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"content": "\u003cp>A new paper, \u003ca href=\"https://pediatrics.aappublications.org/content/early/2020/10/23/peds.2020-012930\">published on the website of the medical journal \"Pediatrics\"\u003c/a> on Tuesday, calls the federal government's handling of migrant children at the border \"consistent with torture\" and recommends that pediatricians and child health care professionals take action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There's been a really active dialogue across the country with child health professionals about the difference between: 'Is this child abuse and neglect that's going on in detention centers and foster homes related to those detention centers, or is it torture?'\" said Coleen Kivlahan, a family medicine doctor at UCSF and the co-chair of the UCSF Health and Human Rights Initiative who co-authored the paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conclusion, according to the paper, is that the \"treatment of children at the border constitutes cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment that rises to the level of torture.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/cat.aspx\">United Nations Convention against Torture\u003c/a> defines torture as follows:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person for such purposes as obtaining from him or a third person information or a confession, punishing him for an act he or a third person has committed or is suspected of having committed, or intimidating or coercing him or a third person, or for any reason based on discrimination of any kind, when such pain or suffering is inflicted by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The paper argues that the government's treatment of migrant children falls under three criteria from this definition, as well as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.icc-cpi.int/resource-library/documents/rs-eng.pdf\">Rome Statute\u003c/a> of the International Criminal Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Dr. Coleen Kivlahan, UCSF\"]'I would describe cages and sleeping on the floor and being forcefully separated from their parents as severe pain or suffering. No different than I would if someone was beaten with a truncheon.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers argue that actions like family separations caused \"severe pain and suffering\" and were inflicted with a specific purpose and with the consent of government officials — oftentimes by order from the president himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I would describe cages and sleeping on the floor and being forcefully separated from their parents as severe pain or suffering. No different than I would if someone was beaten with a truncheon,\" Kivlahan explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"'Did in fact that occur for a purpose?' Of course it occurred for a purpose. And there are public statements regarding the purpose, and that is to deter people from crossing the border, and especially from [bringing] your children across. And ... it absolutely is done by people working in an official capacity.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aappublications.org/news/2019/01/18/immigration011819\">American Academy of Pediatrics reported that family separation can cause toxic stress in children\u003c/a> and can damage their developing brains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Zarin Noor, who also co-authored the paper, has seen these impacts firsthand. A pediatrician in Oakland, Noor said toxic stress can cause medical issues in children like speech delay, anxiety, aggressive behavior and depression, as well as long-term health impacts like diabetes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it's not just children who are impacted by these policies. According to Kivlahan, who practices family medicine at UCSF, the impacts can be intergenerational.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This becomes a multigenerational story of loss and trauma ... that impacts entire populations and is completely avoidable and preventable by making sure that we never engage in policies like this that can have this level of long-term impact,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11831289 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/child-separations4-1038x576.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A February \u003ca href=\"https://phr.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/PHR-Report-2020-Family-Separation-Full-Report.pdf\">study\u003c/a> from the nonprofit Physicians for Human Rights found that parents who'd been separated from their children at the border often experienced “pervasive symptoms and behaviors consistent with trauma,” and most met the conditions for “at least one mental health condition,” like post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) or major depression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Noor also pointed out that the stress families are experiencing didn't necessarily start at the U.S. border – what happens there may be adding to an already stressful situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Families and children who are fleeing their country ... We know that they're leaving traumatic things. They're fleeing from violence or things that are harmful to them and their family ... so that's one part of the trauma,\" she said. \"And then they have the trauma that they are facing during migration, whether it's walking four miles, whatever it is to get to the border. And then they're dealing with another trauma of being separated from their family.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the paper, the authors calls on pediatricians and child health professionals to take action to combat this treatment of children, including by:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Training in \"forensic assessments to identify, document, and disseminate the effects of severe ill treatment on migrant children\"\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Using the conventions of international law, including the UN Conventions on the Rights of the Child and against Torture, to frame advocacy\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Collaborating with families and cross-disciplinary groups, like Doctors Without Borders and Human Rights Watch, to develop programs, policies and systems \"related to children on the move at the border and globally\"\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The paper also calls on the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) to immediately demand worldwide reunification of separated families, issue a policy statement on torture and child rights and initiate or support a case against the United States in the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, in collaboration with other organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They're just children. 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"content": "\u003cp>At first, John Walker wasn’t scared of COVID-19. But that changed in May when the virus infiltrated Avenal State Prison, where he’s been incarcerated for a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was in the block on Alpha yard that got the COVID first,” he said. “One person came in positive and then it spread around like wildfire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/us/coronavirus-us-cases.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">largest COVID-19 clusters in the country\u003c/a> are in California’s jails and prisons. At the top of the list is Avenal, located in rural Kings County in the San Joaquin Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walker eventually became one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/population-status-tracking/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">nearly 3,000 incarcerated men\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/cdcr-cchcs-covid-19-status/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">300 employees\u003c/a> at the prison to contract the virus. Although his case was mild, others were not so fortunate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avenal’s incarcerated men say they don’t feel safe. With bunkbeds, social distancing for the prison’s 3,500 current inmates is nearly impossible, and the men must often work as janitors in each other’s living spaces. On top of that, dorm assignments keep changing. Family visits and education programs have been halted indefinitely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As officials have struggled to contain the outbreak and policies continually shift, those incarcerated have said the prison’s handling of the virus has been chaotic. Walker said that’s not only taking a toll on their safety, but also their mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This prison has changed their mind dozens of times, and the inmates are victims of it,” Walker said. “They can’t get settled, they can’t relax, the mental health department is filled with cases of people with anxiety and depression over all this crap.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since March, prison administrators have responded to the pandemic with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/covid-19-response-efforts/#CFC\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">variety of safety precautions\u003c/a>. They have rearranged living spaces and limited intermingling among inmates living in different buildings. Staff and the incarcerated population must wear face coverings, and hand sanitizer dispensers have been hung throughout the facility. Gyms and other facilities have been repurposed to house inmates at various stages of the quarantine process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843436\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 505px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843436\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Benitez1.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"505\" height=\"742\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Benitez1.jpeg 505w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Benitez1-160x235.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 505px) 100vw, 505px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jacob Benitez, incarcerate at Avenal State Prison, said administrators have not been as up-front about the prison’s pandemic response as his inmate-elected Men’s Advisory Council would like. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Lorina Benitez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Still, Ed Welker, also incarcerated at Avenal, said it’s impossible to keep up with the changes. After he caught the virus, he was moved to different dorms — twice — while suffering from severe fatigue and a persistent migraine. Although he and other residents of his building were moved according to their exposure and testing status, Welker said they were given little notice before moving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is kept secret, they’ll come to you and they’ll say ‘Hey, pack your stuff, you’re moving,’” he said. Welker said when he asked why, he was told, “Because Sacramento says you’re moving.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the men say officials aren’t sharing enough information about the prison’s plan for managing the outbreak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacob Benitez is an elected member of a Men’s Advisory Council made up of incarcerated representatives from throughout the prison. It’s one of the prison population’s few direct lines of communication with administrators. But since March, he said, meetings have been sporadic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a big entity that we’re facing, can we at least get some transparency?” he asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many men have said they rely on their loved ones on the outside as their news sources, even when it comes to information from other parts of the prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wives on all six yards all communicate well with one another,” said Michelle Tran. Her husband Thai Tran is incarcerated at Avenal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If something’s going on, somebody will ask a question or send out something on Facebook to where we all can interact with one another,” Tran said. Unlike the Men’s Advisory Council behind bars, an Inmate Family Council — made up mostly of spouses — meets with prison representatives once a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843440\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11843440\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal-800x566.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"566\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal-800x566.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal-1020x722.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal-1536x1087.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal.jpg 1589w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michelle Tran, whose husband Thai Tran is incarcerated at Avenal State Prison, said her network of spouses on the outside often knows more about what’s happening within the prison’s walls than their husbands do. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Michelle Tran)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Don Specter, executive director of the Prison Law Office said that traditionally correctional administrators “don’t do the best job of communicating with the people who are incarcerated there.” Specter is currently involved in a number of lawsuits advocating for better medical and mental health care for those incarcerated in California’s state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The absence of information about the prison’s handling of the virus, combined with the lack of control people experience in confinement, “creates an incredible amount of anxiety,” Specter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The anxiety inmates are feeling can have very real consequences, according to UC Merced psychology professor Jennifer Howell. Her research on the effects of the pandemic in the U.S. and China has revealed high amounts of chronic stress and disrupted sleep, which not only affect eating and exercise, but can also impair immune function, cognition and long-term health. And that’s in communities outside of prison. Howell says the effects are likely much worse for those who are confined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That kind of environment, where you have a very fixed schedule, where you’re not necessarily in control over how much space you have from other people, when you’re not necessarily in control of government policies that you are sort of being told what to do, I imagine it’s just exacerbating these effects incredibly,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11835340,news_11836868 label='Related Coverage']A representative with the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) wrote that up-to-date information on the pandemic airs on television channels throughout the state prison system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Posters and handouts have also been distributed and put up for display on topics such as social distancing, proper handwashing and COVID-19 warning signs,” an email statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also said that all inmates get mental health check-ins during daily COVID-19 screenings with nurses, and although the prison has paused some group treatment programs, it has increased its use of telehealth services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The well-being and safety of the incarcerated population and staff within CDCR … is our top priority,” the statement read. “We understand how vitally important it is to deliver comprehensive mental health services within our institutions at all times, but especially during these extraordinary times of heightened uncertainty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many men said they’d feel better if only they could visit with their loved ones. Although the prison has discounted a messaging service used by incarcerated people and their loved ones, and offered a few free call days each month, the men at Avenal have had no face-to-face contact with family or friends for months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacob Benitez said not seeing his wife since March is wearing on his marriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just last night I was talking to my wife and she told me that she forgot my face, she forgot what I look like,” he said. “It does put a strain on your relationship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why Benitez said his inmate council is fighting for video visits as one way to alleviate stress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Some of the largest COVID-19 clusters in the country are in California’s jails and prisons. At the top of the list is Avenal, located in rural Kings County in the San Joaquin Valley.",
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"title": "In California's Prison With the Worst COVID-19 Outbreak, Men Say Their Mental Health Is Suffering | KQED",
"description": "Some of the largest COVID-19 clusters in the country are in California’s jails and prisons. At the top of the list is Avenal, located in rural Kings County in the San Joaquin Valley.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>At first, John Walker wasn’t scared of COVID-19. But that changed in May when the virus infiltrated Avenal State Prison, where he’s been incarcerated for a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was in the block on Alpha yard that got the COVID first,” he said. “One person came in positive and then it spread around like wildfire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/us/coronavirus-us-cases.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">largest COVID-19 clusters in the country\u003c/a> are in California’s jails and prisons. At the top of the list is Avenal, located in rural Kings County in the San Joaquin Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walker eventually became one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/population-status-tracking/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">nearly 3,000 incarcerated men\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/cdcr-cchcs-covid-19-status/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">300 employees\u003c/a> at the prison to contract the virus. Although his case was mild, others were not so fortunate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avenal’s incarcerated men say they don’t feel safe. With bunkbeds, social distancing for the prison’s 3,500 current inmates is nearly impossible, and the men must often work as janitors in each other’s living spaces. On top of that, dorm assignments keep changing. Family visits and education programs have been halted indefinitely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As officials have struggled to contain the outbreak and policies continually shift, those incarcerated have said the prison’s handling of the virus has been chaotic. Walker said that’s not only taking a toll on their safety, but also their mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This prison has changed their mind dozens of times, and the inmates are victims of it,” Walker said. “They can’t get settled, they can’t relax, the mental health department is filled with cases of people with anxiety and depression over all this crap.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since March, prison administrators have responded to the pandemic with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/covid-19-response-efforts/#CFC\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">variety of safety precautions\u003c/a>. They have rearranged living spaces and limited intermingling among inmates living in different buildings. Staff and the incarcerated population must wear face coverings, and hand sanitizer dispensers have been hung throughout the facility. Gyms and other facilities have been repurposed to house inmates at various stages of the quarantine process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843436\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 505px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843436\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Benitez1.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"505\" height=\"742\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Benitez1.jpeg 505w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Benitez1-160x235.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 505px) 100vw, 505px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jacob Benitez, incarcerate at Avenal State Prison, said administrators have not been as up-front about the prison’s pandemic response as his inmate-elected Men’s Advisory Council would like. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Lorina Benitez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Still, Ed Welker, also incarcerated at Avenal, said it’s impossible to keep up with the changes. After he caught the virus, he was moved to different dorms — twice — while suffering from severe fatigue and a persistent migraine. Although he and other residents of his building were moved according to their exposure and testing status, Welker said they were given little notice before moving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is kept secret, they’ll come to you and they’ll say ‘Hey, pack your stuff, you’re moving,’” he said. Welker said when he asked why, he was told, “Because Sacramento says you’re moving.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the men say officials aren’t sharing enough information about the prison’s plan for managing the outbreak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacob Benitez is an elected member of a Men’s Advisory Council made up of incarcerated representatives from throughout the prison. It’s one of the prison population’s few direct lines of communication with administrators. But since March, he said, meetings have been sporadic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a big entity that we’re facing, can we at least get some transparency?” he asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many men have said they rely on their loved ones on the outside as their news sources, even when it comes to information from other parts of the prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wives on all six yards all communicate well with one another,” said Michelle Tran. Her husband Thai Tran is incarcerated at Avenal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If something’s going on, somebody will ask a question or send out something on Facebook to where we all can interact with one another,” Tran said. Unlike the Men’s Advisory Council behind bars, an Inmate Family Council — made up mostly of spouses — meets with prison representatives once a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843440\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11843440\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal-800x566.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"566\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal-800x566.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal-1020x722.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal-1536x1087.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal.jpg 1589w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michelle Tran, whose husband Thai Tran is incarcerated at Avenal State Prison, said her network of spouses on the outside often knows more about what’s happening within the prison’s walls than their husbands do. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Michelle Tran)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Don Specter, executive director of the Prison Law Office said that traditionally correctional administrators “don’t do the best job of communicating with the people who are incarcerated there.” Specter is currently involved in a number of lawsuits advocating for better medical and mental health care for those incarcerated in California’s state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The absence of information about the prison’s handling of the virus, combined with the lack of control people experience in confinement, “creates an incredible amount of anxiety,” Specter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The anxiety inmates are feeling can have very real consequences, according to UC Merced psychology professor Jennifer Howell. Her research on the effects of the pandemic in the U.S. and China has revealed high amounts of chronic stress and disrupted sleep, which not only affect eating and exercise, but can also impair immune function, cognition and long-term health. And that’s in communities outside of prison. Howell says the effects are likely much worse for those who are confined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That kind of environment, where you have a very fixed schedule, where you’re not necessarily in control over how much space you have from other people, when you’re not necessarily in control of government policies that you are sort of being told what to do, I imagine it’s just exacerbating these effects incredibly,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A representative with the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) wrote that up-to-date information on the pandemic airs on television channels throughout the state prison system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Posters and handouts have also been distributed and put up for display on topics such as social distancing, proper handwashing and COVID-19 warning signs,” an email statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also said that all inmates get mental health check-ins during daily COVID-19 screenings with nurses, and although the prison has paused some group treatment programs, it has increased its use of telehealth services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The well-being and safety of the incarcerated population and staff within CDCR … is our top priority,” the statement read. “We understand how vitally important it is to deliver comprehensive mental health services within our institutions at all times, but especially during these extraordinary times of heightened uncertainty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many men said they’d feel better if only they could visit with their loved ones. Although the prison has discounted a messaging service used by incarcerated people and their loved ones, and offered a few free call days each month, the men at Avenal have had no face-to-face contact with family or friends for months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacob Benitez said not seeing his wife since March is wearing on his marriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just last night I was talking to my wife and she told me that she forgot my face, she forgot what I look like,” he said. “It does put a strain on your relationship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why Benitez said his inmate council is fighting for video visits as one way to alleviate stress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The police killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and a multitude of other Black people in America have sparked nationwide — and international — protests this year, with calls for sweeping reforms: from defunding entire police departments to strengthening civilian oversight of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area alone, at least six measures on local ballots seek to expand the authority of police commissions and strengthen independent investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures go before voters just two months after the California Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101879558/major-police-reform-bills-fail-in-california-legislature\">failed to pass\u003c/a> several major statewide police accountability bills — including one to remove police officers who commit serious misconduct — after facing strong opposition from law enforcement group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a rundown of the local measures:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#S1\">Oakland: Measure S1\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#D\">San Francisco: Proposition D\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#E\">San Francisco: Proposition E\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#II\">Berkeley: Measure II\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#G\">San Jose: Measure G\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#P\">Sonoma County: Measure P\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"S1\">Oakland: Measure S1\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843542\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843542\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS43436_026_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Demonstators and OPD\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS43436_026_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS43436_026_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS43436_026_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS43436_026_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS43436_026_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators face a police line on May 29, 2020 in Oakland during protests following the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/24-Measure-S1-City-of-Oakland-Police-Commussion.pdf\">Measure S1\u003c/a> would strengthen oversight of Oakland’s police force by creating a new Office of the Inspector General (OIG), independent from the Police Department, and increasing the authority of both the Oakland Police Commission and the Community Police Review Agency (CPRA) — both of which conduct investigations into police misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the measure, the commission — which voters approved in 2016 (Measure LL) — would operate independently from the city administration. Both it and the CPRA could hire their own attorneys, be able to more quickly conduct investigations into police misconduct and may more readily release their findings to the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would also require Oakland’s police chief to respond to the commission’s requests for information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure passes, the new independent OIG would be tasked with reviewing cases of police misconduct and submitting reports to the police commission and the Oakland City Council. It would also oversee compliance with a 2003 settlement in a federal civil rights lawsuit — known as the Riders case — when the city and Police Department entered into an agreement to address serious allegations of police misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/resources/oakland-police-negotiated-settlement-agreement-nsa-reports\">Under the settlement\u003c/a>, which the city has yet to fully comply with, the department was placed under ongoing federal oversight and required to implement a series of reforms, including improved police training and supervision, better systems for identifying inappropriate police behavior and increased public access to the complaint process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure is backed unanimously by the Oakland City Council and the California Democratic Party, with no official opponents listed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"D\">San Francisco: Proposition D\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843548\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843548\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS21357_20161005_100742-qut.jpg\" alt=\"seal of the SF sheriff's department\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS21357_20161005_100742-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS21357_20161005_100742-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS21357_20161005_100742-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS21357_20161005_100742-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS21357_20161005_100742-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS21357_20161005_100742-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS21357_20161005_100742-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS21357_20161005_100742-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS21357_20161005_100742-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS21357_20161005_100742-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Prop. D comes in the wake of several high-profile allegations of misconduct in the San Francisco Sheriff’s Department. \u003ccite>(Alex Emslie/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://voterguide.sfelections.org/en/sheriff-oversight\">Proposition D\u003c/a> would create two new oversight bodies for the San Francisco County Sheriff’s Department: the Office of Inspector General (OIG), which would investigate misconduct within the department, and an oversight board. The seven-member board — four of whom would be appointed by the Board of Supervisors and three by the mayor — would make policy recommendations to the sheriff and the Board of Supervisors regarding department operations, complaints against deputies and in-custody deaths. However, the sheriff would retain the authority to determine any disciplinary actions against deputies and other departmental staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, placed on the ballot by a unanimous vote of the Board of Supervisors, comes in the wake of several high-profile allegations of misconduct in the Sheriff’s Department. Most notably, sheriff’s deputies were accused in 2016 of \u003ca href=\"https://www.vice.com/en/article/qv5enm/san-francisco-sheriffs-deputies-accused-of-forcing-jailed-inmates-to-participate-in-fight-club\">arranging gladiator-style fights\u003c/a> between inmates in San Francisco County Jail. A subsequent botched internal investigation resulted in those charges being dropped. And last year, the department entered into an agreement allowing the San Francisco Department of Police Accountability to investigate a number existing allegations of misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Sheriff Paul Miyamoto has come out \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/Election-2020-A-breakdown-of-the-Bay-Area-s-15594960.php\">opposing the investigation portion of the measure\u003c/a>, saying it would create a redundant “wasteful bureaucracy” that overlaps with the independent investigations into his department already in progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"police-reform\"]In California, the county sheriff is an elected position whose role is largely defined in the state Constitution. Sheriff’s departments operate independently of policies that govern local police departments, and are authorized to carry out their own investigations into misconduct. Because county officials don’t have the same authority over them that mayors and city councils have over appointed police chiefs, oversight of sheriff’s departments has traditionally been limited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in recent years, as more cases of potential misconduct within individual sheriff’s departments have come to light, a small but growing number of counties have established oversight agencies to investigate those allegations. Additionally, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/uncategorized/2019/09/sheriff-power/\">Assembly Bill 1185, \u003c/a>which Gov. Gavin Newsom approved last month, codifies every county’s ability to establish a sheriff oversight board and inspector general’s office, both with subpoena powers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"E\">San Francisco: Proposition E\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843551\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843551\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS40522_IMG_2406-qut.jpg\" alt=\"SFPD chief William Scott\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS40522_IMG_2406-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS40522_IMG_2406-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS40522_IMG_2406-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS40522_IMG_2406-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS40522_IMG_2406-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Police Chief William Scott listens during a town hall meeting at Cesar Chavez Elementary in the wake of a Dec., 2019 police shooting in the Mission District. \u003ccite>(Sheraz Sadiq/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://voterguide.sfelections.org/en/police-staffing\">Proposition E\u003c/a> would amend the city charter to scrap the mandatory minimum staffing number for full-duty sworn police officers in San Francisco, and require the department to submit a report and recommendation for police staffing levels every two years to the Police Commission. The commission would then have to consider the report when approving the department’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, San Francisco would be in violation of its charter if it fell below the minimum staffing level of 1,971 full-duty officers, a number established several decades ago. Proponents of the new measure say that staffing mandate is arbitrary and antiquated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would ultimately allow city leaders — including the mayor, supervisors and the Police Commission — to hire fewer full-duty officers. The effort aligns with some of the recent reforms pushed by Mayor London Breed and Police Chief Bill Scott to divert responses to some mental health-related issues and other non-violent complaints away from the Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Police Officers Association opposes this measure, arguing that the city has not consistently met the minimum staffing requirements, leaving the department perennially understaffed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"II\">Berkeley: Measure II\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843553\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1440px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843553\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS13484_460085990-e1418082501731-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Berkeley police line\" width=\"1440\" height=\"960\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS13484_460085990-e1418082501731-qut.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS13484_460085990-e1418082501731-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS13484_460085990-e1418082501731-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS13484_460085990-e1418082501731-qut-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1440px) 100vw, 1440px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Berkeley police officers form a line on Telegraph Ave during protests in Dec., 2014 following a New York jury’s decision not to indict a police officer in the chokehold death of Eric Garner. \u003ccite>(Stephen Lam/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Berkeley was an early adopter of civilian police oversight. Its current Police Review Commission was established in 1973, long before most other cities had even considered such entities. But some Berkeley residents and city leaders say the commission has become antiquated, and lacks the authority of oversight bodies in cities like San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cityofberkeley.info/uploadedFiles/Clerk/Elections/Police%20Charter%20Question%20and%20Text.pdf\">Measure II\u003c/a> would replace the existing commission by early 2022 with a nine-member independent body and director called the Police Accountability Board, with increased oversight of the Berkeley Police Department’s policies and practices. The measure would create a new process to investigate and review allegations of police misconduct, giving the board authority to obtain access to police records and officer testimony, investigate complaints filed by members of the public against sworn officers and recommend disciplinary action. The board would also advise on the hiring of future police chiefs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, which was introduced by a coalition of Berkeley police officials, City Council members and current oversight commissioners, would also give the public \u003ca href=\"https://www.kalw.org/post/berkeley-measure-ii-police-accountability-board#stream/0\">more time\u003c/a> to file complaints against police officers and lower the burden of proof in the process investigating those allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure II is endorsed by local chapters of the NAACP, ACLU and National Institute for Criminal Justice Reform. No one has submitted a formal argument opposing the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"G\">San Jose: Measure G\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11828875\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1280px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11828875\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_8296.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1280\" height=\"886\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_8296.jpg 1280w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_8296-800x554.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_8296-1020x706.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_8296-160x111.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1280px) 100vw, 1280px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police officers in riot gear block off a street in downtown San Jose on May 29, 2020, in advance of a large protest against police brutality, spurred by the death of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police. \u003ccite>(Adhiti Bandlamudi/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Placed on the ballot by the City Council, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/appointees/city-clerk/elections/measure-g-charter-amendment\">Measure G\u003c/a> would amend the city charter to institute a handful of fairly wide-ranging changes — some not directly related to police accountability — which include changing the size of the Planning Commission and allowing the council to establish different timelines for redistricting if U.S. Census results arrive late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Concerning police oversight, Measure G would expand the review authority of the Independent Police Auditor (IPA). Currently, the IPA reviews police department investigations of complaints against police officers and makes recommendations regarding police department policies and procedures, but lacks access to key pieces of evidence in those investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the measure, the IPA could review administrative investigations initiated by the police department against its officers and would gain access to un-redacted records related to police shootings and other serious use-of-force incidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure comes as the San Jose Police Department is being sued for its officers’ use of tear gas and projectiles against mostly peaceful demonstrators during the George Floyd protests in the city in late May and early June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A scandal also erupted this summer when a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseinside.com/news/sjpd-officers-mock-muslims-blm-protesters-on-facebook/\">blogger exposed\u003c/a> that current and former San Jose police officers swapped bigoted messages in a Facebook group, prompting the department to place four officers on leave. The Santa Clara County district attorney has since \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-10-22/social-media-scandal-santa-clara-police-charges-dropped\">announced plans to dismiss charges\u003c/a> in 14 criminal cases tainted by those officers’ involvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"P\">Sonoma County: Measure P\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11818497\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11818497\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/Blount-screen-shot-1.jpg\" alt=\"A screen shot from body camera video of the Nov. 27 in-custody of death of David Ward shows former Sonoma County Sheriff's Deputy Charles Blount as he grabs Ward by the head, a few seconds before slamming Ward's face against the car's door frame.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"988\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/Blount-screen-shot-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/Blount-screen-shot-1-160x82.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/Blount-screen-shot-1-800x412.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/Blount-screen-shot-1-1020x525.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot from body-camera video of the Nov. 27 in-custody of death of David Glen Ward shows former Sonoma County Sheriff’s Deputy Charles Blount as he grabs Ward by the head, a few seconds before slamming Ward’s face against the car’s door frame. \u003ccite>(Via Sonoma County Sheriff)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://sonomacounty.ca.gov/CRA/Registrar-of-Voters/Elections/PDFs/Measure-P-IOLERO-November-3-2020/\">Measure P,\u003c/a> put on the ballot in a unanimous vote by the Sonoma County Board of Supervisors, would increase the powers of the Independent Office of Law Enforcement Review and Outreach (IOLERO). That office was created in the years following the controversial 2013 killing of 13-year-old \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/andy-lopez/\">Andy Lopez\u003c/a>. Proponents of the new measure say the office was underfunded and has relied on the voluntary cooperation of the sheriff to provide access to records and allow for any substantive oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would require the sheriff to cooperate with investigations and give the office authority to obtain evidence, contact witnesses and subpoena records, as well as to publish body camera footage on its website and recommend disciplinary actions for officers under investigation. The measure would also guarantee funding for the office, requiring that its budget be equal to 1% of the overall sheriff’s budget, and prohibit its director’s from being removed unless approved by a four-fifths vote of the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure comes a year after former Sheriff’s Deputy Charles Blount, who had a history of misusing neck holds \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11789667/in-custody-death-sonoma-county-deputy-lied-in-court-about-past-carotid-hold\">was caught on body camera video\u003c/a> slamming a man’s head into a car door frame following a chase, and attempting to put him in a neck hold through the driver’s side window.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The man, David Glen Ward, who had a disability, subsequently died from his injuries according to the coroner’s findings, which also noted finding methamphetamine in his system. The sheriff was required under a recent state law to release body camera video from the incident, and said at the time he was moving to fire Blount. But Blount retired before he was officially disciplined and is now presumably collecting a pension. A criminal investigation into Ward’s death took months to complete and the Sonoma County district attorney has yet to make a charging decision in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sheriff and the union representing its deputies \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/campaign-heats-up-on-sonoma-county-ballot-measure-to-beef-up-law-enforcemen/\">oppose the measure\u003c/a>, comparing it with efforts to defund police departments while contending that county supervisors violated state labor laws by placing it on the November ballot before conferring with the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, supporters of the measure dispute that argument, noting that IOLERO is supported by the county’s general fund, and the measure in no way reduces funding to the sheriff’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Alex Emslie contributed reporting to this article.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A rundown of six Bay Area ballot measures that seek to expand the authority of local police commissions and strengthen independent investigations.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The police killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and a multitude of other Black people in America have sparked nationwide — and international — protests this year, with calls for sweeping reforms: from defunding entire police departments to strengthening civilian oversight of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area alone, at least six measures on local ballots seek to expand the authority of police commissions and strengthen independent investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures go before voters just two months after the California Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101879558/major-police-reform-bills-fail-in-california-legislature\">failed to pass\u003c/a> several major statewide police accountability bills — including one to remove police officers who commit serious misconduct — after facing strong opposition from law enforcement group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a rundown of the local measures:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#S1\">Oakland: Measure S1\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#D\">San Francisco: Proposition D\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#E\">San Francisco: Proposition E\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#II\">Berkeley: Measure II\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#G\">San Jose: Measure G\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#P\">Sonoma County: Measure P\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"S1\">Oakland: Measure S1\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843542\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843542\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS43436_026_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Demonstators and OPD\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS43436_026_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS43436_026_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS43436_026_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS43436_026_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS43436_026_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators face a police line on May 29, 2020 in Oakland during protests following the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/24-Measure-S1-City-of-Oakland-Police-Commussion.pdf\">Measure S1\u003c/a> would strengthen oversight of Oakland’s police force by creating a new Office of the Inspector General (OIG), independent from the Police Department, and increasing the authority of both the Oakland Police Commission and the Community Police Review Agency (CPRA) — both of which conduct investigations into police misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the measure, the commission — which voters approved in 2016 (Measure LL) — would operate independently from the city administration. Both it and the CPRA could hire their own attorneys, be able to more quickly conduct investigations into police misconduct and may more readily release their findings to the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would also require Oakland’s police chief to respond to the commission’s requests for information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure passes, the new independent OIG would be tasked with reviewing cases of police misconduct and submitting reports to the police commission and the Oakland City Council. It would also oversee compliance with a 2003 settlement in a federal civil rights lawsuit — known as the Riders case — when the city and Police Department entered into an agreement to address serious allegations of police misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/resources/oakland-police-negotiated-settlement-agreement-nsa-reports\">Under the settlement\u003c/a>, which the city has yet to fully comply with, the department was placed under ongoing federal oversight and required to implement a series of reforms, including improved police training and supervision, better systems for identifying inappropriate police behavior and increased public access to the complaint process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure is backed unanimously by the Oakland City Council and the California Democratic Party, with no official opponents listed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"D\">San Francisco: Proposition D\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843548\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843548\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS21357_20161005_100742-qut.jpg\" alt=\"seal of the SF sheriff's department\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS21357_20161005_100742-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS21357_20161005_100742-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS21357_20161005_100742-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS21357_20161005_100742-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS21357_20161005_100742-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS21357_20161005_100742-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS21357_20161005_100742-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS21357_20161005_100742-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS21357_20161005_100742-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS21357_20161005_100742-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Prop. D comes in the wake of several high-profile allegations of misconduct in the San Francisco Sheriff’s Department. \u003ccite>(Alex Emslie/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://voterguide.sfelections.org/en/sheriff-oversight\">Proposition D\u003c/a> would create two new oversight bodies for the San Francisco County Sheriff’s Department: the Office of Inspector General (OIG), which would investigate misconduct within the department, and an oversight board. The seven-member board — four of whom would be appointed by the Board of Supervisors and three by the mayor — would make policy recommendations to the sheriff and the Board of Supervisors regarding department operations, complaints against deputies and in-custody deaths. However, the sheriff would retain the authority to determine any disciplinary actions against deputies and other departmental staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, placed on the ballot by a unanimous vote of the Board of Supervisors, comes in the wake of several high-profile allegations of misconduct in the Sheriff’s Department. Most notably, sheriff’s deputies were accused in 2016 of \u003ca href=\"https://www.vice.com/en/article/qv5enm/san-francisco-sheriffs-deputies-accused-of-forcing-jailed-inmates-to-participate-in-fight-club\">arranging gladiator-style fights\u003c/a> between inmates in San Francisco County Jail. A subsequent botched internal investigation resulted in those charges being dropped. And last year, the department entered into an agreement allowing the San Francisco Department of Police Accountability to investigate a number existing allegations of misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Sheriff Paul Miyamoto has come out \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/Election-2020-A-breakdown-of-the-Bay-Area-s-15594960.php\">opposing the investigation portion of the measure\u003c/a>, saying it would create a redundant “wasteful bureaucracy” that overlaps with the independent investigations into his department already in progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In California, the county sheriff is an elected position whose role is largely defined in the state Constitution. Sheriff’s departments operate independently of policies that govern local police departments, and are authorized to carry out their own investigations into misconduct. Because county officials don’t have the same authority over them that mayors and city councils have over appointed police chiefs, oversight of sheriff’s departments has traditionally been limited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in recent years, as more cases of potential misconduct within individual sheriff’s departments have come to light, a small but growing number of counties have established oversight agencies to investigate those allegations. Additionally, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/uncategorized/2019/09/sheriff-power/\">Assembly Bill 1185, \u003c/a>which Gov. Gavin Newsom approved last month, codifies every county’s ability to establish a sheriff oversight board and inspector general’s office, both with subpoena powers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"E\">San Francisco: Proposition E\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843551\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843551\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS40522_IMG_2406-qut.jpg\" alt=\"SFPD chief William Scott\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS40522_IMG_2406-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS40522_IMG_2406-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS40522_IMG_2406-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS40522_IMG_2406-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS40522_IMG_2406-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Police Chief William Scott listens during a town hall meeting at Cesar Chavez Elementary in the wake of a Dec., 2019 police shooting in the Mission District. \u003ccite>(Sheraz Sadiq/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://voterguide.sfelections.org/en/police-staffing\">Proposition E\u003c/a> would amend the city charter to scrap the mandatory minimum staffing number for full-duty sworn police officers in San Francisco, and require the department to submit a report and recommendation for police staffing levels every two years to the Police Commission. The commission would then have to consider the report when approving the department’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, San Francisco would be in violation of its charter if it fell below the minimum staffing level of 1,971 full-duty officers, a number established several decades ago. Proponents of the new measure say that staffing mandate is arbitrary and antiquated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would ultimately allow city leaders — including the mayor, supervisors and the Police Commission — to hire fewer full-duty officers. The effort aligns with some of the recent reforms pushed by Mayor London Breed and Police Chief Bill Scott to divert responses to some mental health-related issues and other non-violent complaints away from the Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Police Officers Association opposes this measure, arguing that the city has not consistently met the minimum staffing requirements, leaving the department perennially understaffed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"II\">Berkeley: Measure II\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843553\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1440px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843553\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS13484_460085990-e1418082501731-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Berkeley police line\" width=\"1440\" height=\"960\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS13484_460085990-e1418082501731-qut.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS13484_460085990-e1418082501731-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS13484_460085990-e1418082501731-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS13484_460085990-e1418082501731-qut-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1440px) 100vw, 1440px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Berkeley police officers form a line on Telegraph Ave during protests in Dec., 2014 following a New York jury’s decision not to indict a police officer in the chokehold death of Eric Garner. \u003ccite>(Stephen Lam/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Berkeley was an early adopter of civilian police oversight. Its current Police Review Commission was established in 1973, long before most other cities had even considered such entities. But some Berkeley residents and city leaders say the commission has become antiquated, and lacks the authority of oversight bodies in cities like San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cityofberkeley.info/uploadedFiles/Clerk/Elections/Police%20Charter%20Question%20and%20Text.pdf\">Measure II\u003c/a> would replace the existing commission by early 2022 with a nine-member independent body and director called the Police Accountability Board, with increased oversight of the Berkeley Police Department’s policies and practices. The measure would create a new process to investigate and review allegations of police misconduct, giving the board authority to obtain access to police records and officer testimony, investigate complaints filed by members of the public against sworn officers and recommend disciplinary action. The board would also advise on the hiring of future police chiefs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, which was introduced by a coalition of Berkeley police officials, City Council members and current oversight commissioners, would also give the public \u003ca href=\"https://www.kalw.org/post/berkeley-measure-ii-police-accountability-board#stream/0\">more time\u003c/a> to file complaints against police officers and lower the burden of proof in the process investigating those allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure II is endorsed by local chapters of the NAACP, ACLU and National Institute for Criminal Justice Reform. No one has submitted a formal argument opposing the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"G\">San Jose: Measure G\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11828875\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1280px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11828875\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_8296.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1280\" height=\"886\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_8296.jpg 1280w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_8296-800x554.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_8296-1020x706.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_8296-160x111.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1280px) 100vw, 1280px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police officers in riot gear block off a street in downtown San Jose on May 29, 2020, in advance of a large protest against police brutality, spurred by the death of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police. \u003ccite>(Adhiti Bandlamudi/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Placed on the ballot by the City Council, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/appointees/city-clerk/elections/measure-g-charter-amendment\">Measure G\u003c/a> would amend the city charter to institute a handful of fairly wide-ranging changes — some not directly related to police accountability — which include changing the size of the Planning Commission and allowing the council to establish different timelines for redistricting if U.S. Census results arrive late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Concerning police oversight, Measure G would expand the review authority of the Independent Police Auditor (IPA). Currently, the IPA reviews police department investigations of complaints against police officers and makes recommendations regarding police department policies and procedures, but lacks access to key pieces of evidence in those investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the measure, the IPA could review administrative investigations initiated by the police department against its officers and would gain access to un-redacted records related to police shootings and other serious use-of-force incidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure comes as the San Jose Police Department is being sued for its officers’ use of tear gas and projectiles against mostly peaceful demonstrators during the George Floyd protests in the city in late May and early June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A scandal also erupted this summer when a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseinside.com/news/sjpd-officers-mock-muslims-blm-protesters-on-facebook/\">blogger exposed\u003c/a> that current and former San Jose police officers swapped bigoted messages in a Facebook group, prompting the department to place four officers on leave. The Santa Clara County district attorney has since \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-10-22/social-media-scandal-santa-clara-police-charges-dropped\">announced plans to dismiss charges\u003c/a> in 14 criminal cases tainted by those officers’ involvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"P\">Sonoma County: Measure P\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11818497\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11818497\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/Blount-screen-shot-1.jpg\" alt=\"A screen shot from body camera video of the Nov. 27 in-custody of death of David Ward shows former Sonoma County Sheriff's Deputy Charles Blount as he grabs Ward by the head, a few seconds before slamming Ward's face against the car's door frame.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"988\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/Blount-screen-shot-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/Blount-screen-shot-1-160x82.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/Blount-screen-shot-1-800x412.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/Blount-screen-shot-1-1020x525.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot from body-camera video of the Nov. 27 in-custody of death of David Glen Ward shows former Sonoma County Sheriff’s Deputy Charles Blount as he grabs Ward by the head, a few seconds before slamming Ward’s face against the car’s door frame. \u003ccite>(Via Sonoma County Sheriff)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://sonomacounty.ca.gov/CRA/Registrar-of-Voters/Elections/PDFs/Measure-P-IOLERO-November-3-2020/\">Measure P,\u003c/a> put on the ballot in a unanimous vote by the Sonoma County Board of Supervisors, would increase the powers of the Independent Office of Law Enforcement Review and Outreach (IOLERO). That office was created in the years following the controversial 2013 killing of 13-year-old \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/andy-lopez/\">Andy Lopez\u003c/a>. Proponents of the new measure say the office was underfunded and has relied on the voluntary cooperation of the sheriff to provide access to records and allow for any substantive oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would require the sheriff to cooperate with investigations and give the office authority to obtain evidence, contact witnesses and subpoena records, as well as to publish body camera footage on its website and recommend disciplinary actions for officers under investigation. The measure would also guarantee funding for the office, requiring that its budget be equal to 1% of the overall sheriff’s budget, and prohibit its director’s from being removed unless approved by a four-fifths vote of the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure comes a year after former Sheriff’s Deputy Charles Blount, who had a history of misusing neck holds \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11789667/in-custody-death-sonoma-county-deputy-lied-in-court-about-past-carotid-hold\">was caught on body camera video\u003c/a> slamming a man’s head into a car door frame following a chase, and attempting to put him in a neck hold through the driver’s side window.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The man, David Glen Ward, who had a disability, subsequently died from his injuries according to the coroner’s findings, which also noted finding methamphetamine in his system. The sheriff was required under a recent state law to release body camera video from the incident, and said at the time he was moving to fire Blount. But Blount retired before he was officially disciplined and is now presumably collecting a pension. A criminal investigation into Ward’s death took months to complete and the Sonoma County district attorney has yet to make a charging decision in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sheriff and the union representing its deputies \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/campaign-heats-up-on-sonoma-county-ballot-measure-to-beef-up-law-enforcemen/\">oppose the measure\u003c/a>, comparing it with efforts to defund police departments while contending that county supervisors violated state labor laws by placing it on the November ballot before conferring with the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, supporters of the measure dispute that argument, noting that IOLERO is supported by the county’s general fund, and the measure in no way reduces funding to the sheriff’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Alex Emslie contributed reporting to this article.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The parents of 545 children separated at the U.S.-Mexico border \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioremissingstill\">still can’t be found\u003c/a>, according to a court document filed by the U.S. Department of Justice and the American Civil Liberties Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ripple effects of the Trump administration’s “zero tolerance” policy are still having a horrible impact on families who were seeking refuge in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the administration’s botched response to the coronavirus pandemic is now front and center, let’s hope people also remember this unconscionable policy of family separation when they are casting their votes in the current election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The parents of 545 children separated at the U.S.-Mexico border still can't be found, according to a court document filed by the U.S. Department of Justice and the ACLU.",
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"description": "The parents of 545 children separated at the U.S.-Mexico border still can't be found, according to a court document filed by the U.S. Department of Justice and the ACLU.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The parents of 545 children separated at the U.S.-Mexico border \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioremissingstill\">still can’t be found\u003c/a>, according to a court document filed by the U.S. Department of Justice and the American Civil Liberties Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ripple effects of the Trump administration’s “zero tolerance” policy are still having a horrible impact on families who were seeking refuge in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the administration’s botched response to the coronavirus pandemic is now front and center, let’s hope people also remember this unconscionable policy of family separation when they are casting their votes in the current election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Despite a federal judge’s order that the government reunite families who had been separated at the U.S.-Mexico border under the Trump administration’s “zero tolerance” migration policy, the parents of 545 children still can’t be found, according to a court document filed Tuesday by the U.S. Justice Department and the American Civil Liberties Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of families were separated under the policy before the Trump administration ended the practice in 2018. The ACLU successfully sued the government, winning a court order to reunite families. Thousands of parents and children were reunited within weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But about 1,000 families who had been separated in a pilot program in 2017 were not covered by the initial court order — reunification of this group was ordered only last year. The passage of time has made finding both parents and children more difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11831289 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/child-separations4-1038x576.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What has happened is horrific,” says Lee Gelernt, deputy director of the ACLU Immigrants’ Rights Project, who has been leading the litigation. “Some of these children were just babies when they were separated. Some of these children may now have been separated for more than half their lives. Almost their whole life, they have not been with their parents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The update on reunification efforts was filed ahead of a status conference scheduled for Thursday before U.S. District Judge Dana Sabraw in San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The filing estimates that two-thirds of the separated parents are believed to have returned to their home countries. Nongovernmental groups appointed by the court have “engaged in time consuming and arduous on-the-ground searches for parents in their respective countries of origin,” according to the filing, but those efforts were halted by the coronavirus pandemic and are only now resuming in limited fashion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR’s Joel Rose reports that the children initially went into a shelter system before being placed with sponsors across the country and that many will likely try to remain in the United States. The ACLU’s Gelernt says about 360 of the children still have not been located.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case is \u003cem>Ms. L. v. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement et al\u003c/em>., in U.S. District Court for the Southern District of California, 3:18-cv-428. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2020 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Parents+Of+545+Children+Separated+At+U.S.-Mexico+Border+Still+Can%27t+Be+Found&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What has happened is horrific,” says Lee Gelernt, deputy director of the ACLU Immigrants’ Rights Project, who has been leading the litigation. “Some of these children were just babies when they were separated. Some of these children may now have been separated for more than half their lives. Almost their whole life, they have not been with their parents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The update on reunification efforts was filed ahead of a status conference scheduled for Thursday before U.S. District Judge Dana Sabraw in San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The filing estimates that two-thirds of the separated parents are believed to have returned to their home countries. Nongovernmental groups appointed by the court have “engaged in time consuming and arduous on-the-ground searches for parents in their respective countries of origin,” according to the filing, but those efforts were halted by the coronavirus pandemic and are only now resuming in limited fashion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR’s Joel Rose reports that the children initially went into a shelter system before being placed with sponsors across the country and that many will likely try to remain in the United States. The ACLU’s Gelernt says about 360 of the children still have not been located.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case is \u003cem>Ms. L. v. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement et al\u003c/em>., in U.S. District Court for the Southern District of California, 3:18-cv-428. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2020 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Parents+Of+545+Children+Separated+At+U.S.-Mexico+Border+Still+Can%27t+Be+Found&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Bay Area Courts Challenged Trump on Immigration. Now the Cases Head to Supreme Court",
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"content": "\u003cp>Two controversial Trump administration immigration policies that were ruled illegal by federal courts in the San Francisco Bay Area will be decided by the U.S. Supreme Court in coming months, the high court announced Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One case deals with President Donald Trump’s approach to funding the border wall, The other deals with the policy known as “Remain in Mexico,” aimed at keeping asylum seekers out of the United States while they await hearings in immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both the wall and the asylum restrictions have been central to the president’s emphasis on halting immigration at the U.S.-Mexico border, and casting immigrants as a threat. The cases also raise the question of how much power the president has to implement his policies without restriction, legal scholars say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the outcome of the Nov. 3 presidential election could affect the future of these border policies more than the Supreme Court. If Democratic nominee and former Vice President Joe Biden wins, he could roll them back, leaving the cases moot.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Looking for Funds for a Border Fence\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Trump made building “a big, beautiful wall” a central campaign theme in 2016. But Congress granted less than $1.4 billion for border fencing last year, far short of the $5.7 billion the administration sought. So the president announced a state of emergency, alleging that it enabled him to redirect billions of dollars that Congress had appropriated to the Defense Department for other purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Dror Ladin, ACLU senior staff attorney']‘Every lower court that has considered the case has found that the President has no authority to waste billions of taxpayer dollars on construction.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sierra Club and the Southern Border Communities Coalition \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/sierra-club-v-trump-challenge-trumps-national-emergency-declaration-construct-border-wall\">sued\u003c/a>, saying that the move violated the separation of powers spelled out in the U.S. Constitution, which gives Congress the sole right to appropriate funds. And a federal judge in Oakland — U.S. District Judge Haywood Gilliam — ruled in June 2019 that the diversion of funds was illegal. The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals agreed, but the U.S. Supreme Court allowed construction to proceed while the case is being decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every lower court that has considered the case has found that the President has no authority to waste billions of taxpayer dollars on construction,” Dror Ladin, a senior staff attorney at the ACLU and lead counsel in the case, said in a statement. “We look forward to making the same case before the Supreme Court and finally putting a stop to the administration’s unconstitutional power grab.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration says it has built 341 miles so far, but almost all of that is new fencing to replace sections of the existing fence, which covers close to 700 miles of the 2,000 mile border.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A Policy to Deter Asylum Seekers\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The second case the high court agreed to hear deals with the 2018 Remain in Mexico policy, formally known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2019/01/24/migrant-protection-protocols\">Migrant Protection Protocols\u003c/a>. The protocols aim to prevent migrants from “gaming” the asylum system for economic opportunity in the U.S. The policy allows U.S. border authorities, after an initial asylum screening, to turn back non-Mexican adults to wait for an immigration court hearing on the Mexican side of the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is one of several actions by the administration that have transformed the U.S. asylum system and effectively kept out the increased number of people seeking refuge in this country. Since the start of the coronavirus crisis, federal officials have used emergency pandemic restrictions to expel most migrants at the border without even an asylum screening. [aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 66,000 asylum seekers have fallen under the Remain in Mexico plan since it began in January of last year, including more than \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/628/\">25,000 with cases pending\u003c/a> in immigration courts. Most have had to shelter in Mexican border cities where cartel and gang violence is rampant, and where it has proven \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/568/\">nearly impossible\u003c/a> for migrants to find U.S. lawyers to guide their cases through an unfamiliar immigration court system. Only a tiny fraction of them — 260 people in total — \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/mpp/\">have won asylum\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program was \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/innovation-law-lab-v-wolf\">challenged\u003c/a> by 11 asylum seekers and a group of immigrant legal service providers, including several in the Bay Area. Plaintiffs say the protocols do not provide “protection” to migrants, but rather put them in harm’s way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thousands of families remain stranded in increasingly perilous conditions, where many have faced brutal violence and homelessness,” said Blaine Bookey, legal director for the San Francisco-based Center for Gender and Refugee Studies. “We will continue the fight to stop this cruelty once and for all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, U.S. District Judge Richard Seeborg in San Francisco ruled that the policy likely violates the Immigration and Nationality Act, and other legal protections against returning immigrants to “unduly dangerous circumstances.” Again, the 9th Circuit agreed. And, again, the Supreme Court intervened to allow the policy to go forward while the case is litigated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Legal and Political Changes Could Affect Cases\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Oral arguments in the two cases will be scheduled for February at the earliest, legal analysts say. And by then, the legal and political landscape may have changed significantly. Judge Amy Coney Barrett may have been confirmed to fill the vacancy left by the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, likely solidifying a conservative majority on the court. And the presidential election will have been decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a more conservative court won’t necessarily rule in Trump’s favor, especially on the border wall funding case, said Kevin R. Johnson, dean of the UC Davis School of Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I had to guess, I’d say it’s more likely the [border wall] appropriations case will be upheld,” Johnson said. The court “may have a conservative bent, but they do respect the constitutional separation of powers framework.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, if Biden is elected, he could simply end the border wall construction and the “Remain in Mexico” policy, which were executive actions to begin with, and dismiss the government’s appeals to the Supreme Court, Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes all the difference who the president is,” he said. “If you wanted these cases to go away\u003cstrong>,\u003c/strong> you’d vote for a Biden-Harris ticket.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Two controversial Trump administration immigration policies that were ruled illegal by federal courts in the San Francisco Bay Area will be decided by the U.S. Supreme Court in coming months, the high court announced Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One case deals with President Donald Trump’s approach to funding the border wall, The other deals with the policy known as “Remain in Mexico,” aimed at keeping asylum seekers out of the United States while they await hearings in immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both the wall and the asylum restrictions have been central to the president’s emphasis on halting immigration at the U.S.-Mexico border, and casting immigrants as a threat. The cases also raise the question of how much power the president has to implement his policies without restriction, legal scholars say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the outcome of the Nov. 3 presidential election could affect the future of these border policies more than the Supreme Court. If Democratic nominee and former Vice President Joe Biden wins, he could roll them back, leaving the cases moot.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Looking for Funds for a Border Fence\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Trump made building “a big, beautiful wall” a central campaign theme in 2016. But Congress granted less than $1.4 billion for border fencing last year, far short of the $5.7 billion the administration sought. So the president announced a state of emergency, alleging that it enabled him to redirect billions of dollars that Congress had appropriated to the Defense Department for other purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sierra Club and the Southern Border Communities Coalition \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/sierra-club-v-trump-challenge-trumps-national-emergency-declaration-construct-border-wall\">sued\u003c/a>, saying that the move violated the separation of powers spelled out in the U.S. Constitution, which gives Congress the sole right to appropriate funds. And a federal judge in Oakland — U.S. District Judge Haywood Gilliam — ruled in June 2019 that the diversion of funds was illegal. The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals agreed, but the U.S. Supreme Court allowed construction to proceed while the case is being decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every lower court that has considered the case has found that the President has no authority to waste billions of taxpayer dollars on construction,” Dror Ladin, a senior staff attorney at the ACLU and lead counsel in the case, said in a statement. “We look forward to making the same case before the Supreme Court and finally putting a stop to the administration’s unconstitutional power grab.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration says it has built 341 miles so far, but almost all of that is new fencing to replace sections of the existing fence, which covers close to 700 miles of the 2,000 mile border.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A Policy to Deter Asylum Seekers\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The second case the high court agreed to hear deals with the 2018 Remain in Mexico policy, formally known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2019/01/24/migrant-protection-protocols\">Migrant Protection Protocols\u003c/a>. The protocols aim to prevent migrants from “gaming” the asylum system for economic opportunity in the U.S. The policy allows U.S. border authorities, after an initial asylum screening, to turn back non-Mexican adults to wait for an immigration court hearing on the Mexican side of the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is one of several actions by the administration that have transformed the U.S. asylum system and effectively kept out the increased number of people seeking refuge in this country. Since the start of the coronavirus crisis, federal officials have used emergency pandemic restrictions to expel most migrants at the border without even an asylum screening. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 66,000 asylum seekers have fallen under the Remain in Mexico plan since it began in January of last year, including more than \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/628/\">25,000 with cases pending\u003c/a> in immigration courts. Most have had to shelter in Mexican border cities where cartel and gang violence is rampant, and where it has proven \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/568/\">nearly impossible\u003c/a> for migrants to find U.S. lawyers to guide their cases through an unfamiliar immigration court system. Only a tiny fraction of them — 260 people in total — \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/mpp/\">have won asylum\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program was \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/innovation-law-lab-v-wolf\">challenged\u003c/a> by 11 asylum seekers and a group of immigrant legal service providers, including several in the Bay Area. Plaintiffs say the protocols do not provide “protection” to migrants, but rather put them in harm’s way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thousands of families remain stranded in increasingly perilous conditions, where many have faced brutal violence and homelessness,” said Blaine Bookey, legal director for the San Francisco-based Center for Gender and Refugee Studies. “We will continue the fight to stop this cruelty once and for all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, U.S. District Judge Richard Seeborg in San Francisco ruled that the policy likely violates the Immigration and Nationality Act, and other legal protections against returning immigrants to “unduly dangerous circumstances.” Again, the 9th Circuit agreed. And, again, the Supreme Court intervened to allow the policy to go forward while the case is litigated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Legal and Political Changes Could Affect Cases\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Oral arguments in the two cases will be scheduled for February at the earliest, legal analysts say. And by then, the legal and political landscape may have changed significantly. Judge Amy Coney Barrett may have been confirmed to fill the vacancy left by the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, likely solidifying a conservative majority on the court. And the presidential election will have been decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a more conservative court won’t necessarily rule in Trump’s favor, especially on the border wall funding case, said Kevin R. Johnson, dean of the UC Davis School of Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I had to guess, I’d say it’s more likely the [border wall] appropriations case will be upheld,” Johnson said. The court “may have a conservative bent, but they do respect the constitutional separation of powers framework.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, if Biden is elected, he could simply end the border wall construction and the “Remain in Mexico” policy, which were executive actions to begin with, and dismiss the government’s appeals to the Supreme Court, Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes all the difference who the president is,” he said. “If you wanted these cases to go away\u003cstrong>,\u003c/strong> you’d vote for a Biden-Harris ticket.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Nearly 5.2 million U.S. citizens \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioredisenfranchised\">won’t be able to vote\u003c/a> in the upcoming election due to state voting restrictions related to current or previous felony convictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sentencing Project \u003ca href=\"https://www.sentencingproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/Locked-Out-2020.pdf\">released a report\u003c/a> that breaks down felon disenfranchisement by state, highlighting the fact that voting restrictions disproportionately impact African Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over 2.2 million people who have already completed their sentences (including parole and probation) live in states where it is no easy task to regain the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’ve done your time and are living and working among friends, neighbors and coworkers, shouldn’t you be guaranteed the right to vote?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Nearly 5.2 million U.S. citizens \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioredisenfranchised\">won’t be able to vote\u003c/a> in the upcoming election due to state voting restrictions related to current or previous felony convictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sentencing Project \u003ca href=\"https://www.sentencingproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/Locked-Out-2020.pdf\">released a report\u003c/a> that breaks down felon disenfranchisement by state, highlighting the fact that voting restrictions disproportionately impact African Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over 2.2 million people who have already completed their sentences (including parole and probation) live in states where it is no easy task to regain the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’ve done your time and are living and working among friends, neighbors and coworkers, shouldn’t you be guaranteed the right to vote?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Nearly 5.2 million American citizens won’t be able to vote in the upcoming presidential election because of a current or previous felony conviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s about one out of 44 U.S. adults — close to 2.3% of the voting-age population — who remain disenfranchised because of various state voting restrictions, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sentencingproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/Locked-Out-2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">report\u003c/a> released last week by the Sentencing Project, a criminal justice reform group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of this disenfranchised population is not currently behind bars; less than 25% are actually incarcerated. Far more have been released from prison but remain on parole or probation. The largest contingent, though — more than 2.2 million people — have completed their sentences altogether but live in a handful of states where the restoration of voting rights is far from guaranteed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These voting prohibitions disproportionately affect African Americans, particularly men. One of every 13 African Americans of voting age — more than 7% nationally — is disenfranchised, the analysis found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The map below shows estimated disenfranchisement rates by state and related voting restrictions, based on the report’s findings. Note that some of the most restrictive states have passed legislation in recent years restoring voting rights to a growing number of people (but not all) who have completed their sentences. See a complete list of current state rules \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncsl.org/research/elections-and-campaigns/felon-voting-rights.aspx#1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">here\u003c/a>. (To view map on mobile, turn device horizontally.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Felon Disenfranchisement by State\n\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-Mn69z\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/Mn69z/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"590\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rates of disenfranchisement vary dramatically by state because of broad variations in voting prohibitions. In Alabama, Mississippi and Tennessee, more than 8% of the adult population — one of every 13 people, is disenfranchised, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://felonvoting.procon.org/view.resource.php?resourceID=000283\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Some supporters\u003c/a> of voting prohibition laws argue that committing a serious crime indicates a strong lack of moral character and judgement, and justifies disenfranchisement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The following Above the Noise video from KQED Education does an excellent job breaking down this highly contentious issue. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/NPjfudNawfk\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"voting-rights\"]Despite the huge number of adults in the U.S. who are unable to vote, the number has actually decreased significantly — by\u003ca href=\"https://www.sentencingproject.org/publications/6-million-lost-voters-state-level-estimates-felony-disenfranchisement-2016/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> nearly 1 million people\u003c/a> over the last four years. Since 2016, five states have restored voting rights to some people who remain on probation or parole, including Nevada (all non-prison), Colorado (parole), Louisiana (probation and many on parole), New Jersey (probation and parole) and New York (parole). California could soon join that list if voters approve \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841345/proposition-17-and-the-history-of-voting-rights-for-formerly-incarcerated-californians\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 17\u003c/a> next month, which would restore voting rights to some 40,000 parolees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other states have revised waiting periods and streamlined the process for restoring voting rights. Among them is Florida, which has long had some of the nation’s most restrictive voting laws and disenfranchises more people than any other state. In 2018, voters there passed \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/amendment-4-florida-felony-voting-rights-60-minutes-2020-09-27/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Amendment 4\u003c/a>, technically restoring voting rights to most people who have completed their sentences. But even so, the report estimates that nearly 900,000 Floridians who have completed their sentences still remain unable to vote, often because of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/09/25/916626848/florida-republicans-take-aim-at-efforts-to-pay-felons-fines-so-they-can-vote\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">fines and court fees they are required to pay\u003c/a> to reinstate their voting rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a researcher, I’ve tracked the flurry of legal changes to restore the vote in recent years, so I was disappointed to find that 5.2 million citizens remain disenfranchised — three quarters of whom live and work alongside us in our communities,” said Christopher Uggen, the report’s lead researcher, who is a professor of sociology and law at the University of Minnesota. “We cannot take these extreme voting restrictions for granted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Nearly 5.2 million American citizens won’t be able to vote in the upcoming presidential election because of a current or previous felony conviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s about one out of 44 U.S. adults — close to 2.3% of the voting-age population — who remain disenfranchised because of various state voting restrictions, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sentencingproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/Locked-Out-2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">report\u003c/a> released last week by the Sentencing Project, a criminal justice reform group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of this disenfranchised population is not currently behind bars; less than 25% are actually incarcerated. Far more have been released from prison but remain on parole or probation. The largest contingent, though — more than 2.2 million people — have completed their sentences altogether but live in a handful of states where the restoration of voting rights is far from guaranteed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These voting prohibitions disproportionately affect African Americans, particularly men. One of every 13 African Americans of voting age — more than 7% nationally — is disenfranchised, the analysis found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The map below shows estimated disenfranchisement rates by state and related voting restrictions, based on the report’s findings. Note that some of the most restrictive states have passed legislation in recent years restoring voting rights to a growing number of people (but not all) who have completed their sentences. See a complete list of current state rules \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncsl.org/research/elections-and-campaigns/felon-voting-rights.aspx#1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">here\u003c/a>. (To view map on mobile, turn device horizontally.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Felon Disenfranchisement by State\n\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-Mn69z\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/Mn69z/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"590\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rates of disenfranchisement vary dramatically by state because of broad variations in voting prohibitions. In Alabama, Mississippi and Tennessee, more than 8% of the adult population — one of every 13 people, is disenfranchised, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://felonvoting.procon.org/view.resource.php?resourceID=000283\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Some supporters\u003c/a> of voting prohibition laws argue that committing a serious crime indicates a strong lack of moral character and judgement, and justifies disenfranchisement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The following Above the Noise video from KQED Education does an excellent job breaking down this highly contentious issue. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/NPjfudNawfk'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/NPjfudNawfk'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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