations that keep them from building a new life,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durazo ticked off the restrictions: In addition to being barred from many jobs and professional licenses, people with criminal records can be denied rental housing or membership in homeowners’ associations. They can also be prevented from coaching youth sports and blocked from receiving everything from financial aid and other educational opportunities to food stamps and passports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All we do is drive those people to the margins of our society,” she said. “I say, when an individual has taken responsibility for their actions completely, California should provide them tools to turn the page and give them the new opportunities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the bill note that some 57% of working-age Black Californians have criminal records, and estimate that the barriers facing them and millions of other adults are \u003ca href=\"https://safeandjust.org/wp-content/uploads/GettingBacktoWork-3.2.2021.pdf\">costing California $20 million a year\u003c/a> in lost economic benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the legislation may face some pushback, prosecutors appear open to the discussion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Larry Morse, legislative director for the California District Attorneys Association, said Durazo’s measure was clearly written carefully, with law enforcement concerns in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morse said the association, which represents 3,500 elected and line prosecutors around California, hasn’t yet taken an official position on the measure, but is open to the idea that an arrest or conviction shouldn’t be a “mark of Cain” for someone’s entire life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"criminal-justice\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our issue will be, does it shield people from having to disclose certain convictions that employers should have a heads up about?” he said, citing an example of a person who went to prison for embezzling from a senior and then wanted to get a job at a nursing home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Morse said his group is in agreement with the “premise” of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most important thing is that there’s nothing worse than being charged with a crime you didn’t commit and for that to come back and haunt a person down the road,” he said. “It’s unacceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles resident Stephanie Jeffcoat said she spent 10 years in and out of jail for crimes related to her drug addiction. But after getting sober, she had job offers rescinded because of that record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When is our time ever going to be done? Even though we have gone to jail, gone to prison, we’ve served our time, there’s still so many barriers that we are faced with upon our release,” said Jeffcoat, who is now an organizer at the Los Angeles-based advocacy group A New Way of Life, which works to restore rights to formerly incarcerated people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeffcoat said that allowing people to move on from their past convictions will make everyone safer, noting that barriers to employment, housing and other opportunities can actually increase the chance that someone will offend again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People end up having to commit what we call these ‘survival crimes,’ because they’re not able to get employment. They’re not able to fully provide for their families,” she said. “So now they have to go back to doing things that they did before that may have sent them to jail or prison just so they could be able to survive and provide for their families.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The bill calls for the all arrest records that don’t result in a conviction to be sealed, as well as the records of people convicted of felonies who have subsequently finished their sentences and stayed out of trouble for two years.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The bill, by Los Angeles state Sen. Maria Elena Durazo, calls for all arrest records that don’t result in a conviction to be sealed so they are not publicly accessible. It would also allow records to be sealed for people convicted of felonies who have subsequently finished their prison or jail time and parole or probation, and stayed out of trouble for two years. The measure would exclude sex offenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Coming out of the labor movement, to me, the key is a good job. It’s the way to build a better life. It’s a way to protect and support our loved ones,” said Durazo, a Democrat, noting that current law requires the state to keep someone’s record on file for 100 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These men and women have completed the sentence they were given. Many of them took classes, enrolled in counseling while they were incarcerated. They pursued rehabilitation work to be ready for their reentry after their release. Instead of being able to put their new skills to use, they are hit with hundreds, if not thousands of restrictions and limitations that keep them from building a new life,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durazo ticked off the restrictions: In addition to being barred from many jobs and professional licenses, people with criminal records can be denied rental housing or membership in homeowners’ associations. They can also be prevented from coaching youth sports and blocked from receiving everything from financial aid and other educational opportunities to food stamps and passports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All we do is drive those people to the margins of our society,” she said. “I say, when an individual has taken responsibility for their actions completely, California should provide them tools to turn the page and give them the new opportunities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the bill note that some 57% of working-age Black Californians have criminal records, and estimate that the barriers facing them and millions of other adults are \u003ca href=\"https://safeandjust.org/wp-content/uploads/GettingBacktoWork-3.2.2021.pdf\">costing California $20 million a year\u003c/a> in lost economic benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the legislation may face some pushback, prosecutors appear open to the discussion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Larry Morse, legislative director for the California District Attorneys Association, said Durazo’s measure was clearly written carefully, with law enforcement concerns in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morse said the association, which represents 3,500 elected and line prosecutors around California, hasn’t yet taken an official position on the measure, but is open to the idea that an arrest or conviction shouldn’t be a “mark of Cain” for someone’s entire life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our issue will be, does it shield people from having to disclose certain convictions that employers should have a heads up about?” he said, citing an example of a person who went to prison for embezzling from a senior and then wanted to get a job at a nursing home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Morse said his group is in agreement with the “premise” of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most important thing is that there’s nothing worse than being charged with a crime you didn’t commit and for that to come back and haunt a person down the road,” he said. “It’s unacceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles resident Stephanie Jeffcoat said she spent 10 years in and out of jail for crimes related to her drug addiction. But after getting sober, she had job offers rescinded because of that record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When is our time ever going to be done? Even though we have gone to jail, gone to prison, we’ve served our time, there’s still so many barriers that we are faced with upon our release,” said Jeffcoat, who is now an organizer at the Los Angeles-based advocacy group A New Way of Life, which works to restore rights to formerly incarcerated people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeffcoat said that allowing people to move on from their past convictions will make everyone safer, noting that barriers to employment, housing and other opportunities can actually increase the chance that someone will offend again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People end up having to commit what we call these ‘survival crimes,’ because they’re not able to get employment. They’re not able to fully provide for their families,” she said. “So now they have to go back to doing things that they did before that may have sent them to jail or prison just so they could be able to survive and provide for their families.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Fight Over George Gascón's LA Criminal Justice Reforms Speaks to Larger National Debate",
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"content": "\u003cp>This is a story about Los Angeles — but to fully understand it, let’s start halfway across the country, in Chicago, where Kim Foxx was elected the top prosecutor five years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Foxx won the Cook County, Illinois, district attorney post in 2016, her progressive platform was still unusual in a country that had long embraced incarceration as the answer to crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"George Gascón, Los Angeles County district attorney\"]‘I developed the opinion that trying to do a gradual rollout would probably create more confusion. And it would be harder than just simply putting it all out there.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So she moved slowly — first surveying prosecutors for anonymous feedback about what gaps they saw in how they did the work; then inviting them to focus groups to drill down more on possible changes to office practices. When she started rolling out policies aimed at reducing incarceration, she largely did so one at a time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last four years, Foxx has faced her share of opposition from tough-on-crime supporters — but says she benefited from one other thing: timing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think when I came in 2016, it was a novelty almost to have someone coming in and talking about criminal justice reform as a prosecutor,” she said. “And then you saw momentum building across the country. … And there was a deliberate effort, I believe, on the right to kind of villainize what this work looks like, to villainize the progressive prosecutor being, you know, antithetical to law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four years later, Foxx is far from the only so-called “progressive prosecutor” running a large, urban DA’s office — voters in San Francisco, Philadelphia, Boston and a number of other large cities have also embraced the promise of reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This fall, that change also came to Los Angeles County, which boasts the largest local prosecutor’s office in the nation, a massive bureaucracy that covers 4,000 square miles and includes 1,000 lawyers and 38 courthouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>George Gascón, a former San Francisco police chief and district attorney, survived a bruising battle with his tough-on-crime predecessor to \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-11-06/george-gascon-la-district-attorney-race-jackie-lacey-concede\">win his position\u003c/a> running the massive LA office — and unlike Foxx, he moved to make changes at warp speed: He’d barely been sworn in last December when \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/12/08/944396495/george-gascon-implements-sweeping-changes-to-los-angeles-district-attorneys-offi\">he issued a set of directives\u003c/a> aimed at reducing prison sentences and focusing more on rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those directives barred prosecutors in Los Angeles from seeking the death penalty, trying juveniles as adults and filing most sentencing enhancements, including those sanctioned under the state’s three strike laws. The changes also eliminated cash bail in the massive county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascón said there was no time to waste and that he was simply instituting the changes he campaigned on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"george-gascon\"]“I developed the opinion that trying to do a gradual rollout would probably create more confusion. And it would be harder than just simply putting it all out there and working from there,” he said. “And that was the reason for the rollout from day one. It was really a combination of my commitment to the voters and doing what I said that I was going to do and ensuring that we put it all [out there] and worked through it at the same time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The resistance from anti-reform prosecutors was swift as well — both in and outside Gascón’s office. They joined forces to challenge some of those new policies, and in February, a judge agreed to put some of the changes on hold. Gascón said he is appealing; it’s a case widely expected to reach the state’s Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chicago’s Foxx said the swift pushback is a far cry from what she faced as a newly elected DA — and shows how the past four years have given those opposed to reform time to regroup, and come out swinging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very surprised about how forceful the opposition is,” Foxx said of Gascón’s experience. “He gets sworn in on a Monday. Monday night, he’s got his deputies on television saying that they’re not going to do what he says.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors in Gascón office said their opposition wasn’t just about the policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those were kind of given to his deputies without any type of consultation, without any type of warning, without any type of introduction,” said Eric Siddall, vice president of the union representing deputy district attorneys in Los Angeles. “It was not done in that collaborative process. There was no dialog whatsoever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only were prosecutors not consulted, Siddall said, defense attorneys and the media seemed to receive the new directives at the same time they did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it wasn’t just the process — the prosecutors union opposes the policies on the merits as well. In a lawsuit filed less than a month after Gascón took office, they challenged the ban on enhancements, a commonly used prosecutor’s tool that can add years to someone’s sentence on top of a base term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nSiddall said the union isn’t trying to stymie every policy its members oppose, and that the lawsuit was narrowly crafted to challenge only the new directives that union members believe are illegal — and, when carried out, force its members to ignore their oath of office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He contends that Gascón is ignoring the law and abusing the long-standing notion of prosecutorial discretion — the power DAs hold to decide whether to charge someone with a crime, and what charges to file.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prosecutorial discretion doesn’t mean you get to do whatever you want. It means you have to work within the bounds of the law,” said Siddall. “We’re actually not contesting Mr. Gascón’s ability to implement public policy. And if his public policy is geared around the rights of defendants and ignoring the rights of victims, that’s his prerogative. What we’re contesting is very limited parts of his directives … that are asking us to ignore what the law is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s clear that Gascón’s move to dramatically change how criminal justice is carried out in the most populous county in California is seen as threatening to prosecutors beyond LA’s borders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California District Attorneys Association, the statewide group representing both elected district attorneys and line prosecutors, took the extraordinary step of joining the lawsuit against Gascón. In the past, the association has disagreed with reform-minded prosecutors like Gascón, but never challenged them in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In our view, it’s not just the difference in policies. It’s as though he thinks, and the people he surrounded himself with think, that he has been elected or anointed king of the LA County criminal court system,” said El Dorado County District Attorney Vern Pierson, who is the association’s president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Vern Pierson, president of the California District Attorneys Association\"]‘It’s as though he thinks, and the people he surrounded himself with think, that he has been elected or anointed king of the LA County criminal court system.’[/pullquote]Pierson said Gascón can’t just ignore laws he doesn’t like, and that prosecutorial discretion doesn’t extend to blanket policies like the ones issued in LA. He argued district attorneys have to look at cases individually and decide what’s best in that circumstance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the last however many years, we’ve always advocated that the elected DA has a broad discretion to implement … different policies in San Francisco versus El Dorado County. We’ve always advocated for that, but we recognize there’s limits to it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Gascón find this argument — that he doesn’t have the discretion to broadly decide how harshly to charge cases — pretty hypocritical, considering how carefully DAs have guarded prosecutorial discretion in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Almost no one — and certainly none of the folks attacking George from the right — ever raised concerns about prosecutorial discretion when prosecutors were seeking to send people to prison for life for stealing a pizza,” said San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin, another recently elected progressive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin contends that tough-on-crime prosecutors are happy to fall back on discretion when it gives them the chance to throw the book at someone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We only see those concerns being raised — not just in Los Angeles, but across the country — as an effort to undo and undermine widely popular reforms that have empirical support and that are aimed specifically at addressing a very well-understood and well-documented history of racial bias and racial discrimination within the criminal justice system,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin and Kim Foxx, the Chicago prosecutor, said they believe what happens in Los Angeles could have wide-ranging implications for not just California, but the future of criminal justice reform across the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>This is a story about Los Angeles — but to fully understand it, let’s start halfway across the country, in Chicago, where Kim Foxx was elected the top prosecutor five years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Foxx won the Cook County, Illinois, district attorney post in 2016, her progressive platform was still unusual in a country that had long embraced incarceration as the answer to crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So she moved slowly — first surveying prosecutors for anonymous feedback about what gaps they saw in how they did the work; then inviting them to focus groups to drill down more on possible changes to office practices. When she started rolling out policies aimed at reducing incarceration, she largely did so one at a time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last four years, Foxx has faced her share of opposition from tough-on-crime supporters — but says she benefited from one other thing: timing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think when I came in 2016, it was a novelty almost to have someone coming in and talking about criminal justice reform as a prosecutor,” she said. “And then you saw momentum building across the country. … And there was a deliberate effort, I believe, on the right to kind of villainize what this work looks like, to villainize the progressive prosecutor being, you know, antithetical to law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four years later, Foxx is far from the only so-called “progressive prosecutor” running a large, urban DA’s office — voters in San Francisco, Philadelphia, Boston and a number of other large cities have also embraced the promise of reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This fall, that change also came to Los Angeles County, which boasts the largest local prosecutor’s office in the nation, a massive bureaucracy that covers 4,000 square miles and includes 1,000 lawyers and 38 courthouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>George Gascón, a former San Francisco police chief and district attorney, survived a bruising battle with his tough-on-crime predecessor to \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-11-06/george-gascon-la-district-attorney-race-jackie-lacey-concede\">win his position\u003c/a> running the massive LA office — and unlike Foxx, he moved to make changes at warp speed: He’d barely been sworn in last December when \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/12/08/944396495/george-gascon-implements-sweeping-changes-to-los-angeles-district-attorneys-offi\">he issued a set of directives\u003c/a> aimed at reducing prison sentences and focusing more on rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those directives barred prosecutors in Los Angeles from seeking the death penalty, trying juveniles as adults and filing most sentencing enhancements, including those sanctioned under the state’s three strike laws. The changes also eliminated cash bail in the massive county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascón said there was no time to waste and that he was simply instituting the changes he campaigned on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I developed the opinion that trying to do a gradual rollout would probably create more confusion. And it would be harder than just simply putting it all out there and working from there,” he said. “And that was the reason for the rollout from day one. It was really a combination of my commitment to the voters and doing what I said that I was going to do and ensuring that we put it all [out there] and worked through it at the same time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The resistance from anti-reform prosecutors was swift as well — both in and outside Gascón’s office. They joined forces to challenge some of those new policies, and in February, a judge agreed to put some of the changes on hold. Gascón said he is appealing; it’s a case widely expected to reach the state’s Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chicago’s Foxx said the swift pushback is a far cry from what she faced as a newly elected DA — and shows how the past four years have given those opposed to reform time to regroup, and come out swinging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very surprised about how forceful the opposition is,” Foxx said of Gascón’s experience. “He gets sworn in on a Monday. Monday night, he’s got his deputies on television saying that they’re not going to do what he says.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors in Gascón office said their opposition wasn’t just about the policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those were kind of given to his deputies without any type of consultation, without any type of warning, without any type of introduction,” said Eric Siddall, vice president of the union representing deputy district attorneys in Los Angeles. “It was not done in that collaborative process. There was no dialog whatsoever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only were prosecutors not consulted, Siddall said, defense attorneys and the media seemed to receive the new directives at the same time they did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it wasn’t just the process — the prosecutors union opposes the policies on the merits as well. In a lawsuit filed less than a month after Gascón took office, they challenged the ban on enhancements, a commonly used prosecutor’s tool that can add years to someone’s sentence on top of a base term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nSiddall said the union isn’t trying to stymie every policy its members oppose, and that the lawsuit was narrowly crafted to challenge only the new directives that union members believe are illegal — and, when carried out, force its members to ignore their oath of office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He contends that Gascón is ignoring the law and abusing the long-standing notion of prosecutorial discretion — the power DAs hold to decide whether to charge someone with a crime, and what charges to file.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prosecutorial discretion doesn’t mean you get to do whatever you want. It means you have to work within the bounds of the law,” said Siddall. “We’re actually not contesting Mr. Gascón’s ability to implement public policy. And if his public policy is geared around the rights of defendants and ignoring the rights of victims, that’s his prerogative. What we’re contesting is very limited parts of his directives … that are asking us to ignore what the law is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s clear that Gascón’s move to dramatically change how criminal justice is carried out in the most populous county in California is seen as threatening to prosecutors beyond LA’s borders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California District Attorneys Association, the statewide group representing both elected district attorneys and line prosecutors, took the extraordinary step of joining the lawsuit against Gascón. In the past, the association has disagreed with reform-minded prosecutors like Gascón, but never challenged them in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In our view, it’s not just the difference in policies. It’s as though he thinks, and the people he surrounded himself with think, that he has been elected or anointed king of the LA County criminal court system,” said El Dorado County District Attorney Vern Pierson, who is the association’s president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Pierson said Gascón can’t just ignore laws he doesn’t like, and that prosecutorial discretion doesn’t extend to blanket policies like the ones issued in LA. He argued district attorneys have to look at cases individually and decide what’s best in that circumstance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the last however many years, we’ve always advocated that the elected DA has a broad discretion to implement … different policies in San Francisco versus El Dorado County. We’ve always advocated for that, but we recognize there’s limits to it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Gascón find this argument — that he doesn’t have the discretion to broadly decide how harshly to charge cases — pretty hypocritical, considering how carefully DAs have guarded prosecutorial discretion in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Almost no one — and certainly none of the folks attacking George from the right — ever raised concerns about prosecutorial discretion when prosecutors were seeking to send people to prison for life for stealing a pizza,” said San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin, another recently elected progressive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin contends that tough-on-crime prosecutors are happy to fall back on discretion when it gives them the chance to throw the book at someone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We only see those concerns being raised — not just in Los Angeles, but across the country — as an effort to undo and undermine widely popular reforms that have empirical support and that are aimed specifically at addressing a very well-understood and well-documented history of racial bias and racial discrimination within the criminal justice system,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin and Kim Foxx, the Chicago prosecutor, said they believe what happens in Los Angeles could have wide-ranging implications for not just California, but the future of criminal justice reform across the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Hundreds of migrant children still separated from their parents by the Trump administration may be allowed to reunite with their families in the United States — and some families may have the opportunity to stay, Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas announced on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reuniting the families is one of the Biden administration’s top priorities, something Mayorkas described as a “moral imperative.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During former President Donald Trump’s time in office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/transcripts/961301353\">more than 5,500 migrant children\u003c/a> were separated from their parents when they entered the country, and more than 1,400 parents were ultimately deported without their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas\"]‘It takes time to build out of the depths of cruelty that the administration before us established.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are hoping to reunite the families either here or in the country of origin,” Mayorkas said, explaining the government hopes to give migrants the choice. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And if, in fact, they seek to reunite here in the United States, we will explore lawful pathways for them to remain in the United States and to address the family needs so we are acting as restoratively as possible,” he said, without giving details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DHS said in a statement that the option of reuniting and staying in the United States would be provided “to the extent permissible under law” but did not provide more elaboration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates representing families who have been separated applauded the decision, but said they wanted more information. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='family-separations']“Of course, the devil is in the details and Secretary Mayorkas has to shed all the caveats and qualifications around his announcement and follow through with everything that’s necessary to right the wrong,” Anthony Romero, executive director of the ACLU, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These separated families suffered unfathomably because of what our government did, and we owe them restitution. This includes a permanent pathway to citizenship, care, and resources to help them,” Romero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayorkas called the separation of children from their families “the most powerful example of cruelty” by the Trump administration, which had pushed to curb immigration. About 105 families have already been reunited since Biden took office, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s one of several Trump-era immigration policies that Biden’s DHS is working to reverse, but Mayorkas warned changes would not happen overnight. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It takes time to build out of the depths of cruelty that the administration before us established,” he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Biden+To+Allow+Some+Separated+Migrant+Families+To+Reunite+In+The+United+States&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Hundreds of migrant children still separated from their parents by the Trump administration may be allowed to reunite with their families in the United States — and some families may have the opportunity to stay, Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas announced on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reuniting the families is one of the Biden administration’s top priorities, something Mayorkas described as a “moral imperative.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During former President Donald Trump’s time in office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/transcripts/961301353\">more than 5,500 migrant children\u003c/a> were separated from their parents when they entered the country, and more than 1,400 parents were ultimately deported without their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It takes time to build out of the depths of cruelty that the administration before us established.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are hoping to reunite the families either here or in the country of origin,” Mayorkas said, explaining the government hopes to give migrants the choice. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And if, in fact, they seek to reunite here in the United States, we will explore lawful pathways for them to remain in the United States and to address the family needs so we are acting as restoratively as possible,” he said, without giving details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DHS said in a statement that the option of reuniting and staying in the United States would be provided “to the extent permissible under law” but did not provide more elaboration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates representing families who have been separated applauded the decision, but said they wanted more information. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Of course, the devil is in the details and Secretary Mayorkas has to shed all the caveats and qualifications around his announcement and follow through with everything that’s necessary to right the wrong,” Anthony Romero, executive director of the ACLU, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These separated families suffered unfathomably because of what our government did, and we owe them restitution. This includes a permanent pathway to citizenship, care, and resources to help them,” Romero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayorkas called the separation of children from their families “the most powerful example of cruelty” by the Trump administration, which had pushed to curb immigration. About 105 families have already been reunited since Biden took office, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s one of several Trump-era immigration policies that Biden’s DHS is working to reverse, but Mayorkas warned changes would not happen overnight. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It takes time to build out of the depths of cruelty that the administration before us established,” he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Biden+To+Allow+Some+Separated+Migrant+Families+To+Reunite+In+The+United+States&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The U.S. Senate on Saturday acquitted former President Donald Trump on an impeachment charge of inciting an insurrection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The acquittal comes more than a month after a mob of Trump supporters stormed the U.S. Capitol as lawmakers were counting the electoral results that certified Trump’s loss. Five people died in the riot, including a police officer. Two other officers later killed themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A majority of senators voted to convict Trump — 57 to 43, including seven Republicans. But two-thirds, or 67 votes, was needed to convict. It was the second time Trump was acquitted in an impeachment trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The seven GOP senators who voted to convict Trump on Saturday were: Richard Burr of North Carolina, Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, Susan Collins of Maine, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Mitt Romney of Utah, Ben Sasse of Nebraska and Pat Toomey of Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump is the first president in U.S. history to be impeached by the House twice, and the first to be tried for impeachment after leaving office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The verdict closes the book on this Trump presidency, though the Senate, by not convicting and barring him from holding public office in the future, left open the possibility that Trump, a 74-year-old Republican, could run again for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a narrowly divided Senate, the outcome of the trial, which lasted a little less than a week, was largely expected, though it very nearly was extended potentially by weeks. Impeachment managers began Saturday with a surprise, saying they had decided to call a witness, Washington Republican Rep. Jaime Herrera Beutler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11860377\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2285px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11860377\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2285\" height=\"1285\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1.jpg 2285w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2285px) 100vw, 2285px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In this screenshot taken from a congress.gov webcast, lead House impeachment manager Rep. Jamie Raskin, D-Maryland, gives closing arguments on the fifth day of former President Donald Trump’s second impeachment trial at the U.S. Capitol on Feb. 13, 2021 in Washington, D.C. House impeachment managers had argued that Trump was “singularly responsible” for the Jan. 6 attack at the U.S. Capitol and he should be convicted and barred from ever holding public office again. \u003ccite>(congress.gov via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After the defense rested Friday, Herrera Beutler issued a statement detailing — again — that Trump had gotten into a shouting match with Republican House Leader Kevin McCarthy during the riot, telling him, “Well, Kevin, I guess these people are more upset about the election than you are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate then voted to allow witnesses, and Trump’s lawyers threatened to call dozens. Both sides eventually agreed to enter Herrera Beutler’s statement into the record and move on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The heart of Trump’s legal team’s argument was supposed to be that the Senate did not have jurisdiction to take up the trial of a former federal official. That was certainly part of it and was a message that resonated with the overwhelming majority of GOP senators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a vote on the first day of the trial, for example, 44 Republicans voted to say it was unconstitutional for the Senate to try a president after he left office. That’s despite a 145-year-old precedent in which the Senate voted that it was constitutional to try a former Cabinet official for impeachment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The constitutionality argument allowed many Republican senators to sidestep the merits of the case against Trump. That’s even though the lead impeachment manager, Rep. Jamie Raskin, D-Maryland, on Thursday closed his side’s arguments by imploring senators that the constitutionality of the trial had been resolved by the earlier vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s lawyers, however, did not stick to a narrow constitutional argument. Instead, they accused Democrats of using the impeachment process for partisan gain and of trying to disenfranchise the people who voted for Trump’s reelection. The defense declined to provide evidence of what the president knew about the violence, when he knew it and what he did about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democratic House impeachment managers argued that the former president, who addressed a rally outside the White House ahead of the insurrection, was “singularly responsible” for the violence on Jan. 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They relied, in large measure, on video to prove their case, including never-before-seen Capitol security footage. The videos showed on the Senate floor during what was an — at times — emotional trial brought back the vivid images of the Capitol violence to the very place it happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/nprpolitics/status/1360703057768697858\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The video demonstrated how close rioters came to then-Vice President Mike Pence and members of Congress. And the impeachment managers argued that the video showed clearly that the mob of pro-Trump supporters was there for the president, and many believed they were there at the president’s behest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The impeachment managers, however, made a broader case than Trump’s comments on Jan. 6. They argued that Trump laid the groundwork for false grievance on the part of his supporters with two months of baseless claims of widespread election fraud that cost him the election and years, in fact, of tolerating, condoning and encouraging violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s lawyers largely sidestepped Trump’s false claims of election fraud. Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vermont, asked during the question-and-answer session: “Are the prosecutors right when they claim that Trump was telling a big lie, or in your judgment did Trump actually win the election?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump lawyer Michael van der Veen shot back, “My judgment? Who asked that?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did,” Sanders replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My judgment is irrelevant,” van der Veen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You represent the president of the United States!” Sanders yelled back before Sen. Patrick Leahy, D-Vermont, the presiding officer, gaveled the chamber back to order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s rhetoric about widespread fraud and a stolen election was false, dismissed by many courts stemming from dozens of lawsuits filed by the Trump campaign and allies across several key states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/nprpolitics/status/1360681411276111876\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s legal team also argued that his Jan. 6 rally speech was protected by the First Amendment, a contention that impeachment managers labeled ludicrous. This, after all, was an impeachment trial, not a criminal proceeding. An impeachment trial is a political process intended to judge whether an official was upholding their oath of office and a standard of conduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With his second acquittal, Trump now plots his next steps in political and public life. Yet he is also contending with potential legal trouble stemming from a New York grand jury investigation and a newly announced criminal probe in Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s in addition to Trump’s mounting debt and devalued assets. The former president’s net worth also dropped $1 billion in early 2020, according to Forbes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has been able to spin difficulties in his business and personal life before, and the country waits to see if has a next, and perhaps final, act.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The U.S. Senate on Saturday acquitted former President Donald Trump on an impeachment charge of inciting an insurrection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The acquittal comes more than a month after a mob of Trump supporters stormed the U.S. Capitol as lawmakers were counting the electoral results that certified Trump’s loss. Five people died in the riot, including a police officer. Two other officers later killed themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A majority of senators voted to convict Trump — 57 to 43, including seven Republicans. But two-thirds, or 67 votes, was needed to convict. It was the second time Trump was acquitted in an impeachment trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The seven GOP senators who voted to convict Trump on Saturday were: Richard Burr of North Carolina, Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, Susan Collins of Maine, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Mitt Romney of Utah, Ben Sasse of Nebraska and Pat Toomey of Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump is the first president in U.S. history to be impeached by the House twice, and the first to be tried for impeachment after leaving office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The verdict closes the book on this Trump presidency, though the Senate, by not convicting and barring him from holding public office in the future, left open the possibility that Trump, a 74-year-old Republican, could run again for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a narrowly divided Senate, the outcome of the trial, which lasted a little less than a week, was largely expected, though it very nearly was extended potentially by weeks. Impeachment managers began Saturday with a surprise, saying they had decided to call a witness, Washington Republican Rep. Jaime Herrera Beutler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11860377\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2285px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11860377\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2285\" height=\"1285\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1.jpg 2285w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2285px) 100vw, 2285px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In this screenshot taken from a congress.gov webcast, lead House impeachment manager Rep. Jamie Raskin, D-Maryland, gives closing arguments on the fifth day of former President Donald Trump’s second impeachment trial at the U.S. Capitol on Feb. 13, 2021 in Washington, D.C. House impeachment managers had argued that Trump was “singularly responsible” for the Jan. 6 attack at the U.S. Capitol and he should be convicted and barred from ever holding public office again. \u003ccite>(congress.gov via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After the defense rested Friday, Herrera Beutler issued a statement detailing — again — that Trump had gotten into a shouting match with Republican House Leader Kevin McCarthy during the riot, telling him, “Well, Kevin, I guess these people are more upset about the election than you are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate then voted to allow witnesses, and Trump’s lawyers threatened to call dozens. Both sides eventually agreed to enter Herrera Beutler’s statement into the record and move on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The heart of Trump’s legal team’s argument was supposed to be that the Senate did not have jurisdiction to take up the trial of a former federal official. That was certainly part of it and was a message that resonated with the overwhelming majority of GOP senators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a vote on the first day of the trial, for example, 44 Republicans voted to say it was unconstitutional for the Senate to try a president after he left office. That’s despite a 145-year-old precedent in which the Senate voted that it was constitutional to try a former Cabinet official for impeachment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The constitutionality argument allowed many Republican senators to sidestep the merits of the case against Trump. That’s even though the lead impeachment manager, Rep. Jamie Raskin, D-Maryland, on Thursday closed his side’s arguments by imploring senators that the constitutionality of the trial had been resolved by the earlier vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s lawyers, however, did not stick to a narrow constitutional argument. Instead, they accused Democrats of using the impeachment process for partisan gain and of trying to disenfranchise the people who voted for Trump’s reelection. The defense declined to provide evidence of what the president knew about the violence, when he knew it and what he did about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democratic House impeachment managers argued that the former president, who addressed a rally outside the White House ahead of the insurrection, was “singularly responsible” for the violence on Jan. 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They relied, in large measure, on video to prove their case, including never-before-seen Capitol security footage. The videos showed on the Senate floor during what was an — at times — emotional trial brought back the vivid images of the Capitol violence to the very place it happened.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>The video demonstrated how close rioters came to then-Vice President Mike Pence and members of Congress. And the impeachment managers argued that the video showed clearly that the mob of pro-Trump supporters was there for the president, and many believed they were there at the president’s behest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The impeachment managers, however, made a broader case than Trump’s comments on Jan. 6. They argued that Trump laid the groundwork for false grievance on the part of his supporters with two months of baseless claims of widespread election fraud that cost him the election and years, in fact, of tolerating, condoning and encouraging violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s lawyers largely sidestepped Trump’s false claims of election fraud. Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vermont, asked during the question-and-answer session: “Are the prosecutors right when they claim that Trump was telling a big lie, or in your judgment did Trump actually win the election?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump lawyer Michael van der Veen shot back, “My judgment? Who asked that?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did,” Sanders replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My judgment is irrelevant,” van der Veen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You represent the president of the United States!” Sanders yelled back before Sen. Patrick Leahy, D-Vermont, the presiding officer, gaveled the chamber back to order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s rhetoric about widespread fraud and a stolen election was false, dismissed by many courts stemming from dozens of lawsuits filed by the Trump campaign and allies across several key states.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Trump’s legal team also argued that his Jan. 6 rally speech was protected by the First Amendment, a contention that impeachment managers labeled ludicrous. This, after all, was an impeachment trial, not a criminal proceeding. An impeachment trial is a political process intended to judge whether an official was upholding their oath of office and a standard of conduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With his second acquittal, Trump now plots his next steps in political and public life. Yet he is also contending with potential legal trouble stemming from a New York grand jury investigation and a newly announced criminal probe in Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s in addition to Trump’s mounting debt and devalued assets. The former president’s net worth also dropped $1 billion in early 2020, according to Forbes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The second impeachment trial of now-former President Donald Trump is all over but the closing arguments. They take place starting Saturday morning and the Senate could render a verdict as early as today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite a compelling and extensive case made by the Democratic impeachment managers, the outcome still seems predetermined. Trump is likely to be acquitted because not enough Republicans will side with Democrats for the two-thirds majority needed to convict — though a majority, including a handful of Republicans, are poised to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week was revealing, however. Here are five things we learned:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>1. When the chips are down, grievance and partisanship are still the GOP’s go-tos\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Trump’s defense took aim at Democrats with cries of partisan targeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was, for lack of a better phrase, very Trumpy. Trump’s defense largely set aside what was expected to be a narrow constitutional argument that a \u003cem>former\u003c/em> president could not be tried for impeachment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, perhaps predictably, there was a healthy dose of angry whataboutism — with videos repeatedly showing Democrats using the word “fight” (despite its lack of relevance to Trump’s culpability to the violence Jan. 6); the First Amendment was leaned on to say Trump had a right to say whatever he wanted (despite an impeachment trial not being a criminal proceeding but one to determine whether a president upheld his oath and a standard of conduct); and they even invoked “cancel culture” \u003ca href=\"https://www.c-span.org/video/?508916-1/impeachment-trial\">four times\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making the argument this way was a choice. There were enough Republican senators who would have gone along with Trump’s acquittal solely based on the narrow constitutional argument. But they still opted to go this route, which may have been an attempt to save and defend Trump’s legacy — and to solidify his place as the head of the party.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>2. The outcome ‘is what it is,’ as a former president might say\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Despite senators, at times, appearing to be moved by powerful videos they saw, and the praise many of them had for the Democratic impeachment managers, few, if any, additional Republicans (other than the handful expected) seemed moved to convict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump defense’s approach likely worked with the overwhelming majority of Republican senators because they’ve been down this road before in the Trump years and have muscle memory to dismiss inquiries and criticism of the former president as a hoax or witch hunt or scam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outcome has always been somewhat preordained, which is why the Trump team only took a few hours of their allotted 16 hours to make their rebuttal.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>3. There are still a lot of questions about what Trump did and didn’t do\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Regardless of the fact that Trump is likely to be acquitted, there are still open questions about what Trump did or didn’t do, knew or didn’t know behind the scenes that day that could haunt him beyond this trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s defense said Trump didn’t know the danger Vice President Mike Pence was in — despite GOP Sen. Tommy Tuberville of Alabama, one of the most pro-Trump states in the country, confirming that he talked to the president on Jan. 6 and told him of the danger before Trump sent a tweet disparaging Pence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all of this, Pence was a target — because of Trump — for doing his constitutional duty to preside over the usually ceremonial counting of certified presidential election results from the states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s team not only denied that happened, it refused to answer what actions Trump took to make the violence stop. One of his lawyers, Michael van der Veen, went so far as to say, “It’s not our burden to bring any evidence at all” and blamed Democrats for not doing an investigation to get the information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s lawyers also denied the impeachment managers’ pretrial request for Trump to testify — under oath.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>4. New evidence showed how much danger lawmakers were in\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Democrats presented a new, not previously seen before, video that clearly moved and disturbed many senators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Utah Republican Sen. Mitt Romney said he hadn’t realized just how close he was to the mob when he was shown on video running after being turned around by Capitol Police officer Eugene Goodman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Patty Murray of Washington gave a harrowing account Friday night of her own close brush. “They were pounding on our door and trying to open it, and my husband sat with his foot against the door, praying that it would not break in,” she said on PBS NewsHour. “I was not safe. It was a horrific feeling, and it lasted for a long time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outcome may be predetermined, but what was shown gave a fuller context of what happened Jan. 6 — for history.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>5. Americans could have a new standard for their leaders in the future\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Trump’s behavior as president has grated against what was previously acceptable behavior from a president — belittling, confrontational and stoking cultural and racial division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump used to joke that he could be so presidential, and we’d all be so bored. That was an acknowledgment that the way he was acting wasn’t “presidential,” it wasn’t the accepted view of what a president should be. That lasted throughout his presidency, culminating in his refusal to concede and the lack of a peaceful transfer of power, which had distinguished the United States from far-less-free countries around the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s defense had argued that convicting Trump would set a new, too-low bar for impeachment — one that Democrats could get caught up in next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Democrats warned that if Republicans continued to remain steadfastly against Trump’s conviction, it would be essentially giving a “green light” for future odious conduct from presidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Trump’s likely acquittal on the horizon, lead Democratic impeachment manager, Sen. Jamie Raskin of Maryland, summed up the danger this way:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They [Trump’s lawyers] are treating their client like he is a criminal defendant. They are talking about ‘beyond a reasonable doubt.’ They think we are making a criminal case here. My friends, the former president is not going to spend one hour or one minute in jail, but this is about protecting a Republic and articulating and defining the standards of presidential conduct. And if you want this to be a standard for totally appropriate presidential conduct going forward, be my guest. But we are headed for a very different kind of country at that point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fact is American politics is at a volatile moment. Look no further than what’s happened in Georgia over the last few months. The same state that gave Congress a conspiracy believer, who harassed a mass-shooting survivor, also saw Democrat Joe Biden win the state in the presidential election and two Democrats win Senate races there that gave Democrats control of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no telling what happens next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=5+Takeaways+From+The+Trump+Impeachment+Trial+As+Closing+Arguments+Begin&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The second impeachment trial of now-former President Donald Trump is all over but the closing arguments. They take place starting Saturday morning and the Senate could render a verdict as early as today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite a compelling and extensive case made by the Democratic impeachment managers, the outcome still seems predetermined. Trump is likely to be acquitted because not enough Republicans will side with Democrats for the two-thirds majority needed to convict — though a majority, including a handful of Republicans, are poised to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week was revealing, however. Here are five things we learned:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>1. When the chips are down, grievance and partisanship are still the GOP’s go-tos\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Trump’s defense took aim at Democrats with cries of partisan targeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was, for lack of a better phrase, very Trumpy. Trump’s defense largely set aside what was expected to be a narrow constitutional argument that a \u003cem>former\u003c/em> president could not be tried for impeachment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, perhaps predictably, there was a healthy dose of angry whataboutism — with videos repeatedly showing Democrats using the word “fight” (despite its lack of relevance to Trump’s culpability to the violence Jan. 6); the First Amendment was leaned on to say Trump had a right to say whatever he wanted (despite an impeachment trial not being a criminal proceeding but one to determine whether a president upheld his oath and a standard of conduct); and they even invoked “cancel culture” \u003ca href=\"https://www.c-span.org/video/?508916-1/impeachment-trial\">four times\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making the argument this way was a choice. There were enough Republican senators who would have gone along with Trump’s acquittal solely based on the narrow constitutional argument. But they still opted to go this route, which may have been an attempt to save and defend Trump’s legacy — and to solidify his place as the head of the party.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>2. The outcome ‘is what it is,’ as a former president might say\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Despite senators, at times, appearing to be moved by powerful videos they saw, and the praise many of them had for the Democratic impeachment managers, few, if any, additional Republicans (other than the handful expected) seemed moved to convict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump defense’s approach likely worked with the overwhelming majority of Republican senators because they’ve been down this road before in the Trump years and have muscle memory to dismiss inquiries and criticism of the former president as a hoax or witch hunt or scam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outcome has always been somewhat preordained, which is why the Trump team only took a few hours of their allotted 16 hours to make their rebuttal.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>3. There are still a lot of questions about what Trump did and didn’t do\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Regardless of the fact that Trump is likely to be acquitted, there are still open questions about what Trump did or didn’t do, knew or didn’t know behind the scenes that day that could haunt him beyond this trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s defense said Trump didn’t know the danger Vice President Mike Pence was in — despite GOP Sen. Tommy Tuberville of Alabama, one of the most pro-Trump states in the country, confirming that he talked to the president on Jan. 6 and told him of the danger before Trump sent a tweet disparaging Pence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all of this, Pence was a target — because of Trump — for doing his constitutional duty to preside over the usually ceremonial counting of certified presidential election results from the states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s team not only denied that happened, it refused to answer what actions Trump took to make the violence stop. One of his lawyers, Michael van der Veen, went so far as to say, “It’s not our burden to bring any evidence at all” and blamed Democrats for not doing an investigation to get the information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s lawyers also denied the impeachment managers’ pretrial request for Trump to testify — under oath.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>4. New evidence showed how much danger lawmakers were in\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Democrats presented a new, not previously seen before, video that clearly moved and disturbed many senators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Utah Republican Sen. Mitt Romney said he hadn’t realized just how close he was to the mob when he was shown on video running after being turned around by Capitol Police officer Eugene Goodman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Patty Murray of Washington gave a harrowing account Friday night of her own close brush. “They were pounding on our door and trying to open it, and my husband sat with his foot against the door, praying that it would not break in,” she said on PBS NewsHour. “I was not safe. It was a horrific feeling, and it lasted for a long time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outcome may be predetermined, but what was shown gave a fuller context of what happened Jan. 6 — for history.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>5. Americans could have a new standard for their leaders in the future\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Trump’s behavior as president has grated against what was previously acceptable behavior from a president — belittling, confrontational and stoking cultural and racial division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump used to joke that he could be so presidential, and we’d all be so bored. That was an acknowledgment that the way he was acting wasn’t “presidential,” it wasn’t the accepted view of what a president should be. That lasted throughout his presidency, culminating in his refusal to concede and the lack of a peaceful transfer of power, which had distinguished the United States from far-less-free countries around the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s defense had argued that convicting Trump would set a new, too-low bar for impeachment — one that Democrats could get caught up in next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Democrats warned that if Republicans continued to remain steadfastly against Trump’s conviction, it would be essentially giving a “green light” for future odious conduct from presidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Trump’s likely acquittal on the horizon, lead Democratic impeachment manager, Sen. Jamie Raskin of Maryland, summed up the danger this way:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They [Trump’s lawyers] are treating their client like he is a criminal defendant. They are talking about ‘beyond a reasonable doubt.’ They think we are making a criminal case here. My friends, the former president is not going to spend one hour or one minute in jail, but this is about protecting a Republic and articulating and defining the standards of presidential conduct. And if you want this to be a standard for totally appropriate presidential conduct going forward, be my guest. But we are headed for a very different kind of country at that point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fact is American politics is at a volatile moment. Look no further than what’s happened in Georgia over the last few months. The same state that gave Congress a conspiracy believer, who harassed a mass-shooting survivor, also saw Democrat Joe Biden win the state in the presidential election and two Democrats win Senate races there that gave Democrats control of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no telling what happens next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=5+Takeaways+From+The+Trump+Impeachment+Trial+As+Closing+Arguments+Begin&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Coronavirus case counts are dropping and new vaccination centers are opening. Meanwhile, whether California schools will reopen across California remains in limbo. We chew on the week’s political headlines with KQED’s politics and government desk senior editor Scott Shafer and reporter Katie Orr.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Prison COVID-19 Report\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s been a year since the coronavirus began its deadly march across California. While the virus has affected people from all demographics, among the hardest hit are those who live in group settings like nursing homes and prisons. Reporter Monica Lam takes a look at the impact of COVID-19 on incarcerated people.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Michael Krasny Retires After 28 Years With KQED Forum\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Bay Area broadcast veteran Michael Krasny, beloved by many at KQED and across California, is retiring after 28 years of hosting the station’s flagship call-in talk show, Forum. He joins us after his last morning of hosting Forum to talk about his childhood, key moments in his career and even cracks a couple jokes.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Blackie’s Pasture\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week’s Something Beautiful was suggested by Michael Krasny, who told us that one of his favorite places is Blackie’s Pasture in Tiburon, a serene field featuring a statue of a much-loved horse that once lived there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "New Bill Could Open Door to Abortions at Catholic Hospitals. It Could Also Jeopardize Care for Low-Income Californians",
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"content": "\u003cp>State lawmakers want to square conflicting health care values between public University of California hospitals and Catholic hospitals that collaborate on patient care, under a new bill introduced Wednesday by state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under longstanding agreements between UC Health and Catholic hospital systems like Dignity Health or St. Joseph Health, UC doctors and medical students who provide care inside Catholic hospitals must abide by Catholic Church directives that prohibit abortions, sterilizations, contraception, some end-of-life options and gender affirmation surgery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener says this makes the public university system complicit in discriminating against women and transgender patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that a UC medical professional would not be able to provide care, I just think is honestly completely outrageous,” he said. “It’s because of the pride that we all have in UC and, frankly, the love that we hold for the system that we want to make sure that UC lives up to its high aspirations of providing health care to everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB379\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Senate Bill 379\u003c/a> would require UC health systems to renegotiate these agreements with Catholic hospitals to either allow UC staff to provide all care they deem medically necessary, or to end those affiliations altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Access to health care is fundamental to an equitable and successful society, and public institutions must lead by example in ensuring health care access,” Wiener said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Catholic hospitals said canceling these partnerships would likely harm health care access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dignity Health and the UC Health system are the number one and two providers of care to low-income Medi-Cal patients in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would absolutely devastate access to health care for the most vulnerable,” said Lori Dangberg, vice president of the Alliance of Catholic Health Care, a trade group for Catholic hospitals. “At a time when COVID-19 is placing unprecedented demands on our state’s health care providers, any effort to weaken the safety net would only harm the state’s most vulnerable patients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, UCSF officials have said the affiliation it has with Dignity Health is necessary to meet the demand for care in San Francisco. Instead of turning patients away for lack of beds, it can transfer them to a Dignity hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar partnerships provide other hard-to-access care across the state, particularly in rural areas, Dangberg said. UC Davis and Mercy Medical Center in Merced, a Dignity hospital, jointly run a cancer center providing treatment for more than 12,000 patients a year. UCLA specialists have provided pediatric trauma services to more than 700 patients at Northridge Hospital Medical Center, another Dignity facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener said he recognizes the importance of these partnerships in expanding access to care and that he is not opposed to them per se, but he believes public employees and students should practice by standards set by state law, even if they’re practicing within the walls of a Catholic hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Catholic hospitals say their directives are protected by law, too, and that the state cannot force them to provide abortions or other services that conflict with their moral code.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tolerance is a two-way street,” Dangberg said. “You’re welcome to practice in our hospitals, but you follow the policies, whether those policies are based on quality issues, economic issues or religious issues, you practice based on a hospital’s policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "UC doctors working at Catholic hospitals in California must abide by directives that prohibit certain kinds of care. A new bill could change that — but critics say it could also hurt health care access for low-income patients.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>State lawmakers want to square conflicting health care values between public University of California hospitals and Catholic hospitals that collaborate on patient care, under a new bill introduced Wednesday by state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under longstanding agreements between UC Health and Catholic hospital systems like Dignity Health or St. Joseph Health, UC doctors and medical students who provide care inside Catholic hospitals must abide by Catholic Church directives that prohibit abortions, sterilizations, contraception, some end-of-life options and gender affirmation surgery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener says this makes the public university system complicit in discriminating against women and transgender patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that a UC medical professional would not be able to provide care, I just think is honestly completely outrageous,” he said. “It’s because of the pride that we all have in UC and, frankly, the love that we hold for the system that we want to make sure that UC lives up to its high aspirations of providing health care to everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB379\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Senate Bill 379\u003c/a> would require UC health systems to renegotiate these agreements with Catholic hospitals to either allow UC staff to provide all care they deem medically necessary, or to end those affiliations altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Access to health care is fundamental to an equitable and successful society, and public institutions must lead by example in ensuring health care access,” Wiener said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Catholic hospitals said canceling these partnerships would likely harm health care access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dignity Health and the UC Health system are the number one and two providers of care to low-income Medi-Cal patients in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would absolutely devastate access to health care for the most vulnerable,” said Lori Dangberg, vice president of the Alliance of Catholic Health Care, a trade group for Catholic hospitals. “At a time when COVID-19 is placing unprecedented demands on our state’s health care providers, any effort to weaken the safety net would only harm the state’s most vulnerable patients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, UCSF officials have said the affiliation it has with Dignity Health is necessary to meet the demand for care in San Francisco. Instead of turning patients away for lack of beds, it can transfer them to a Dignity hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar partnerships provide other hard-to-access care across the state, particularly in rural areas, Dangberg said. UC Davis and Mercy Medical Center in Merced, a Dignity hospital, jointly run a cancer center providing treatment for more than 12,000 patients a year. UCLA specialists have provided pediatric trauma services to more than 700 patients at Northridge Hospital Medical Center, another Dignity facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener said he recognizes the importance of these partnerships in expanding access to care and that he is not opposed to them per se, but he believes public employees and students should practice by standards set by state law, even if they’re practicing within the walls of a Catholic hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Catholic hospitals say their directives are protected by law, too, and that the state cannot force them to provide abortions or other services that conflict with their moral code.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tolerance is a two-way street,” Dangberg said. “You’re welcome to practice in our hospitals, but you follow the policies, whether those policies are based on quality issues, economic issues or religious issues, you practice based on a hospital’s policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>There are two respected, statewide, nonpartisan pollsters in California: The Public Policy Institute of California and the Institute of Governmental Studies at UC Berkeley. As Newsom faces the increasing likelihood of a recall election, those polls are in an unusual disagreement about how Californians feel about the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In two surveys, conducted during an almost identical time period last month, the pollsters found very different states of affairs for California’s increasingly embattled governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One day after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11858051/poll-finds-newsoms-approval-plummeting-as-recall-looms\">the UC Berkeley poll found\u003c/a> Gov. Gavin Newsom’s approval rating underwater, the public policy institute released results indicating he’s still largely liked by California voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public policy institute poll finds 54% of California adults and 52% of likely voters approve of Newsom’s job as governor; that’s not a big difference from last January, before the COVID-19 pandemic, when 51% of adults and 49% of likely voters approved of Newsom. (It also shows relatively solid ratings for other state lawmakers, who enjoy 51% approval from all Californians and 46% of likely voters).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the poll didn’t ask specifically about the recall election which could be largely influenced by how the governor is handling perhaps the biggest challenge of his career, the coronavirus pandemic, which has crippled portions of the U.S. economy and upended all other political priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>COVID-19 did come up in the poll that found higher approval ratings for Newsom, though. A majority of adults (53%) and half of likely voters (50%) approve of how Newsom is handling the coronavirus outbreak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when the public policy institute asked poll respondents \u003cem>which one issue\u003c/em> they think is most important for the governor and state Legislature to work in 2021 — across all regions, COVID-19 topped the list, followed by jobs and the economy. By contrast, last January the most frequently named issue was homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/GuyMarzorati/status/1356640988635140096\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the public policy institute poll also shows Californians feel confident that Newsom and lawmakers can tackle the pandemic issue. About six-in-ten Californians, and likely voters, say they can work together and accomplish a lot, a number similar to last January, pre-pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the main issues plaguing Newsom and other policymakers is the ongoing debate on how to handle school reopening — but two-thirds (67%) of adults surveyed still approve of Newsom’s $2 billion proposals to encourage schools to reopen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s his Safe Schools for All plan, which would bring back in-classroom learning for students from preschool to second grade and those who are most vulnerable and have special needs beginning this month, with older elementary students following in March. Schools would get at least $450 per student if they agreed to requirements for COVID-19 testing and negotiated a pandemic safety plan with their employee unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan requires approval from lawmakers, who’ve so far been unwilling to give it. In recent hearings, some legislators called for pushing back the timeline. The plan also received pushback from the superintendents of the state’s largest school districts, including Oakland and San Francisco, who argued it could worsen inequalities between affluent districts and large, urban districts like theirs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/PPICNotes/status/1356767614509469697\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite those critiques, the new survey found widespread support for the plan across the state’s regions and demographic groups. And though there is a partisan divide, majorities of Democrats (69%) and Republicans (54%) approve of the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public policy institute poll was conducted between Jan. 21 and 31 by phone among 1,703 adult state residents. The sampling error is +/- 3.3 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, the UC Berkeley poll — which put Newsom’s approval rating among likely voters at 46% — was conducted online between Jan. 23-29 among 10,357 registered California voters. The sampling error on that poll is +/-2 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>There are two respected, statewide, nonpartisan pollsters in California: The Public Policy Institute of California and the Institute of Governmental Studies at UC Berkeley. As Newsom faces the increasing likelihood of a recall election, those polls are in an unusual disagreement about how Californians feel about the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In two surveys, conducted during an almost identical time period last month, the pollsters found very different states of affairs for California’s increasingly embattled governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One day after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11858051/poll-finds-newsoms-approval-plummeting-as-recall-looms\">the UC Berkeley poll found\u003c/a> Gov. Gavin Newsom’s approval rating underwater, the public policy institute released results indicating he’s still largely liked by California voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public policy institute poll finds 54% of California adults and 52% of likely voters approve of Newsom’s job as governor; that’s not a big difference from last January, before the COVID-19 pandemic, when 51% of adults and 49% of likely voters approved of Newsom. (It also shows relatively solid ratings for other state lawmakers, who enjoy 51% approval from all Californians and 46% of likely voters).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the poll didn’t ask specifically about the recall election which could be largely influenced by how the governor is handling perhaps the biggest challenge of his career, the coronavirus pandemic, which has crippled portions of the U.S. economy and upended all other political priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>COVID-19 did come up in the poll that found higher approval ratings for Newsom, though. A majority of adults (53%) and half of likely voters (50%) approve of how Newsom is handling the coronavirus outbreak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when the public policy institute asked poll respondents \u003cem>which one issue\u003c/em> they think is most important for the governor and state Legislature to work in 2021 — across all regions, COVID-19 topped the list, followed by jobs and the economy. By contrast, last January the most frequently named issue was homelessness.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>And the public policy institute poll also shows Californians feel confident that Newsom and lawmakers can tackle the pandemic issue. About six-in-ten Californians, and likely voters, say they can work together and accomplish a lot, a number similar to last January, pre-pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the main issues plaguing Newsom and other policymakers is the ongoing debate on how to handle school reopening — but two-thirds (67%) of adults surveyed still approve of Newsom’s $2 billion proposals to encourage schools to reopen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s his Safe Schools for All plan, which would bring back in-classroom learning for students from preschool to second grade and those who are most vulnerable and have special needs beginning this month, with older elementary students following in March. Schools would get at least $450 per student if they agreed to requirements for COVID-19 testing and negotiated a pandemic safety plan with their employee unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan requires approval from lawmakers, who’ve so far been unwilling to give it. In recent hearings, some legislators called for pushing back the timeline. The plan also received pushback from the superintendents of the state’s largest school districts, including Oakland and San Francisco, who argued it could worsen inequalities between affluent districts and large, urban districts like theirs.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Despite those critiques, the new survey found widespread support for the plan across the state’s regions and demographic groups. And though there is a partisan divide, majorities of Democrats (69%) and Republicans (54%) approve of the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public policy institute poll was conducted between Jan. 21 and 31 by phone among 1,703 adult state residents. The sampling error is +/- 3.3 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, the UC Berkeley poll — which put Newsom’s approval rating among likely voters at 46% — was conducted online between Jan. 23-29 among 10,357 registered California voters. The sampling error on that poll is +/-2 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "biden-signs-immigration-executive-orders-establishes-task-force-to-reunite-separated-families",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Biden signed three executive orders on Tuesday that he said he would lead to a more “fair, orderly, humane” immigration system, including one that would begin the difficult process of reuniting migrant children separated from their parents after crossing the United States border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of talk, with good reason, about the number of executive orders that I’ve signed. I’m not making new law — I’m eliminating bad policy,” Biden told reporters in the Oval Office before signing three actions to begin to roll back former President Donald Trump’s hard-line immigration measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the orders creates a task force to find ways to reunite children in the U.S. with their parents who have been deported without them — something Biden said was a “moral and national shame.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The job is made challenging by a lack of records. Details of how reunifications will happen are still to be determined. The task force will make recommendations on how to do it, working with representatives of families and other stakeholders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Cathleen Caron, director of Justice in Motion, a nonprofit working to reunite separated families\"]‘They were deeply, deeply scarred by having their children taken away. So they don’t have any reason to believe the U.S. government is going to do anything to help them.’[/pullquote]The task force will issue a report on its progress in 120 days, and every 60 days thereafter, White House press secretary Jen Psaki told reporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates said urgent action is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we need now is an immediate commitment to specific remedies, including reunification in the U.S., permanent legal status, and restitution for all of the 5,500-plus families separated by the Trump administration,” said the ACLU’s Lee Gelernt, who fought the issue in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anything short of that will be extremely troubling given that the U.S. government engaged in deliberate child abuse,” Gelernt said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials who previewed the executive actions to reporters said change won’t happen overnight. In fact, more actions are almost certain to follow. “It takes time to review everything, so we are starting with these right now, but that doesn’t mean it’s the end of it,” one of the officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Confronting a Deep Lack of Trust\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Cathleen Caron, founder and director of Justice in Motion, a U.S.-based nonprofit working to reunify separated families, emphasized how important it is that Biden’s task force plans to work with representatives of families who were separated from their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said many of those families have difficulty trusting people from the United States — and especially the government — after everything that has happened to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were deeply, deeply scarred by having their children taken away,” she said. “So they don’t have any reason to believe the U.S. government is going to do anything to help them. Why should they, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caron said relying on trusted partners and advocates in separated families’ countries of origin will be key.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we want are partners that will support what the affected migrant families need and want,” she said. “Partners in the countries of origin who are from there and have been communicating with these families… And the families themselves. They need to be at the center of this so the families aren’t unintentionally traumatized [and] hurt again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As to one possible avenue for beginning to rebuild trust with separated families? University of San Francisco law and migration studies Professor Bill Hing suggested offering visas to parents who were deported to return to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve damaged them. And there are visas in our law already, for example, [for] victims of crime, victims of domestic violence… Well, why not a visa for someone who has been victimized by the United States government?” Hing said. “That might add some incentives. And if you couple that with most likely much needed mental health counseling, regular health counseling, of course, they all need that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='family-separations']\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Restoring Asylum\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A second order Biden signed Tuesday looks at how to address the surge of migrants seeking asylum in the U.S. in recent years and will look at how to replace the Migrant Protection Protocols program — what Trump referred to as “Remain in Mexico.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden suspended that program on his first day in office. He has vowed to help countries in Central America address the underlying causes of migration. But the administration wants to restore the asylum system, officials said — and do something to help people stuck in camps at the border. The details of how that will happen are not yet clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to put in place an immigration process here that is humane, that is moral, that considers applications for refugees, applications for people to come into this country at the border in a way that treat people as human beings. That’s going to take some time. It’s not going to happen overnight,” Psaki told reporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The third order requires agencies to do a “top-to-bottom review of recent regulations, policies and guidance that have set up barriers to our legal immigration system.” The first one to go: Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/08/12/748328652/trump-administration-rule-would-penalize-immigrants-for-using-benefits\">“public charge” rule\u003c/a>, which prevented immigrants from getting permanent resident or “green card” status if they had or were likely to require public benefits such as housing subsidies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocacy groups said ending the public charge rule would help immigrants struggling with health care and food insecurity amid the COVID-19 crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new administration is \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/12/13/944791054/on-immigration-activists-demands-may-exceed-biden-realities\">under pressure from immigration activists\u003c/a> who are worried that reforms will stall as Biden rushes to deal with the response to the health and economic crises caused by the COVID-19 pandemic — as well as climate change and racial equity priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden sent a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/inauguration-day-live-updates/2021/01/20/958626092/on-immigration-biden-goes-big-in-opening-bid-to-congress\">sweeping immigration legislative proposal\u003c/a> to Congress the day he was sworn into office, but it’s unclear how quickly the plan may be considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from NPR’s Franco Ordoñez and Joel Rose, and KQED’s Michelle Wiley. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"id": "closealltabs",
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"order": 1
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
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"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
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