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"content": "\u003cp>Nearly 5.2 million U.S. citizens \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioredisenfranchised\">won’t be able to vote\u003c/a> in the upcoming election due to state voting restrictions related to current or previous felony convictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sentencing Project \u003ca href=\"https://www.sentencingproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/Locked-Out-2020.pdf\">released a report\u003c/a> that breaks down felon disenfranchisement by state, highlighting the fact that voting restrictions disproportionately impact African Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over 2.2 million people who have already completed their sentences (including parole and probation) live in states where it is no easy task to regain the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’ve done your time and are living and working among friends, neighbors and coworkers, shouldn’t you be guaranteed the right to vote?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Nearly 5.2 million U.S. citizens \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioredisenfranchised\">won’t be able to vote\u003c/a> in the upcoming election due to state voting restrictions related to current or previous felony convictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sentencing Project \u003ca href=\"https://www.sentencingproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/Locked-Out-2020.pdf\">released a report\u003c/a> that breaks down felon disenfranchisement by state, highlighting the fact that voting restrictions disproportionately impact African Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over 2.2 million people who have already completed their sentences (including parole and probation) live in states where it is no easy task to regain the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’ve done your time and are living and working among friends, neighbors and coworkers, shouldn’t you be guaranteed the right to vote?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "MAP: More Than 5 Million Voting-Age Americans With Felonies Can’t Vote",
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"content": "\u003cp>Nearly 5.2 million American citizens won’t be able to vote in the upcoming presidential election because of a current or previous felony conviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s about one out of 44 U.S. adults — close to 2.3% of the voting-age population — who remain disenfranchised because of various state voting restrictions, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sentencingproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/Locked-Out-2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">report\u003c/a> released last week by the Sentencing Project, a criminal justice reform group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of this disenfranchised population is not currently behind bars; less than 25% are actually incarcerated. Far more have been released from prison but remain on parole or probation. The largest contingent, though — more than 2.2 million people — have completed their sentences altogether but live in a handful of states where the restoration of voting rights is far from guaranteed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These voting prohibitions disproportionately affect African Americans, particularly men. One of every 13 African Americans of voting age — more than 7% nationally — is disenfranchised, the analysis found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The map below shows estimated disenfranchisement rates by state and related voting restrictions, based on the report’s findings. Note that some of the most restrictive states have passed legislation in recent years restoring voting rights to a growing number of people (but not all) who have completed their sentences. See a complete list of current state rules \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncsl.org/research/elections-and-campaigns/felon-voting-rights.aspx#1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">here\u003c/a>. (To view map on mobile, turn device horizontally.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Felon Disenfranchisement by State\n\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-Mn69z\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/Mn69z/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"590\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rates of disenfranchisement vary dramatically by state because of broad variations in voting prohibitions. In Alabama, Mississippi and Tennessee, more than 8% of the adult population — one of every 13 people, is disenfranchised, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://felonvoting.procon.org/view.resource.php?resourceID=000283\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Some supporters\u003c/a> of voting prohibition laws argue that committing a serious crime indicates a strong lack of moral character and judgement, and justifies disenfranchisement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The following Above the Noise video from KQED Education does an excellent job breaking down this highly contentious issue. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/NPjfudNawfk\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"voting-rights\"]Despite the huge number of adults in the U.S. who are unable to vote, the number has actually decreased significantly — by\u003ca href=\"https://www.sentencingproject.org/publications/6-million-lost-voters-state-level-estimates-felony-disenfranchisement-2016/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> nearly 1 million people\u003c/a> over the last four years. Since 2016, five states have restored voting rights to some people who remain on probation or parole, including Nevada (all non-prison), Colorado (parole), Louisiana (probation and many on parole), New Jersey (probation and parole) and New York (parole). California could soon join that list if voters approve \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841345/proposition-17-and-the-history-of-voting-rights-for-formerly-incarcerated-californians\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 17\u003c/a> next month, which would restore voting rights to some 40,000 parolees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other states have revised waiting periods and streamlined the process for restoring voting rights. Among them is Florida, which has long had some of the nation’s most restrictive voting laws and disenfranchises more people than any other state. In 2018, voters there passed \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/amendment-4-florida-felony-voting-rights-60-minutes-2020-09-27/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Amendment 4\u003c/a>, technically restoring voting rights to most people who have completed their sentences. But even so, the report estimates that nearly 900,000 Floridians who have completed their sentences still remain unable to vote, often because of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/09/25/916626848/florida-republicans-take-aim-at-efforts-to-pay-felons-fines-so-they-can-vote\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">fines and court fees they are required to pay\u003c/a> to reinstate their voting rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a researcher, I’ve tracked the flurry of legal changes to restore the vote in recent years, so I was disappointed to find that 5.2 million citizens remain disenfranchised — three quarters of whom live and work alongside us in our communities,” said Christopher Uggen, the report’s lead researcher, who is a professor of sociology and law at the University of Minnesota. “We cannot take these extreme voting restrictions for granted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Nearly 5.2 million American citizens won’t be able to vote in the upcoming presidential election because of a current or previous felony conviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s about one out of 44 U.S. adults — close to 2.3% of the voting-age population — who remain disenfranchised because of various state voting restrictions, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sentencingproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/Locked-Out-2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">report\u003c/a> released last week by the Sentencing Project, a criminal justice reform group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of this disenfranchised population is not currently behind bars; less than 25% are actually incarcerated. Far more have been released from prison but remain on parole or probation. The largest contingent, though — more than 2.2 million people — have completed their sentences altogether but live in a handful of states where the restoration of voting rights is far from guaranteed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These voting prohibitions disproportionately affect African Americans, particularly men. One of every 13 African Americans of voting age — more than 7% nationally — is disenfranchised, the analysis found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The map below shows estimated disenfranchisement rates by state and related voting restrictions, based on the report’s findings. Note that some of the most restrictive states have passed legislation in recent years restoring voting rights to a growing number of people (but not all) who have completed their sentences. See a complete list of current state rules \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncsl.org/research/elections-and-campaigns/felon-voting-rights.aspx#1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">here\u003c/a>. (To view map on mobile, turn device horizontally.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Felon Disenfranchisement by State\n\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-Mn69z\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/Mn69z/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"590\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rates of disenfranchisement vary dramatically by state because of broad variations in voting prohibitions. In Alabama, Mississippi and Tennessee, more than 8% of the adult population — one of every 13 people, is disenfranchised, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://felonvoting.procon.org/view.resource.php?resourceID=000283\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Some supporters\u003c/a> of voting prohibition laws argue that committing a serious crime indicates a strong lack of moral character and judgement, and justifies disenfranchisement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The following Above the Noise video from KQED Education does an excellent job breaking down this highly contentious issue. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/NPjfudNawfk'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/NPjfudNawfk'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The presidential election is just weeks away, and it’s been a wild ride as COVID-19 has upended the traditional forms of campaigning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic nominee and former Vice President Joe Biden has opted for socially distanced and virtual events. He’s generally seen wearing a mask unless he’s speaking. By contrast, President Donald Trump moved forward with the large campaign rallies he prefers, often without wearing a mask. Earlier this month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/latest-updates-trump-covid-19-results/2020/10/03/919898777/timeline-what-we-know-of-president-trumps-covid-19-diagnosis\">Trump contracted COVID-19\u003c/a>, which resulted in a brief hospital stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Trump maintains he’s recovered, and Biden has not had the virus, the president’s illness has raised questions about the health of both nominees, who are each well into their 70’s: What happens if the person who wins the election on November 3 passes away before they’re sworn into office? [aside tag=\"election-2020\" label=\"more election coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Jessica Levinson, Loyola Law School professor and host of the podcast “Casting Judgement”, the election laws are a bit murky, but the answer largely depends on when the incident occurs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The members of the Electoral College meet to cast their votes for president on December 14, 2020. Generally the party that won the popular vote in a state gets to pick that state’s electors. But, if the winning candidate dies before the members meet, Levinson said the candidate’s political party would choose a new nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Either the Democratic National Committee or the Republican National Committee have procedures in place and they would pick a new nominee. And then, the idea is that the members of the Electoral College — because they are party loyalists — would vote for that (nominee),” Levinson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even once the Electoral College votes are cast, there’s still potential for uncertainty. That’s because Congress won’t formally certify the election results until January 6, 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a mess in that period,” said Richard Hasen in an email. He’s a professor of law and political science at the University of California, Irvine, and has written about \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2020/10/05/opinions/a-key-fix-for-an-unthinkable-election-disaster-hasen/index.html\">possible scenarios\u003c/a> should a candidate die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s much more certainty about what happens if the candidate dies between when Congress certifies the election and when he’s sworn into office on January 20,2021. In that case, \u003ca href=\"https://constitutioncenter.org/interactive-constitution/amendment/amendment-xx\">under the 20th Amendment\u003c/a>, the vice president-elect will be sworn in as president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps a more likely scenario this year is what would happen if the election results were contested in some states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, states have more than a month to count ballots, including the expected surge of mail-in ballots, and conduct recounts if necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The courts will be mindful of when the electors meet in refereeing any disputes. For instance, during the 2000 election, the U.S. Supreme Court ultimately ended Florida’s vote recount, saying time had run out before electors were set to meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"election-explainers\" label=\"related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If election issues still prevent a winner from being named, \u003ca href=\"https://constitutioncenter.org/interactive-constitution/amendment/amendment-xii\">the 12th Amendment kicks in\u003c/a>. Which says that, in that case, the House of Representatives elects the president and the Senate elects the vice president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House members have to choose among the three people with the most electoral votes. Each state delegation gets one vote, and 26 votes are required to win. So California, with its 53-member delegation, has the same vote as Wyoming, which has one member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Senate, the choice is between the top two electoral vote-getters and each senator gets a vote, with 51 votes required to win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If there still isn’t a president elected by Inauguration Day, then the 20th Amendment once again applies and the vice president-elect takes over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No vice-president elect? Well, then the \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/3/19\">Presidential Succession Act\u003c/a> applies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It says that the speaker of the House of Representatives, the Senate president or a Cabinet officer — in that order — would act as president until there’s a president or vice president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While these scenarios may seem far-fetched, they do raise several questions about the Electoral College and how it works. We try to answer some below.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Who Are California’s Electors?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California gets 55 electoral votes, one for each of its U.S. senators and its 53 members of Congress. California has 55 electors, and they each get to cast two votes: one for president, one for vice president. The party whose candidate wins the popular vote in California gets to choose the electors, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/electoral-college/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">each has a different method\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/statewide-elections/2020-general/pres-elector-list.pdf\">Potential electors\u003c/a> must have been selected by October 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Must Electors Vote for Whoever Won the Popular Vote in the State?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California is among the 29 states and the District of Columbia that require electors to vote for the candidate who won the state’s popular vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Generally electors are party loyalists who tend to support the winning candidate. Still, \u003ca href=\"http://www.socratek.com/StateLaws.aspx?id=840543&title=Electionsode&showall=true\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">state election code\u003c/a> does compel them to vote for the popular vote winner. It reads: “The electors, when convened, if both candidates are alive, shall vote by ballot for that person for President and that person for Vice President of the United States, who are, respectively, the candidates of the political party which they represent.” Since the electors all represent the winning party, this ensures the candidate who won the popular vote will receive all the electoral votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, a California elector \u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/story/2016/12/california-elector-files-suit-joins-anti-trump-electoral-college-push-232472\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">challenged the law\u003c/a> requiring electors to follow the popular vote. The legal challenge was called a last-ditch effort to block Donald Trump from getting enough electoral votes to win the presidency. However, earlier this year, the US Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/07/06/885168480/supreme-court-rules-state-faithless-elector-laws-constitutional\">unanimously upheld\u003c/a> such laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>How Do Electors Cast their Votes?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The state code requires the designated electors to meet in Sacramento, “at 2 o’ clock in the afternoon on the first Monday after the second Wednesday in December next following their election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The votes from all of the country’s electors will be counted in a joint session of Congress on Jan. 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The presidential election is just weeks away, and it’s been a wild ride as COVID-19 has upended the traditional forms of campaigning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic nominee and former Vice President Joe Biden has opted for socially distanced and virtual events. He’s generally seen wearing a mask unless he’s speaking. By contrast, President Donald Trump moved forward with the large campaign rallies he prefers, often without wearing a mask. Earlier this month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/latest-updates-trump-covid-19-results/2020/10/03/919898777/timeline-what-we-know-of-president-trumps-covid-19-diagnosis\">Trump contracted COVID-19\u003c/a>, which resulted in a brief hospital stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Trump maintains he’s recovered, and Biden has not had the virus, the president’s illness has raised questions about the health of both nominees, who are each well into their 70’s: What happens if the person who wins the election on November 3 passes away before they’re sworn into office? \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Jessica Levinson, Loyola Law School professor and host of the podcast “Casting Judgement”, the election laws are a bit murky, but the answer largely depends on when the incident occurs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The members of the Electoral College meet to cast their votes for president on December 14, 2020. Generally the party that won the popular vote in a state gets to pick that state’s electors. But, if the winning candidate dies before the members meet, Levinson said the candidate’s political party would choose a new nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Either the Democratic National Committee or the Republican National Committee have procedures in place and they would pick a new nominee. And then, the idea is that the members of the Electoral College — because they are party loyalists — would vote for that (nominee),” Levinson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even once the Electoral College votes are cast, there’s still potential for uncertainty. That’s because Congress won’t formally certify the election results until January 6, 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a mess in that period,” said Richard Hasen in an email. He’s a professor of law and political science at the University of California, Irvine, and has written about \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2020/10/05/opinions/a-key-fix-for-an-unthinkable-election-disaster-hasen/index.html\">possible scenarios\u003c/a> should a candidate die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s much more certainty about what happens if the candidate dies between when Congress certifies the election and when he’s sworn into office on January 20,2021. In that case, \u003ca href=\"https://constitutioncenter.org/interactive-constitution/amendment/amendment-xx\">under the 20th Amendment\u003c/a>, the vice president-elect will be sworn in as president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps a more likely scenario this year is what would happen if the election results were contested in some states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, states have more than a month to count ballots, including the expected surge of mail-in ballots, and conduct recounts if necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The courts will be mindful of when the electors meet in refereeing any disputes. For instance, during the 2000 election, the U.S. Supreme Court ultimately ended Florida’s vote recount, saying time had run out before electors were set to meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If election issues still prevent a winner from being named, \u003ca href=\"https://constitutioncenter.org/interactive-constitution/amendment/amendment-xii\">the 12th Amendment kicks in\u003c/a>. Which says that, in that case, the House of Representatives elects the president and the Senate elects the vice president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House members have to choose among the three people with the most electoral votes. Each state delegation gets one vote, and 26 votes are required to win. So California, with its 53-member delegation, has the same vote as Wyoming, which has one member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Senate, the choice is between the top two electoral vote-getters and each senator gets a vote, with 51 votes required to win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If there still isn’t a president elected by Inauguration Day, then the 20th Amendment once again applies and the vice president-elect takes over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No vice-president elect? Well, then the \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/3/19\">Presidential Succession Act\u003c/a> applies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It says that the speaker of the House of Representatives, the Senate president or a Cabinet officer — in that order — would act as president until there’s a president or vice president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While these scenarios may seem far-fetched, they do raise several questions about the Electoral College and how it works. We try to answer some below.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Who Are California’s Electors?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California gets 55 electoral votes, one for each of its U.S. senators and its 53 members of Congress. California has 55 electors, and they each get to cast two votes: one for president, one for vice president. The party whose candidate wins the popular vote in California gets to choose the electors, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/electoral-college/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">each has a different method\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/statewide-elections/2020-general/pres-elector-list.pdf\">Potential electors\u003c/a> must have been selected by October 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Must Electors Vote for Whoever Won the Popular Vote in the State?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California is among the 29 states and the District of Columbia that require electors to vote for the candidate who won the state’s popular vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Generally electors are party loyalists who tend to support the winning candidate. Still, \u003ca href=\"http://www.socratek.com/StateLaws.aspx?id=840543&title=Electionsode&showall=true\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">state election code\u003c/a> does compel them to vote for the popular vote winner. It reads: “The electors, when convened, if both candidates are alive, shall vote by ballot for that person for President and that person for Vice President of the United States, who are, respectively, the candidates of the political party which they represent.” Since the electors all represent the winning party, this ensures the candidate who won the popular vote will receive all the electoral votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, a California elector \u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/story/2016/12/california-elector-files-suit-joins-anti-trump-electoral-college-push-232472\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">challenged the law\u003c/a> requiring electors to follow the popular vote. The legal challenge was called a last-ditch effort to block Donald Trump from getting enough electoral votes to win the presidency. However, earlier this year, the US Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/07/06/885168480/supreme-court-rules-state-faithless-elector-laws-constitutional\">unanimously upheld\u003c/a> such laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>How Do Electors Cast their Votes?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The state code requires the designated electors to meet in Sacramento, “at 2 o’ clock in the afternoon on the first Monday after the second Wednesday in December next following their election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The votes from all of the country’s electors will be counted in a joint session of Congress on Jan. 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s attorney general ordered state Republicans to remove unofficial ballot drop boxes that had been placed at churches, gun shops and other locations and \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioregopballotboxes\">warned against “vote tampering.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State GOP leaders claimed perfect innocence and said they are just trying to get out the vote, while pinning blame on Democrats for expanding voting access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No matter what you think about “ballot harvesting,” competing ballot boxes from counties and rival political parties is definitely not the way to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s Indigenous Peoples Day, the holiday that celebrates Native American cultures and peoples – it \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreindigenouspeoplesday\">began as a Bay Area protest\u003c/a> to Columbus Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I grew up learning the sanitized and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mamalisa.com/blog/columbus-day-poem-in-1492-columbus-sailed-the-ocean-blue/\">ahistorical version\u003c/a> of Christopher Columbus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You know, the guy who \u003ca href=\"https://www.csmonitor.com/USA/USA-Update/2015/1011/Columbus-Day-How-did-Christopher-Columbus-become-so-controversial#:~:text=%E2%80%9CColumbus%20later%20wrote%2C%E2%80%9D%20Zinn,who%20discovered%20the%20New%20World.\">wrote\u003c/a>, “let us in the name of the Holy Trinity go on sending all the slaves that can be sold.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s high time we end the reverence for a violent slave-trading killer \u003ca href=\"https://www.teachingforchange.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/ZEP_AbolishColumbusDay_Packet.pdf\">once and for all\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Voting rights was a topic of spirited debate at California’s first Constitutional Convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 48 delegates gathered in Monterey in the fall of 1849 argued over whether to extend the right to vote to former Mexican citizens and Indigenous people; how long gold-seeking migrants would need to reside in the state to cast a ballot; and whether dueling should be punished with the loss of the franchise — also known as the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that time, there was little discussion about the voting rights of Californians convicted of crimes. The issue was settled quickly and quietly, and the resolution would remain largely untouched for more than a century. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Assemblyman Kevin McCarty (D-Sacramento), the author of Proposition 17\"]‘If you look at the percentage of people who are on parole and can’t vote, they are people of color … California, for all our progressiveness, we’re really behind the curve on this.’ [/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, in the 60s and 70s, California’s courts and the electorate took a new look at the disenfranchisement of formerly incarcerated people, and in 1974, voting rights were extended to all Californians convicted of a felony, upon completion of their parole term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, California voters are weighing whether to approve another change to voting rights for former prisoners. Proposition 17 on the November ballot would restore voting rights to parolees upon their release from state prison — before successfully completing their parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its passage would mark the latest turn in the state’s winding history of voting rights for Californians in the criminal justice system — a history driven by oscillating views on what crimes, and which Californians, should be punished with the loss of the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of this back and forth, and the level of disagreement we still have about these issues, is rooted in this disagreement about what punishment is and what rehabilitation is,” said Pippa Holloway, professor of history at the University of Richmond, in Virginia.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Infamous Crimes\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>With little controversy, California’s constitutional delegates approved Article II, Section 5 of the state’s constitution in 1849, which stated that “No idiot or insane person, or person convicted of any infamous crime, shall be entitled to the privileges of an elector.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what was an \u003cem>infamous\u003c/em> crime?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The term was a hold-over from English law that made its way into many U.S. state constitutions, including California’s, said Holloway, author of “Living in Infamy: Felon Disfranchisement and the History of American Citizenship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841889\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 641px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11841889\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Stanley_Mosk.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"641\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Stanley_Mosk.jpg 641w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Stanley_Mosk-160x200.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 641px) 100vw, 641px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stanley Mosk, Associate Justice of the California Supreme Court, 1964-2001. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of California State Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>‘Infamous’ could refer to the severity or social impact of the crime, but also to the severity of the resulting punishment, such as a branding or whipping that could leave a permanent mark on the prisoner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early American history, the impreciseness of the term led to some surprising applications of disenfranchisement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The really most obvious and jarring example of this is the crime of murder. Under historic American interpretations of the law, murder was not an infamous crime,” Holloway said. “And the belief was that murder, as well as other certain crimes of violence, were not infamous because there was a belief that a violent act might be kind of pure, that it didn’t evidence planning, it didn’t evidence a broader social malice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the Civil War, lawmakers and judges in southern states used the flexibility of the term to exclude African American voters, by lowering the bar for crimes deemed ‘infamous.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, application of the law varied. Most courts through the early 20th century equated an ‘infamous crime’ with a felony. But the legislature confused matters by specifying the loss of voting rights for embezzlement or \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">misappropriation \u003c/span>of public funds. As a result, interpretation was largely left to county clerks and election officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A New Focus on the ‘Integrity of the Elective Process’ \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the spring of 1966, the California Supreme Court issued a ruling that upended previous practices of felon disenfranchisement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case involved James Otsuka, a Los Angeles resident who lost his right to vote after he was imprisoned for being a conscientious objector to the second World War. He had served his sentence decades earlier, and petitioned the court for the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court not only sided with Otsuka, they also demanded that voting rights only be stripped of Californians convicted of crimes that directly threatened the election process, like voter fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The unreasonableness of a classification disfranchising all former felons, regardless of their crime, is readily demonstrable,” wrote Justice Stanley Mosk, in \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/otsuka-v-hite-27340#FFN_19\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the majority opinion\u003c/a>. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It raises the spectre of citizens automatically deprived of their right to vote upon conviction, for example, of seduction under promise of marriage…wife-beating…failure to provide family support…conduct which is but little detrimental to society at large and is totally unrelated to the goal of preservation of the integrity of the elective process.” [aside tag=\"election2020\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 4-3 ruling in \u003cem>Otsuka v. Hite \u003c/em>left California with “a distinctly modern interpretation,” of infamous crimes, Holloway said — one judging that only threats to the ballot box should result in a loss of voting rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as critics of the ruling predicted, the new standard of ‘infamous crimes’ was again difficult for local election officials to put into practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By what standard is the Registrar of Voters to determine whether one convicted of crime is thereby branded as a ‘threat to the integrity of the elective process’?” wondered Justice Louis Burke, in his dissent. “For example, would murder qualify?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scattershot implementation of the ruling meant the decision to exclude Californians convicted of felonies would largely rest with county officials for the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Voters End Confusion with Proposition 10\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A survey of California counties in 1972 found that voting rights for former inmates varied county by county. Some local election officials refused to restore voting rights to any former prisoner, others created a list of crimes resulting in permanent disenfranchisement — and still others considered each former inmates’ case separately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courts were also divided on the issue: the California Supreme Court ruled in 1973 that permanent voter exclusion following a conviction for an ‘infamous crime’ violated equal protections rights. A year later, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned that decision in \u003cem>Richardson v. Ramirez, \u003c/em>ruling that convicted felons had no constitutional right to vote. The decision justified the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/research/elections-and-campaigns/felon-voting-rights.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">disenfranchisement laws\u003c/a> that now exist in dozens of states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue was finally decided on the ballot. In 1974, the state Legislature put Proposition 10 before voters, which proposed to eliminate the “infamous crime” statue from the state constitution. In its place, it proposed the “disqualification of electors while mentally incompetent or imprisoned or on parole for the conviction of a felony.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was backed by Democrats, including San Francisco Sen. George Moscone and Los Angeles Assemblyman Julian Dixon. They argued against lifelong disenfranchisement, and sought to end the patchwork of county-level decisions on voting rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The objective of reintegrating ex-felons into society is dramatically impeded by continued restriction of the right to vote,” they wrote in that year’s voter information guide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles Times reported at the time that Proposition 10 was among the measures that “failed to cause much controversy during the fall election campaign.” And on Election Day, as California voters sent Jerry Brown to the governor’s office for the first time, Proposition 10 was approved with 56% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That left California’s law on felon disenfranchisement as it exists today: voting rights can only be restored to those convicted of a felony upon completion of their parole term — a period of supervision following an inmates’ release from prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats and groups like the League of Women Voters had succeeded in ending the uncertainty of the ‘infamous crime’ statute and moved the state away from lifetime disfranchisement of former inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as with so many California ballot measures, Proposition 10 carried an underlying consequence: by aligning disenfranchisement with any felony (instead of specific crimes that threatened the “\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">integrity of the elective process”\u003c/span>) it married suffrage to an expanding criminal justice system that disproportionately impacted Black and Latino Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A Modern ‘Poll Tax’? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Over the ensuing decades, the number of Californians on parole for a felony skyrocketed. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.berkeley.edu/files/bccj/CA_in_Context_Policy_Brief_Sept_2012_Final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">report from the UC Berkeley School of Law\u003c/a> found an incredible 708% increase in the state’s parole population between 1980 and 2010 — among the largest jumps in the nation over that period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jose Gonzalez is among the Californians whose parole term is set for life. He spent nearly two decades in state prison for his involvement in a murder as a teenager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By the time I was 17, I was already sentenced and sitting in a state maximum security adult facility,” Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After his release, Gonzalez got a degree and is now working and raising his son, but his lifetime parole term prevents him from voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a taxpayer, as a regular person, you want to have a say,” Gonzalez said. “And if you feel like you don’t, then at the worst you’re not invested in your community. You don’t have that attachment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black and Latino Californians are disproportionately represented among parolees, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/californias-changing-parole-population/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to a study from the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>. By the end of 2016, Black Californians accounted for 6% of the state’s adult population, but 26% of the state’s parole population. And Latinos made up 35% of the adult population, but 40% of those on parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Kevin McCarty (D-Sacramento), the author of Proposition 17 on this year’s ballot, said the racial makeup of the state’s parole population makes the current punishment of disenfranchisement “really kind of like poll taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003cem>“\u003c/em>If you look at the percentage of people who are on parole and can’t vote, they are people of color,” McCarty said. “California, for all our progressiveness, we’re really behind the curve on this\u003ci>.” \u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Progressives seeking to expand voting rights for formerly incarcerated Californians have chosen not to go as far as the arguments of the 1960s and 1970s, when jurists questioned the very premise of stripping voting rights for crimes that have no relation to the electoral process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, they have slowly chipped away at a declining population of disqualified voters. Recent criminal justice reforms have nearly cut the state’s parole population in half over the last decade. And a 2016 law restored the right to vote for those convicted of a felony who are serving time in county jail or in county post-release supervision programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 17, placed on the ballot by the state legislature this summer, is the latest move to regain the vote for those formerly incarcerated. It would join California with 17 other states that already allow parolees to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans in the legislature were nearly unified in opposition — arguing that disenfranchisement is a fitting punishment for the state’s remaining parole population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re dealing with murderers and rapists, not low-level offenders but utmost serious offenders,” said Senator Jim Nielsen (R-Tehama). \u003ci>“\u003c/i>With the franchise to vote, they become more full participants in society — society that they’ve already shown their disdain for.”\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision to reopen the voting rights debate to the relatively limited group of 40,000 parolees is ultimately a political compromise, said James Binnall, professor of Law, Criminology, and Criminal Justice at California State University, Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the conversation about voting rights in California could urge a re-examination, and not for the first time, of the premise for removing civic rights from those in the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 17 say they are not looking ahead to any larger enfranchisement push beyond California parolees. But Maine and Vermont have already gone further, and never strip voting rights for a felony conviction so that even inmates can vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Having that discussion about why we draw lines and why reform efforts aim at certain people and leave others behind” is a “good thing,” Binnall said. “And [questioning] what that does to the folks you leave behind. Are you solidifying their ‘badness’ by not aiming a reform effort at them?”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Proposition 17 and the History of Voting Rights for Formerly Incarcerated Californians | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Voting rights was a topic of spirited debate at California’s first Constitutional Convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 48 delegates gathered in Monterey in the fall of 1849 argued over whether to extend the right to vote to former Mexican citizens and Indigenous people; how long gold-seeking migrants would need to reside in the state to cast a ballot; and whether dueling should be punished with the loss of the franchise — also known as the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that time, there was little discussion about the voting rights of Californians convicted of crimes. The issue was settled quickly and quietly, and the resolution would remain largely untouched for more than a century. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘If you look at the percentage of people who are on parole and can’t vote, they are people of color … California, for all our progressiveness, we’re really behind the curve on this.’ ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, in the 60s and 70s, California’s courts and the electorate took a new look at the disenfranchisement of formerly incarcerated people, and in 1974, voting rights were extended to all Californians convicted of a felony, upon completion of their parole term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, California voters are weighing whether to approve another change to voting rights for former prisoners. Proposition 17 on the November ballot would restore voting rights to parolees upon their release from state prison — before successfully completing their parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its passage would mark the latest turn in the state’s winding history of voting rights for Californians in the criminal justice system — a history driven by oscillating views on what crimes, and which Californians, should be punished with the loss of the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of this back and forth, and the level of disagreement we still have about these issues, is rooted in this disagreement about what punishment is and what rehabilitation is,” said Pippa Holloway, professor of history at the University of Richmond, in Virginia.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Infamous Crimes\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>With little controversy, California’s constitutional delegates approved Article II, Section 5 of the state’s constitution in 1849, which stated that “No idiot or insane person, or person convicted of any infamous crime, shall be entitled to the privileges of an elector.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what was an \u003cem>infamous\u003c/em> crime?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The term was a hold-over from English law that made its way into many U.S. state constitutions, including California’s, said Holloway, author of “Living in Infamy: Felon Disfranchisement and the History of American Citizenship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841889\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 641px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11841889\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Stanley_Mosk.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"641\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Stanley_Mosk.jpg 641w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Stanley_Mosk-160x200.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 641px) 100vw, 641px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stanley Mosk, Associate Justice of the California Supreme Court, 1964-2001. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of California State Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>‘Infamous’ could refer to the severity or social impact of the crime, but also to the severity of the resulting punishment, such as a branding or whipping that could leave a permanent mark on the prisoner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early American history, the impreciseness of the term led to some surprising applications of disenfranchisement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The really most obvious and jarring example of this is the crime of murder. Under historic American interpretations of the law, murder was not an infamous crime,” Holloway said. “And the belief was that murder, as well as other certain crimes of violence, were not infamous because there was a belief that a violent act might be kind of pure, that it didn’t evidence planning, it didn’t evidence a broader social malice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the Civil War, lawmakers and judges in southern states used the flexibility of the term to exclude African American voters, by lowering the bar for crimes deemed ‘infamous.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, application of the law varied. Most courts through the early 20th century equated an ‘infamous crime’ with a felony. But the legislature confused matters by specifying the loss of voting rights for embezzlement or \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">misappropriation \u003c/span>of public funds. As a result, interpretation was largely left to county clerks and election officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A New Focus on the ‘Integrity of the Elective Process’ \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the spring of 1966, the California Supreme Court issued a ruling that upended previous practices of felon disenfranchisement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case involved James Otsuka, a Los Angeles resident who lost his right to vote after he was imprisoned for being a conscientious objector to the second World War. He had served his sentence decades earlier, and petitioned the court for the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court not only sided with Otsuka, they also demanded that voting rights only be stripped of Californians convicted of crimes that directly threatened the election process, like voter fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The unreasonableness of a classification disfranchising all former felons, regardless of their crime, is readily demonstrable,” wrote Justice Stanley Mosk, in \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/otsuka-v-hite-27340#FFN_19\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the majority opinion\u003c/a>. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It raises the spectre of citizens automatically deprived of their right to vote upon conviction, for example, of seduction under promise of marriage…wife-beating…failure to provide family support…conduct which is but little detrimental to society at large and is totally unrelated to the goal of preservation of the integrity of the elective process.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 4-3 ruling in \u003cem>Otsuka v. Hite \u003c/em>left California with “a distinctly modern interpretation,” of infamous crimes, Holloway said — one judging that only threats to the ballot box should result in a loss of voting rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as critics of the ruling predicted, the new standard of ‘infamous crimes’ was again difficult for local election officials to put into practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By what standard is the Registrar of Voters to determine whether one convicted of crime is thereby branded as a ‘threat to the integrity of the elective process’?” wondered Justice Louis Burke, in his dissent. “For example, would murder qualify?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scattershot implementation of the ruling meant the decision to exclude Californians convicted of felonies would largely rest with county officials for the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Voters End Confusion with Proposition 10\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A survey of California counties in 1972 found that voting rights for former inmates varied county by county. Some local election officials refused to restore voting rights to any former prisoner, others created a list of crimes resulting in permanent disenfranchisement — and still others considered each former inmates’ case separately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courts were also divided on the issue: the California Supreme Court ruled in 1973 that permanent voter exclusion following a conviction for an ‘infamous crime’ violated equal protections rights. A year later, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned that decision in \u003cem>Richardson v. Ramirez, \u003c/em>ruling that convicted felons had no constitutional right to vote. The decision justified the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/research/elections-and-campaigns/felon-voting-rights.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">disenfranchisement laws\u003c/a> that now exist in dozens of states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue was finally decided on the ballot. In 1974, the state Legislature put Proposition 10 before voters, which proposed to eliminate the “infamous crime” statue from the state constitution. In its place, it proposed the “disqualification of electors while mentally incompetent or imprisoned or on parole for the conviction of a felony.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was backed by Democrats, including San Francisco Sen. George Moscone and Los Angeles Assemblyman Julian Dixon. They argued against lifelong disenfranchisement, and sought to end the patchwork of county-level decisions on voting rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The objective of reintegrating ex-felons into society is dramatically impeded by continued restriction of the right to vote,” they wrote in that year’s voter information guide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles Times reported at the time that Proposition 10 was among the measures that “failed to cause much controversy during the fall election campaign.” And on Election Day, as California voters sent Jerry Brown to the governor’s office for the first time, Proposition 10 was approved with 56% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That left California’s law on felon disenfranchisement as it exists today: voting rights can only be restored to those convicted of a felony upon completion of their parole term — a period of supervision following an inmates’ release from prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats and groups like the League of Women Voters had succeeded in ending the uncertainty of the ‘infamous crime’ statute and moved the state away from lifetime disfranchisement of former inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as with so many California ballot measures, Proposition 10 carried an underlying consequence: by aligning disenfranchisement with any felony (instead of specific crimes that threatened the “\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">integrity of the elective process”\u003c/span>) it married suffrage to an expanding criminal justice system that disproportionately impacted Black and Latino Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A Modern ‘Poll Tax’? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Over the ensuing decades, the number of Californians on parole for a felony skyrocketed. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.berkeley.edu/files/bccj/CA_in_Context_Policy_Brief_Sept_2012_Final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">report from the UC Berkeley School of Law\u003c/a> found an incredible 708% increase in the state’s parole population between 1980 and 2010 — among the largest jumps in the nation over that period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jose Gonzalez is among the Californians whose parole term is set for life. He spent nearly two decades in state prison for his involvement in a murder as a teenager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By the time I was 17, I was already sentenced and sitting in a state maximum security adult facility,” Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After his release, Gonzalez got a degree and is now working and raising his son, but his lifetime parole term prevents him from voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a taxpayer, as a regular person, you want to have a say,” Gonzalez said. “And if you feel like you don’t, then at the worst you’re not invested in your community. You don’t have that attachment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black and Latino Californians are disproportionately represented among parolees, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/californias-changing-parole-population/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to a study from the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>. By the end of 2016, Black Californians accounted for 6% of the state’s adult population, but 26% of the state’s parole population. And Latinos made up 35% of the adult population, but 40% of those on parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Kevin McCarty (D-Sacramento), the author of Proposition 17 on this year’s ballot, said the racial makeup of the state’s parole population makes the current punishment of disenfranchisement “really kind of like poll taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003cem>“\u003c/em>If you look at the percentage of people who are on parole and can’t vote, they are people of color,” McCarty said. “California, for all our progressiveness, we’re really behind the curve on this\u003ci>.” \u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Progressives seeking to expand voting rights for formerly incarcerated Californians have chosen not to go as far as the arguments of the 1960s and 1970s, when jurists questioned the very premise of stripping voting rights for crimes that have no relation to the electoral process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, they have slowly chipped away at a declining population of disqualified voters. Recent criminal justice reforms have nearly cut the state’s parole population in half over the last decade. And a 2016 law restored the right to vote for those convicted of a felony who are serving time in county jail or in county post-release supervision programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 17, placed on the ballot by the state legislature this summer, is the latest move to regain the vote for those formerly incarcerated. It would join California with 17 other states that already allow parolees to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans in the legislature were nearly unified in opposition — arguing that disenfranchisement is a fitting punishment for the state’s remaining parole population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re dealing with murderers and rapists, not low-level offenders but utmost serious offenders,” said Senator Jim Nielsen (R-Tehama). \u003ci>“\u003c/i>With the franchise to vote, they become more full participants in society — society that they’ve already shown their disdain for.”\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision to reopen the voting rights debate to the relatively limited group of 40,000 parolees is ultimately a political compromise, said James Binnall, professor of Law, Criminology, and Criminal Justice at California State University, Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the conversation about voting rights in California could urge a re-examination, and not for the first time, of the premise for removing civic rights from those in the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 17 say they are not looking ahead to any larger enfranchisement push beyond California parolees. But Maine and Vermont have already gone further, and never strip voting rights for a felony conviction so that even inmates can vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Having that discussion about why we draw lines and why reform efforts aim at certain people and leave others behind” is a “good thing,” Binnall said. “And [questioning] what that does to the folks you leave behind. Are you solidifying their ‘badness’ by not aiming a reform effort at them?”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>PG&E disclosed Friday that Cal Fire is investigating whether the company’s equipment was involved in starting a Northern California wildfire that killed four people late last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news comes just three months after the state's largest utility emerged from federal bankruptcy protection — a legal refuge it sought because it faced an estimated $30 billion in liabilities arising from wildfires sparked by its equipment. Those fires killed more than 100 people — including 85 in and around the Butte County town of Paradise — and destroyed more than 15,000 homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In reports filed with the California Public Utilities Commission and \u003ca href=\"http://d18rn0p25nwr6d.cloudfront.net/CIK-0001004980/08dbf9ac-a988-4e63-a6e1-73486c85663b.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the federal Securities and Exchange Commission\u003c/a> on Friday, PG&E said a line in a remote area of Shasta County experienced a series of still-unexplained problems on the afternoon of Sept. 27.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company said it hasn’t yet determined the nature of the problems, which included alarms from a SmartMeter and other automated equipment and occurred about the same time as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2020/9/27/zogg-fire/\">Zogg Fire\u003c/a> broke out 10 miles southwest of Redding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its submission to the SEC, the utility said that Cal Fire investigators on Friday took possession of PG&E equipment in the area where the fire is believe to have started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company said the area, near the intersection of Zogg Mine Road and Jenny Bird Lane where the fire broke out, is served by its 12,000-volt Girvan 1101 distribution circuit. It offered this brief narrative of the sequence of events:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"According to PG&E’s records, on September 27, 2020, a PG&E SmartMeter and a line recloser serving that area reported alarms and other activity between approximately 2:40 p.m. and 3:06 p.m., when the line recloser de-energized that portion of the circuit. The data currently available to PG&E do not establish the causes of the activity on the Girvan 1101 circuit or the locations of these causes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On October 9, 2020, Cal Fire informed PG&E that they had taken possession of PG&E equipment as part of Cal Fire’s ongoing investigation into the cause of the Zogg Fire and allowed PG&E access to the area. PG&E does not have access to any evidence collected by Cal Fire. Cal Fire has not issued a determination as to cause. PG&E is cooperating with CAL FIRE in its investigation.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The four people who died in the incident were apparently overtaken by rapidly advancing, wind-driven flames in the first hours of the blaze.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire started during a period when PG&E had shut off power to areas in Shasta and 15 other counties considered to be at a high risk of wildfire during a period of gusty winds and very low humidity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company reported it had blacked out about 65,000 customers in its service area, including some 2,800 in Shasta County. The shutoffs apparently did not include the circuit now under scrutiny by Cal Fire investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal Fire spokesman Scott McLean declined comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The possibility that San Francisco-based PG&E might be responsible for yet another deadly fire triggered a 10% decline in the company's shares in after-hours trading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those who could be directly affected by a prolonged decline in share values are survivors of PG&E-sparked fires in 2017 and 2018. That's because half of a $13.5 billion settlement the company brokered with survivors' attorneys as part of the its bankruptcy exit plan comes in the form of company stock. The stock's price will thus play a part in determining how much compensation wildfire victims will receive for losses suffered in the fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/lilyjamali/status/1314706683759915008\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E's role in a series of destructive wildfires from 2015 through 2018 — for instance, the failure of a piece of hardware on a transmission tower that sparked the catastrophic Camp Fire that incinerated Paradise — led to major changes in how the state regulates the wildfire safety practices of its major electrical utilities. Legislation passed in 2018 and 2019 has required PG&E and other power providers to develop and act on sweeping wildfire mitigation plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In PG&E's case, that's led to an approximately $2 billion program that includes widespread repairs or replacement of substandard power poles, transmission structures, substations and electrical lines. It also includes an effort to find and remove hazardous trees and vegetation from along its more than 100,000 miles of power lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those efforts have come amid continuing criticism, as the company’s past failures keep coming to light.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge William Alsup, overseeing the company’s criminal probation for the 2010 San Bruno pipeline disaster, has repeatedly blasted the company for failing to meet the letter of state law in its vegetation management practices or to live up to the promises it has made in its state-mandated wildfire safety plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alsup has subjected the company to intense scrutiny since the Camp Fire. Twice over the past two years, he has imposed additional conditions of probation to the company’s sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge has repeatedly noted that under the law, companies can’t be sent to prison for criminal offenses. And during a hearing last May on PG&E’s progress toward meeting safety requirements, he declared, \"If there ever was a corporation that deserved to go to prison, it is PG&E.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>PG&E disclosed Friday that Cal Fire is investigating whether the company’s equipment was involved in starting a Northern California wildfire that killed four people late last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news comes just three months after the state's largest utility emerged from federal bankruptcy protection — a legal refuge it sought because it faced an estimated $30 billion in liabilities arising from wildfires sparked by its equipment. Those fires killed more than 100 people — including 85 in and around the Butte County town of Paradise — and destroyed more than 15,000 homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In reports filed with the California Public Utilities Commission and \u003ca href=\"http://d18rn0p25nwr6d.cloudfront.net/CIK-0001004980/08dbf9ac-a988-4e63-a6e1-73486c85663b.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the federal Securities and Exchange Commission\u003c/a> on Friday, PG&E said a line in a remote area of Shasta County experienced a series of still-unexplained problems on the afternoon of Sept. 27.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company said it hasn’t yet determined the nature of the problems, which included alarms from a SmartMeter and other automated equipment and occurred about the same time as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2020/9/27/zogg-fire/\">Zogg Fire\u003c/a> broke out 10 miles southwest of Redding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its submission to the SEC, the utility said that Cal Fire investigators on Friday took possession of PG&E equipment in the area where the fire is believe to have started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company said the area, near the intersection of Zogg Mine Road and Jenny Bird Lane where the fire broke out, is served by its 12,000-volt Girvan 1101 distribution circuit. It offered this brief narrative of the sequence of events:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"According to PG&E’s records, on September 27, 2020, a PG&E SmartMeter and a line recloser serving that area reported alarms and other activity between approximately 2:40 p.m. and 3:06 p.m., when the line recloser de-energized that portion of the circuit. The data currently available to PG&E do not establish the causes of the activity on the Girvan 1101 circuit or the locations of these causes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On October 9, 2020, Cal Fire informed PG&E that they had taken possession of PG&E equipment as part of Cal Fire’s ongoing investigation into the cause of the Zogg Fire and allowed PG&E access to the area. PG&E does not have access to any evidence collected by Cal Fire. Cal Fire has not issued a determination as to cause. PG&E is cooperating with CAL FIRE in its investigation.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The four people who died in the incident were apparently overtaken by rapidly advancing, wind-driven flames in the first hours of the blaze.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire started during a period when PG&E had shut off power to areas in Shasta and 15 other counties considered to be at a high risk of wildfire during a period of gusty winds and very low humidity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company reported it had blacked out about 65,000 customers in its service area, including some 2,800 in Shasta County. The shutoffs apparently did not include the circuit now under scrutiny by Cal Fire investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal Fire spokesman Scott McLean declined comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The possibility that San Francisco-based PG&E might be responsible for yet another deadly fire triggered a 10% decline in the company's shares in after-hours trading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those who could be directly affected by a prolonged decline in share values are survivors of PG&E-sparked fires in 2017 and 2018. That's because half of a $13.5 billion settlement the company brokered with survivors' attorneys as part of the its bankruptcy exit plan comes in the form of company stock. The stock's price will thus play a part in determining how much compensation wildfire victims will receive for losses suffered in the fires.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>PG&E's role in a series of destructive wildfires from 2015 through 2018 — for instance, the failure of a piece of hardware on a transmission tower that sparked the catastrophic Camp Fire that incinerated Paradise — led to major changes in how the state regulates the wildfire safety practices of its major electrical utilities. Legislation passed in 2018 and 2019 has required PG&E and other power providers to develop and act on sweeping wildfire mitigation plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In PG&E's case, that's led to an approximately $2 billion program that includes widespread repairs or replacement of substandard power poles, transmission structures, substations and electrical lines. It also includes an effort to find and remove hazardous trees and vegetation from along its more than 100,000 miles of power lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those efforts have come amid continuing criticism, as the company’s past failures keep coming to light.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge William Alsup, overseeing the company’s criminal probation for the 2010 San Bruno pipeline disaster, has repeatedly blasted the company for failing to meet the letter of state law in its vegetation management practices or to live up to the promises it has made in its state-mandated wildfire safety plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alsup has subjected the company to intense scrutiny since the Camp Fire. Twice over the past two years, he has imposed additional conditions of probation to the company’s sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge has repeatedly noted that under the law, companies can’t be sent to prison for criminal offenses. And during a hearing last May on PG&E’s progress toward meeting safety requirements, he declared, \"If there ever was a corporation that deserved to go to prison, it is PG&E.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When California lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11487659/bail-reform-bill-approved-by-senate-assembly-next-up\">began debating\u003c/a> whether to reform the state’s cash bail system more than three years ago, progressive groups supported the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689184/gov-brown-signs-bill-ending-cash-bail-in-california\">compromise legislation that emerged\u003c/a> following more than a year of debate in the state Capitol \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11687273/bill-to-end-cash-bail-in-california-moves-forward-but-loses-some-support\">splintered the coalition on the left\u003c/a>. Now, state voters are being asked whether to uphold that law — \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB10\">Senate Bill 10\u003c/a> — after the bail industry gathered enough signatures to put a referendum on it on this November’s ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Proposition 25 would let SB 10 take effect — ending cash bail as a way for people accused of a crime to secure their release before a trial. But in a strange twist, some progressive civil rights groups are siding with the bail industry and law enforcement to effectively keep bail in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They worry that the new law will result in more, not fewer, people being kept behind bars as they await trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t predict what will happen, but I can say that the system they’ve set up is going to allow for expanded incarceration and expanded pretrial supervision including electronic monitoring, all of which is going to lead to more incarceration,” said John Raphling, a researcher for Human Rights Watch in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raphling wants voters to reject Proposition 25. Since the ballot measure is a referendum on SB 10, which was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689184/gov-brown-signs-bill-ending-cash-bail-in-california\">signed by then-Gov. Jerry Brown\u003c/a> in 2018 — a “yes” vote will allow the legislation to take effect and a “no” vote would overturn the law. Under state law, a referendum puts a new law on hold until voters can weigh in — meaning the 2018 law never went into effect. If Proposition 25 passes, California would become the first state in the nation to completely outlaw money bail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 25’s backers say Raphling and other opponents are wrong, and that the measure will actually lead to fewer people being held in jail pretrial, and make the system more fair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Bauters, budget advocacy director for the criminal justice reform group Californians for Safety and Justice, pointed to a study by the Public Policy Institute of California which found that the change would result in more than 142,000 people each year spending less time in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauters said the new system that would be set up under Proposition 25 would ensure that people don’t lose their jobs, their homes or custody of their kids while they languish in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s tons of statistics and data about how people who are held pretrial are more likely to plead guilty to things they didn’t commit,” he said. “People who are released pretrial actually get a more pure form of justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Does the Law Do?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The 2018 bill, SB 10, made money bail illegal in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If voters decide to uphold SB 10 by passing Proposition 25, the state would replace bail with a system that generally requires people arrested for misdemeanors to be automatically let go before trial — and for those accused of violent felonies to be kept in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those accused of lower-level felonies would go before a judge who could keep them in jail or put conditions on their release. Those conditions could include things like mandatory drug treatment, or a weekly probation check-in. The judge’s decision would in part be based on the results of a risk assessment tool that would essentially measure a person’s likelihood of re-offending or skipping out on court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each county would have to adopt their own risk assessment tool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those tools — based on algorithms that ‘learn’ more about risk profiles as more data about criminal defendants is entered into them — have become one of the flash points for those opposed to the bail law and Proposition 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Too Much Power for Algorithms and Judges?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Raphling, for example, warns that these risk assessment tools could be biased or misleading themselves, noting that someone’s risk of being rearrested can be as much about policing decisions and the color of their skin as that person’s actual conduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"John Raphling, Human Rights Watch researcher\"]‘The bail bond industry is a parasite. They are bloodsuckers. But the blood wouldn’t be available to them if it wasn’t for judges and law enforcement.’[/pullquote]What Proposition 25 does, he said, is make these algorithms “the gatekeeper” to someone’s freedom before trial. And even more concerning, he and other opponents say, is that the entire system gives judges way too much power to decide who leaves and who stays in jail before a trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re low risk, then (under Prop. 25) you’re likely to get out — but the judges can always override any decision of risk assessment,” he said. “In my research, I’ve found that they overwhelmingly override in favor of locking people up … and there’s real questions about the accuracy of those (risk assessments).”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insha Rahman, a former public defender who is now vice president of advocacy and initiatives at the Vera Institute of Justice in New York, agrees. She said there’s no reason to think that judges would behave differently because Proposition 25 still gives them the power to hold people in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it comes to public safety, across the board, we tend to just use our discretion to detain. That’s what the system has historically done,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Decreasing Racial Bias?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But Santa Barbara Probation Chief Tanja Heitman, whose county has been experimenting with alternatives to money bail, said she believes risk assessments can actually help reduce racial disparities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will never suggest that risk assessments are perfect. They are an evolving science and they continue to improve,’ she said. “As long as there’s over-policing in communities of color, as long as there is those inherent disparities in access to health care and educational employment opportunities, there’s going to be disparities in arrest rates that are then going to impact the criminal justice system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Santa Barbara County, she said, she has seen the risk assessments help erase racial biases in the juvenile criminal justice system. Youths of color are 2.6 times more likely to get arrested by law enforcement than white juveniles, she said; but their release rates were identical. The disparities among races reemerged when it came to charging decisions by prosecutors, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think probation officers are just as likely to allow biases unintentionally to creep into their decision making if they don’t have an assessment tool to help guide them, if they don’t have an assessment tool to ground to them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='bail']While many police and prosecutors groups oppose Proposition 25, Heitman and other probation officials believe it will make communities safer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that money bail doesn’t make us safe, but allowing people to stay connected to their families, to continue working (while they await trial) — that’s what’s going to enable them to be successful and improve our community overall,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raphling, however, points out that Heitman and other probation departments have an incentive to support Proposition 25: They will gain power and funding because their responsibilities will be expanded to include more pretrial defendants under the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bail industry is funding the opposition. But Raphling said his opposition to Proposition 25 doesn’t mean he and others support that industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bail bond industry is a parasite. They are bloodsuckers. But the blood wouldn’t be available to them if it wasn’t for judges and law enforcement,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If voters reject Proposition 25 — and with it, the 2018 law — supporters believe that state lawmakers would be prohibited from taking up the question of completely eliminating bail again, ensuring that the industry will continue to operate in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Raphling and others say the Legislature could still come up with an alternative system that would sideline the money bail industry without outlawing it altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When California lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11487659/bail-reform-bill-approved-by-senate-assembly-next-up\">began debating\u003c/a> whether to reform the state’s cash bail system more than three years ago, progressive groups supported the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689184/gov-brown-signs-bill-ending-cash-bail-in-california\">compromise legislation that emerged\u003c/a> following more than a year of debate in the state Capitol \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11687273/bill-to-end-cash-bail-in-california-moves-forward-but-loses-some-support\">splintered the coalition on the left\u003c/a>. Now, state voters are being asked whether to uphold that law — \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB10\">Senate Bill 10\u003c/a> — after the bail industry gathered enough signatures to put a referendum on it on this November’s ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Proposition 25 would let SB 10 take effect — ending cash bail as a way for people accused of a crime to secure their release before a trial. But in a strange twist, some progressive civil rights groups are siding with the bail industry and law enforcement to effectively keep bail in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They worry that the new law will result in more, not fewer, people being kept behind bars as they await trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t predict what will happen, but I can say that the system they’ve set up is going to allow for expanded incarceration and expanded pretrial supervision including electronic monitoring, all of which is going to lead to more incarceration,” said John Raphling, a researcher for Human Rights Watch in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raphling wants voters to reject Proposition 25. Since the ballot measure is a referendum on SB 10, which was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689184/gov-brown-signs-bill-ending-cash-bail-in-california\">signed by then-Gov. Jerry Brown\u003c/a> in 2018 — a “yes” vote will allow the legislation to take effect and a “no” vote would overturn the law. Under state law, a referendum puts a new law on hold until voters can weigh in — meaning the 2018 law never went into effect. If Proposition 25 passes, California would become the first state in the nation to completely outlaw money bail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 25’s backers say Raphling and other opponents are wrong, and that the measure will actually lead to fewer people being held in jail pretrial, and make the system more fair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Bauters, budget advocacy director for the criminal justice reform group Californians for Safety and Justice, pointed to a study by the Public Policy Institute of California which found that the change would result in more than 142,000 people each year spending less time in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauters said the new system that would be set up under Proposition 25 would ensure that people don’t lose their jobs, their homes or custody of their kids while they languish in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s tons of statistics and data about how people who are held pretrial are more likely to plead guilty to things they didn’t commit,” he said. “People who are released pretrial actually get a more pure form of justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Does the Law Do?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The 2018 bill, SB 10, made money bail illegal in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If voters decide to uphold SB 10 by passing Proposition 25, the state would replace bail with a system that generally requires people arrested for misdemeanors to be automatically let go before trial — and for those accused of violent felonies to be kept in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those accused of lower-level felonies would go before a judge who could keep them in jail or put conditions on their release. Those conditions could include things like mandatory drug treatment, or a weekly probation check-in. The judge’s decision would in part be based on the results of a risk assessment tool that would essentially measure a person’s likelihood of re-offending or skipping out on court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each county would have to adopt their own risk assessment tool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those tools — based on algorithms that ‘learn’ more about risk profiles as more data about criminal defendants is entered into them — have become one of the flash points for those opposed to the bail law and Proposition 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Too Much Power for Algorithms and Judges?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Raphling, for example, warns that these risk assessment tools could be biased or misleading themselves, noting that someone’s risk of being rearrested can be as much about policing decisions and the color of their skin as that person’s actual conduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>What Proposition 25 does, he said, is make these algorithms “the gatekeeper” to someone’s freedom before trial. And even more concerning, he and other opponents say, is that the entire system gives judges way too much power to decide who leaves and who stays in jail before a trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re low risk, then (under Prop. 25) you’re likely to get out — but the judges can always override any decision of risk assessment,” he said. “In my research, I’ve found that they overwhelmingly override in favor of locking people up … and there’s real questions about the accuracy of those (risk assessments).”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insha Rahman, a former public defender who is now vice president of advocacy and initiatives at the Vera Institute of Justice in New York, agrees. She said there’s no reason to think that judges would behave differently because Proposition 25 still gives them the power to hold people in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it comes to public safety, across the board, we tend to just use our discretion to detain. That’s what the system has historically done,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Decreasing Racial Bias?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But Santa Barbara Probation Chief Tanja Heitman, whose county has been experimenting with alternatives to money bail, said she believes risk assessments can actually help reduce racial disparities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will never suggest that risk assessments are perfect. They are an evolving science and they continue to improve,’ she said. “As long as there’s over-policing in communities of color, as long as there is those inherent disparities in access to health care and educational employment opportunities, there’s going to be disparities in arrest rates that are then going to impact the criminal justice system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Santa Barbara County, she said, she has seen the risk assessments help erase racial biases in the juvenile criminal justice system. Youths of color are 2.6 times more likely to get arrested by law enforcement than white juveniles, she said; but their release rates were identical. The disparities among races reemerged when it came to charging decisions by prosecutors, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think probation officers are just as likely to allow biases unintentionally to creep into their decision making if they don’t have an assessment tool to help guide them, if they don’t have an assessment tool to ground to them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While many police and prosecutors groups oppose Proposition 25, Heitman and other probation officials believe it will make communities safer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that money bail doesn’t make us safe, but allowing people to stay connected to their families, to continue working (while they await trial) — that’s what’s going to enable them to be successful and improve our community overall,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raphling, however, points out that Heitman and other probation departments have an incentive to support Proposition 25: They will gain power and funding because their responsibilities will be expanded to include more pretrial defendants under the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bail industry is funding the opposition. But Raphling said his opposition to Proposition 25 doesn’t mean he and others support that industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bail bond industry is a parasite. They are bloodsuckers. But the blood wouldn’t be available to them if it wasn’t for judges and law enforcement,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If voters reject Proposition 25 — and with it, the 2018 law — supporters believe that state lawmakers would be prohibited from taking up the question of completely eliminating bail again, ensuring that the industry will continue to operate in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Raphling and others say the Legislature could still come up with an alternative system that would sideline the money bail industry without outlawing it altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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