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"content": "\u003cp>The presidential election is just weeks away, and it’s been a wild ride as COVID-19 has upended the traditional forms of campaigning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic nominee and former Vice President Joe Biden has opted for socially distanced and virtual events. He’s generally seen wearing a mask unless he’s speaking. By contrast, President Donald Trump moved forward with the large campaign rallies he prefers, often without wearing a mask. Earlier this month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/latest-updates-trump-covid-19-results/2020/10/03/919898777/timeline-what-we-know-of-president-trumps-covid-19-diagnosis\">Trump contracted COVID-19\u003c/a>, which resulted in a brief hospital stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Trump maintains he’s recovered, and Biden has not had the virus, the president’s illness has raised questions about the health of both nominees, who are each well into their 70’s: What happens if the person who wins the election on November 3 passes away before they’re sworn into office? [aside tag=\"election-2020\" label=\"more election coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Jessica Levinson, Loyola Law School professor and host of the podcast “Casting Judgement”, the election laws are a bit murky, but the answer largely depends on when the incident occurs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The members of the Electoral College meet to cast their votes for president on December 14, 2020. Generally the party that won the popular vote in a state gets to pick that state’s electors. But, if the winning candidate dies before the members meet, Levinson said the candidate’s political party would choose a new nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Either the Democratic National Committee or the Republican National Committee have procedures in place and they would pick a new nominee. And then, the idea is that the members of the Electoral College — because they are party loyalists — would vote for that (nominee),” Levinson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even once the Electoral College votes are cast, there’s still potential for uncertainty. That’s because Congress won’t formally certify the election results until January 6, 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a mess in that period,” said Richard Hasen in an email. He’s a professor of law and political science at the University of California, Irvine, and has written about \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2020/10/05/opinions/a-key-fix-for-an-unthinkable-election-disaster-hasen/index.html\">possible scenarios\u003c/a> should a candidate die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s much more certainty about what happens if the candidate dies between when Congress certifies the election and when he’s sworn into office on January 20,2021. In that case, \u003ca href=\"https://constitutioncenter.org/interactive-constitution/amendment/amendment-xx\">under the 20th Amendment\u003c/a>, the vice president-elect will be sworn in as president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps a more likely scenario this year is what would happen if the election results were contested in some states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, states have more than a month to count ballots, including the expected surge of mail-in ballots, and conduct recounts if necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The courts will be mindful of when the electors meet in refereeing any disputes. For instance, during the 2000 election, the U.S. Supreme Court ultimately ended Florida’s vote recount, saying time had run out before electors were set to meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"election-explainers\" label=\"related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If election issues still prevent a winner from being named, \u003ca href=\"https://constitutioncenter.org/interactive-constitution/amendment/amendment-xii\">the 12th Amendment kicks in\u003c/a>. Which says that, in that case, the House of Representatives elects the president and the Senate elects the vice president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House members have to choose among the three people with the most electoral votes. Each state delegation gets one vote, and 26 votes are required to win. So California, with its 53-member delegation, has the same vote as Wyoming, which has one member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Senate, the choice is between the top two electoral vote-getters and each senator gets a vote, with 51 votes required to win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If there still isn’t a president elected by Inauguration Day, then the 20th Amendment once again applies and the vice president-elect takes over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No vice-president elect? Well, then the \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/3/19\">Presidential Succession Act\u003c/a> applies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It says that the speaker of the House of Representatives, the Senate president or a Cabinet officer — in that order — would act as president until there’s a president or vice president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While these scenarios may seem far-fetched, they do raise several questions about the Electoral College and how it works. We try to answer some below.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Who Are California’s Electors?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California gets 55 electoral votes, one for each of its U.S. senators and its 53 members of Congress. California has 55 electors, and they each get to cast two votes: one for president, one for vice president. The party whose candidate wins the popular vote in California gets to choose the electors, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/electoral-college/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">each has a different method\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/statewide-elections/2020-general/pres-elector-list.pdf\">Potential electors\u003c/a> must have been selected by October 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Must Electors Vote for Whoever Won the Popular Vote in the State?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California is among the 29 states and the District of Columbia that require electors to vote for the candidate who won the state’s popular vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Generally electors are party loyalists who tend to support the winning candidate. Still, \u003ca href=\"http://www.socratek.com/StateLaws.aspx?id=840543&title=Electionsode&showall=true\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">state election code\u003c/a> does compel them to vote for the popular vote winner. It reads: “The electors, when convened, if both candidates are alive, shall vote by ballot for that person for President and that person for Vice President of the United States, who are, respectively, the candidates of the political party which they represent.” Since the electors all represent the winning party, this ensures the candidate who won the popular vote will receive all the electoral votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, a California elector \u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/story/2016/12/california-elector-files-suit-joins-anti-trump-electoral-college-push-232472\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">challenged the law\u003c/a> requiring electors to follow the popular vote. The legal challenge was called a last-ditch effort to block Donald Trump from getting enough electoral votes to win the presidency. However, earlier this year, the US Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/07/06/885168480/supreme-court-rules-state-faithless-elector-laws-constitutional\">unanimously upheld\u003c/a> such laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>How Do Electors Cast their Votes?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The state code requires the designated electors to meet in Sacramento, “at 2 o’ clock in the afternoon on the first Monday after the second Wednesday in December next following their election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The votes from all of the country’s electors will be counted in a joint session of Congress on Jan. 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The presidential election is just weeks away, and it’s been a wild ride as COVID-19 has upended the traditional forms of campaigning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic nominee and former Vice President Joe Biden has opted for socially distanced and virtual events. He’s generally seen wearing a mask unless he’s speaking. By contrast, President Donald Trump moved forward with the large campaign rallies he prefers, often without wearing a mask. Earlier this month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/latest-updates-trump-covid-19-results/2020/10/03/919898777/timeline-what-we-know-of-president-trumps-covid-19-diagnosis\">Trump contracted COVID-19\u003c/a>, which resulted in a brief hospital stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Trump maintains he’s recovered, and Biden has not had the virus, the president’s illness has raised questions about the health of both nominees, who are each well into their 70’s: What happens if the person who wins the election on November 3 passes away before they’re sworn into office? \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Jessica Levinson, Loyola Law School professor and host of the podcast “Casting Judgement”, the election laws are a bit murky, but the answer largely depends on when the incident occurs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The members of the Electoral College meet to cast their votes for president on December 14, 2020. Generally the party that won the popular vote in a state gets to pick that state’s electors. But, if the winning candidate dies before the members meet, Levinson said the candidate’s political party would choose a new nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Either the Democratic National Committee or the Republican National Committee have procedures in place and they would pick a new nominee. And then, the idea is that the members of the Electoral College — because they are party loyalists — would vote for that (nominee),” Levinson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even once the Electoral College votes are cast, there’s still potential for uncertainty. That’s because Congress won’t formally certify the election results until January 6, 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a mess in that period,” said Richard Hasen in an email. He’s a professor of law and political science at the University of California, Irvine, and has written about \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2020/10/05/opinions/a-key-fix-for-an-unthinkable-election-disaster-hasen/index.html\">possible scenarios\u003c/a> should a candidate die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s much more certainty about what happens if the candidate dies between when Congress certifies the election and when he’s sworn into office on January 20,2021. In that case, \u003ca href=\"https://constitutioncenter.org/interactive-constitution/amendment/amendment-xx\">under the 20th Amendment\u003c/a>, the vice president-elect will be sworn in as president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps a more likely scenario this year is what would happen if the election results were contested in some states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, states have more than a month to count ballots, including the expected surge of mail-in ballots, and conduct recounts if necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The courts will be mindful of when the electors meet in refereeing any disputes. For instance, during the 2000 election, the U.S. Supreme Court ultimately ended Florida’s vote recount, saying time had run out before electors were set to meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If election issues still prevent a winner from being named, \u003ca href=\"https://constitutioncenter.org/interactive-constitution/amendment/amendment-xii\">the 12th Amendment kicks in\u003c/a>. Which says that, in that case, the House of Representatives elects the president and the Senate elects the vice president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House members have to choose among the three people with the most electoral votes. Each state delegation gets one vote, and 26 votes are required to win. So California, with its 53-member delegation, has the same vote as Wyoming, which has one member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Senate, the choice is between the top two electoral vote-getters and each senator gets a vote, with 51 votes required to win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If there still isn’t a president elected by Inauguration Day, then the 20th Amendment once again applies and the vice president-elect takes over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No vice-president elect? Well, then the \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/3/19\">Presidential Succession Act\u003c/a> applies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It says that the speaker of the House of Representatives, the Senate president or a Cabinet officer — in that order — would act as president until there’s a president or vice president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While these scenarios may seem far-fetched, they do raise several questions about the Electoral College and how it works. We try to answer some below.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Who Are California’s Electors?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California gets 55 electoral votes, one for each of its U.S. senators and its 53 members of Congress. California has 55 electors, and they each get to cast two votes: one for president, one for vice president. The party whose candidate wins the popular vote in California gets to choose the electors, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/electoral-college/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">each has a different method\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/statewide-elections/2020-general/pres-elector-list.pdf\">Potential electors\u003c/a> must have been selected by October 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Must Electors Vote for Whoever Won the Popular Vote in the State?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California is among the 29 states and the District of Columbia that require electors to vote for the candidate who won the state’s popular vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Generally electors are party loyalists who tend to support the winning candidate. Still, \u003ca href=\"http://www.socratek.com/StateLaws.aspx?id=840543&title=Electionsode&showall=true\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">state election code\u003c/a> does compel them to vote for the popular vote winner. It reads: “The electors, when convened, if both candidates are alive, shall vote by ballot for that person for President and that person for Vice President of the United States, who are, respectively, the candidates of the political party which they represent.” Since the electors all represent the winning party, this ensures the candidate who won the popular vote will receive all the electoral votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, a California elector \u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/story/2016/12/california-elector-files-suit-joins-anti-trump-electoral-college-push-232472\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">challenged the law\u003c/a> requiring electors to follow the popular vote. The legal challenge was called a last-ditch effort to block Donald Trump from getting enough electoral votes to win the presidency. However, earlier this year, the US Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/07/06/885168480/supreme-court-rules-state-faithless-elector-laws-constitutional\">unanimously upheld\u003c/a> such laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>How Do Electors Cast their Votes?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The state code requires the designated electors to meet in Sacramento, “at 2 o’ clock in the afternoon on the first Monday after the second Wednesday in December next following their election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The votes from all of the country’s electors will be counted in a joint session of Congress on Jan. 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s Indigenous Peoples Day, the holiday that celebrates Native American cultures and peoples – it \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreindigenouspeoplesday\">began as a Bay Area protest\u003c/a> to Columbus Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I grew up learning the sanitized and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mamalisa.com/blog/columbus-day-poem-in-1492-columbus-sailed-the-ocean-blue/\">ahistorical version\u003c/a> of Christopher Columbus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You know, the guy who \u003ca href=\"https://www.csmonitor.com/USA/USA-Update/2015/1011/Columbus-Day-How-did-Christopher-Columbus-become-so-controversial#:~:text=%E2%80%9CColumbus%20later%20wrote%2C%E2%80%9D%20Zinn,who%20discovered%20the%20New%20World.\">wrote\u003c/a>, “let us in the name of the Holy Trinity go on sending all the slaves that can be sold.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s high time we end the reverence for a violent slave-trading killer \u003ca href=\"https://www.teachingforchange.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/ZEP_AbolishColumbusDay_Packet.pdf\">once and for all\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Voting rights was a topic of spirited debate at California’s first Constitutional Convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 48 delegates gathered in Monterey in the fall of 1849 argued over whether to extend the right to vote to former Mexican citizens and Indigenous people; how long gold-seeking migrants would need to reside in the state to cast a ballot; and whether dueling should be punished with the loss of the franchise — also known as the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that time, there was little discussion about the voting rights of Californians convicted of crimes. The issue was settled quickly and quietly, and the resolution would remain largely untouched for more than a century. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Assemblyman Kevin McCarty (D-Sacramento), the author of Proposition 17\"]‘If you look at the percentage of people who are on parole and can’t vote, they are people of color … California, for all our progressiveness, we’re really behind the curve on this.’ [/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, in the 60s and 70s, California’s courts and the electorate took a new look at the disenfranchisement of formerly incarcerated people, and in 1974, voting rights were extended to all Californians convicted of a felony, upon completion of their parole term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, California voters are weighing whether to approve another change to voting rights for former prisoners. Proposition 17 on the November ballot would restore voting rights to parolees upon their release from state prison — before successfully completing their parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its passage would mark the latest turn in the state’s winding history of voting rights for Californians in the criminal justice system — a history driven by oscillating views on what crimes, and which Californians, should be punished with the loss of the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of this back and forth, and the level of disagreement we still have about these issues, is rooted in this disagreement about what punishment is and what rehabilitation is,” said Pippa Holloway, professor of history at the University of Richmond, in Virginia.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Infamous Crimes\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>With little controversy, California’s constitutional delegates approved Article II, Section 5 of the state’s constitution in 1849, which stated that “No idiot or insane person, or person convicted of any infamous crime, shall be entitled to the privileges of an elector.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what was an \u003cem>infamous\u003c/em> crime?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The term was a hold-over from English law that made its way into many U.S. state constitutions, including California’s, said Holloway, author of “Living in Infamy: Felon Disfranchisement and the History of American Citizenship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841889\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 641px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11841889\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Stanley_Mosk.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"641\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Stanley_Mosk.jpg 641w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Stanley_Mosk-160x200.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 641px) 100vw, 641px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stanley Mosk, Associate Justice of the California Supreme Court, 1964-2001. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of California State Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>‘Infamous’ could refer to the severity or social impact of the crime, but also to the severity of the resulting punishment, such as a branding or whipping that could leave a permanent mark on the prisoner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early American history, the impreciseness of the term led to some surprising applications of disenfranchisement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The really most obvious and jarring example of this is the crime of murder. Under historic American interpretations of the law, murder was not an infamous crime,” Holloway said. “And the belief was that murder, as well as other certain crimes of violence, were not infamous because there was a belief that a violent act might be kind of pure, that it didn’t evidence planning, it didn’t evidence a broader social malice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the Civil War, lawmakers and judges in southern states used the flexibility of the term to exclude African American voters, by lowering the bar for crimes deemed ‘infamous.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, application of the law varied. Most courts through the early 20th century equated an ‘infamous crime’ with a felony. But the legislature confused matters by specifying the loss of voting rights for embezzlement or \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">misappropriation \u003c/span>of public funds. As a result, interpretation was largely left to county clerks and election officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A New Focus on the ‘Integrity of the Elective Process’ \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the spring of 1966, the California Supreme Court issued a ruling that upended previous practices of felon disenfranchisement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case involved James Otsuka, a Los Angeles resident who lost his right to vote after he was imprisoned for being a conscientious objector to the second World War. He had served his sentence decades earlier, and petitioned the court for the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court not only sided with Otsuka, they also demanded that voting rights only be stripped of Californians convicted of crimes that directly threatened the election process, like voter fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The unreasonableness of a classification disfranchising all former felons, regardless of their crime, is readily demonstrable,” wrote Justice Stanley Mosk, in \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/otsuka-v-hite-27340#FFN_19\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the majority opinion\u003c/a>. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It raises the spectre of citizens automatically deprived of their right to vote upon conviction, for example, of seduction under promise of marriage…wife-beating…failure to provide family support…conduct which is but little detrimental to society at large and is totally unrelated to the goal of preservation of the integrity of the elective process.” [aside tag=\"election2020\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 4-3 ruling in \u003cem>Otsuka v. Hite \u003c/em>left California with “a distinctly modern interpretation,” of infamous crimes, Holloway said — one judging that only threats to the ballot box should result in a loss of voting rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as critics of the ruling predicted, the new standard of ‘infamous crimes’ was again difficult for local election officials to put into practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By what standard is the Registrar of Voters to determine whether one convicted of crime is thereby branded as a ‘threat to the integrity of the elective process’?” wondered Justice Louis Burke, in his dissent. “For example, would murder qualify?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scattershot implementation of the ruling meant the decision to exclude Californians convicted of felonies would largely rest with county officials for the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Voters End Confusion with Proposition 10\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A survey of California counties in 1972 found that voting rights for former inmates varied county by county. Some local election officials refused to restore voting rights to any former prisoner, others created a list of crimes resulting in permanent disenfranchisement — and still others considered each former inmates’ case separately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courts were also divided on the issue: the California Supreme Court ruled in 1973 that permanent voter exclusion following a conviction for an ‘infamous crime’ violated equal protections rights. A year later, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned that decision in \u003cem>Richardson v. Ramirez, \u003c/em>ruling that convicted felons had no constitutional right to vote. The decision justified the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/research/elections-and-campaigns/felon-voting-rights.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">disenfranchisement laws\u003c/a> that now exist in dozens of states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue was finally decided on the ballot. In 1974, the state Legislature put Proposition 10 before voters, which proposed to eliminate the “infamous crime” statue from the state constitution. In its place, it proposed the “disqualification of electors while mentally incompetent or imprisoned or on parole for the conviction of a felony.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was backed by Democrats, including San Francisco Sen. George Moscone and Los Angeles Assemblyman Julian Dixon. They argued against lifelong disenfranchisement, and sought to end the patchwork of county-level decisions on voting rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The objective of reintegrating ex-felons into society is dramatically impeded by continued restriction of the right to vote,” they wrote in that year’s voter information guide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles Times reported at the time that Proposition 10 was among the measures that “failed to cause much controversy during the fall election campaign.” And on Election Day, as California voters sent Jerry Brown to the governor’s office for the first time, Proposition 10 was approved with 56% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That left California’s law on felon disenfranchisement as it exists today: voting rights can only be restored to those convicted of a felony upon completion of their parole term — a period of supervision following an inmates’ release from prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats and groups like the League of Women Voters had succeeded in ending the uncertainty of the ‘infamous crime’ statute and moved the state away from lifetime disfranchisement of former inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as with so many California ballot measures, Proposition 10 carried an underlying consequence: by aligning disenfranchisement with any felony (instead of specific crimes that threatened the “\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">integrity of the elective process”\u003c/span>) it married suffrage to an expanding criminal justice system that disproportionately impacted Black and Latino Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A Modern ‘Poll Tax’? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Over the ensuing decades, the number of Californians on parole for a felony skyrocketed. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.berkeley.edu/files/bccj/CA_in_Context_Policy_Brief_Sept_2012_Final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">report from the UC Berkeley School of Law\u003c/a> found an incredible 708% increase in the state’s parole population between 1980 and 2010 — among the largest jumps in the nation over that period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jose Gonzalez is among the Californians whose parole term is set for life. He spent nearly two decades in state prison for his involvement in a murder as a teenager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By the time I was 17, I was already sentenced and sitting in a state maximum security adult facility,” Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After his release, Gonzalez got a degree and is now working and raising his son, but his lifetime parole term prevents him from voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a taxpayer, as a regular person, you want to have a say,” Gonzalez said. “And if you feel like you don’t, then at the worst you’re not invested in your community. You don’t have that attachment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black and Latino Californians are disproportionately represented among parolees, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/californias-changing-parole-population/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to a study from the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>. By the end of 2016, Black Californians accounted for 6% of the state’s adult population, but 26% of the state’s parole population. And Latinos made up 35% of the adult population, but 40% of those on parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Kevin McCarty (D-Sacramento), the author of Proposition 17 on this year’s ballot, said the racial makeup of the state’s parole population makes the current punishment of disenfranchisement “really kind of like poll taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003cem>“\u003c/em>If you look at the percentage of people who are on parole and can’t vote, they are people of color,” McCarty said. “California, for all our progressiveness, we’re really behind the curve on this\u003ci>.” \u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Progressives seeking to expand voting rights for formerly incarcerated Californians have chosen not to go as far as the arguments of the 1960s and 1970s, when jurists questioned the very premise of stripping voting rights for crimes that have no relation to the electoral process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, they have slowly chipped away at a declining population of disqualified voters. Recent criminal justice reforms have nearly cut the state’s parole population in half over the last decade. And a 2016 law restored the right to vote for those convicted of a felony who are serving time in county jail or in county post-release supervision programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 17, placed on the ballot by the state legislature this summer, is the latest move to regain the vote for those formerly incarcerated. It would join California with 17 other states that already allow parolees to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans in the legislature were nearly unified in opposition — arguing that disenfranchisement is a fitting punishment for the state’s remaining parole population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re dealing with murderers and rapists, not low-level offenders but utmost serious offenders,” said Senator Jim Nielsen (R-Tehama). \u003ci>“\u003c/i>With the franchise to vote, they become more full participants in society — society that they’ve already shown their disdain for.”\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision to reopen the voting rights debate to the relatively limited group of 40,000 parolees is ultimately a political compromise, said James Binnall, professor of Law, Criminology, and Criminal Justice at California State University, Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the conversation about voting rights in California could urge a re-examination, and not for the first time, of the premise for removing civic rights from those in the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 17 say they are not looking ahead to any larger enfranchisement push beyond California parolees. But Maine and Vermont have already gone further, and never strip voting rights for a felony conviction so that even inmates can vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Having that discussion about why we draw lines and why reform efforts aim at certain people and leave others behind” is a “good thing,” Binnall said. “And [questioning] what that does to the folks you leave behind. Are you solidifying their ‘badness’ by not aiming a reform effort at them?”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Voting rights was a topic of spirited debate at California’s first Constitutional Convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 48 delegates gathered in Monterey in the fall of 1849 argued over whether to extend the right to vote to former Mexican citizens and Indigenous people; how long gold-seeking migrants would need to reside in the state to cast a ballot; and whether dueling should be punished with the loss of the franchise — also known as the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that time, there was little discussion about the voting rights of Californians convicted of crimes. The issue was settled quickly and quietly, and the resolution would remain largely untouched for more than a century. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, in the 60s and 70s, California’s courts and the electorate took a new look at the disenfranchisement of formerly incarcerated people, and in 1974, voting rights were extended to all Californians convicted of a felony, upon completion of their parole term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, California voters are weighing whether to approve another change to voting rights for former prisoners. Proposition 17 on the November ballot would restore voting rights to parolees upon their release from state prison — before successfully completing their parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its passage would mark the latest turn in the state’s winding history of voting rights for Californians in the criminal justice system — a history driven by oscillating views on what crimes, and which Californians, should be punished with the loss of the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of this back and forth, and the level of disagreement we still have about these issues, is rooted in this disagreement about what punishment is and what rehabilitation is,” said Pippa Holloway, professor of history at the University of Richmond, in Virginia.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Infamous Crimes\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>With little controversy, California’s constitutional delegates approved Article II, Section 5 of the state’s constitution in 1849, which stated that “No idiot or insane person, or person convicted of any infamous crime, shall be entitled to the privileges of an elector.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what was an \u003cem>infamous\u003c/em> crime?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The term was a hold-over from English law that made its way into many U.S. state constitutions, including California’s, said Holloway, author of “Living in Infamy: Felon Disfranchisement and the History of American Citizenship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841889\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 641px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11841889\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Stanley_Mosk.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"641\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Stanley_Mosk.jpg 641w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Stanley_Mosk-160x200.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 641px) 100vw, 641px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stanley Mosk, Associate Justice of the California Supreme Court, 1964-2001. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of California State Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>‘Infamous’ could refer to the severity or social impact of the crime, but also to the severity of the resulting punishment, such as a branding or whipping that could leave a permanent mark on the prisoner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early American history, the impreciseness of the term led to some surprising applications of disenfranchisement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The really most obvious and jarring example of this is the crime of murder. Under historic American interpretations of the law, murder was not an infamous crime,” Holloway said. “And the belief was that murder, as well as other certain crimes of violence, were not infamous because there was a belief that a violent act might be kind of pure, that it didn’t evidence planning, it didn’t evidence a broader social malice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the Civil War, lawmakers and judges in southern states used the flexibility of the term to exclude African American voters, by lowering the bar for crimes deemed ‘infamous.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, application of the law varied. Most courts through the early 20th century equated an ‘infamous crime’ with a felony. But the legislature confused matters by specifying the loss of voting rights for embezzlement or \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">misappropriation \u003c/span>of public funds. As a result, interpretation was largely left to county clerks and election officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A New Focus on the ‘Integrity of the Elective Process’ \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the spring of 1966, the California Supreme Court issued a ruling that upended previous practices of felon disenfranchisement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case involved James Otsuka, a Los Angeles resident who lost his right to vote after he was imprisoned for being a conscientious objector to the second World War. He had served his sentence decades earlier, and petitioned the court for the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court not only sided with Otsuka, they also demanded that voting rights only be stripped of Californians convicted of crimes that directly threatened the election process, like voter fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The unreasonableness of a classification disfranchising all former felons, regardless of their crime, is readily demonstrable,” wrote Justice Stanley Mosk, in \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/otsuka-v-hite-27340#FFN_19\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the majority opinion\u003c/a>. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It raises the spectre of citizens automatically deprived of their right to vote upon conviction, for example, of seduction under promise of marriage…wife-beating…failure to provide family support…conduct which is but little detrimental to society at large and is totally unrelated to the goal of preservation of the integrity of the elective process.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 4-3 ruling in \u003cem>Otsuka v. Hite \u003c/em>left California with “a distinctly modern interpretation,” of infamous crimes, Holloway said — one judging that only threats to the ballot box should result in a loss of voting rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as critics of the ruling predicted, the new standard of ‘infamous crimes’ was again difficult for local election officials to put into practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By what standard is the Registrar of Voters to determine whether one convicted of crime is thereby branded as a ‘threat to the integrity of the elective process’?” wondered Justice Louis Burke, in his dissent. “For example, would murder qualify?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scattershot implementation of the ruling meant the decision to exclude Californians convicted of felonies would largely rest with county officials for the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Voters End Confusion with Proposition 10\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A survey of California counties in 1972 found that voting rights for former inmates varied county by county. Some local election officials refused to restore voting rights to any former prisoner, others created a list of crimes resulting in permanent disenfranchisement — and still others considered each former inmates’ case separately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courts were also divided on the issue: the California Supreme Court ruled in 1973 that permanent voter exclusion following a conviction for an ‘infamous crime’ violated equal protections rights. A year later, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned that decision in \u003cem>Richardson v. Ramirez, \u003c/em>ruling that convicted felons had no constitutional right to vote. The decision justified the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/research/elections-and-campaigns/felon-voting-rights.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">disenfranchisement laws\u003c/a> that now exist in dozens of states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue was finally decided on the ballot. In 1974, the state Legislature put Proposition 10 before voters, which proposed to eliminate the “infamous crime” statue from the state constitution. In its place, it proposed the “disqualification of electors while mentally incompetent or imprisoned or on parole for the conviction of a felony.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was backed by Democrats, including San Francisco Sen. George Moscone and Los Angeles Assemblyman Julian Dixon. They argued against lifelong disenfranchisement, and sought to end the patchwork of county-level decisions on voting rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The objective of reintegrating ex-felons into society is dramatically impeded by continued restriction of the right to vote,” they wrote in that year’s voter information guide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles Times reported at the time that Proposition 10 was among the measures that “failed to cause much controversy during the fall election campaign.” And on Election Day, as California voters sent Jerry Brown to the governor’s office for the first time, Proposition 10 was approved with 56% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That left California’s law on felon disenfranchisement as it exists today: voting rights can only be restored to those convicted of a felony upon completion of their parole term — a period of supervision following an inmates’ release from prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats and groups like the League of Women Voters had succeeded in ending the uncertainty of the ‘infamous crime’ statute and moved the state away from lifetime disfranchisement of former inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as with so many California ballot measures, Proposition 10 carried an underlying consequence: by aligning disenfranchisement with any felony (instead of specific crimes that threatened the “\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">integrity of the elective process”\u003c/span>) it married suffrage to an expanding criminal justice system that disproportionately impacted Black and Latino Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A Modern ‘Poll Tax’? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Over the ensuing decades, the number of Californians on parole for a felony skyrocketed. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.berkeley.edu/files/bccj/CA_in_Context_Policy_Brief_Sept_2012_Final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">report from the UC Berkeley School of Law\u003c/a> found an incredible 708% increase in the state’s parole population between 1980 and 2010 — among the largest jumps in the nation over that period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jose Gonzalez is among the Californians whose parole term is set for life. He spent nearly two decades in state prison for his involvement in a murder as a teenager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By the time I was 17, I was already sentenced and sitting in a state maximum security adult facility,” Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After his release, Gonzalez got a degree and is now working and raising his son, but his lifetime parole term prevents him from voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a taxpayer, as a regular person, you want to have a say,” Gonzalez said. “And if you feel like you don’t, then at the worst you’re not invested in your community. You don’t have that attachment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black and Latino Californians are disproportionately represented among parolees, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/californias-changing-parole-population/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to a study from the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>. By the end of 2016, Black Californians accounted for 6% of the state’s adult population, but 26% of the state’s parole population. And Latinos made up 35% of the adult population, but 40% of those on parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Kevin McCarty (D-Sacramento), the author of Proposition 17 on this year’s ballot, said the racial makeup of the state’s parole population makes the current punishment of disenfranchisement “really kind of like poll taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003cem>“\u003c/em>If you look at the percentage of people who are on parole and can’t vote, they are people of color,” McCarty said. “California, for all our progressiveness, we’re really behind the curve on this\u003ci>.” \u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Progressives seeking to expand voting rights for formerly incarcerated Californians have chosen not to go as far as the arguments of the 1960s and 1970s, when jurists questioned the very premise of stripping voting rights for crimes that have no relation to the electoral process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, they have slowly chipped away at a declining population of disqualified voters. Recent criminal justice reforms have nearly cut the state’s parole population in half over the last decade. And a 2016 law restored the right to vote for those convicted of a felony who are serving time in county jail or in county post-release supervision programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 17, placed on the ballot by the state legislature this summer, is the latest move to regain the vote for those formerly incarcerated. It would join California with 17 other states that already allow parolees to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans in the legislature were nearly unified in opposition — arguing that disenfranchisement is a fitting punishment for the state’s remaining parole population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re dealing with murderers and rapists, not low-level offenders but utmost serious offenders,” said Senator Jim Nielsen (R-Tehama). \u003ci>“\u003c/i>With the franchise to vote, they become more full participants in society — society that they’ve already shown their disdain for.”\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision to reopen the voting rights debate to the relatively limited group of 40,000 parolees is ultimately a political compromise, said James Binnall, professor of Law, Criminology, and Criminal Justice at California State University, Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the conversation about voting rights in California could urge a re-examination, and not for the first time, of the premise for removing civic rights from those in the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 17 say they are not looking ahead to any larger enfranchisement push beyond California parolees. But Maine and Vermont have already gone further, and never strip voting rights for a felony conviction so that even inmates can vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Having that discussion about why we draw lines and why reform efforts aim at certain people and leave others behind” is a “good thing,” Binnall said. “And [questioning] what that does to the folks you leave behind. Are you solidifying their ‘badness’ by not aiming a reform effort at them?”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "PG&E Under Investigation in Connection With Deadly Shasta County Wildfire",
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"content": "\u003cp>PG&E disclosed Friday that Cal Fire is investigating whether the company’s equipment was involved in starting a Northern California wildfire that killed four people late last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news comes just three months after the state's largest utility emerged from federal bankruptcy protection — a legal refuge it sought because it faced an estimated $30 billion in liabilities arising from wildfires sparked by its equipment. Those fires killed more than 100 people — including 85 in and around the Butte County town of Paradise — and destroyed more than 15,000 homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In reports filed with the California Public Utilities Commission and \u003ca href=\"http://d18rn0p25nwr6d.cloudfront.net/CIK-0001004980/08dbf9ac-a988-4e63-a6e1-73486c85663b.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the federal Securities and Exchange Commission\u003c/a> on Friday, PG&E said a line in a remote area of Shasta County experienced a series of still-unexplained problems on the afternoon of Sept. 27.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company said it hasn’t yet determined the nature of the problems, which included alarms from a SmartMeter and other automated equipment and occurred about the same time as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2020/9/27/zogg-fire/\">Zogg Fire\u003c/a> broke out 10 miles southwest of Redding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its submission to the SEC, the utility said that Cal Fire investigators on Friday took possession of PG&E equipment in the area where the fire is believe to have started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company said the area, near the intersection of Zogg Mine Road and Jenny Bird Lane where the fire broke out, is served by its 12,000-volt Girvan 1101 distribution circuit. It offered this brief narrative of the sequence of events:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"According to PG&E’s records, on September 27, 2020, a PG&E SmartMeter and a line recloser serving that area reported alarms and other activity between approximately 2:40 p.m. and 3:06 p.m., when the line recloser de-energized that portion of the circuit. The data currently available to PG&E do not establish the causes of the activity on the Girvan 1101 circuit or the locations of these causes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On October 9, 2020, Cal Fire informed PG&E that they had taken possession of PG&E equipment as part of Cal Fire’s ongoing investigation into the cause of the Zogg Fire and allowed PG&E access to the area. PG&E does not have access to any evidence collected by Cal Fire. Cal Fire has not issued a determination as to cause. PG&E is cooperating with CAL FIRE in its investigation.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The four people who died in the incident were apparently overtaken by rapidly advancing, wind-driven flames in the first hours of the blaze.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire started during a period when PG&E had shut off power to areas in Shasta and 15 other counties considered to be at a high risk of wildfire during a period of gusty winds and very low humidity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company reported it had blacked out about 65,000 customers in its service area, including some 2,800 in Shasta County. The shutoffs apparently did not include the circuit now under scrutiny by Cal Fire investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal Fire spokesman Scott McLean declined comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The possibility that San Francisco-based PG&E might be responsible for yet another deadly fire triggered a 10% decline in the company's shares in after-hours trading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those who could be directly affected by a prolonged decline in share values are survivors of PG&E-sparked fires in 2017 and 2018. That's because half of a $13.5 billion settlement the company brokered with survivors' attorneys as part of the its bankruptcy exit plan comes in the form of company stock. The stock's price will thus play a part in determining how much compensation wildfire victims will receive for losses suffered in the fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/lilyjamali/status/1314706683759915008\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E's role in a series of destructive wildfires from 2015 through 2018 — for instance, the failure of a piece of hardware on a transmission tower that sparked the catastrophic Camp Fire that incinerated Paradise — led to major changes in how the state regulates the wildfire safety practices of its major electrical utilities. Legislation passed in 2018 and 2019 has required PG&E and other power providers to develop and act on sweeping wildfire mitigation plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In PG&E's case, that's led to an approximately $2 billion program that includes widespread repairs or replacement of substandard power poles, transmission structures, substations and electrical lines. It also includes an effort to find and remove hazardous trees and vegetation from along its more than 100,000 miles of power lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those efforts have come amid continuing criticism, as the company’s past failures keep coming to light.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge William Alsup, overseeing the company’s criminal probation for the 2010 San Bruno pipeline disaster, has repeatedly blasted the company for failing to meet the letter of state law in its vegetation management practices or to live up to the promises it has made in its state-mandated wildfire safety plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alsup has subjected the company to intense scrutiny since the Camp Fire. Twice over the past two years, he has imposed additional conditions of probation to the company’s sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge has repeatedly noted that under the law, companies can’t be sent to prison for criminal offenses. And during a hearing last May on PG&E’s progress toward meeting safety requirements, he declared, \"If there ever was a corporation that deserved to go to prison, it is PG&E.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>PG&E disclosed Friday that Cal Fire is investigating whether the company’s equipment was involved in starting a Northern California wildfire that killed four people late last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news comes just three months after the state's largest utility emerged from federal bankruptcy protection — a legal refuge it sought because it faced an estimated $30 billion in liabilities arising from wildfires sparked by its equipment. Those fires killed more than 100 people — including 85 in and around the Butte County town of Paradise — and destroyed more than 15,000 homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In reports filed with the California Public Utilities Commission and \u003ca href=\"http://d18rn0p25nwr6d.cloudfront.net/CIK-0001004980/08dbf9ac-a988-4e63-a6e1-73486c85663b.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the federal Securities and Exchange Commission\u003c/a> on Friday, PG&E said a line in a remote area of Shasta County experienced a series of still-unexplained problems on the afternoon of Sept. 27.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company said it hasn’t yet determined the nature of the problems, which included alarms from a SmartMeter and other automated equipment and occurred about the same time as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2020/9/27/zogg-fire/\">Zogg Fire\u003c/a> broke out 10 miles southwest of Redding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its submission to the SEC, the utility said that Cal Fire investigators on Friday took possession of PG&E equipment in the area where the fire is believe to have started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company said the area, near the intersection of Zogg Mine Road and Jenny Bird Lane where the fire broke out, is served by its 12,000-volt Girvan 1101 distribution circuit. It offered this brief narrative of the sequence of events:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"According to PG&E’s records, on September 27, 2020, a PG&E SmartMeter and a line recloser serving that area reported alarms and other activity between approximately 2:40 p.m. and 3:06 p.m., when the line recloser de-energized that portion of the circuit. The data currently available to PG&E do not establish the causes of the activity on the Girvan 1101 circuit or the locations of these causes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On October 9, 2020, Cal Fire informed PG&E that they had taken possession of PG&E equipment as part of Cal Fire’s ongoing investigation into the cause of the Zogg Fire and allowed PG&E access to the area. PG&E does not have access to any evidence collected by Cal Fire. Cal Fire has not issued a determination as to cause. PG&E is cooperating with CAL FIRE in its investigation.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The four people who died in the incident were apparently overtaken by rapidly advancing, wind-driven flames in the first hours of the blaze.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire started during a period when PG&E had shut off power to areas in Shasta and 15 other counties considered to be at a high risk of wildfire during a period of gusty winds and very low humidity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company reported it had blacked out about 65,000 customers in its service area, including some 2,800 in Shasta County. The shutoffs apparently did not include the circuit now under scrutiny by Cal Fire investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal Fire spokesman Scott McLean declined comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The possibility that San Francisco-based PG&E might be responsible for yet another deadly fire triggered a 10% decline in the company's shares in after-hours trading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those who could be directly affected by a prolonged decline in share values are survivors of PG&E-sparked fires in 2017 and 2018. That's because half of a $13.5 billion settlement the company brokered with survivors' attorneys as part of the its bankruptcy exit plan comes in the form of company stock. The stock's price will thus play a part in determining how much compensation wildfire victims will receive for losses suffered in the fires.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>PG&E's role in a series of destructive wildfires from 2015 through 2018 — for instance, the failure of a piece of hardware on a transmission tower that sparked the catastrophic Camp Fire that incinerated Paradise — led to major changes in how the state regulates the wildfire safety practices of its major electrical utilities. Legislation passed in 2018 and 2019 has required PG&E and other power providers to develop and act on sweeping wildfire mitigation plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In PG&E's case, that's led to an approximately $2 billion program that includes widespread repairs or replacement of substandard power poles, transmission structures, substations and electrical lines. It also includes an effort to find and remove hazardous trees and vegetation from along its more than 100,000 miles of power lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those efforts have come amid continuing criticism, as the company’s past failures keep coming to light.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge William Alsup, overseeing the company’s criminal probation for the 2010 San Bruno pipeline disaster, has repeatedly blasted the company for failing to meet the letter of state law in its vegetation management practices or to live up to the promises it has made in its state-mandated wildfire safety plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alsup has subjected the company to intense scrutiny since the Camp Fire. Twice over the past two years, he has imposed additional conditions of probation to the company’s sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge has repeatedly noted that under the law, companies can’t be sent to prison for criminal offenses. And during a hearing last May on PG&E’s progress toward meeting safety requirements, he declared, \"If there ever was a corporation that deserved to go to prison, it is PG&E.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "proposition-25-would-end-cash-bail-so-why-are-some-progressive-groups-against-it",
"title": "Proposition 25 Would End Cash Bail. So Why Are Some Progressive Groups Against It?",
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"content": "\u003cp>When California lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11487659/bail-reform-bill-approved-by-senate-assembly-next-up\">began debating\u003c/a> whether to reform the state’s cash bail system more than three years ago, progressive groups supported the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689184/gov-brown-signs-bill-ending-cash-bail-in-california\">compromise legislation that emerged\u003c/a> following more than a year of debate in the state Capitol \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11687273/bill-to-end-cash-bail-in-california-moves-forward-but-loses-some-support\">splintered the coalition on the left\u003c/a>. Now, state voters are being asked whether to uphold that law — \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB10\">Senate Bill 10\u003c/a> — after the bail industry gathered enough signatures to put a referendum on it on this November’s ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Proposition 25 would let SB 10 take effect — ending cash bail as a way for people accused of a crime to secure their release before a trial. But in a strange twist, some progressive civil rights groups are siding with the bail industry and law enforcement to effectively keep bail in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They worry that the new law will result in more, not fewer, people being kept behind bars as they await trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t predict what will happen, but I can say that the system they’ve set up is going to allow for expanded incarceration and expanded pretrial supervision including electronic monitoring, all of which is going to lead to more incarceration,” said John Raphling, a researcher for Human Rights Watch in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raphling wants voters to reject Proposition 25. Since the ballot measure is a referendum on SB 10, which was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689184/gov-brown-signs-bill-ending-cash-bail-in-california\">signed by then-Gov. Jerry Brown\u003c/a> in 2018 — a “yes” vote will allow the legislation to take effect and a “no” vote would overturn the law. Under state law, a referendum puts a new law on hold until voters can weigh in — meaning the 2018 law never went into effect. If Proposition 25 passes, California would become the first state in the nation to completely outlaw money bail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 25’s backers say Raphling and other opponents are wrong, and that the measure will actually lead to fewer people being held in jail pretrial, and make the system more fair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Bauters, budget advocacy director for the criminal justice reform group Californians for Safety and Justice, pointed to a study by the Public Policy Institute of California which found that the change would result in more than 142,000 people each year spending less time in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauters said the new system that would be set up under Proposition 25 would ensure that people don’t lose their jobs, their homes or custody of their kids while they languish in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s tons of statistics and data about how people who are held pretrial are more likely to plead guilty to things they didn’t commit,” he said. “People who are released pretrial actually get a more pure form of justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Does the Law Do?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The 2018 bill, SB 10, made money bail illegal in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If voters decide to uphold SB 10 by passing Proposition 25, the state would replace bail with a system that generally requires people arrested for misdemeanors to be automatically let go before trial — and for those accused of violent felonies to be kept in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those accused of lower-level felonies would go before a judge who could keep them in jail or put conditions on their release. Those conditions could include things like mandatory drug treatment, or a weekly probation check-in. The judge’s decision would in part be based on the results of a risk assessment tool that would essentially measure a person’s likelihood of re-offending or skipping out on court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each county would have to adopt their own risk assessment tool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those tools — based on algorithms that ‘learn’ more about risk profiles as more data about criminal defendants is entered into them — have become one of the flash points for those opposed to the bail law and Proposition 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Too Much Power for Algorithms and Judges?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Raphling, for example, warns that these risk assessment tools could be biased or misleading themselves, noting that someone’s risk of being rearrested can be as much about policing decisions and the color of their skin as that person’s actual conduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"John Raphling, Human Rights Watch researcher\"]‘The bail bond industry is a parasite. They are bloodsuckers. But the blood wouldn’t be available to them if it wasn’t for judges and law enforcement.’[/pullquote]What Proposition 25 does, he said, is make these algorithms “the gatekeeper” to someone’s freedom before trial. And even more concerning, he and other opponents say, is that the entire system gives judges way too much power to decide who leaves and who stays in jail before a trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re low risk, then (under Prop. 25) you’re likely to get out — but the judges can always override any decision of risk assessment,” he said. “In my research, I’ve found that they overwhelmingly override in favor of locking people up … and there’s real questions about the accuracy of those (risk assessments).”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insha Rahman, a former public defender who is now vice president of advocacy and initiatives at the Vera Institute of Justice in New York, agrees. She said there’s no reason to think that judges would behave differently because Proposition 25 still gives them the power to hold people in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it comes to public safety, across the board, we tend to just use our discretion to detain. That’s what the system has historically done,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Decreasing Racial Bias?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But Santa Barbara Probation Chief Tanja Heitman, whose county has been experimenting with alternatives to money bail, said she believes risk assessments can actually help reduce racial disparities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will never suggest that risk assessments are perfect. They are an evolving science and they continue to improve,’ she said. “As long as there’s over-policing in communities of color, as long as there is those inherent disparities in access to health care and educational employment opportunities, there’s going to be disparities in arrest rates that are then going to impact the criminal justice system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Santa Barbara County, she said, she has seen the risk assessments help erase racial biases in the juvenile criminal justice system. Youths of color are 2.6 times more likely to get arrested by law enforcement than white juveniles, she said; but their release rates were identical. The disparities among races reemerged when it came to charging decisions by prosecutors, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think probation officers are just as likely to allow biases unintentionally to creep into their decision making if they don’t have an assessment tool to help guide them, if they don’t have an assessment tool to ground to them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='bail']While many police and prosecutors groups oppose Proposition 25, Heitman and other probation officials believe it will make communities safer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that money bail doesn’t make us safe, but allowing people to stay connected to their families, to continue working (while they await trial) — that’s what’s going to enable them to be successful and improve our community overall,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raphling, however, points out that Heitman and other probation departments have an incentive to support Proposition 25: They will gain power and funding because their responsibilities will be expanded to include more pretrial defendants under the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bail industry is funding the opposition. But Raphling said his opposition to Proposition 25 doesn’t mean he and others support that industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bail bond industry is a parasite. They are bloodsuckers. But the blood wouldn’t be available to them if it wasn’t for judges and law enforcement,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If voters reject Proposition 25 — and with it, the 2018 law — supporters believe that state lawmakers would be prohibited from taking up the question of completely eliminating bail again, ensuring that the industry will continue to operate in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Raphling and others say the Legislature could still come up with an alternative system that would sideline the money bail industry without outlawing it altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Proposition 25 Would End Cash Bail. So Why Are Some Progressive Groups Against It? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When California lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11487659/bail-reform-bill-approved-by-senate-assembly-next-up\">began debating\u003c/a> whether to reform the state’s cash bail system more than three years ago, progressive groups supported the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689184/gov-brown-signs-bill-ending-cash-bail-in-california\">compromise legislation that emerged\u003c/a> following more than a year of debate in the state Capitol \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11687273/bill-to-end-cash-bail-in-california-moves-forward-but-loses-some-support\">splintered the coalition on the left\u003c/a>. Now, state voters are being asked whether to uphold that law — \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB10\">Senate Bill 10\u003c/a> — after the bail industry gathered enough signatures to put a referendum on it on this November’s ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Proposition 25 would let SB 10 take effect — ending cash bail as a way for people accused of a crime to secure their release before a trial. But in a strange twist, some progressive civil rights groups are siding with the bail industry and law enforcement to effectively keep bail in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They worry that the new law will result in more, not fewer, people being kept behind bars as they await trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t predict what will happen, but I can say that the system they’ve set up is going to allow for expanded incarceration and expanded pretrial supervision including electronic monitoring, all of which is going to lead to more incarceration,” said John Raphling, a researcher for Human Rights Watch in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raphling wants voters to reject Proposition 25. Since the ballot measure is a referendum on SB 10, which was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689184/gov-brown-signs-bill-ending-cash-bail-in-california\">signed by then-Gov. Jerry Brown\u003c/a> in 2018 — a “yes” vote will allow the legislation to take effect and a “no” vote would overturn the law. Under state law, a referendum puts a new law on hold until voters can weigh in — meaning the 2018 law never went into effect. If Proposition 25 passes, California would become the first state in the nation to completely outlaw money bail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 25’s backers say Raphling and other opponents are wrong, and that the measure will actually lead to fewer people being held in jail pretrial, and make the system more fair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Bauters, budget advocacy director for the criminal justice reform group Californians for Safety and Justice, pointed to a study by the Public Policy Institute of California which found that the change would result in more than 142,000 people each year spending less time in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauters said the new system that would be set up under Proposition 25 would ensure that people don’t lose their jobs, their homes or custody of their kids while they languish in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s tons of statistics and data about how people who are held pretrial are more likely to plead guilty to things they didn’t commit,” he said. “People who are released pretrial actually get a more pure form of justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Does the Law Do?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The 2018 bill, SB 10, made money bail illegal in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If voters decide to uphold SB 10 by passing Proposition 25, the state would replace bail with a system that generally requires people arrested for misdemeanors to be automatically let go before trial — and for those accused of violent felonies to be kept in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those accused of lower-level felonies would go before a judge who could keep them in jail or put conditions on their release. Those conditions could include things like mandatory drug treatment, or a weekly probation check-in. The judge’s decision would in part be based on the results of a risk assessment tool that would essentially measure a person’s likelihood of re-offending or skipping out on court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each county would have to adopt their own risk assessment tool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those tools — based on algorithms that ‘learn’ more about risk profiles as more data about criminal defendants is entered into them — have become one of the flash points for those opposed to the bail law and Proposition 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Too Much Power for Algorithms and Judges?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Raphling, for example, warns that these risk assessment tools could be biased or misleading themselves, noting that someone’s risk of being rearrested can be as much about policing decisions and the color of their skin as that person’s actual conduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>What Proposition 25 does, he said, is make these algorithms “the gatekeeper” to someone’s freedom before trial. And even more concerning, he and other opponents say, is that the entire system gives judges way too much power to decide who leaves and who stays in jail before a trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re low risk, then (under Prop. 25) you’re likely to get out — but the judges can always override any decision of risk assessment,” he said. “In my research, I’ve found that they overwhelmingly override in favor of locking people up … and there’s real questions about the accuracy of those (risk assessments).”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insha Rahman, a former public defender who is now vice president of advocacy and initiatives at the Vera Institute of Justice in New York, agrees. She said there’s no reason to think that judges would behave differently because Proposition 25 still gives them the power to hold people in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it comes to public safety, across the board, we tend to just use our discretion to detain. That’s what the system has historically done,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Decreasing Racial Bias?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But Santa Barbara Probation Chief Tanja Heitman, whose county has been experimenting with alternatives to money bail, said she believes risk assessments can actually help reduce racial disparities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will never suggest that risk assessments are perfect. They are an evolving science and they continue to improve,’ she said. “As long as there’s over-policing in communities of color, as long as there is those inherent disparities in access to health care and educational employment opportunities, there’s going to be disparities in arrest rates that are then going to impact the criminal justice system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Santa Barbara County, she said, she has seen the risk assessments help erase racial biases in the juvenile criminal justice system. Youths of color are 2.6 times more likely to get arrested by law enforcement than white juveniles, she said; but their release rates were identical. The disparities among races reemerged when it came to charging decisions by prosecutors, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think probation officers are just as likely to allow biases unintentionally to creep into their decision making if they don’t have an assessment tool to help guide them, if they don’t have an assessment tool to ground to them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While many police and prosecutors groups oppose Proposition 25, Heitman and other probation officials believe it will make communities safer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that money bail doesn’t make us safe, but allowing people to stay connected to their families, to continue working (while they await trial) — that’s what’s going to enable them to be successful and improve our community overall,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raphling, however, points out that Heitman and other probation departments have an incentive to support Proposition 25: They will gain power and funding because their responsibilities will be expanded to include more pretrial defendants under the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bail industry is funding the opposition. But Raphling said his opposition to Proposition 25 doesn’t mean he and others support that industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bail bond industry is a parasite. They are bloodsuckers. But the blood wouldn’t be available to them if it wasn’t for judges and law enforcement,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If voters reject Proposition 25 — and with it, the 2018 law — supporters believe that state lawmakers would be prohibited from taking up the question of completely eliminating bail again, ensuring that the industry will continue to operate in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Raphling and others say the Legislature could still come up with an alternative system that would sideline the money bail industry without outlawing it altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "SF Police Used Camera Network to Illegally ‘Spy on Protesters,’ New Lawsuit Alleges",
"title": "SF Police Used Camera Network to Illegally ‘Spy on Protesters,’ New Lawsuit Alleges",
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"content": "\u003cp>Four anti-police violence activists filed suit against San Francisco on Wednesday, accusing the city's Police Department of illegally conducting mass surveillance on protesters during a string of Black Lives Matter demonstrations that began in late spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Hope Williams, lead plaintiff\"]'We're saying that Black lives matter and how did the police respond but with more abuse of power. It was a tactic to provoke fear and to prevent people from speaking out.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the weeks following the May 25 killing of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police, hundreds of thousands of people in the Bay Area took to city streets to march against police brutality. Despite the mostly peaceful demonstrations that took place in downtown San Francisco, there were also multiple incidents of vandalism, theft and clashes between protesters and police that occurred over consecutive nights, prompting officials to order citywide curfews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Police Department responded to these protests in part by commandeering private security cameras to keep an eye, in real-time, on a 27-block area surrounding Union Square, according to a lawsuit filed Wednesday that seeks to prevent police from doing so again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From May 31 through June 7, 2020, The San Francisco Police Department (“SFPD”) acquired, borrowed, and used a private network of more than 400 surveillance cameras to spy on protesters in real time,” the suit alleges in papers filed in San Francisco Superior Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doing so violated a recently enacted city ordinance that requires the Board of Supervisors to approve any new surveillance systems for police use, according to attorneys with the Electronic Frontier Foundation and the Northern California chapter of the ACLU, who are representing the four activist plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They reached out to the Union Square Business Improvement District (USBID) and said, ‘We want access to your cameras,’ ” said Saira Hussain, an attorney with EFF. The organization obtained email exchanges through a public records request that confirmed the arrangement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco enacted the Acquisition of Surveillance Technology Ordinance in 2019 to specifically prevent police abuse of power, Hussain said. She called the arrangement between the USBID and SFPD “a back door deal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841416\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area.png\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11841416 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1129\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area.png 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area-800x470.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area-1020x600.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area-160x94.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area-1536x903.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The 27-block area where the Union Square Business Improvement District has installed an elaborate surveillance system of nearly 400 cameras. A new lawsuit alleges the SFPD accessed those cameras during mass protests in early June without first obtaining permission from the Board of Supervisors. \u003ccite>(Matthew Green/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It really is about SFPD playing fast and loose with a city ordinance that is supposed to put a democratic check on how law enforcement is using surveillance technology.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police routinely requested and received live access to USBID's camera network in 2019, seeking live surveillance of July Fourth, Pride and Super Bowl celebrations, all reportedly without board approval, according an investigation by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/news/sf-police-repeatedly-secure-access-to-camera-network-for-live-surveillance-emails-show/\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco Examiner\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFPD has said officers didn’t always end up using the video feeds they sought to access during those events, but emails obtained through public records requests indicate officers did access live feeds, according to the Examiner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hope Williams, a San Francisco resident and lead plaintiff in the lawsuit, organized and participated in a June 2 protest that began at City Hall and culminated in a sit-in in front of the Hall of Justice, in defiance of an 8 p.m. curfew that Mayor London Breed ordered for five nights in early June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was out there to protest police violence against Black people,” Williams said. “We're saying that Black lives matter and how did the police respond but with more abuse of power. It was a tactic to provoke fear and to prevent people from speaking out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other plaintiffs in the case participated in a June 3 protest organized by students at Mission High School and another on June 5 that began at City Hall and headed west up Market Street toward the Castro District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Police Chief William Scott argued in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/7223144-SF-Admin-Code-19B-7-Exigency-Letter-to-the-BOS.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Aug. 5 letter\u003c/a> to supervisors that protests involving “looting, vandalism and rioting” on May 30 created an emergency that allowed police to access cameras without board approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott followed up in response to questions from Supervisor Aaron Peskin with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/7223143-Response-Letter-to-Sup-Peskin-Re-SFPD-Use-of.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Sept. 9 letter\u003c/a>. He wrote that although SFPD's Homeland Security Unit requested access to the camera system on May 31, criminal activity did not continue in the Union Square area, so \"HSU did not monitor any activities, including first amendment activities.\" Officers separately reviewed the network's recorded footage network from May 30, Scott wrote, and that resulted in at least one arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"george-floyd\"]The City Attorney's Office provided copies of Scott's letters to supervisors in response to a request for comment on the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On its \u003ca href=\"https://www.visitunionsquaresf.com/about-bid/about-us\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">website\u003c/a>, USBID describes itself as “a defined area wherein property owners are self-assessed to fund services that improve the overall quality of life for residents and visitors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The business district also touts an elaborate surveillance system to protect members from crime. Nearly 400 cameras cover the 27-block area, bordered by Bush Street to the north, Kearny Street to the east, Market Street to the south and Taylor Street to the west.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Union Square partnered with law enforcement and became the first area in San Francisco to deploy surveillance cameras (now over 350), resulting in crime enforcement and prosecution,” the district's business plan states. “Footage of incidents may be given to SFPD for investigative purposes. Members of the general public may request video camera footage if not part of an active investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The USBID cameras can zoom in and focus on a subject, EFF attorney Hussain said, although it’s not clear whether SFPD used this capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you consider what people were speaking out against, it just makes this surveillance even more invasive,” Hussain said, “and makes it more likely in the future that people will be afraid to participate or organize protests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Shannon Lin of KQED News contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The complaint alleges police violated a recently enacted local law when they requested and received access to a network of hundreds of cameras in Union Square during protests in the days following the killing of George Floyd.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Four anti-police violence activists filed suit against San Francisco on Wednesday, accusing the city's Police Department of illegally conducting mass surveillance on protesters during a string of Black Lives Matter demonstrations that began in late spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'We're saying that Black lives matter and how did the police respond but with more abuse of power. It was a tactic to provoke fear and to prevent people from speaking out.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the weeks following the May 25 killing of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police, hundreds of thousands of people in the Bay Area took to city streets to march against police brutality. Despite the mostly peaceful demonstrations that took place in downtown San Francisco, there were also multiple incidents of vandalism, theft and clashes between protesters and police that occurred over consecutive nights, prompting officials to order citywide curfews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Police Department responded to these protests in part by commandeering private security cameras to keep an eye, in real-time, on a 27-block area surrounding Union Square, according to a lawsuit filed Wednesday that seeks to prevent police from doing so again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From May 31 through June 7, 2020, The San Francisco Police Department (“SFPD”) acquired, borrowed, and used a private network of more than 400 surveillance cameras to spy on protesters in real time,” the suit alleges in papers filed in San Francisco Superior Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doing so violated a recently enacted city ordinance that requires the Board of Supervisors to approve any new surveillance systems for police use, according to attorneys with the Electronic Frontier Foundation and the Northern California chapter of the ACLU, who are representing the four activist plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They reached out to the Union Square Business Improvement District (USBID) and said, ‘We want access to your cameras,’ ” said Saira Hussain, an attorney with EFF. The organization obtained email exchanges through a public records request that confirmed the arrangement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco enacted the Acquisition of Surveillance Technology Ordinance in 2019 to specifically prevent police abuse of power, Hussain said. She called the arrangement between the USBID and SFPD “a back door deal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841416\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area.png\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11841416 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1129\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area.png 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area-800x470.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area-1020x600.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area-160x94.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area-1536x903.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The 27-block area where the Union Square Business Improvement District has installed an elaborate surveillance system of nearly 400 cameras. A new lawsuit alleges the SFPD accessed those cameras during mass protests in early June without first obtaining permission from the Board of Supervisors. \u003ccite>(Matthew Green/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It really is about SFPD playing fast and loose with a city ordinance that is supposed to put a democratic check on how law enforcement is using surveillance technology.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police routinely requested and received live access to USBID's camera network in 2019, seeking live surveillance of July Fourth, Pride and Super Bowl celebrations, all reportedly without board approval, according an investigation by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/news/sf-police-repeatedly-secure-access-to-camera-network-for-live-surveillance-emails-show/\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco Examiner\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFPD has said officers didn’t always end up using the video feeds they sought to access during those events, but emails obtained through public records requests indicate officers did access live feeds, according to the Examiner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hope Williams, a San Francisco resident and lead plaintiff in the lawsuit, organized and participated in a June 2 protest that began at City Hall and culminated in a sit-in in front of the Hall of Justice, in defiance of an 8 p.m. curfew that Mayor London Breed ordered for five nights in early June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was out there to protest police violence against Black people,” Williams said. “We're saying that Black lives matter and how did the police respond but with more abuse of power. It was a tactic to provoke fear and to prevent people from speaking out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other plaintiffs in the case participated in a June 3 protest organized by students at Mission High School and another on June 5 that began at City Hall and headed west up Market Street toward the Castro District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Police Chief William Scott argued in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/7223144-SF-Admin-Code-19B-7-Exigency-Letter-to-the-BOS.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Aug. 5 letter\u003c/a> to supervisors that protests involving “looting, vandalism and rioting” on May 30 created an emergency that allowed police to access cameras without board approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott followed up in response to questions from Supervisor Aaron Peskin with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/7223143-Response-Letter-to-Sup-Peskin-Re-SFPD-Use-of.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Sept. 9 letter\u003c/a>. He wrote that although SFPD's Homeland Security Unit requested access to the camera system on May 31, criminal activity did not continue in the Union Square area, so \"HSU did not monitor any activities, including first amendment activities.\" Officers separately reviewed the network's recorded footage network from May 30, Scott wrote, and that resulted in at least one arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The City Attorney's Office provided copies of Scott's letters to supervisors in response to a request for comment on the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On its \u003ca href=\"https://www.visitunionsquaresf.com/about-bid/about-us\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">website\u003c/a>, USBID describes itself as “a defined area wherein property owners are self-assessed to fund services that improve the overall quality of life for residents and visitors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The business district also touts an elaborate surveillance system to protect members from crime. Nearly 400 cameras cover the 27-block area, bordered by Bush Street to the north, Kearny Street to the east, Market Street to the south and Taylor Street to the west.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Union Square partnered with law enforcement and became the first area in San Francisco to deploy surveillance cameras (now over 350), resulting in crime enforcement and prosecution,” the district's business plan states. “Footage of incidents may be given to SFPD for investigative purposes. Members of the general public may request video camera footage if not part of an active investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The USBID cameras can zoom in and focus on a subject, EFF attorney Hussain said, although it’s not clear whether SFPD used this capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you consider what people were speaking out against, it just makes this surveillance even more invasive,” Hussain said, “and makes it more likely in the future that people will be afraid to participate or organize protests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Shannon Lin of KQED News contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Alameda DA Reopens Investigation Into Oscar Grant Killing, Nearly 12 Years Later",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Alameda County District Attorney's Office is reopening a criminal investigation into the slaying of Oscar Grant, nearly 12 years after a BART police officer fatally shot the 22-year-old as he lay face down on the Fruitvale Station platform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement released Monday afternoon, District Attorney Nancy O'Malley said she's assigned \"a team of lawyers to look back into the circumstances that caused the death of Oscar Grant.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_11854958,news_11856441' label='More Recent Coverage on This Story']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although previous Alameda County District Attorney Tom Orloff initially charged former BART officer Johannes Mehserle with murder, O'Malley took over and oversaw the prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O'Malley noted that the court granted a defense request to move Mehserle's trial to Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Unfortunately, the Los Angeles jury only found Officer Mehserle guilty of Involuntary Manslaughter,\" O'Malley wrote. \"We are re-opening our investigation.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mehserle was convicted in 2010 and sentenced to a two-year prison term, of which he served 11 months. He was released in June 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New charges against Mehserle face high legal hurdles, according to Stanford law professor Robert Weisberg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There are two obstacles here,\" Weisberg said. \"One would be statutes of limitations and the other would be double jeopardy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mehserle's previous conviction, Weisberg said, precludes a new prosecution based on a criminal homicide charge — from murder to involuntary manslaughter. The former officer could face new charges for a non-homicide offense, but only if the statute of limitations hasn't lapsed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But other officers on the BART platform that night have different circumstances. Double jeopardy wouldn't apply, because no one besides Mehserle was previously charged in Grant's death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The fact that Mehserle's case may be over doesn't in any way bar them (other officers) from being charged,\" Weisberg said. \"And for all we know, they may have had different degrees of criminal intent.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An internal investigation commissioned by BART, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11744106/bart-releases-report-with-new-details-of-officers-roles-in-oscar-grant-killing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">hidden from public view until May\u003c/a> of last year, was heavily critical of officer Anthony Pirone, who was found to have \"started a cascade of events that ultimately led to the shooting.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11744106 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS36891_GettyImages-84565042-qut-1020x720.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Witnesses described Pirone as the \"crazy cop\" who was \"very agitated,\" shouting orders speckled with profanity as he rushed onto the platform in response to reports of a fight on the train.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation found that Grant didn't fight back when Pirone rushed over to him, shoved him against a wall and punched him in the head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Grant sat down, Pirone kneed him in the face, a strike the internal investigation found to be \"punitive\" and unjustified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pirone used a racial epithet during a back-and-forth with Grant, reportedly repeating the words \"bitch-ass n----.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former officer continued to struggle with Grant and was kneeling on the back of Grant's head and neck until shortly before Mehserle stood up, drew his gun and fired a single round into Grant's back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation also found that Pirone lied repeatedly about the events that led to Grant's death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation concluded:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"Pirone’s repeated, unreasonable and unnecessary use of force; his willful and reckless conduct that endangered the safety of the public and his fellow officers; his failure to be forthcoming about the true events; his changing and shifting stories; his manifest lack of veracity; his professionally inappropriate demeanor; his use of a racially offensive word; and his excessive use of expletives, warrant a recommendation that Officer Pirone be terminated from his employment with BART.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>BART subsequently fired Pirone, and an arbitrator upheld his termination in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grant's family and their supporters have recently renewed calls for another prosecution in the historic case, focusing largely on Pirone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That report states that Tony Pirone created the chaotic atmosphere on that platform,\" Cephus 'Uncle Bobby X' Johnson, Grant's uncle, said in an interview Monday. \"It cites everything that he did that created the volatile situation that caused the murder of Oscar Grant.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11823246 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/JusticeforOscarGrant-1020x726.jpg']Johnson said Pirone should be charged under the felony murder rule, which allows prosecutors to charge accomplices to felony crimes with murder, even if they lack the intentional motivation to kill that's required for typical murder charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"He was an accessory to that murder because he was the one that created that whole atmosphere,\" Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weisberg said a charge under the so-called felony murder rule is unlikely. But, he said, it's entirely possible that Pirone could face some kind of murder charge if he acted in a way that he knew could lead to Grant's death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There's nothing unusual in criminal law about essentially accomplices being prosecuted,\" Weisberg said. \"The odd thing here is, of course, the accomplices if that's what they are, being prosecuted so many years after the case ended for the principal.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although previous Alameda County District Attorney Tom Orloff initially charged former BART officer Johannes Mehserle with murder, O'Malley took over and oversaw the prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O'Malley noted that the court granted a defense request to move Mehserle's trial to Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Unfortunately, the Los Angeles jury only found Officer Mehserle guilty of Involuntary Manslaughter,\" O'Malley wrote. \"We are re-opening our investigation.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mehserle was convicted in 2010 and sentenced to a two-year prison term, of which he served 11 months. He was released in June 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New charges against Mehserle face high legal hurdles, according to Stanford law professor Robert Weisberg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There are two obstacles here,\" Weisberg said. \"One would be statutes of limitations and the other would be double jeopardy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mehserle's previous conviction, Weisberg said, precludes a new prosecution based on a criminal homicide charge — from murder to involuntary manslaughter. The former officer could face new charges for a non-homicide offense, but only if the statute of limitations hasn't lapsed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But other officers on the BART platform that night have different circumstances. Double jeopardy wouldn't apply, because no one besides Mehserle was previously charged in Grant's death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The fact that Mehserle's case may be over doesn't in any way bar them (other officers) from being charged,\" Weisberg said. \"And for all we know, they may have had different degrees of criminal intent.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An internal investigation commissioned by BART, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11744106/bart-releases-report-with-new-details-of-officers-roles-in-oscar-grant-killing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">hidden from public view until May\u003c/a> of last year, was heavily critical of officer Anthony Pirone, who was found to have \"started a cascade of events that ultimately led to the shooting.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom on Monday appointed Martin Jenkins to the California Supreme Court, who if confirmed will become the first Black man on the court in 29 years and its first openly gay member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins, 66, is the son of a janitor who became a prosecutor and then a judge, overseeing municipal, state and federal courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Anyone who knows me, knows my identity has been as a gay man, perhaps the greatest challenge of my life. And it has not been easy,\" he said during an online news conference Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Martin Jenkins\"]'I am not here in spite of the struggle. I'm here \u003cem>because\u003c/em> of the struggle. It is deep in my character.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I am not here in spite of the struggle. I'm here \u003cem>because\u003c/em> of the struggle. It is deep in my character.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acknowledging the significance of being the first openly gay member of California's highest court, Jenkins said he hoped the move would send a message to LGBT youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I want these young people to know that living a life of authenticity is the greatest gift you can give yourself,\" Jenkins said. \"And if you do that, you too will find yourself in a position where people see you. They \u003cem>really\u003c/em> see you and who you are, your authentic self and the extraordinary opportunity being offered today.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LGBT rights attorney Kate Kendell applauded the appointment, Newsom's first to the state's high court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I love it. I think it's fantastic,\" she said. \"To see this justice representing the Black and gay communities is for every young LGBT person in California to be able to look to that court and see him or herself and know that the promise of justice is not empty, but real.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins is a Democrat, but has been appointed to various courts over the years by the last three Republican governors. President Clinton named Jenkins to the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California in 1997. He then served on the California Court of Appeal for the First District before retiring from the bench in 2019 to become Newsom's Judicial Appointments secretary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Justice Jenkins is widely respected among lawyers and jurists, active in his Oakland community and his faith and is a decent man to his core,” Newsom said during Monday's announcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If confirmed, Jenkins will replace retired Supreme Court Justice Ming Chin, who stepped down at the end of August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11821408,news_11793101,news_11770054\" label=\"related coverage\"]Jenkins attended San Francisco City College and earned his law degree from the University of San Francisco. He said his parents never would have imagined that he would be named to serve on the state's highest court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They taught us respect for others, and as importantly, they taught us the value of serving others — public service, which my father modeled as a janitor at Coit Tower for well over 25 years,\" Jenkins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If confirmed, Jenkins will be the first Black man on the seven-member court since Allen Broussard retired in 1991. Associate Justice Leondra Kruger, appointed by former Gov. Jerry Brown, is also Black. Jenkins will be second oldest member of the court, behind Associate Justice Carol Corrigan, who is 72.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nomination must now be confirmed by the Commission on Judicial Appointments, comprised of Chief Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye, Attorney General Xavier Becerra and senior Presiding Justice of the state Court of Appeal J. Anthony Kline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom predicted a quick confirmation and said Jenkins could join the court \"as soon as next month.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"radiolab": {
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"reveal": {
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},
"rightnowish": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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"snap-judgment": {
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"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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