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"content": "\u003cp>As California struggles to meet child care and preschool needs, some communities are asking voters to help fill the gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County and the city of Emeryville both have measures on the ballot next month that would either generate or set aside funds for child care and other children’s services, such as health care and preschool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Probably the biggest barrier to doing right by our kids and making sure they get what they need is not having the resources to do it,” said Margaret Brodkin, director of Funding the Next Generation, an advocacy organization that offers guidance for local communities seeking to fund children’s services. “The state has an important role to play in this, but it certainly can’t do everything. These measures give local communities the authority to figure out how best to use resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures attempt to help some of the hundreds of thousands of children from low-income families in California who\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2019/only-a-fraction-of-california-children-eligible-receive-subsidized-child-care/608382\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> never receive subsidies\u003c/a> for child care or preschool even though they are eligible. \u003ca href=\"https://gettingdowntofacts.com/sites/default/files/2018-09/GDTFII_Report_Reardon-Doss.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Research\u003c/a> shows they are less prepared for kindergarten than their peers who attended preschool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_10977377\" label=\"Child Care Providers Struggle to Afford Rising Minimum Wage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County advocates are trying again to raise the sales tax to pay for more child care and preschool services, after narrowly failing to pass a similar measure in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.acgov.org/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_12_05_19/GENERAL%20ADMINISTRATION/Regular%20Calendar/ROV_288363.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alameda County’s Measure C\u003c/a> would add a half percent sales tax on local purchases — 50 cents for every $100 — to raise an estimated $30 million a year for pediatric health care and an estimated $120 million a year for improving child care workers’ wages and increasing the number of subsidized child care and preschool slots for low-income children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know there is a huge gap between the need and the actual slots available currently. It would really be helpful to close the gap,” said Erika Kuempel, a spokeswoman for First 5 Alameda County, a county commission dedicated to helping families with children under 6 years old. The commission would administer the money if the measure passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.first5alameda.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">First 5\u003c/a> Alameda County and the Alameda County Early Care and Education Program estimate that 4,000 to 5,000 more children would be able to enroll in subsidized child care or preschool if the measure passes, and 12,000 children who currently receive preschool subsidies from the state would receive additional money to cover more of their enrollment costs. An estimated 3,300 teachers and assistant teachers would receive classes, coaching and higher compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are \u003ca href=\"http://www.acgov.org/ece/documents/AlamedaCounty-Unmet-Need-by-City-Age-12-12-2019.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">an estimated\u003c/a> 10,000 3 year olds and 4 year olds and 22,500 0-2 year olds in Alameda County who are eligible for subsidized care but not enrolled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local tax measures to fund early education programs are not very common in California because they have historically required a two-thirds vote to pass. A measure similar to Measure C narrowly lost in June 2018 in Alameda County, with 66.20% of the vote, falling short of the required vote by less than half of a percentage point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear whether this initiative needs a simple majority or two-thirds. If the initiative does not get a full two-thirds vote, though, it may be challenged in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A California law requires a two-thirds vote for local governments to raise taxes for a specific purpose, like child care. However, San Francisco and Oakland officials have argued in court that only a simple majority is needed if a tax measure was put on the ballot by voters, and not by the local government. A San Francisco Superior Court judge agreed that citizen initiatives only require a simple majority vote, while judges in Fresno and Alameda counties have both said they need a two-thirds majority. All the cases have been appealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clarissa Doutherd, director of Parent Voices Oakland, a parent-led advocacy group that is one of the organizations backing Measure C, said the campaign is aiming for a two-thirds vote. Doutherd believes that is possible, since the 2018 vote was so close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s much more awareness around the struggles that working parents have, living in a high-cost county, trying to afford rent. And child care affordability is something that we see presidential candidates talking about. It’s something that we see being covered almost weekly at this point in the newspapers,” Doutherd said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another local measure for children’s services is on the ballot in California this March. In Emeryville, voters will also consider whether to add a quarter percent sales tax to local purchases. \u003ca href=\"https://www.emeryville.org/1328/Measure-F-Measure-for-a-Safer-Emeryville\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Measure F\u003c/a> would raise an estimated $2 million every year to go toward both affordable child care and preschool and police, fire and emergency services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County advocates are trying again to raise the sales tax to pay for more child care and preschool services, after narrowly failing to pass a similar measure in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.acgov.org/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_12_05_19/GENERAL%20ADMINISTRATION/Regular%20Calendar/ROV_288363.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alameda County’s Measure C\u003c/a> would add a half percent sales tax on local purchases — 50 cents for every $100 — to raise an estimated $30 million a year for pediatric health care and an estimated $120 million a year for improving child care workers’ wages and increasing the number of subsidized child care and preschool slots for low-income children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know there is a huge gap between the need and the actual slots available currently. It would really be helpful to close the gap,” said Erika Kuempel, a spokeswoman for First 5 Alameda County, a county commission dedicated to helping families with children under 6 years old. The commission would administer the money if the measure passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.first5alameda.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">First 5\u003c/a> Alameda County and the Alameda County Early Care and Education Program estimate that 4,000 to 5,000 more children would be able to enroll in subsidized child care or preschool if the measure passes, and 12,000 children who currently receive preschool subsidies from the state would receive additional money to cover more of their enrollment costs. An estimated 3,300 teachers and assistant teachers would receive classes, coaching and higher compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are \u003ca href=\"http://www.acgov.org/ece/documents/AlamedaCounty-Unmet-Need-by-City-Age-12-12-2019.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">an estimated\u003c/a> 10,000 3 year olds and 4 year olds and 22,500 0-2 year olds in Alameda County who are eligible for subsidized care but not enrolled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local tax measures to fund early education programs are not very common in California because they have historically required a two-thirds vote to pass. A measure similar to Measure C narrowly lost in June 2018 in Alameda County, with 66.20% of the vote, falling short of the required vote by less than half of a percentage point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear whether this initiative needs a simple majority or two-thirds. If the initiative does not get a full two-thirds vote, though, it may be challenged in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A California law requires a two-thirds vote for local governments to raise taxes for a specific purpose, like child care. However, San Francisco and Oakland officials have argued in court that only a simple majority is needed if a tax measure was put on the ballot by voters, and not by the local government. A San Francisco Superior Court judge agreed that citizen initiatives only require a simple majority vote, while judges in Fresno and Alameda counties have both said they need a two-thirds majority. All the cases have been appealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clarissa Doutherd, director of Parent Voices Oakland, a parent-led advocacy group that is one of the organizations backing Measure C, said the campaign is aiming for a two-thirds vote. Doutherd believes that is possible, since the 2018 vote was so close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s much more awareness around the struggles that working parents have, living in a high-cost county, trying to afford rent. And child care affordability is something that we see presidential candidates talking about. It’s something that we see being covered almost weekly at this point in the newspapers,” Doutherd said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another local measure for children’s services is on the ballot in California this March. In Emeryville, voters will also consider whether to add a quarter percent sales tax to local purchases. \u003ca href=\"https://www.emeryville.org/1328/Measure-F-Measure-for-a-Safer-Emeryville\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Measure F\u003c/a> would raise an estimated $2 million every year to go toward both affordable child care and preschool and police, fire and emergency services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco’s Proposition D aims to penalize landlords who \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorestorefronts\">keep their storefronts vacant\u003c/a> while holding out for higher rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next week, voters will decide whether the city should tax property owners who keep their property vacant for more than 182 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s tough to prove that someone is keeping their property vacant in order to get more rent income in this super-heated economy, but it sure is hard to believe all those vacant storefronts would stay empty if landlords dropped the price from “exorbitant” to “ridiculous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supply and demand: Try it, you’ll like it!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco’s Proposition D aims to penalize landlords who \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorestorefronts\">keep their storefronts vacant\u003c/a> while holding out for higher rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next week, voters will decide whether the city should tax property owners who keep their property vacant for more than 182 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s tough to prove that someone is keeping their property vacant in order to get more rent income in this super-heated economy, but it sure is hard to believe all those vacant storefronts would stay empty if landlords dropped the price from “exorbitant” to “ridiculous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supply and demand: Try it, you’ll like it!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco residents will soon decide if property owners of longtime vacant storefronts should pay additional taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.spur.org/voter-guide/san-francisco-2020-03/prop-d-vacancy-tax\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition D\u003c/a>, on the March 3 primary ballot, marks the latest effort to curb the increasing number of empty storefronts that have sprung up throughout the city in recent years. Under the measure, championed by Supervisor Aaron Peskin, property owners in the city’s roughly 40 \u003ca href=\"https://default.sfplanning.org/plans-and-programs/in-your-neighborhood/invest-in-neighborhoods/excelsior-strategy/EOMWG_PlanningCode720_ExcelsiorOuterMission.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">neighborhood commercial districts\u003c/a> — including Union Street, Japantown and Haight Street — would have to pay $250 per linear foot of ground-floor retail space that has sat vacant for more than 182 days. That tax would double to $500 the following year and $1,000 annually thereafter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure requires the approval a two-thirds supermajority and would take effect in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many parts of San Francisco, the Haight-Ashbury has its fair share of shuttered storefronts. Christin Evans, who has owned The Booksmith in the neighborhood for over a decade, said long-term vacancies have spiked in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The longest vacancy is the Haight Shoe Repair, which has been vacant since 2015, since the owner retired,” she said, noting that there are more vacancies now than even during the “lean recession years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Two storefronts down you’ll see there’s also what used to be a kids clothing store, for kids only, and that one’s been vacant since 2016. And then next to it is X Generation, which has been vacant since 2017,” Evans added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803467\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/EmptyStorefrontsHaight-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman walks past a series of empty Upper Haight storefronts in San Francisco on Tuesday, Feb. 25, 2020. The store on the left was previously occupied by Kids Only, which closed in 2016. The store on the right housed X Generation, which closed in 2017.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11803467\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/EmptyStorefrontsHaight-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/EmptyStorefrontsHaight-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/EmptyStorefrontsHaight-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/EmptyStorefrontsHaight.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman walks past a series of empty Upper Haight storefronts in San Francisco on Tuesday, Feb. 25, 2020. The store on the left was previously occupied by Kids Only, which closed in 2016. The store on the right housed X Generation, which closed in 2017. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The blame, she said, rests squarely on large real estate interests in the city that have caused rents to skyrocket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So while sales are still very healthy, [and] Haight Street’s a very attractive place for people to come and spend their time, rents have gone up higher than the sales,” Evans said. “And so it makes it challenging for business owners to make a profit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The empty storefronts don’t just create blight in the neighborhood, she added. They also impact her business by reducing foot traffic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People would go to the kids clothing store and then come to the bookstore as well,” Evans said. “A good percentage of our customers were overlapping. Now, people that are looking for a kids clothing store are gonna go to another location.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.neighborsforsmallbusiness.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Yes on D\u003c/a> campaign argue that higher property values have incentivized owners to sit on vacant storefronts until wealthier renters come along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure has broad support among city leaders, including backing from Mayor London Breed, every supervisor and multiple business and merchant associations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803464\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/AnthemStorefront-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"The Anthem shoe store sits empty in the Upper Haight.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11803464\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/AnthemStorefront-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/AnthemStorefront-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/AnthemStorefront-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/AnthemStorefront.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Anthem shoe store sits empty in the Upper Haight. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the proposed vacancy tax, including the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgop.org/\">San Francisco Republican Party\u003c/a> and a number of local real estate interests and individual property owners, argue the empty storefronts are a government-created problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among them is Mark Borsuk, a San Francisco real estate broker and attorney, who cites hurdles created by city bureaucracy, such as costly, time-consuming permitting processes and the need for multiple inspections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s say you want to open a restaurant, but the space you want is zoned for retail, Borsuk posited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Election 2020' tag='election2020']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, you find out you have to go through the building department to get permission, and that permission can be held up. And then there’s always the possibility that a neighbor may not like the potential use and can throw a monkey wrench into everything,” he said, adding that the entire process can take months, and sometimes up to a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of that, Borsuk said, the proposed tax overlooks the biggest current threat to brick-and-mortar stores: online shopping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the smaller merchants, traditional merchants — not the new kind of hip merchants — they can’t keep up with the times,” Borsuk said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents also note that property owners already take a major financial hit in lost rental income when their retail spaces sit vacant for extended periods of time and argue that an additional tax would only further that deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco residents will soon decide if property owners of longtime vacant storefronts should pay additional taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.spur.org/voter-guide/san-francisco-2020-03/prop-d-vacancy-tax\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition D\u003c/a>, on the March 3 primary ballot, marks the latest effort to curb the increasing number of empty storefronts that have sprung up throughout the city in recent years. Under the measure, championed by Supervisor Aaron Peskin, property owners in the city’s roughly 40 \u003ca href=\"https://default.sfplanning.org/plans-and-programs/in-your-neighborhood/invest-in-neighborhoods/excelsior-strategy/EOMWG_PlanningCode720_ExcelsiorOuterMission.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">neighborhood commercial districts\u003c/a> — including Union Street, Japantown and Haight Street — would have to pay $250 per linear foot of ground-floor retail space that has sat vacant for more than 182 days. That tax would double to $500 the following year and $1,000 annually thereafter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure requires the approval a two-thirds supermajority and would take effect in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many parts of San Francisco, the Haight-Ashbury has its fair share of shuttered storefronts. Christin Evans, who has owned The Booksmith in the neighborhood for over a decade, said long-term vacancies have spiked in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The longest vacancy is the Haight Shoe Repair, which has been vacant since 2015, since the owner retired,” she said, noting that there are more vacancies now than even during the “lean recession years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Two storefronts down you’ll see there’s also what used to be a kids clothing store, for kids only, and that one’s been vacant since 2016. And then next to it is X Generation, which has been vacant since 2017,” Evans added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803467\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/EmptyStorefrontsHaight-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman walks past a series of empty Upper Haight storefronts in San Francisco on Tuesday, Feb. 25, 2020. The store on the left was previously occupied by Kids Only, which closed in 2016. The store on the right housed X Generation, which closed in 2017.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11803467\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/EmptyStorefrontsHaight-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/EmptyStorefrontsHaight-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/EmptyStorefrontsHaight-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/EmptyStorefrontsHaight.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman walks past a series of empty Upper Haight storefronts in San Francisco on Tuesday, Feb. 25, 2020. The store on the left was previously occupied by Kids Only, which closed in 2016. The store on the right housed X Generation, which closed in 2017. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The blame, she said, rests squarely on large real estate interests in the city that have caused rents to skyrocket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So while sales are still very healthy, [and] Haight Street’s a very attractive place for people to come and spend their time, rents have gone up higher than the sales,” Evans said. “And so it makes it challenging for business owners to make a profit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The empty storefronts don’t just create blight in the neighborhood, she added. They also impact her business by reducing foot traffic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People would go to the kids clothing store and then come to the bookstore as well,” Evans said. “A good percentage of our customers were overlapping. Now, people that are looking for a kids clothing store are gonna go to another location.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.neighborsforsmallbusiness.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Yes on D\u003c/a> campaign argue that higher property values have incentivized owners to sit on vacant storefronts until wealthier renters come along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure has broad support among city leaders, including backing from Mayor London Breed, every supervisor and multiple business and merchant associations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803464\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/AnthemStorefront-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"The Anthem shoe store sits empty in the Upper Haight.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11803464\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/AnthemStorefront-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/AnthemStorefront-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/AnthemStorefront-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/AnthemStorefront.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Anthem shoe store sits empty in the Upper Haight. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the proposed vacancy tax, including the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgop.org/\">San Francisco Republican Party\u003c/a> and a number of local real estate interests and individual property owners, argue the empty storefronts are a government-created problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among them is Mark Borsuk, a San Francisco real estate broker and attorney, who cites hurdles created by city bureaucracy, such as costly, time-consuming permitting processes and the need for multiple inspections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s say you want to open a restaurant, but the space you want is zoned for retail, Borsuk posited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, you find out you have to go through the building department to get permission, and that permission can be held up. And then there’s always the possibility that a neighbor may not like the potential use and can throw a monkey wrench into everything,” he said, adding that the entire process can take months, and sometimes up to a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of that, Borsuk said, the proposed tax overlooks the biggest current threat to brick-and-mortar stores: online shopping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the smaller merchants, traditional merchants — not the new kind of hip merchants — they can’t keep up with the times,” Borsuk said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents also note that property owners already take a major financial hit in lost rental income when their retail spaces sit vacant for extended periods of time and argue that an additional tax would only further that deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>TELL US BELOW: How can our property tax system be more fair to all Californians?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED wants to hear your views on California’s state property tax system that was set by Proposition 13 back in 1978. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vote on your peers’ statements about how they would make the law more fair, or submit your own idea. The more you speak, the better we can understand where we find agreement. Give it a try. Join the conversation. Need more background on Proposition 13? Keep scrolling. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[polis id=”2r5dcbp4ky”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much people pay in property taxes is a question some in California might consider taboo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11711689/40-years-on-how-does-proposition-13-impact-the-california-dream\">KQED gathered neighbors from a single block in Oakland\u003c/a> to ask them just that, and the answers were striking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For one man who bought his house in 1976, the answer was $1,800. For a woman who bought her house in 2016? It was $13,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason for this variance: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11792662/walking-tour-attempts-to-explain-proposed-changes-to-prop-13\">Proposition 13\u003c/a>. That’s the voter-led initiative passed in 1978, which tied property tax rates to the purchase price of a home or business, and limited how much tax bills could grow. It substantially changed California by slashing revenue that cities, counties and school districts use to operate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is all timely, because in November, you and other California voters will decide whether the tax cap should be lifted for certain commercial properties. This is called the “split roll” initiative and, if approved, it would deliver revenue for cities, counties and school districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, many believe Proposition 13 would continue to create unequal tax burdens, even if the split roll initiative passes. Others say it protects people on fixed incomes who bought their homes decades ago, and who would be financially incapable of paying current property tax rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So… how do you think our property tax system could be more fair to all Californians?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED journalists will moderate the submissions. They will read each statement submitted and use journalistic ethical standards to offer quality control and civility for the experiment. Offensive and racist language will not be tolerated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much people pay in property taxes is a question some in California might consider taboo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11711689/40-years-on-how-does-proposition-13-impact-the-california-dream\">KQED gathered neighbors from a single block in Oakland\u003c/a> to ask them just that, and the answers were striking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For one man who bought his house in 1976, the answer was $1,800. For a woman who bought her house in 2016? It was $13,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason for this variance: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11792662/walking-tour-attempts-to-explain-proposed-changes-to-prop-13\">Proposition 13\u003c/a>. That’s the voter-led initiative passed in 1978, which tied property tax rates to the purchase price of a home or business, and limited how much tax bills could grow. It substantially changed California by slashing revenue that cities, counties and school districts use to operate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is all timely, because in November, you and other California voters will decide whether the tax cap should be lifted for certain commercial properties. This is called the “split roll” initiative and, if approved, it would deliver revenue for cities, counties and school districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, many believe Proposition 13 would continue to create unequal tax burdens, even if the split roll initiative passes. Others say it protects people on fixed incomes who bought their homes decades ago, and who would be financially incapable of paying current property tax rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So… how do you think our property tax system could be more fair to all Californians?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED journalists will moderate the submissions. They will read each statement submitted and use journalistic ethical standards to offer quality control and civility for the experiment. Offensive and racist language will not be tolerated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>“The richest state in the richest nation” is failing to properly address homelessness, said Gov. Gavin Newsom in his second \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorehomelesssots\">state of the state speech\u003c/a> on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom put California’s inequity on full display in a singularly focused speech that put homelessness and the state’s housing crisis front and center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The world’s fifth largest economy can surely do much more to get an estimated 151,000 homeless people off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s encouraging that Newsom devoted so much attention to homelessness – I sure hope that focus remains and turns into results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>It was former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg’s first night on a Democratic debate stage Wednesday night and it \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/02/18/podcasts/the-daily/michael-bloomberg-democrats.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">all came up\u003c/a>: \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/02/19/us/politics/michael-bloomberg-stop-and-frisk.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">stop and frisk\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2020/politics/michael-bloomberg-women/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">nondisclosure agreements with women\u003c/a> at his company, his past comments \u003ca href=\"https://www.rollingstone.com/politics/politics-news/bloomberg-ending-redlining-caused-financial-crisis-952311/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">blaming the end of redlining for the mortgage meltdown\u003c/a>, his previous support for Republicans and conservative policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"More Election 2020 coverage\" tag=\"election-2020\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Bloomberg wasn’t the only one playing defense at times during the bout in Las Vegas, as the entire field leveled tough criticisms and allegations at their opponents. Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren repeatedly grabbed the spotlight, with zingers aimed at not just Bloomberg but also former South Bend, Indiana Mayor Pete Buttigieg, Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar, and even Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders, the race’s current frontrunner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Warren wasn’t the only candidate on her toes — or the only one attacking Bloomberg. One of the most heated exchanges of the night came when moderators asked Bloomberg about a series of nondisclosure agreements made with women who alleged a hostile working environment at his company. Bloomberg — \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/story/2020-01-15/michael-bloomberg-women-nondisclosure-agreements\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">who has refused to release the women from the agreements\u003c/a> — was asked about alleged comments he has made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have no tolerance for the kind of behavior the ‘Me Too’ movement has exposed, and anybody does anything wrong in my company, we investigate and if they did anything wrong, they are gone the next day,” Bloomberg said, before going on to list the number of women who worked for him at his philanthropic foundation, his private media company and city hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Warren hit back immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope you heard what his defense was …. ‘I have been nice to some women’ — that just doesn’t cut it,” she said. “He has gotten some number of women, a dozen, who knows, to sign NDAs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Warren then turned to Bloomberg: “Are you willing to release them so we can hear their side of the story?” she asked to cheers in the debate hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bloomberg demurred, saying that both sides agreed to what he later called the “consensual” agreements. Warren pushed back — as did former Vice President Joe Biden and Sanders. All three tied the NDAs to the central issue within the Democratic primary: Which candidate is going to be able to beat President Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanders pivoted to what he framed as Bloomberg’s other weaknesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe we should also talk about how Bloomberg supported George W. Bush for president in 2004,” Sanders said. “Maybe we can talk about a billionaire saying we should not raise the minimum wage, or that we should cut Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid. If that’s a way to beat Donald Trump, wow, am I surprised.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders\"]‘Maybe we can talk about a billionaire saying we should not raise the minimum wage, or that we should cut Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid. If that’s a way to beat Donald Trump, wow, am I surprised.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Sanders found himself the focus of attacks as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buttigieg warned that nominating Sanders or Bloomberg, “the two most polarizing people on this stage … a socialist and a billionaire” would mean that Democrats cannot win back the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We shouldn’t have to choose between a candidate who wants to burn the party down and one who wants to sell this party out,” Buttigieg said about Sanders and Bloomberg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanders was put on the defensive over reports that his supporters were online bullies, threatening anyone who disagrees with or challenges his positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Leadership is also about how you motivate people to treat other people,” Buttigieg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amy Klobuchar also piped up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have an idea how we can stop sexism on the internet — we could nominate a woman for president of United States,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='left' citation=\"Pete Buttigieg, Former South Bend, Indiana Mayor\"]‘We shouldn’t have to choose between a candidate who wants to burn the party down and one who wants to sell this party out.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bloomberg repeatedly faced attack for being wealthy, but the media mogul pushed back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not going to throw out capitalism. We tried that. Other countries tried that. It was called communism, and it didn’t work,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanders countered, arguing that when Trump receives “$800 million in tax breaks” to build luxury housing, “that’s socialism for the rich.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Bloomberg conceded that “the rich aren’t paying their fair share.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate exposed some of the sharpest differences and the harsh feelings between the candidates. Several of them yelled and talked over each other at times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also reflected the high stakes for these six Democrats as the field continues to winnow down, and voters are starting to weigh in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outcome of the Nevada caucuses is being closely watched, because it’s the first diverse state to weigh in — one that is far more representative of the Democratic electorate than Iowa or New Hampshire. Sanders is \u003ca href=\"https://thenevadaindependent.com/article/four-years-after-bitter-defeat-sanders-enters-nevada-caucus-as-a-frontrunner\">considered the favorite to win\u003c/a>, but a second-place showing for any of his opponents could help propel their candidacies as the race heads to South Carolina and then 14 states — including California — on Super Tuesday, March 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Michael Bloomberg, Former New York City Mayor\"]‘We’re not going to throw out capitalism. We tried that. Other countries tried that. It was called communism, and it didn’t work.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Iowa and New Hampshire, Nevada represents a stark change in demographics in the campaign for president. According to the U.S. census, just under 50% of Nevadans are white, 29% are Latino, 10% are Black and 9% are Asian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet it wasn’t until the last 20 minutes of the debate that immigration finally came up — with the candidates sparring over who has been the most effective advocate for so-called Dreamers, who were brought to the U.S. illegally as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate’s importance was heightened by its proximity to Super Tuesday when voters in California and 13 other states, including Texas, Virginia and Colorado, will choose nearly one-third of all the delegates up for grabs this primary season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new poll this week by the Public Policy Institute of California found Sen. Bernie Sanders solidifying his lead in the state. The 78-year-old Vermonter was the top choice of 32% of likely voters, followed by former Vice President Joe Biden at 14%, followed by Sen. Elizabeth Warren with 13% and former Mayors Pete Buttigieg and Michael Bloomberg with 12% each.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No one else hit double digits. The results show a steep decline for Biden in California from the January PPIC poll, where Biden had 24% compared with 27% for Sanders and 23% for Warren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Secretary of State’s office sent out 16 million vote-by-mail ballots earlier this month, and returned ballots are beginning to trickle in. According to the ballot tracking firm Political Data, Inc., about 8% of those ballots were returned as of Tuesday. Many voters may wait until after the South Carolina debate on Feb. 25 to see whether their favorite candidate is still viable before voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It was former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg’s first night on a Democratic debate stage Wednesday night and it \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/02/18/podcasts/the-daily/michael-bloomberg-democrats.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">all came up\u003c/a>: \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/02/19/us/politics/michael-bloomberg-stop-and-frisk.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">stop and frisk\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2020/politics/michael-bloomberg-women/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">nondisclosure agreements with women\u003c/a> at his company, his past comments \u003ca href=\"https://www.rollingstone.com/politics/politics-news/bloomberg-ending-redlining-caused-financial-crisis-952311/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">blaming the end of redlining for the mortgage meltdown\u003c/a>, his previous support for Republicans and conservative policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Bloomberg wasn’t the only one playing defense at times during the bout in Las Vegas, as the entire field leveled tough criticisms and allegations at their opponents. Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren repeatedly grabbed the spotlight, with zingers aimed at not just Bloomberg but also former South Bend, Indiana Mayor Pete Buttigieg, Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar, and even Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders, the race’s current frontrunner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Warren wasn’t the only candidate on her toes — or the only one attacking Bloomberg. One of the most heated exchanges of the night came when moderators asked Bloomberg about a series of nondisclosure agreements made with women who alleged a hostile working environment at his company. Bloomberg — \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/story/2020-01-15/michael-bloomberg-women-nondisclosure-agreements\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">who has refused to release the women from the agreements\u003c/a> — was asked about alleged comments he has made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have no tolerance for the kind of behavior the ‘Me Too’ movement has exposed, and anybody does anything wrong in my company, we investigate and if they did anything wrong, they are gone the next day,” Bloomberg said, before going on to list the number of women who worked for him at his philanthropic foundation, his private media company and city hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Warren hit back immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope you heard what his defense was …. ‘I have been nice to some women’ — that just doesn’t cut it,” she said. “He has gotten some number of women, a dozen, who knows, to sign NDAs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Warren then turned to Bloomberg: “Are you willing to release them so we can hear their side of the story?” she asked to cheers in the debate hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bloomberg demurred, saying that both sides agreed to what he later called the “consensual” agreements. Warren pushed back — as did former Vice President Joe Biden and Sanders. All three tied the NDAs to the central issue within the Democratic primary: Which candidate is going to be able to beat President Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanders pivoted to what he framed as Bloomberg’s other weaknesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe we should also talk about how Bloomberg supported George W. Bush for president in 2004,” Sanders said. “Maybe we can talk about a billionaire saying we should not raise the minimum wage, or that we should cut Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid. If that’s a way to beat Donald Trump, wow, am I surprised.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Maybe we can talk about a billionaire saying we should not raise the minimum wage, or that we should cut Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid. If that’s a way to beat Donald Trump, wow, am I surprised.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Sanders found himself the focus of attacks as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buttigieg warned that nominating Sanders or Bloomberg, “the two most polarizing people on this stage … a socialist and a billionaire” would mean that Democrats cannot win back the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We shouldn’t have to choose between a candidate who wants to burn the party down and one who wants to sell this party out,” Buttigieg said about Sanders and Bloomberg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanders was put on the defensive over reports that his supporters were online bullies, threatening anyone who disagrees with or challenges his positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Leadership is also about how you motivate people to treat other people,” Buttigieg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amy Klobuchar also piped up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have an idea how we can stop sexism on the internet — we could nominate a woman for president of United States,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bloomberg repeatedly faced attack for being wealthy, but the media mogul pushed back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not going to throw out capitalism. We tried that. Other countries tried that. It was called communism, and it didn’t work,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanders countered, arguing that when Trump receives “$800 million in tax breaks” to build luxury housing, “that’s socialism for the rich.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Bloomberg conceded that “the rich aren’t paying their fair share.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate exposed some of the sharpest differences and the harsh feelings between the candidates. Several of them yelled and talked over each other at times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also reflected the high stakes for these six Democrats as the field continues to winnow down, and voters are starting to weigh in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outcome of the Nevada caucuses is being closely watched, because it’s the first diverse state to weigh in — one that is far more representative of the Democratic electorate than Iowa or New Hampshire. Sanders is \u003ca href=\"https://thenevadaindependent.com/article/four-years-after-bitter-defeat-sanders-enters-nevada-caucus-as-a-frontrunner\">considered the favorite to win\u003c/a>, but a second-place showing for any of his opponents could help propel their candidacies as the race heads to South Carolina and then 14 states — including California — on Super Tuesday, March 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Iowa and New Hampshire, Nevada represents a stark change in demographics in the campaign for president. According to the U.S. census, just under 50% of Nevadans are white, 29% are Latino, 10% are Black and 9% are Asian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet it wasn’t until the last 20 minutes of the debate that immigration finally came up — with the candidates sparring over who has been the most effective advocate for so-called Dreamers, who were brought to the U.S. illegally as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate’s importance was heightened by its proximity to Super Tuesday when voters in California and 13 other states, including Texas, Virginia and Colorado, will choose nearly one-third of all the delegates up for grabs this primary season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new poll this week by the Public Policy Institute of California found Sen. Bernie Sanders solidifying his lead in the state. The 78-year-old Vermonter was the top choice of 32% of likely voters, followed by former Vice President Joe Biden at 14%, followed by Sen. Elizabeth Warren with 13% and former Mayors Pete Buttigieg and Michael Bloomberg with 12% each.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No one else hit double digits. The results show a steep decline for Biden in California from the January PPIC poll, where Biden had 24% compared with 27% for Sanders and 23% for Warren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Secretary of State’s office sent out 16 million vote-by-mail ballots earlier this month, and returned ballots are beginning to trickle in. According to the ballot tracking firm Political Data, Inc., about 8% of those ballots were returned as of Tuesday. Many voters may wait until after the South Carolina debate on Feb. 25 to see whether their favorite candidate is still viable before voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Sick of Scooter Riders on Your Sidewalks? Keeping Them Off Isn’t So Easy",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s probably a common sight during your commute — electric scooters zooming down or being abandoned on sidewalks. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/departments-offices/transportation/micro-mobility\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">City of San Jose\u003c/a> wants to be the first in the world to keep electric scooters in the bike lane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simran Rakhra, a fourth-year student at San Jose State University, rides Lime scooters occasionally when she’s running late to class. She said she usually rides on whatever path is the fastest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, if there’s a bike lane, I usually go on the bike lane so that I’m not in the way of people,” Rakhra said. “But if there’s nobody there, I’m going to be on the sidewalk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Sam Liccardo, San Jose Mayor']‘I can’t tell you what the technology is going to be or whether it’ll be a whole assortment of them. But we’re going to use that as a standard for the rest of the industry.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to California \u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/dmv/detail/vr/scooters\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">state law\u003c/a>, electric scooters are allowed on bike paths, lanes, or trails, but not on sidewalks. But enforcing the law is an entirely different beast to tackle. The City of San Jose took the problem to the scooter companies themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo said the city is working with several app-based scooter companies to keep riders in bike lanes — and off sidewalks — using technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t tell you what the technology is going to be or whether it’ll be a whole assortment of them,” Liccardo said. “But we’re going to use that as a standard for the rest of the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One technology most companies are using is geofencing. It uses a person’s location and creates boundaries that a user has to stay in — similar to how Google Maps creates a specific geographic perimeter for a person to get to his or her destination. If the person deviates from that path, the app knows and will reroute accordingly to get back within the boundary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.li.me/en-us/home\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Lime\u003c/a> is using geofencing — and detection technology — in its proposed solution to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at the surface of a road compared to the surface of a sidewalk, they feel very different,” Sam Kang, Lime’s government relations director, said. “Where the road will be bumpier and inconsistent, the sidewalk tends to be smoother and whatever grooves it has tends to be a lot more consistent because of the tiles … that most sidewalks has.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related content\" tag=\"scooters\"]Lime scooters detect those differences and can identify with 95 percent accuracy whether someone is riding on the sidewalk or the road. Riders who spend more than half of their journey on a sidewalk get a reminder on their phone that riding on the sidewalk is illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And for more habitual offenders, we can send them a more stern warning and we can experiment with different educational ways in which we can try to alter rider behavior,” Kang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://gruv.app\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Grüv\u003c/a>, another electric scooter company, plans to go a step further with their new software, according to co-founder Alex Nesic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rather than simply informing riders of bad behavior with the hope of nudging them toward better behavior, our approach is designed to decrease the vehicle speed to five miles per hour on sidewalks in real-time while alerting the rider simultaneously of the reason why,” Nesic said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colin Heyne, a public information manager with the San Jose Department of Transportation, said he has yet to see a company in San Jose that incorporates all of the e-scooter safety technologies available — one that detects sidewalk riding and one that reduces an e-scooter’s speed when on the sidewalk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our next step will be to limit deployment of the [scooter] devices in the area defined in our regulations until companies are ready to deploy devices that meet our regulatory requirements,” Heyne said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city hopes to eventually require companies to incorporate the safety technologies that will encourage riders to stay away from sidewalks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rakhra, the SJSU student, said she rides her scooter on the sidewalk because she doesn’t always feel safe riding on the road. As she stands on 2nd street in downtown San Jose, she said, “If I’m trying to cross here, there is no bike lane … so it just depends on where you’re at.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s probably a common sight during your commute — electric scooters zooming down or being abandoned on sidewalks. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/departments-offices/transportation/micro-mobility\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">City of San Jose\u003c/a> wants to be the first in the world to keep electric scooters in the bike lane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simran Rakhra, a fourth-year student at San Jose State University, rides Lime scooters occasionally when she’s running late to class. She said she usually rides on whatever path is the fastest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, if there’s a bike lane, I usually go on the bike lane so that I’m not in the way of people,” Rakhra said. “But if there’s nobody there, I’m going to be on the sidewalk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I can’t tell you what the technology is going to be or whether it’ll be a whole assortment of them. But we’re going to use that as a standard for the rest of the industry.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to California \u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/dmv/detail/vr/scooters\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">state law\u003c/a>, electric scooters are allowed on bike paths, lanes, or trails, but not on sidewalks. But enforcing the law is an entirely different beast to tackle. The City of San Jose took the problem to the scooter companies themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo said the city is working with several app-based scooter companies to keep riders in bike lanes — and off sidewalks — using technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t tell you what the technology is going to be or whether it’ll be a whole assortment of them,” Liccardo said. “But we’re going to use that as a standard for the rest of the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One technology most companies are using is geofencing. It uses a person’s location and creates boundaries that a user has to stay in — similar to how Google Maps creates a specific geographic perimeter for a person to get to his or her destination. If the person deviates from that path, the app knows and will reroute accordingly to get back within the boundary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.li.me/en-us/home\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Lime\u003c/a> is using geofencing — and detection technology — in its proposed solution to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at the surface of a road compared to the surface of a sidewalk, they feel very different,” Sam Kang, Lime’s government relations director, said. “Where the road will be bumpier and inconsistent, the sidewalk tends to be smoother and whatever grooves it has tends to be a lot more consistent because of the tiles … that most sidewalks has.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Lime scooters detect those differences and can identify with 95 percent accuracy whether someone is riding on the sidewalk or the road. Riders who spend more than half of their journey on a sidewalk get a reminder on their phone that riding on the sidewalk is illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And for more habitual offenders, we can send them a more stern warning and we can experiment with different educational ways in which we can try to alter rider behavior,” Kang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://gruv.app\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Grüv\u003c/a>, another electric scooter company, plans to go a step further with their new software, according to co-founder Alex Nesic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rather than simply informing riders of bad behavior with the hope of nudging them toward better behavior, our approach is designed to decrease the vehicle speed to five miles per hour on sidewalks in real-time while alerting the rider simultaneously of the reason why,” Nesic said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colin Heyne, a public information manager with the San Jose Department of Transportation, said he has yet to see a company in San Jose that incorporates all of the e-scooter safety technologies available — one that detects sidewalk riding and one that reduces an e-scooter’s speed when on the sidewalk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our next step will be to limit deployment of the [scooter] devices in the area defined in our regulations until companies are ready to deploy devices that meet our regulatory requirements,” Heyne said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city hopes to eventually require companies to incorporate the safety technologies that will encourage riders to stay away from sidewalks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rakhra, the SJSU student, said she rides her scooter on the sidewalk because she doesn’t always feel safe riding on the road. As she stands on 2nd street in downtown San Jose, she said, “If I’m trying to cross here, there is no bike lane … so it just depends on where you’re at.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom made homelessness the focus of his State of the State address Wednesday, reflecting not only \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/press-release/sanders-biden-and-warren-lead-in-californias-primary/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Californians’ top concern\u003c/a> but also nearly 20 years of wrangling on an issue that’s followed him from San Francisco City Hall to the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No amount of progress can camouflage the most pernicious crisis in our midst,” Newsom said, “the ultimate manifestation of poverty: homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://priceschool.usc.edu/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Press-Release-USC-Price-USC-Schwarzenegger-Institute-Homelessness-Poll.pdf\">recent statewide poll\u003c/a> showed homelessness and housing are top of mind for likely California voters ahead of the state’s March 3 primary election. About 42% of those surveyed said they see many tents and encampments in the public places and streets where they live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his address, Newsom called for new and ongoing revenue sources to pay for homeless services and new housing. He warned that cities and counties would be held accountable to ensure they spend state health care dollars on homeless people suffering from mental illnesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Social services advocate Jennifer Friedenbach with the San Francisco Coalition on Homelessness said she’s thrilled Newsom is taking the issue seriously, but that the state must focus deeply on investment or else these will only be temporary fixes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks with severe mental health issues that are out on the streets are victims of a system,” she said. “They feel that the system is resistant to helping them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a San Francisco supervisor in 2002, Newsom drew national attention with his “Care Not Cash” ballot initiative that diverted public assistance from homeless residents to pay landlords for shelter, instead. The program rankled advocates and challenged the city’s status as a progressive stronghold. It also helped get him elected mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seventeen years later, Newsom has again made homelessness one of his top priorities as the number of people experiencing homelessness in California \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/resources/documents/2019-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">grew to more than 151,000\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some people who followed Newsom’s early career are optimistic about his willingness to attach his name to such a thorny issue — going so far as to say he’ll “own homelessness” in California, a state with more than a quarter of the nation’s unhoused people — others aren’t sure he’ll focus on the kind of solutions needed to right this societal wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Care Not Cash\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When Care Not Cash went to the ballot in 2002, homelessness had reached peak levels. There were 8,640 residents without homes on a given night in San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/San_Francisco_Homeless_Count_2005_Final_Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to a biennial survey\u003c/a> for the Department of Housing and Urban Development. That’s about 8 percent more than the 8,011 homeless residents counted during the \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.org/scorecards/safety-net/homeless-population\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">same survey in 2019\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the start of the decade, Dot-Com companies were swarming San Francisco’s South of Market neighborhood, while elsewhere in the city, rents rose and evictions spiked. The average two-bedroom apartment in 2001 was going for about $3,500 in today’s dollars, \u003ca href=\"https://sfrb.org/sites/default/files/FileCenter/Documents/1862-sfhousingdatabook.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to a 2002 report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A majority of progressive politicians, many without prior political experience, had swept the Board of Supervisors in 2000 — a citizen revolt to the pro-development Mayor Willie Brown, said Richard DeLeon, professor emeritus of political science at San Francisco State University. Newsom was seen then as somewhat of a pariah, DeLeon said, a centrist who had been hand-picked by Brown to fill a mid-term vacancy on the board in 1997.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the Dot Com bubble burst and office spaces in the city’s South of Market neighborhood started becoming vacant. Care Not Cash, Newsom’s signature issue, became a test of the city’s values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and other city officials claimed out-of-towners were coming into San Francisco to get public assistance checks. And those that were here were \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FM-ewEmPwhY\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">likely using that money for drugs and alcohol\u003c/a>. In one \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Usyn5yg6ejk\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">television ad\u003c/a> for Care Not Cash, a series of disheveled men speak directly into the camera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I take your cash, and I buy drugs,” the commercial begins, “crack, heroin, alcohol.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Usyn5yg6ejk\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was pretty harmful to public sentiment around supporting real solutions,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters sided with Newsom, and the measure won with \u003ca href=\"http://www.smartvoter.org/2002/11/05/ca/sf/meas/N/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">60 percent\u003c/a> approval. It was the boost Newsom needed to launch his mayoral campaign a few months later, De Leon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It put him on the map, politically,” DeLeon said. “It certainly put a spotlight on him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trent Rhorer, who has served as the executive director of San Francisco’s Human Services Agency since 2000 and oversaw the implementation of Care Not Cash, remembers a young supervisor and later mayor who seemed to genuinely care about the plight of homeless residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rhorer received so many requests for information from Supervisor Newsom that he set up weekly meetings. Reports that Rhorer gave him would return dog-eared and highlighted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would have these two-hour sessions … and the meetings would just go on and on and on,” Rhorer recalled. “When he left the office, [Newsom] knew more about homelessness than I did, honestly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11802395\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11802395\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"Dozens of homeless people line up for a meal at St. Anthony's Church on Dec. 6, 2002 in San Francisco.\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-1020x673.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of homeless people line up for a meal at St. Anthony’s Church on Dec. 6, 2002 in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Care Not Cash officially launched in May 2004, reducing the amount of money homeless residents received from a maximum of $410 per month to $59. In exchange, program enrollees got food and a guaranteed bed at a shelter or in a single-room occupancy hotel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the city updated its homeless survey in 2005, it saw a 2\u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/San_Francisco_Homeless_Count_2005_Final_Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">8 percent reduction\u003c/a> in the number of homeless people compared to 2002. Friedenbach believes it’s unlikely Care Not Cash contributed to that reduction since the program didn’t create any new housing. Newsom’s predecessor, Mayor Brown, approved \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11765010/timeline-the-frustrating-political-history-of-homelessness-in-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">thousands of new affordable housing units\u003c/a>, which Friedenbach said had just finished construction around that time and probably made more of a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Rhorer says ending homelessness was never the goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was about welfare reform,” Rhorer said. And in that way, it worked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once Care Not Cash began in the spring of 2004, the city immediately saw a reduction in the number of homeless people claiming benefits. In December 2003, there were 2,632 people who received assistance, which dropped to 642 in December 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>In Newsom’s Wake\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The number of people experiencing homelessness then remained relatively stable during Newsom’s tenure until it began to increase again in 2011, right around the time he left to become lieutenant governor, growing from nearly 5,700 people to more than 8,000 in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Newsom’s leadership would have helped stem the increase is impossible to know, but Bevan Dufty thinks it would have helped. Dufty, now a BART board director, served on San Francisco’s Board of Supervisors with Newsom. He later served as Mayor Ed Lee’s head of homeless policy.[aside label='Related Coverage' postID=news_11801313,news_11796428,news_11795888 ]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gavin was mayor during a lot of years when the cupboard was dry,” when the Great Recession hit, Dufty said. “I think San Francisco’s homeless problem would seem very different because he wouldn’t be afraid, if he had had the resources, to put them to use to house people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not much has changed about Care Not Cash since its inception, Rhorer said, except that now, the city uses a more sophisticated screening matrix to prioritize people who are disabled, chronically homeless or have other special needs — and the amount of public assistance has grown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As mayor, Newsom had also launched an ambitious 10-year plan in 2004 to end chronic homelessness and pledged to build 3,000 new units of supportive housing. By 2014, San Francisco built 2,669 of the units that Newsom pledged as mayor but homelessness still rose — climbing to 6,775 people by 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it continues to grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decade after Newsom left the mayor’s office, homelessness is a bigger issue than ever, with solutions seeming more out of reach than ever before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He kicked off the year with a proposal to direct \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/08/794687084/california-governor-pushes-1-4-billion-plan-to-tackle-homelessness\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$1.4 billion of the state budget\u003c/a> to pay for rent subsidies, board and care homes, health services and affordable housing, and then went on a statewide tour of emergency shelters and mental health care centers. And he started distributing the first two dozen of 100 former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11796428/newsom-to-unveil-travel-trailers-for-homeless-in-oakland\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">FEMA trailers and tents\u003c/a> to provide immediate housing for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, Newsom said the state would make available 286 state-owed properties such as vacant lots, fairgrounds, armories and other state buildings for potential shelter options that local governments can use for free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To speed up construction of affordable housing and shelters, Newsom said he would like to bypass state environmental reviews, which are sometimes used to block and delay projects. He also urged the Legislature to reform land use laws to eliminate delays on affordable housing projects around transit hubs and downtown areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I respect local control, but not at the cost of creating a two-class California,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friedenbach, a staunch critic of Newsom’s tenure in San Francisco, is hopeful. She was pleased to see Newsom’s executive order to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11801313/newsom-offers-vacant-land-for-homeless-shelters-but-local-officials-worry-who-will-pay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">use surplus state land for emergency shelters\u003c/a> and his push to provide significant one-time funds to address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a big believer in redemption,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom made homelessness the focus of his State of the State address Wednesday, reflecting not only \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/press-release/sanders-biden-and-warren-lead-in-californias-primary/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Californians’ top concern\u003c/a> but also nearly 20 years of wrangling on an issue that’s followed him from San Francisco City Hall to the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No amount of progress can camouflage the most pernicious crisis in our midst,” Newsom said, “the ultimate manifestation of poverty: homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://priceschool.usc.edu/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Press-Release-USC-Price-USC-Schwarzenegger-Institute-Homelessness-Poll.pdf\">recent statewide poll\u003c/a> showed homelessness and housing are top of mind for likely California voters ahead of the state’s March 3 primary election. About 42% of those surveyed said they see many tents and encampments in the public places and streets where they live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his address, Newsom called for new and ongoing revenue sources to pay for homeless services and new housing. He warned that cities and counties would be held accountable to ensure they spend state health care dollars on homeless people suffering from mental illnesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Social services advocate Jennifer Friedenbach with the San Francisco Coalition on Homelessness said she’s thrilled Newsom is taking the issue seriously, but that the state must focus deeply on investment or else these will only be temporary fixes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks with severe mental health issues that are out on the streets are victims of a system,” she said. “They feel that the system is resistant to helping them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a San Francisco supervisor in 2002, Newsom drew national attention with his “Care Not Cash” ballot initiative that diverted public assistance from homeless residents to pay landlords for shelter, instead. The program rankled advocates and challenged the city’s status as a progressive stronghold. It also helped get him elected mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seventeen years later, Newsom has again made homelessness one of his top priorities as the number of people experiencing homelessness in California \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/resources/documents/2019-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">grew to more than 151,000\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some people who followed Newsom’s early career are optimistic about his willingness to attach his name to such a thorny issue — going so far as to say he’ll “own homelessness” in California, a state with more than a quarter of the nation’s unhoused people — others aren’t sure he’ll focus on the kind of solutions needed to right this societal wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Care Not Cash\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When Care Not Cash went to the ballot in 2002, homelessness had reached peak levels. There were 8,640 residents without homes on a given night in San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/San_Francisco_Homeless_Count_2005_Final_Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to a biennial survey\u003c/a> for the Department of Housing and Urban Development. That’s about 8 percent more than the 8,011 homeless residents counted during the \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.org/scorecards/safety-net/homeless-population\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">same survey in 2019\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the start of the decade, Dot-Com companies were swarming San Francisco’s South of Market neighborhood, while elsewhere in the city, rents rose and evictions spiked. The average two-bedroom apartment in 2001 was going for about $3,500 in today’s dollars, \u003ca href=\"https://sfrb.org/sites/default/files/FileCenter/Documents/1862-sfhousingdatabook.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to a 2002 report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A majority of progressive politicians, many without prior political experience, had swept the Board of Supervisors in 2000 — a citizen revolt to the pro-development Mayor Willie Brown, said Richard DeLeon, professor emeritus of political science at San Francisco State University. Newsom was seen then as somewhat of a pariah, DeLeon said, a centrist who had been hand-picked by Brown to fill a mid-term vacancy on the board in 1997.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the Dot Com bubble burst and office spaces in the city’s South of Market neighborhood started becoming vacant. Care Not Cash, Newsom’s signature issue, became a test of the city’s values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and other city officials claimed out-of-towners were coming into San Francisco to get public assistance checks. And those that were here were \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FM-ewEmPwhY\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">likely using that money for drugs and alcohol\u003c/a>. In one \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Usyn5yg6ejk\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">television ad\u003c/a> for Care Not Cash, a series of disheveled men speak directly into the camera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I take your cash, and I buy drugs,” the commercial begins, “crack, heroin, alcohol.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/Usyn5yg6ejk'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/Usyn5yg6ejk'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“That was pretty harmful to public sentiment around supporting real solutions,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters sided with Newsom, and the measure won with \u003ca href=\"http://www.smartvoter.org/2002/11/05/ca/sf/meas/N/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">60 percent\u003c/a> approval. It was the boost Newsom needed to launch his mayoral campaign a few months later, De Leon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It put him on the map, politically,” DeLeon said. “It certainly put a spotlight on him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trent Rhorer, who has served as the executive director of San Francisco’s Human Services Agency since 2000 and oversaw the implementation of Care Not Cash, remembers a young supervisor and later mayor who seemed to genuinely care about the plight of homeless residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rhorer received so many requests for information from Supervisor Newsom that he set up weekly meetings. Reports that Rhorer gave him would return dog-eared and highlighted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would have these two-hour sessions … and the meetings would just go on and on and on,” Rhorer recalled. “When he left the office, [Newsom] knew more about homelessness than I did, honestly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11802395\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11802395\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"Dozens of homeless people line up for a meal at St. Anthony's Church on Dec. 6, 2002 in San Francisco.\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-1020x673.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of homeless people line up for a meal at St. Anthony’s Church on Dec. 6, 2002 in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Care Not Cash officially launched in May 2004, reducing the amount of money homeless residents received from a maximum of $410 per month to $59. In exchange, program enrollees got food and a guaranteed bed at a shelter or in a single-room occupancy hotel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the city updated its homeless survey in 2005, it saw a 2\u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/San_Francisco_Homeless_Count_2005_Final_Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">8 percent reduction\u003c/a> in the number of homeless people compared to 2002. Friedenbach believes it’s unlikely Care Not Cash contributed to that reduction since the program didn’t create any new housing. Newsom’s predecessor, Mayor Brown, approved \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11765010/timeline-the-frustrating-political-history-of-homelessness-in-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">thousands of new affordable housing units\u003c/a>, which Friedenbach said had just finished construction around that time and probably made more of a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Rhorer says ending homelessness was never the goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was about welfare reform,” Rhorer said. And in that way, it worked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once Care Not Cash began in the spring of 2004, the city immediately saw a reduction in the number of homeless people claiming benefits. In December 2003, there were 2,632 people who received assistance, which dropped to 642 in December 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>In Newsom’s Wake\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The number of people experiencing homelessness then remained relatively stable during Newsom’s tenure until it began to increase again in 2011, right around the time he left to become lieutenant governor, growing from nearly 5,700 people to more than 8,000 in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Newsom’s leadership would have helped stem the increase is impossible to know, but Bevan Dufty thinks it would have helped. Dufty, now a BART board director, served on San Francisco’s Board of Supervisors with Newsom. He later served as Mayor Ed Lee’s head of homeless policy.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gavin was mayor during a lot of years when the cupboard was dry,” when the Great Recession hit, Dufty said. “I think San Francisco’s homeless problem would seem very different because he wouldn’t be afraid, if he had had the resources, to put them to use to house people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not much has changed about Care Not Cash since its inception, Rhorer said, except that now, the city uses a more sophisticated screening matrix to prioritize people who are disabled, chronically homeless or have other special needs — and the amount of public assistance has grown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As mayor, Newsom had also launched an ambitious 10-year plan in 2004 to end chronic homelessness and pledged to build 3,000 new units of supportive housing. By 2014, San Francisco built 2,669 of the units that Newsom pledged as mayor but homelessness still rose — climbing to 6,775 people by 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it continues to grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decade after Newsom left the mayor’s office, homelessness is a bigger issue than ever, with solutions seeming more out of reach than ever before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He kicked off the year with a proposal to direct \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/08/794687084/california-governor-pushes-1-4-billion-plan-to-tackle-homelessness\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$1.4 billion of the state budget\u003c/a> to pay for rent subsidies, board and care homes, health services and affordable housing, and then went on a statewide tour of emergency shelters and mental health care centers. And he started distributing the first two dozen of 100 former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11796428/newsom-to-unveil-travel-trailers-for-homeless-in-oakland\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">FEMA trailers and tents\u003c/a> to provide immediate housing for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, Newsom said the state would make available 286 state-owed properties such as vacant lots, fairgrounds, armories and other state buildings for potential shelter options that local governments can use for free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To speed up construction of affordable housing and shelters, Newsom said he would like to bypass state environmental reviews, which are sometimes used to block and delay projects. He also urged the Legislature to reform land use laws to eliminate delays on affordable housing projects around transit hubs and downtown areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I respect local control, but not at the cost of creating a two-class California,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friedenbach, a staunch critic of Newsom’s tenure in San Francisco, is hopeful. She was pleased to see Newsom’s executive order to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11801313/newsom-offers-vacant-land-for-homeless-shelters-but-local-officials-worry-who-will-pay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">use surplus state land for emergency shelters\u003c/a> and his push to provide significant one-time funds to address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a big believer in redemption,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s been about a month since California rolled out the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11792899/the-california-consumer-privacy-act-mandates-what-again-exactly\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">toughest consumer data privacy law\u003c/a> in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, you can demand that any company detail what information it collects about you, tell it to stop selling that information to other companies, or even delete the data altogether. And if a company negligently allows itself to be hacked, exposing your data, you can sue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But already, there’s talk of another law: The \u003ca href=\"https://uploads-ssl.webflow.com/5aa18a452485b60001c301de/5d8bc3342a72fc8145920a32_CPREA_2020_092519_Annotated_.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Privacy Rights Act\u003c/a> would add clarifying language to the newly enacted \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB375\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA)\u003c/a>, stipulating, among other things, that businesses:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Should not collect the personal information of children without consent.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Should only collect consumers’ personal information for specific purposes.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Should provide consumers with easily accessible tools to obtain their personal information, correct or delete it, and to opt‐out of its sale to other parties.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Perhaps most dramatically, the new initiative would create a new regulatory agency in California that would enforce protections in addition to the Attorney General’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should have more privacy professionals in this agency, once it gets funded, up and operating if the initiative passes, than right now exists in the FTC [Federal Trade Commission] in the entire country,” said the man behind the existing law and the proposed initiative, \u003ca href=\"https://www.caprivacy.org/about-us\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alastair Mactaggart\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, he added, “Sensible companies realize this regulation is coming. This is not a burn-down-the-whole-world law. This is not a law that, you know, puts anybody out of business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The real estate developer turned data privacy advocate has given a lot of thought in recent years to the surveillance economy that’s sprung up around consumer data. And he recognizes he’s not alone in feeling concerned about it: About 81% of the public say they feel “the potential risks they face because of data collection by companies outweigh the benefits,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2019/11/15/americans-and-privacy-concerned-confused-and-feeling-lack-of-control-over-their-personal-information/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to the Pew Research Center\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But unlike most of us, Mactaggart had the money to launch a political and legal conversation in California, although “conversation” is perhaps too polite a term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, Mactaggart launched a ballot initiative to tackle consumer data privacy. Business interests, data privacy advocates and members of the state Legislature were able to persuade him to drop it in favor of hastily written — and passed — legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that point, all sides declared open season on “fixing” it as the legislative year progressed. More than a couple dozen bills were launched, some trying to tighten the language of the CCPA to favor consumers, more trying to loosen the law to favor businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I expected some pushing and shoving, but I didn’t expect this wholesale assault to try to like wipe it out,” Mactaggart said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the measures failed to pass, thanks in large part to state Sen. Hannah-Beth Jackson, D-Santa Barbara, who chairs the Senate Judiciary Committee in Sacramento. After the smoke cleared, what was left of the CCPA was still the strongest law of its kind in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may be because “it’s the only privacy act in the country,” said Jackson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she appreciates that Mactaggart now wants to make the law even tougher, although she hasn’t had the chance to comprehensively review the fine print.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is such a new area. There are probably going to be a lot of different interpretations to it,” Jackson said.[aside label=\"Related stories\" tag=\"data-privacy\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a number of other data privacy advocates like Mary Stone Ross with the \u003ca href=\"https://epic.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Electronic Privacy Information Center\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C., are concerned about the fine print. Ross co-authored the earlier initiative, but says the new one includes giveaways to business interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For example, there’s this definition of ‘de-identified information,’ ” she said. “It’s actually a really big deal because by definition, de-identified information is not personal information, and so if that definition is weakened, then it weakens the scope of the entire law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sure enough, in this new initiative is a weakened definition of de-identified,” Ross added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other areas of the fine print, the Act raises the threshold for when the rules apply: only companies that buy, sell or share the personal information of more than 100,000 consumers or households need comply. The current standard kicks in for 50,000 consumers or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet more fine print: A business is exempt from disclosing information in response to rights requests if it requires disclosing “trade secrets.” The definition of a trade secret is very broad and could create a significant hurdle for prosecutors, regulators, or consumers trying to exercise their rights under CCPA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard for data privacy advocates to ignore these provisions, even amid other language that tightens other elements of CCPA in favor of consumers. Last October, 11 privacy groups wrote an \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/files/2019/10/29/2019-10-23_-_privacy_coalition_comments_on_cprea.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">open letter\u003c/a> to Mactaggart, urging 45 ways to strengthen the language of his new initiative. Only seven of their suggestions were incorporated into the final version.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are steps forward. There are steps back. There are missed opportunities,” said Hayley Tsukayama, a legislative activist for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2019/10/strengthen-californias-next-consumer-data-privacy-initiative\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Electronic Frontier Foundation\u003c/a>. Noting that EFF has not officially come out against the new initiative, she added, “We have publicly pointed out the flaws that we see in the initiative. He didn’t take all of our suggestions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Beyond California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the absence of federal data privacy law, Ross says other states are looking to California for direction. “There’s legislation that’s going to be introduced in Florida, in Colorado, potentially in New York,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Jim Halpert, a corporate attorney with DLA Piper who advises companies about data privacy, the new initiative is a step in the right direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new language, he said, is “addressing some of the practical compliance issues that drove efforts to amend the law by the business community in 2019.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s groundbreaking data privacy regulation constitutes “a sea change in regulation of privacy in the U.S.,” Halpert added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Few data privacy advocates expect Silicon Valley to lobby against the new initiative as Mactaggart gathers signatures, because they’re getting at least some of what they want. And given growing public concerns about data privacy, people on both sides expect voters to find the basic idea of the California Privacy Rights Act of 2020 appealing.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s been about a month since California rolled out the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11792899/the-california-consumer-privacy-act-mandates-what-again-exactly\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">toughest consumer data privacy law\u003c/a> in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, you can demand that any company detail what information it collects about you, tell it to stop selling that information to other companies, or even delete the data altogether. And if a company negligently allows itself to be hacked, exposing your data, you can sue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But already, there’s talk of another law: The \u003ca href=\"https://uploads-ssl.webflow.com/5aa18a452485b60001c301de/5d8bc3342a72fc8145920a32_CPREA_2020_092519_Annotated_.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Privacy Rights Act\u003c/a> would add clarifying language to the newly enacted \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB375\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA)\u003c/a>, stipulating, among other things, that businesses:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Should not collect the personal information of children without consent.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Should only collect consumers’ personal information for specific purposes.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Should provide consumers with easily accessible tools to obtain their personal information, correct or delete it, and to opt‐out of its sale to other parties.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Perhaps most dramatically, the new initiative would create a new regulatory agency in California that would enforce protections in addition to the Attorney General’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should have more privacy professionals in this agency, once it gets funded, up and operating if the initiative passes, than right now exists in the FTC [Federal Trade Commission] in the entire country,” said the man behind the existing law and the proposed initiative, \u003ca href=\"https://www.caprivacy.org/about-us\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alastair Mactaggart\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, he added, “Sensible companies realize this regulation is coming. This is not a burn-down-the-whole-world law. This is not a law that, you know, puts anybody out of business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The real estate developer turned data privacy advocate has given a lot of thought in recent years to the surveillance economy that’s sprung up around consumer data. And he recognizes he’s not alone in feeling concerned about it: About 81% of the public say they feel “the potential risks they face because of data collection by companies outweigh the benefits,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2019/11/15/americans-and-privacy-concerned-confused-and-feeling-lack-of-control-over-their-personal-information/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to the Pew Research Center\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But unlike most of us, Mactaggart had the money to launch a political and legal conversation in California, although “conversation” is perhaps too polite a term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, Mactaggart launched a ballot initiative to tackle consumer data privacy. Business interests, data privacy advocates and members of the state Legislature were able to persuade him to drop it in favor of hastily written — and passed — legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that point, all sides declared open season on “fixing” it as the legislative year progressed. More than a couple dozen bills were launched, some trying to tighten the language of the CCPA to favor consumers, more trying to loosen the law to favor businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I expected some pushing and shoving, but I didn’t expect this wholesale assault to try to like wipe it out,” Mactaggart said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the measures failed to pass, thanks in large part to state Sen. Hannah-Beth Jackson, D-Santa Barbara, who chairs the Senate Judiciary Committee in Sacramento. After the smoke cleared, what was left of the CCPA was still the strongest law of its kind in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may be because “it’s the only privacy act in the country,” said Jackson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she appreciates that Mactaggart now wants to make the law even tougher, although she hasn’t had the chance to comprehensively review the fine print.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is such a new area. There are probably going to be a lot of different interpretations to it,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a number of other data privacy advocates like Mary Stone Ross with the \u003ca href=\"https://epic.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Electronic Privacy Information Center\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C., are concerned about the fine print. Ross co-authored the earlier initiative, but says the new one includes giveaways to business interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For example, there’s this definition of ‘de-identified information,’ ” she said. “It’s actually a really big deal because by definition, de-identified information is not personal information, and so if that definition is weakened, then it weakens the scope of the entire law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sure enough, in this new initiative is a weakened definition of de-identified,” Ross added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other areas of the fine print, the Act raises the threshold for when the rules apply: only companies that buy, sell or share the personal information of more than 100,000 consumers or households need comply. The current standard kicks in for 50,000 consumers or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet more fine print: A business is exempt from disclosing information in response to rights requests if it requires disclosing “trade secrets.” The definition of a trade secret is very broad and could create a significant hurdle for prosecutors, regulators, or consumers trying to exercise their rights under CCPA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard for data privacy advocates to ignore these provisions, even amid other language that tightens other elements of CCPA in favor of consumers. Last October, 11 privacy groups wrote an \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/files/2019/10/29/2019-10-23_-_privacy_coalition_comments_on_cprea.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">open letter\u003c/a> to Mactaggart, urging 45 ways to strengthen the language of his new initiative. Only seven of their suggestions were incorporated into the final version.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are steps forward. There are steps back. There are missed opportunities,” said Hayley Tsukayama, a legislative activist for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2019/10/strengthen-californias-next-consumer-data-privacy-initiative\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Electronic Frontier Foundation\u003c/a>. Noting that EFF has not officially come out against the new initiative, she added, “We have publicly pointed out the flaws that we see in the initiative. He didn’t take all of our suggestions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Beyond California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the absence of federal data privacy law, Ross says other states are looking to California for direction. “There’s legislation that’s going to be introduced in Florida, in Colorado, potentially in New York,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Jim Halpert, a corporate attorney with DLA Piper who advises companies about data privacy, the new initiative is a step in the right direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new language, he said, is “addressing some of the practical compliance issues that drove efforts to amend the law by the business community in 2019.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s groundbreaking data privacy regulation constitutes “a sea change in regulation of privacy in the U.S.,” Halpert added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Few data privacy advocates expect Silicon Valley to lobby against the new initiative as Mactaggart gathers signatures, because they’re getting at least some of what they want. And given growing public concerns about data privacy, people on both sides expect voters to find the basic idea of the California Privacy Rights Act of 2020 appealing.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "trumps-changes-to-immigration-could-take-years-to-undo-experts-say",
"title": "Trump's Changes to Immigration Could Take Years to Undo — Even With a New President",
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"headTitle": "Trump’s Changes to Immigration Could Take Years to Undo — Even With a New President | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>As the 2020 presidential contest ramps up, President Trump is doubling down on restricting immigration to the U.S. — a key campaign pledge he made during his first run for the White House and one that he is hoping will earn him a second term. For many voters, immigration could be a defining issue in November — whether they support or oppose his policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his first week in office in January 2017, Trump issued a series of directives to dramatically increase border enforcement, expand detention and deportation of immigrants and halt refugee resettlement. The president often speaks of immigrants as “dangerous” and a threat to Americans, using words like “criminals” and calling a migrant caravan an “invasion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, three years on, the transformation of federal immigration policy has been far-reaching, touching legal immigrants and asylum-seekers as well as immigrants in the country without authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s antagonists, including California political leaders, have filed \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/stuartanderson/2019/11/05/all-the-presidents-immigration-lawsuits/#68e55c6a7d8e\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">scores of lawsuits\u003c/a> blocking many of the administration’s immigration moves — at least temporarily. But judges have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/11/759981451/supreme-court-allows-government-to-curtail-asylum-requests-during-legal-fight\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed\u003c/a> other policies to take effect, even as legal challenges work their way through federal courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801948\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11801948 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement provided this handout of an ICE enforcement operation it said was targeting immigration fugitives and re-entrants, among others, on Feb. 9, 2017, in Atlanta, Georgia. (Photo by Bryan Cox/U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Trump’s harsh rhetoric and restrictive policies present a stark contrast with the Democratic field of presidential candidates. But analysts say the scope of the changes made by the Trump administration is so broad that the effects are likely to endure for years, even if the president is not reelected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration’s enforcement push comes at a time when illegal immigration at the U.S.-Mexico border is \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/assets/documents/2020-Jan/U.S.%20Border%20Patrol%20Total%20Apprehensions%20%28FY%201925%20-%20FY%202019%29.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">far lower\u003c/a> than it was 20 years ago. And most undocumented immigrants have lived in the U.S. for a decade or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, just 577,000 immigrants were granted lawful permanent residence last year, far fewer than any time in the past two decades, when the U.S. issued roughly 1 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/immigration-statistics/yearbook/2018/table1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">green cards\u003c/a> annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘One of the Major Eras of Xenophobia?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some immigration scholars say this presidency is more hostile to immigrants than any in modern history, while advocates who favor tougher immigration policies applaud Trump’s approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Davis School of Law Dean Kevin R. Johnson contrasted the current era with the 1950s, when more than 1 million Mexicans were rounded up in a mass deportation campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even when he put in place Operation Wetback, President Eisenhower didn’t talk about immigrants the way this president does,” Johnson said. “The talk about race, and the fear created in immigrant communities, are what differentiates this president.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Jessica Vaughan, the Center for Immigration Studies']‘Almost every part of our immigration system has been touched.’[/pullquote]“In a historical sense, it represents one of the major eras of xenophobia,” said University of San Francisco law professor Bill Ong Hing, comparing this period to the 1920s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Vaughan, director of policy studies at the Center for Immigration Studies, said that while Trump’s language is “coarse,” she gives him high marks for clamping down “to de-incentivize people streaming up to the border, thinking they’d be released into the interior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Almost every part of our immigration system has been touched,” added Vaughn, whose center favors reducing immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/1660/immigration.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">public\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/11/12/americans-immigration-policy-priorities-divisions-between-and-within-the-two-parties/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">opinion\u003c/a> polls show that most Americans \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/11/12/americans-immigration-policy-priorities-divisions-between-and-within-the-two-parties/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">support\u003c/a> border security as well as a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants, and they favor taking in refugees of war and violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11757637\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11757637\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/ap_19126782050207_wide-926c85f779a71eddf5da6a166e583dd036c4cd76-800x450.jpg\" alt='Cuban migrants cross a bridge in Mexico to be processed as asylum-seekers in the U.S. The labor union representing asylum officers claims the policy formally known as the Migrant Protection Protocols is a \"widespread violation\" of international and domestic la' width=\"800\" height=\"450\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cuban migrants cross a bridge in Mexico to be processed as asylum-seekers in the U.S. \u003ccite>(Christian Torres/AP )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Little Tweaks, Huge Policy Implications\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So far, immigration changes under Trump have not been enshrined in new laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he has used his executive authority, like other presidents before him, to accomplish his goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11801856 label='the lasting impact of trump' hero=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_immigration_girl-qut-1020x642.jpg\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Little tweaks have huge policy implications,” said Sarah Pierce, an immigration policy analyst at the nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute in Washington, D.C. “So any future administration that’s more friendly to immigration is going to require decades to reverse this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a look at what those changes add up to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Trying to build a border wall\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump’s pledge to build a wall on the Mexican border galvanized enthusiasm among his supporters, but it has proven difficult — and costly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress approved much less money than Trump requested — $1.3 billion in the 2020 spending bill, rather than $8.6 billion. Despite legal challenges, conservative court majorities have recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/09/794969121/appeals-court-allows-trump-to-divert-3-6-billion-in-military-funds-for-border-wa\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed construction\u003c/a> to move ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, the government had built one mile of new barrier and 100 miles of replacement or secondary fencing — at a cost of almost $20 million per mile, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/17/797410228/at-11-billion-and-counting-trumps-border-wall-would-be-the-worlds-most-expensive\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Restricting access to asylum\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration may not have gotten far with a physical wall, but it has succeeded in erecting a virtual wall of regulations, blocking tens of thousands of migrants from being considered for asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example: Over the past year, border officials sent about 60,000 non-Mexicans back to Mexico to wait while their asylum cases are decided in U.S. immigration courts. It’s next to impossible for migrants in the so-called Remain in Mexico program to find U.S. immigration lawyers, and fewer than 200 have won their cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And last year, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2019/07/16/2019-15246/asylum-eligibility-and-procedural-modifications\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">new rule\u003c/a> shut out all asylum-seekers who crossed a “third country” en route to the U.S. but didn’t ask for protection there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal courts have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/11/759981451/supreme-court-allows-government-to-curtail-asylum-requests-during-legal-fight\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed both policies\u003c/a> to take effect while lower courts hear legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Separating families and zero tolerance\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Removing migrant children from their parents at the U.S.-Mexico border was one of the Trump administration’s most controversial steps — and prompted a broad, bipartisan backlash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The separations began after then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced a “zero tolerance” policy aimed at criminally prosecuting all adults — including parents — who cross the border illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, a federal judge in San Diego halted the separations and ordered the reunification of families. More than 18 months later, perhaps as many as 2,000 of the more than 5,500 separated children still have not been reunited with their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798878\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11798878\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People demonstrate in Washington, DC, on June 28, 2018, demanding an end to the separation of migrant children from their parents. (Photo credit should read NICHOLAS KAMM/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Pushing to end DACA \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2012, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals has granted temporary protection from deportation — and permission to work — to \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/tools/reports-studies/immigration-forms-data\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more than 800,000\u003c/a> young undocumented immigrants brought to the U.S. as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, the Trump administration moved to end DACA, calling it an \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/speech/attorney-general-sessions-delivers-remarks-daca\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">overreach\u003c/a> of President Barack Obama’s executive power. The University of California and others sued, and federal judges have kept the program in place while the case is appealed. The U.S. Supreme Court is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11785839/u-s-supreme-court-takes-on-daca-and-the-fate-of-nearly-200000-california-dreamers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">expected\u003c/a> to rule this spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently about 650,000 DACA recipients and nearly 200,000 of them live in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Broadening immigration enforcement\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With an \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-enhancing-public-safety-interior-united-states/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">executive order\u003c/a> in his first days in office, Trump wiped away Obama’s deportation priorities, which had focused on violent criminals and recent border crossers. Instead, Trump made just about any “removable alien” a priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, the share of immigrants arrested by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement who had no criminal record grew — from 14% in 2016 to 36% last year, according to Pierce of the Migration Policy Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Restricting legal immigration \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the administration may expand the so-called “public charge” rule, even as that’s being challenged in court. The rule is a sweeping effort to restrict lower-income immigrants from becoming permanent U.S. residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government has long denied green cards to people who used substantial cash assistance from the government. Now the rule applies to immigrants who have used, or might use, many more non-cash benefits, including food stamps and MediCal — even for short periods. San Francisco and Santa Clara counties filed the first challenge to the rule, saying it could hurt the U.S. citizen children of immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Refugee and humanitarian restrictions\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump has \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/programs/data-hub/charts/us-annual-refugee-resettlement-ceilings-and-number-refugees-admitted-united\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">slashed\u003c/a> the number of refugees the U.S. will admit annually — from 85,000 when he was elected, to a historic low of 18,000 for 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Sarah Pierce, Migration Policy Institute']‘Little tweaks have huge policy implications. So any future administration that’s more friendly to immigration is going to require decades to reverse this.’[/pullquote]The administration has also tried to terminate Temporary Protected Status for citizens of six countries allowed to stay in the U.S. following war or natural disaster. Roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.everycrsreport.com/files/20190329_RS20844_40bba737bf5e4440ac7bebb19757db87fe994fa4.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">400,000 TPS holders\u003c/a> could face deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11783511/trump-administration-extends-protections-for-many-salvadorans-living-in-u-s\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">temporarily blocked\u003c/a> the administration from ending TPS for people from El Salvador, Haiti, Nicaragua, Sudan, Honduras and Nepal. The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals is deciding whether to allow that injunction to stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Aiming to expand detention of children\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children in immigration custody are protected by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/infonet/flores-v-reno-settlement-agreement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Flores settlement agreement\u003c/a>. It says children should be released to an adult sponsor — but if they remain in custody, it must be in a licensed child care facility, not a jail-like setting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, a federal judge in Los Angeles ruled that kids must be released promptly from ICE family detention centers, generally within 20 days. Last year, the Trump administration published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11769437/whats-in-new-trump-immigration-rule-overriding-flores-agreement-3-key-changes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">federal rules aimed\u003c/a> at replacing Flores and permitting long-term family detention, which the L.A. judge blocked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, six migrant children \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/six-children-died-in-border-patrol-care-democrats-in-congress-want-to-know-why\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">died\u003c/a> of illness in federal custody between September 2018 and May 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Tightening pressure on immigration courts\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department, which oversees immigration courts, has tried to speed up deportations by setting a quota requiring judges to complete 700 cases a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then-Attorney General Sessions also stripped authority from immigration judges, barring them from dismissing or suspending low-priority cases. Sessions also ordered judges to reopen more than 300,000 cases that had been administratively closed. That’s on top of a historic backlog of more than 1 million cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration judges say their limited discretion and the pressure to close cases faster is creating an “\u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/changing-america/well-being/mental-health/480165-immigration-judges-are-retiring-and-quitting-early\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">unbearable\u003c/a>” work environment and threatening due process for immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11796924\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11796924\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"A woman waits to hear her place on a list of people waiting in Tijuana, Mexico, on Nov. 18, 2018, to seek asylum in the U.S.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut.jpg 1800w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman waits to hear her place on a list of people waiting in Tijuana, Mexico, on Nov. 18, 2018, to seek asylum in the U.S. \u003ccite>(David Maung/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Political Implications\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How lasting President Trump’s immigration restrictions prove will largely depend on the 2020 election, and who wins not just the presidency but also control of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his State of the Union speech in early February, Trump emphasized his push to build a border wall, his opposition to sanctuary cities and his agreements that turn back asylum-seekers at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a strategy that Jessica Vaughan, with the conservative Center for Immigration Studies, believes will be popular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are insistent that the laws be enforced. That’s a strength for him going into this election and he knows it,” she said. “We’re going to see him keep doing things he thinks are going to play well with voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11797878,news_11796825,news_11785839]But others believe Trump’s tough-on-immigrants approach could backfire this year, even though it worked for him in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Barreto, a professor of political science at UCLA and co-founder of the Latino Decisions polling firm, said \u003ca href=\"http://publications.unidosus.org/bitstream/handle/123456789/1996/TheStateoftheLatinoVote.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">polls show Latino\u003c/a> and immigrant voters are angry over the president’s racially polarizing language, family separations and the deaths of migrant children in federal custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one’s in favor of putting kids in cages and giving them space blankets,” Barreto said. “It’s a hard thing to sell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robust Latino turnout in 2018 helped flip at least a dozen congressional seats from Republican to Democrat, according to Barreto’s research, and it could play a big role in this year’s general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think on Super Tuesday we’ll get a really big clue,” he said. “We’ll have [primaries in] Texas and California both. If the turnout is really robust we’ll see that people are amped up and ready to participate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Trump is reelected, Vaughan and others expect him to put forward a major immigration bill crafted by presidential adviser and son-in-law Jared Kushner. The proposal codifies many restrictive enforcement measures and favors high-skilled immigrants over family-based immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For advocates and politicians, immigration is intensely polarizing, said Theresa Cardinal Brown, director of immigration policy at the centrist Bipartisan Policy Center in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration is now ranking up amongst those insoluble, intractable issues like abortion and gun control,” she said. “There’s no middle ground that people will admit to … And that’s highly problematic for an issue like immigration that has to be legislated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she believes that public opinion is more nuanced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People believe in a middle ground,” she said. “They say, ‘Sure we can secure our borders, but we can also have compassion for immigrants. Sure we can tighten our legal immigration system, but that doesn’t mean we have to break up families.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Trump's Changes to Immigration Could Take Years to Undo — Even With a New President | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As the 2020 presidential contest ramps up, President Trump is doubling down on restricting immigration to the U.S. — a key campaign pledge he made during his first run for the White House and one that he is hoping will earn him a second term. For many voters, immigration could be a defining issue in November — whether they support or oppose his policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his first week in office in January 2017, Trump issued a series of directives to dramatically increase border enforcement, expand detention and deportation of immigrants and halt refugee resettlement. The president often speaks of immigrants as “dangerous” and a threat to Americans, using words like “criminals” and calling a migrant caravan an “invasion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, three years on, the transformation of federal immigration policy has been far-reaching, touching legal immigrants and asylum-seekers as well as immigrants in the country without authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s antagonists, including California political leaders, have filed \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/stuartanderson/2019/11/05/all-the-presidents-immigration-lawsuits/#68e55c6a7d8e\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">scores of lawsuits\u003c/a> blocking many of the administration’s immigration moves — at least temporarily. But judges have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/11/759981451/supreme-court-allows-government-to-curtail-asylum-requests-during-legal-fight\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed\u003c/a> other policies to take effect, even as legal challenges work their way through federal courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801948\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11801948 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement provided this handout of an ICE enforcement operation it said was targeting immigration fugitives and re-entrants, among others, on Feb. 9, 2017, in Atlanta, Georgia. (Photo by Bryan Cox/U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Trump’s harsh rhetoric and restrictive policies present a stark contrast with the Democratic field of presidential candidates. But analysts say the scope of the changes made by the Trump administration is so broad that the effects are likely to endure for years, even if the president is not reelected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration’s enforcement push comes at a time when illegal immigration at the U.S.-Mexico border is \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/assets/documents/2020-Jan/U.S.%20Border%20Patrol%20Total%20Apprehensions%20%28FY%201925%20-%20FY%202019%29.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">far lower\u003c/a> than it was 20 years ago. And most undocumented immigrants have lived in the U.S. for a decade or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, just 577,000 immigrants were granted lawful permanent residence last year, far fewer than any time in the past two decades, when the U.S. issued roughly 1 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/immigration-statistics/yearbook/2018/table1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">green cards\u003c/a> annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘One of the Major Eras of Xenophobia?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some immigration scholars say this presidency is more hostile to immigrants than any in modern history, while advocates who favor tougher immigration policies applaud Trump’s approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Davis School of Law Dean Kevin R. Johnson contrasted the current era with the 1950s, when more than 1 million Mexicans were rounded up in a mass deportation campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even when he put in place Operation Wetback, President Eisenhower didn’t talk about immigrants the way this president does,” Johnson said. “The talk about race, and the fear created in immigrant communities, are what differentiates this president.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Almost every part of our immigration system has been touched.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“In a historical sense, it represents one of the major eras of xenophobia,” said University of San Francisco law professor Bill Ong Hing, comparing this period to the 1920s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Vaughan, director of policy studies at the Center for Immigration Studies, said that while Trump’s language is “coarse,” she gives him high marks for clamping down “to de-incentivize people streaming up to the border, thinking they’d be released into the interior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Almost every part of our immigration system has been touched,” added Vaughn, whose center favors reducing immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/1660/immigration.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">public\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/11/12/americans-immigration-policy-priorities-divisions-between-and-within-the-two-parties/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">opinion\u003c/a> polls show that most Americans \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/11/12/americans-immigration-policy-priorities-divisions-between-and-within-the-two-parties/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">support\u003c/a> border security as well as a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants, and they favor taking in refugees of war and violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11757637\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11757637\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/ap_19126782050207_wide-926c85f779a71eddf5da6a166e583dd036c4cd76-800x450.jpg\" alt='Cuban migrants cross a bridge in Mexico to be processed as asylum-seekers in the U.S. The labor union representing asylum officers claims the policy formally known as the Migrant Protection Protocols is a \"widespread violation\" of international and domestic la' width=\"800\" height=\"450\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cuban migrants cross a bridge in Mexico to be processed as asylum-seekers in the U.S. \u003ccite>(Christian Torres/AP )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Little Tweaks, Huge Policy Implications\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So far, immigration changes under Trump have not been enshrined in new laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he has used his executive authority, like other presidents before him, to accomplish his goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Little tweaks have huge policy implications,” said Sarah Pierce, an immigration policy analyst at the nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute in Washington, D.C. “So any future administration that’s more friendly to immigration is going to require decades to reverse this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a look at what those changes add up to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Trying to build a border wall\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump’s pledge to build a wall on the Mexican border galvanized enthusiasm among his supporters, but it has proven difficult — and costly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress approved much less money than Trump requested — $1.3 billion in the 2020 spending bill, rather than $8.6 billion. Despite legal challenges, conservative court majorities have recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/09/794969121/appeals-court-allows-trump-to-divert-3-6-billion-in-military-funds-for-border-wa\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed construction\u003c/a> to move ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, the government had built one mile of new barrier and 100 miles of replacement or secondary fencing — at a cost of almost $20 million per mile, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/17/797410228/at-11-billion-and-counting-trumps-border-wall-would-be-the-worlds-most-expensive\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Restricting access to asylum\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration may not have gotten far with a physical wall, but it has succeeded in erecting a virtual wall of regulations, blocking tens of thousands of migrants from being considered for asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example: Over the past year, border officials sent about 60,000 non-Mexicans back to Mexico to wait while their asylum cases are decided in U.S. immigration courts. It’s next to impossible for migrants in the so-called Remain in Mexico program to find U.S. immigration lawyers, and fewer than 200 have won their cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And last year, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2019/07/16/2019-15246/asylum-eligibility-and-procedural-modifications\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">new rule\u003c/a> shut out all asylum-seekers who crossed a “third country” en route to the U.S. but didn’t ask for protection there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal courts have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/11/759981451/supreme-court-allows-government-to-curtail-asylum-requests-during-legal-fight\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed both policies\u003c/a> to take effect while lower courts hear legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Separating families and zero tolerance\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Removing migrant children from their parents at the U.S.-Mexico border was one of the Trump administration’s most controversial steps — and prompted a broad, bipartisan backlash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The separations began after then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced a “zero tolerance” policy aimed at criminally prosecuting all adults — including parents — who cross the border illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, a federal judge in San Diego halted the separations and ordered the reunification of families. More than 18 months later, perhaps as many as 2,000 of the more than 5,500 separated children still have not been reunited with their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798878\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11798878\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People demonstrate in Washington, DC, on June 28, 2018, demanding an end to the separation of migrant children from their parents. (Photo credit should read NICHOLAS KAMM/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Pushing to end DACA \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2012, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals has granted temporary protection from deportation — and permission to work — to \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/tools/reports-studies/immigration-forms-data\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more than 800,000\u003c/a> young undocumented immigrants brought to the U.S. as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, the Trump administration moved to end DACA, calling it an \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/speech/attorney-general-sessions-delivers-remarks-daca\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">overreach\u003c/a> of President Barack Obama’s executive power. The University of California and others sued, and federal judges have kept the program in place while the case is appealed. The U.S. Supreme Court is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11785839/u-s-supreme-court-takes-on-daca-and-the-fate-of-nearly-200000-california-dreamers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">expected\u003c/a> to rule this spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently about 650,000 DACA recipients and nearly 200,000 of them live in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Broadening immigration enforcement\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With an \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-enhancing-public-safety-interior-united-states/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">executive order\u003c/a> in his first days in office, Trump wiped away Obama’s deportation priorities, which had focused on violent criminals and recent border crossers. Instead, Trump made just about any “removable alien” a priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, the share of immigrants arrested by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement who had no criminal record grew — from 14% in 2016 to 36% last year, according to Pierce of the Migration Policy Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Restricting legal immigration \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the administration may expand the so-called “public charge” rule, even as that’s being challenged in court. The rule is a sweeping effort to restrict lower-income immigrants from becoming permanent U.S. residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government has long denied green cards to people who used substantial cash assistance from the government. Now the rule applies to immigrants who have used, or might use, many more non-cash benefits, including food stamps and MediCal — even for short periods. San Francisco and Santa Clara counties filed the first challenge to the rule, saying it could hurt the U.S. citizen children of immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Refugee and humanitarian restrictions\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump has \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/programs/data-hub/charts/us-annual-refugee-resettlement-ceilings-and-number-refugees-admitted-united\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">slashed\u003c/a> the number of refugees the U.S. will admit annually — from 85,000 when he was elected, to a historic low of 18,000 for 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The administration has also tried to terminate Temporary Protected Status for citizens of six countries allowed to stay in the U.S. following war or natural disaster. Roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.everycrsreport.com/files/20190329_RS20844_40bba737bf5e4440ac7bebb19757db87fe994fa4.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">400,000 TPS holders\u003c/a> could face deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11783511/trump-administration-extends-protections-for-many-salvadorans-living-in-u-s\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">temporarily blocked\u003c/a> the administration from ending TPS for people from El Salvador, Haiti, Nicaragua, Sudan, Honduras and Nepal. The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals is deciding whether to allow that injunction to stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Aiming to expand detention of children\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children in immigration custody are protected by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/infonet/flores-v-reno-settlement-agreement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Flores settlement agreement\u003c/a>. It says children should be released to an adult sponsor — but if they remain in custody, it must be in a licensed child care facility, not a jail-like setting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, a federal judge in Los Angeles ruled that kids must be released promptly from ICE family detention centers, generally within 20 days. Last year, the Trump administration published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11769437/whats-in-new-trump-immigration-rule-overriding-flores-agreement-3-key-changes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">federal rules aimed\u003c/a> at replacing Flores and permitting long-term family detention, which the L.A. judge blocked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, six migrant children \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/six-children-died-in-border-patrol-care-democrats-in-congress-want-to-know-why\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">died\u003c/a> of illness in federal custody between September 2018 and May 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Tightening pressure on immigration courts\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department, which oversees immigration courts, has tried to speed up deportations by setting a quota requiring judges to complete 700 cases a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then-Attorney General Sessions also stripped authority from immigration judges, barring them from dismissing or suspending low-priority cases. Sessions also ordered judges to reopen more than 300,000 cases that had been administratively closed. That’s on top of a historic backlog of more than 1 million cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration judges say their limited discretion and the pressure to close cases faster is creating an “\u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/changing-america/well-being/mental-health/480165-immigration-judges-are-retiring-and-quitting-early\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">unbearable\u003c/a>” work environment and threatening due process for immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11796924\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11796924\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"A woman waits to hear her place on a list of people waiting in Tijuana, Mexico, on Nov. 18, 2018, to seek asylum in the U.S.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut.jpg 1800w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman waits to hear her place on a list of people waiting in Tijuana, Mexico, on Nov. 18, 2018, to seek asylum in the U.S. \u003ccite>(David Maung/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Political Implications\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How lasting President Trump’s immigration restrictions prove will largely depend on the 2020 election, and who wins not just the presidency but also control of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his State of the Union speech in early February, Trump emphasized his push to build a border wall, his opposition to sanctuary cities and his agreements that turn back asylum-seekers at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a strategy that Jessica Vaughan, with the conservative Center for Immigration Studies, believes will be popular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are insistent that the laws be enforced. That’s a strength for him going into this election and he knows it,” she said. “We’re going to see him keep doing things he thinks are going to play well with voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But others believe Trump’s tough-on-immigrants approach could backfire this year, even though it worked for him in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Barreto, a professor of political science at UCLA and co-founder of the Latino Decisions polling firm, said \u003ca href=\"http://publications.unidosus.org/bitstream/handle/123456789/1996/TheStateoftheLatinoVote.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">polls show Latino\u003c/a> and immigrant voters are angry over the president’s racially polarizing language, family separations and the deaths of migrant children in federal custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one’s in favor of putting kids in cages and giving them space blankets,” Barreto said. “It’s a hard thing to sell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robust Latino turnout in 2018 helped flip at least a dozen congressional seats from Republican to Democrat, according to Barreto’s research, and it could play a big role in this year’s general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think on Super Tuesday we’ll get a really big clue,” he said. “We’ll have [primaries in] Texas and California both. If the turnout is really robust we’ll see that people are amped up and ready to participate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Trump is reelected, Vaughan and others expect him to put forward a major immigration bill crafted by presidential adviser and son-in-law Jared Kushner. The proposal codifies many restrictive enforcement measures and favors high-skilled immigrants over family-based immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For advocates and politicians, immigration is intensely polarizing, said Theresa Cardinal Brown, director of immigration policy at the centrist Bipartisan Policy Center in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration is now ranking up amongst those insoluble, intractable issues like abortion and gun control,” she said. “There’s no middle ground that people will admit to … And that’s highly problematic for an issue like immigration that has to be legislated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she believes that public opinion is more nuanced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People believe in a middle ground,” she said. “They say, ‘Sure we can secure our borders, but we can also have compassion for immigrants. Sure we can tighten our legal immigration system, but that doesn’t mean we have to break up families.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A federal judge on Monday refused to exempt ride-hailing company Uber and on-demand meal delivery service Postmates from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11794049/as-new-california-law-tries-to-make-contract-workers-employees-industries-push-back\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, a broad new California labor law, while she considers their lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Dolly Gee in Los Angeles denied the companies’ request for a preliminary injunction protecting them from the law, which aims to give wage and benefit protections to people who work as independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With that decision, “it is now the responsibility of California to enforce the law on behalf of these workers,” Democratic Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez of San Diego, who wrote the law, said in a tweet after the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies contend that the law that took effect Jan. 1 violates federal and state constitutional guarantees of equal protection and due process. It created the nation’s strictest test by which workers must be considered employees, which could set a precedent for other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber said it is considering whether to appeal. The two companies are among those also collecting signatures for a measure on the November ballot that would exempt them while giving drivers new benefits like health care and an earnings guarantee of 120% of minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers passed the law “using a biased and overtly political process that ignored the voices of the workers most affected by the law and granted preferential treatment to an arbitrary group of industries,” Uber said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit argues that the law exempts some industries but includes ride-hail and delivery companies without a rational basis for distinguishing between them. It says that the law also infringes on workers’ rights to choose how they make a living and could void their existing contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gee rejected all those arguments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"ab-5\" label=\"related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge agreed that there is evidence that the law “targeted” the companies and that some state lawmakers “specifically complained about Uber.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But such targeting, even if it rises to the level of animus toward gig economy companies, does not establish an Equal Protection violation,” Gee wrote, given that the law also “addresses legitimate concerns” about the harmful misclassification of workers “in many industries, not just the gig economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law is intended to extend employee rights to more than a million California workers who lack benefits like a minimum wage, mileage reimbursements, paid sick leave, medical coverage and disability pay for on-the-job injuries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another judge blocked the law from applying to independent truckers on the grounds that the state law is preempted by federal law when it comes to their profession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A third judge is scheduled to consider next month whether to temporarily block the law from applying to freelance writers and photographers. But Gonzalez last week said she intends to seek changes to the law as it applies to freelancers and is considering changes for musicians.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A federal judge on Monday refused to exempt ride-hailing company Uber and on-demand meal delivery service Postmates from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11794049/as-new-california-law-tries-to-make-contract-workers-employees-industries-push-back\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, a broad new California labor law, while she considers their lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Dolly Gee in Los Angeles denied the companies’ request for a preliminary injunction protecting them from the law, which aims to give wage and benefit protections to people who work as independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With that decision, “it is now the responsibility of California to enforce the law on behalf of these workers,” Democratic Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez of San Diego, who wrote the law, said in a tweet after the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies contend that the law that took effect Jan. 1 violates federal and state constitutional guarantees of equal protection and due process. It created the nation’s strictest test by which workers must be considered employees, which could set a precedent for other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber said it is considering whether to appeal. The two companies are among those also collecting signatures for a measure on the November ballot that would exempt them while giving drivers new benefits like health care and an earnings guarantee of 120% of minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
"title": "City Arts & Lectures",
"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.cityarts.net/",
"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
"subscribe": {
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/City-Arts-and-Lectures-p692/",
"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
"title": "Close All Tabs",
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"info": "Close All Tabs breaks down how digital culture shapes our world through thoughtful insights and irreverent humor.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
"link": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cubnByLm9yZy9yc3MvcG9kY2FzdC5waHA_aWQ9NTEwMzEy",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/4s8b",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
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