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"content": "\u003cp>Assemblyman Tyler Diep remembers what he saw as a wide-eyed 8-year-old boy arriving in San Diego with his mom and dad from their native Vietnam in 1991: “Clean. Quiet. Big, compared to Saigon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His parents had waited eight years to be allowed to come to America. They spoke no English when they settled into their first apartment near San Diego State University. They had no money, no job — nothing other than aspirations of attaining their piece of the American Dream. They could not have made it without a little help from the government in their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last Monday, Diep, now 36, was flying from John Wayne Airport for another work week in Sacramento when he read a Washington Post \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/immigration/trump-administration-aims-to-make-citizenship-more-difficult-for-immigrants-who-rely-on-public-assistance/2019/08/12/fe3f8162-b565-11e9-8949-5f36ff92706e_story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> detailing the Trump Administration’s latest plan:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigrants here legally who use public benefits — such as Medicaid, food stamps or housing assistance — could have a tougher time obtaining a green card under a policy change … that is at the center of the Trump administration’s effort to reduce immigration levels.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Tyler Diep, Westminster assemblymember']'It seems like every day there is more and more stuff coming out targeting immigrants, even the legal ones.'[/pullquote]A freshman legislator, Diep represents an Orange County district where 20% of voters are Vietnamese-Americans. 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Why did you leave?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diep shrugged off the reaction, feeling no loyalty to defend a White House policy that “seemed so anti-immigrant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember our welfare check was $800 a month: $500 went to rent, $100 went to paying back the airline ticket and $200 for groceries,” he said. “I don’t remember that there were food stamps, but there was welfare and Medicare.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Tyler Diep, Westminster assemblymember']'My family came here legally but we needed public assistance for those first few years. What is wrong with you guys?'[/pullquote]His parents enrolled Tyler and themselves in an English class. Though he cannot say for sure, the course almost certainly was government-funded. It took Tyler six months to become proficient. It was harder for his folks, but they learned. They got off welfare in about two years, and stayed on government-funded health care for a little longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Saigon, his mom had been a teacher. Here, she does nails. His dad had been a journalist in Vietnam. Here, he worked as a bilingual instructor at an elementary school, a printer, and, in recent years, for General Dynamics NASSCO in San Diego, where he helps build Navy ships that defend his United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They had one more child, a daughter, and bought a home in Lemon Grove. Diep’s sister is finishing up at San Diego State University, a taxpayer-supported university. Diep went there, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, he represents constituents in a county — once the throbbing heart of California conservatism — that just gave Democrats a registration edge. 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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration has announced it is ending a federal court agreement that limits how long migrant families with children can be detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acting Homeland Security Secretary Kevin McAleenan outlined the new policy Wednesday, which replaces the \u003ca href=\"https://fas.org/sgp/crs/homesec/R45297.pdf\">Flores Settlement agreement\u003c/a>. That's been a longtime target of immigration hard-liners in the Trump administration, who contend the settlement has acted as a lure to families in Central America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Coverage\" tag=\"immigration\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new policy means that migrant families who are detained after crossing the border can be kept indefinitely, until their cases are decided. Today's policy doesn't specify a limit but sets an expectation that cases be resolved comparatively quickly — within about two months. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McAleenan said the new policy would take effect 60 days after it is published on Friday and that it would deter what he called a \"catch and release\" loophole in which families are arrested and quickly released into the United States while their cases are adjudicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also conceded it is certain to be challenged in court. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moments after McAleenan made his announcement, Madhuri Grewal, a policy counsel with the American Civil Liberties Union, called the new policy \"yet another cruel attack on children, who the Trump administration has targeted again and again with its anti-immigrant policies ... Congress must not fund this.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McAleenan said under the new rule, \"All children in the government's care will be universally treated with dignity, respect, and special concern in concert with American values — and faithful to the intent of the original settlement.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said detained families will be held at facilities such as one in Pennsylvania that he described as a \"campus-like setting\" with \"cushioned couches\" and recreation facilities, where families are given three hot meals a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those facilities are already near capacity, and critics fear families could be held in detention camps similar to those near the border — in which children have been forced to sleep on pads on concrete floors with scant medical attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest Trump administration attempt to limit illegal migration follows a week after it announced steps to limit legal migration, including a declaration that by seeking government benefits, migrants would jeopardize their chances of becoming permanent residents. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=New+Trump+Policy+Would+Permit+Indefinite+Detention+Of+Migrant+Families%2C+Children&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new policy means that migrant families who are detained after crossing the border can be kept indefinitely, until their cases are decided. Today's policy doesn't specify a limit but sets an expectation that cases be resolved comparatively quickly — within about two months. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McAleenan said the new policy would take effect 60 days after it is published on Friday and that it would deter what he called a \"catch and release\" loophole in which families are arrested and quickly released into the United States while their cases are adjudicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also conceded it is certain to be challenged in court. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moments after McAleenan made his announcement, Madhuri Grewal, a policy counsel with the American Civil Liberties Union, called the new policy \"yet another cruel attack on children, who the Trump administration has targeted again and again with its anti-immigrant policies ... Congress must not fund this.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McAleenan said under the new rule, \"All children in the government's care will be universally treated with dignity, respect, and special concern in concert with American values — and faithful to the intent of the original settlement.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said detained families will be held at facilities such as one in Pennsylvania that he described as a \"campus-like setting\" with \"cushioned couches\" and recreation facilities, where families are given three hot meals a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those facilities are already near capacity, and critics fear families could be held in detention camps similar to those near the border — in which children have been forced to sleep on pads on concrete floors with scant medical attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest Trump administration attempt to limit illegal migration follows a week after it announced steps to limit legal migration, including a declaration that by seeking government benefits, migrants would jeopardize their chances of becoming permanent residents. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=New+Trump+Policy+Would+Permit+Indefinite+Detention+Of+Migrant+Families%2C+Children&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Feds Eye Inland Empire for Major New Site to House Unaccompanied Migrant Children",
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"content": "\u003cp>The U.S. agency charged with caring for unaccompanied migrant children is eyeing California’s Inland Empire as a potential location for a major new shelter facility, according to official records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, which was posted earlier this month on the\u003ca href=\"https://www.fbo.gov/index?s=opportunity&mode=form&id=d9e02f6cf99973cf86f5a9aeaff46edf&tab=core&_cview=0\"> Federal Business Opportunities website\u003c/a>, comes at a time when the number of minors in federal custody has dipped since the beginning of the year but still remains at historic highs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Katie Mathews, attorney with Disability Rights California\"]‘The sheer size of this facility concerns us.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) is seeking to lease a 74,000-square-foot facility for 17 years that can house up to 430 children and 143 staff, with a projected opening date of December 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan for the shelter includes 215 double bedrooms, 11 children’s bathrooms (with a total of 72 toilets and 43 showers), classrooms, medical exam rooms, a dining room and an outdoor play area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Raul Ruiz — a Democrat who represents parts of the Inland Empire and sits on the House subcommittee that oversees ORR — said members of Congress who represent the area were not informed before the solicitation was submitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a big problem,” said Ruiz who, along with three other members of Congress from the same region, recently sent a letter to ORR voicing his concerns. “One of our concerns is that if members of Congress were not engaged — especially those whose area and region will be affected — then they definitely did not engage with local stakeholders, agencies, nonprofits and foster care regarding this project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California currently has at least nine other residential facilities for migrant children run by nonprofit service providers under contract with ORR. Many of them came under fire earlier this year after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11758308/report-california-immigration-facilities-failing-kids-with-disabilities\">report \u003c/a>from \u003ca href=\"https://www.disabilityrightsca.org/\">Disability Rights California\u003c/a> found that many children in ORR custody who suffered from trauma, post-traumatic stress disorder and other mental health disabilities were not receiving proper counseling or treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768405\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11768405 size-medium\" style=\"font-weight: bold;background-color: transparent;color: #767676\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1-800x458.png\" alt=\"The proposed location for this new ORR facility that could house 430 unaccompanied children.\" width=\"800\" height=\"458\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1-800x458.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1-160x92.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1-1020x584.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1-1200x688.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1.png 1850w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The proposed location for a new ORR facility near Riverside that could house 430 unaccompanied migrant children. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Federal Business Opportunities website)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California shelters are among roughly 170 facilities nationwide designed to receive migrant children who arrive in the United States without parents or guardians. They are intended to serve as temporary housing while children’s cases are decided in the immigration court system, and until they can be placed with a parent or other approved sponsor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/sw-border-migration\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">69,000 unaccompanied children and teens\u003c/a> have been apprehended at the U.S.-Mexico border in the last 10 months, nearly 30,000 more than during the same time period the previous year, according to U.S. Customs and Border Protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[documentcloud url=\"httsp://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6306685-03-081919-Aguilar-ORR-Facility.html\" responsive=true height=800]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of those children have come from the Central American countries of Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador — a region known as the Northern Triangle — where weak governments have struggled to rein in violent criminal gangs in the wake of civil wars, underdevelopment and corruption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Aug. 5, there were approximately 8,700 children in ORR custody. That’s a sharp decline from as recently as June, when the agency had an average of more than 13,000 kids in its care. But it’s more than double the number of children who were in custody just four years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=news_11768396,news_11758308]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to kids traveling without parents, the shelters house thousands of children who were forcibly separated from their parents by border agents, especially during 2018 when the Trump administration attempted a zero tolerance policy of criminally prosecuting all unauthorized adult border-crossers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the proposed 430-bed Inland Empire facility would not be the nation’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/02/13/694138106/inside-the-largest-and-most-controversial-shelter-for-migrant-children-in-the-u-\">largest shelter \u003c/a>for so-called unaccompanied alien children, it would be the biggest in California by far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the moment, the largest group home that the state of California licenses is 184 beds,” said Adam Weintraub, spokesman for the California Department of Social Services. “So this would be more than double the size.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that has raised alarm among immigrant advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sheer size of this facility concerns us,” Katie Mathews, an attorney with Disability Rights California, said in a statement. “It would be the biggest ORR shelter in all of California and would more than double the statewide capacity for unaccompanied immigrant children. The current largest facility holds fewer than 70 children. The proposed facility would hold almost seven times as many.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The size also goes against California’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/Continuum-of-Care-Reform\">Continuum of Care Reform\u003c/a>, intended to steer the state away from large-scale group home models, in place of placing children in family settings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea is that the ideal environment for most children is that single-family home,” said Weintraub.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s an assertion that is shared by immigrant rights advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The care of these children draws on the standard that I would apply as the parent of, in my case, a 2-year-old. Would I want to warehouse my daughter in a shelter that has an almost 500-child capacity?” asked Krish O’Mara Vignarajah, president of Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service. “You can put in case managers, you can try to set educational standards, but the reality is, what you’re setting are standards for an institution – as opposed to, what I think any parent would want for a child, a family setting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) is seeking to lease a 74,000-square-foot facility for 17 years that can house up to 430 children and 143 staff, with a projected opening date of December 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan for the shelter includes 215 double bedrooms, 11 children’s bathrooms (with a total of 72 toilets and 43 showers), classrooms, medical exam rooms, a dining room and an outdoor play area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Raul Ruiz — a Democrat who represents parts of the Inland Empire and sits on the House subcommittee that oversees ORR — said members of Congress who represent the area were not informed before the solicitation was submitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a big problem,” said Ruiz who, along with three other members of Congress from the same region, recently sent a letter to ORR voicing his concerns. “One of our concerns is that if members of Congress were not engaged — especially those whose area and region will be affected — then they definitely did not engage with local stakeholders, agencies, nonprofits and foster care regarding this project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California currently has at least nine other residential facilities for migrant children run by nonprofit service providers under contract with ORR. Many of them came under fire earlier this year after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11758308/report-california-immigration-facilities-failing-kids-with-disabilities\">report \u003c/a>from \u003ca href=\"https://www.disabilityrightsca.org/\">Disability Rights California\u003c/a> found that many children in ORR custody who suffered from trauma, post-traumatic stress disorder and other mental health disabilities were not receiving proper counseling or treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768405\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11768405 size-medium\" style=\"font-weight: bold;background-color: transparent;color: #767676\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1-800x458.png\" alt=\"The proposed location for this new ORR facility that could house 430 unaccompanied children.\" width=\"800\" height=\"458\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1-800x458.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1-160x92.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1-1020x584.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1-1200x688.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1.png 1850w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The proposed location for a new ORR facility near Riverside that could house 430 unaccompanied migrant children. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Federal Business Opportunities website)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California shelters are among roughly 170 facilities nationwide designed to receive migrant children who arrive in the United States without parents or guardians. They are intended to serve as temporary housing while children’s cases are decided in the immigration court system, and until they can be placed with a parent or other approved sponsor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/sw-border-migration\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">69,000 unaccompanied children and teens\u003c/a> have been apprehended at the U.S.-Mexico border in the last 10 months, nearly 30,000 more than during the same time period the previous year, according to U.S. Customs and Border Protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of those children have come from the Central American countries of Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador — a region known as the Northern Triangle — where weak governments have struggled to rein in violent criminal gangs in the wake of civil wars, underdevelopment and corruption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Aug. 5, there were approximately 8,700 children in ORR custody. That’s a sharp decline from as recently as June, when the agency had an average of more than 13,000 kids in its care. But it’s more than double the number of children who were in custody just four years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to kids traveling without parents, the shelters house thousands of children who were forcibly separated from their parents by border agents, especially during 2018 when the Trump administration attempted a zero tolerance policy of criminally prosecuting all unauthorized adult border-crossers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the proposed 430-bed Inland Empire facility would not be the nation’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/02/13/694138106/inside-the-largest-and-most-controversial-shelter-for-migrant-children-in-the-u-\">largest shelter \u003c/a>for so-called unaccompanied alien children, it would be the biggest in California by far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the moment, the largest group home that the state of California licenses is 184 beds,” said Adam Weintraub, spokesman for the California Department of Social Services. “So this would be more than double the size.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that has raised alarm among immigrant advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sheer size of this facility concerns us,” Katie Mathews, an attorney with Disability Rights California, said in a statement. “It would be the biggest ORR shelter in all of California and would more than double the statewide capacity for unaccompanied immigrant children. The current largest facility holds fewer than 70 children. The proposed facility would hold almost seven times as many.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The size also goes against California’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/Continuum-of-Care-Reform\">Continuum of Care Reform\u003c/a>, intended to steer the state away from large-scale group home models, in place of placing children in family settings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea is that the ideal environment for most children is that single-family home,” said Weintraub.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s an assertion that is shared by immigrant rights advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The care of these children draws on the standard that I would apply as the parent of, in my case, a 2-year-old. Would I want to warehouse my daughter in a shelter that has an almost 500-child capacity?” asked Krish O’Mara Vignarajah, president of Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service. “You can put in case managers, you can try to set educational standards, but the reality is, what you’re setting are standards for an institution – as opposed to, what I think any parent would want for a child, a family setting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California has sued the Trump administration over 50 times, joining three other states on Friday to \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorepublicchargesuit\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">challenge the “public charge” rule\u003c/a> that targets poor immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few days earlier, California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1946454/california-sues-trump-administration-over-clean-power-rollback\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">joined a lawsuit\u003c/a> against the Environmental Protection Agency’s rollback of the Clean Power Plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuits will keep coming, with Attorney General Xavier Becerra \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1946560/atty-gen-becerra-it-does-seem-like-you-are-fighting-trump-on-the-environment-at-every-turn\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">pledging to sue the Trump administration\u003c/a> for its plan to weaken the Endangered Species Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there are definitely a lot of court filings flying around, standing up for clean air, clean water, endangered species and people fleeing violence seems to be the opposite of “frivolous lawsuits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Immigrants held in U.S. detention facilities sued Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) on Monday, decrying what they called shoddy medical care and a failure by authorities to provide accommodations for disabled people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote]ICE said comprehensive medical care is provided to all detainees including dental and 24-hour emergency care.[/pullquote]In the \u003ca href=\"https://protect-us.mimecast.com/s/hFcdCxklQwf139JoigWum5?domain=icm-tracking.meltwater.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">suit\u003c/a> filed by disability and civil rights advocates in U.S. District Court, immigrants said they’re placed in isolation as punishment and denied recommended medical treatment and surgery. Some said they’ve been denied wheelchairs, and a deaf detainee who communicates in American Sign Language said he has not been provided an interpreter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problems harm disabled immigrants and threaten anyone in one of ICE’s more than 50,000 detention beds who winds up getting sick or isolated from other detainees, said Monica Porter, staff attorney at Disability Rights Advocates, one of the organizations that filed the suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE cannot simply contract with third parties to operate its detention centers and then wash its hands of the deplorable, unlawful conditions in those detention centers,” said Tim Fox, co-executive director of the Civil Rights Education and Enforcement Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='small' align='right' citation='Patricia Delgadillo said of her son, Luis Manuel Delgadillo, a detainee at Adelanto']‘My husband and I suffer with him, and we just want him to be safe.’[/pullquote]ICE, which largely contracts with private companies and law enforcement agencies for detention space, declined to comment about the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An agency official said comprehensive medical care is provided to all detainees including dental and 24-hour emergency care, and studies have shown about 1% of detainees are held in segregated housing at a given time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit, filed on behalf of nonprofits and 15 immigrants from countries including Sudan and Mexico, seeks to represent immigrant detainees across the country. The suit cites problems at eight facilities including a privately-run center in Adelanto, California, and Teller County Jail in Colorado.The Department of Homeland, which is also being sued, didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates said they want to see changes in medical treatment and policies for the immigrants, who are fighting deportation, and the release of immigrants under alternative programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of immigrants in detention has grown in recent years. There are currently about 55,500 immigrants in detention on any given day, according to ICE. That’s a 20% increase from June 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='adelanto' label='Related Coverage']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the plaintiffs, Faour Abdullah Fraihat, has been detained in Adelanto for more than two years and lost vision in his left eye. While an off-site doctor recommended surgery in April, immigration authorities didn’t provide it and he was told last month his vision couldn’t be restored, according to the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fraihat, 57, who has back and knee pain, said he was given a wheelchair but it was taken away after a month. For more than a year, he relied on officers to bring him food, the suit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he fears returning to Jordan because he was threatened after converting to Christianity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another detainee at the facility about 60 miles northeast of Los Angeles said he was placed in segregation for a week after filing a grievance against an officer, the suit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luis Manuel Delgadillo, a 29-year-old who has lived most of his life in the United States, was on medication for schizophrenia and bipolar disorder but his treatment shifted after he was detained in May. Since then, his mental health has suffered, prompting him to miss two court dates, according to the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like any parents, my husband and I suffer with him, and we just want him to be safe,” his mother, Patricia Delgadillo, said in a statement.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003cbr>\nKQED’s Farida Jhabvala Romero contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the plaintiffs, Faour Abdullah Fraihat, has been detained in Adelanto for more than two years and lost vision in his left eye. While an off-site doctor recommended surgery in April, immigration authorities didn’t provide it and he was told last month his vision couldn’t be restored, according to the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fraihat, 57, who has back and knee pain, said he was given a wheelchair but it was taken away after a month. For more than a year, he relied on officers to bring him food, the suit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he fears returning to Jordan because he was threatened after converting to Christianity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another detainee at the facility about 60 miles northeast of Los Angeles said he was placed in segregation for a week after filing a grievance against an officer, the suit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luis Manuel Delgadillo, a 29-year-old who has lived most of his life in the United States, was on medication for schizophrenia and bipolar disorder but his treatment shifted after he was detained in May. Since then, his mental health has suffered, prompting him to miss two court dates, according to the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like any parents, my husband and I suffer with him, and we just want him to be safe,” his mother, Patricia Delgadillo, said in a statement.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003cbr>\nKQED’s Farida Jhabvala Romero contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Diabetics skipping regular checkups. Young asthmatics not getting preventive care. A surge in expensive emergency room visits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doctors and public health experts warn of poor health and rising costs they say will come from sweeping Trump administration changes that would deny green cards to many immigrants who use Medicaid, as well as food stamps and other forms of public assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some advocates say they’re already seeing the fallout even before the complex 837-page rule takes effect in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s administration trumpeted its aggressive \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/f440cbe61eb642c99f4d9a47e437c526\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">approach\u003c/a> this past week as a way to keep only self-sufficient immigrants in the country, but health experts argue it could force potentially millions of low-income migrants to choose between needed services and their bid to stay legally in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are going to be sicker. They’re not going to go get health care, or not until they have to go to an emergency room,” said Lisa David, president and CEO of Public Health Solutions, New York’s largest public health organization. “It’s going to cost the system a lot of money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrants who want permanent legal status, commonly called a green card, have long been required to prove they won’t be “a public charge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration announced Monday that would redefine the term to mean those who are “more likely than not” to receive public benefits over a certain period. U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services will also now consider other factors, including income, education and English proficiency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to see people coming to this country who are self-sufficient,” said Ken Cuccinelli, the agency’s acting director. “That’s a core principle of the American dream. It’s deeply embedded in our history, and particularly our history related to legal immigration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/21e2d0d8ebad45d5932f400184a566fd\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Two\u003c/a> California counties and attorneys general in 13 states sued, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/a185c08acfd84c548e8a679f57b07305\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">saying\u003c/a> the changes will increase public health risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are signs that is already happening in cities including Chicago, Detroit and New York, immigrant advocates say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within hours of the announcement, a Minnesota immigration attorney said she received a flurry of calls from worried clients about whether to leave Medicaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Detroit nonprofit helping Latinos and immigrants with social services said its usually jam-packed lobby was empty the day after the rules were unveiled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York’s largest public health organization, Public Health Solutions, which serves a large immigrant population, reported a 20% drop in food stamps enrollment since the rule was first proposed in the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is precedent for such a chilling effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After 1996 welfare and immigration changes that limited public assistance for some immigrants, the use of benefits dropped steeply among U.S. citizen children and refugees, groups who were still eligible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Studies based on data following that change showed people disenrolled from Medicaid at rates ranging from 15% to 35%, according to Harvard University’s François-Bagnoud Center for Health and Human Rights. And, it found, this came at a high cost: Asthma-related school absences in 1996 led to $719 million in lost parental productivity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federico Mason, who emigrated from Mexico over two decades ago, said he is worried about the new criteria because he is low-income and doesn’t speak English well. The Chicago resident said he has no immediate plans to remove his 8- and 15-year-old sons, who are U.S. citizens, from Medicaid, but the new rule has made him more fearful about providing for his family and about applying for a green card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If one day I want to adjust my status, it will be more difficult because of these unfair policies that continue to discriminate against me,” he said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, non-citizen low-income immigrants use public benefits at a much \u003ca href=\"https://www.apnews.com/460423ab286a4014bfe458a6989cc3f9\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">lower rate\u003c/a> than low-income U.S.-born citizens, but there’s the possibility that millions of people could drop benefits out of fear or confusion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estimates vary. It could be as high as 24 million people, according to the nonpartisan Fiscal Policy Institute, which includes in its count anyone in a family that has received food, health or housing support and where at least one person is a non-citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Deanna Behrens, a pediatric critical-care physician in suburban Chicago who wrote public testimony opposing the rule change, said children are the most vulnerable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said non-citizen parents might hesitate to apply for their children who are U.S. citizens, mistakenly fearing that if their children get benefits it will destroy their own chances of getting a green card and tear their families apart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That will lead to people being unable to afford care for chronic diseases like asthma and diabetes, as well as preventative measures. Instead, they’ll rely on far more costly emergency rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has forced the immigrant families into an impossible choice,” Behrens said. Roughly 544,000 people apply for green cards annually, with about 382,000 falling into categories that would be subject to the new review, according to the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esperanza Health Centers, which runs four Chicago-based clinics that serve low-income and largely immigrant populations, has seen an increase in the number of uninsured children. Since a draft of the new rule was released in the fall, the clinics report having 600 children without insurance, including those who have disenrolled from Medicaid. Typically, it’s about 200, according to Jessica Boland, director of behavioral health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re condemning people to having a much more unhealthy lifestyles because we believe that there is something awful about their request for what we think for most people is a right and not a privilege: health care,” said Dr. Kenneth Davis, president and CEO of Mount Sinai Health System, which covers eight hospitals in New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over a dozen major patient groups, including the March of Dimes and the American Heart Association, have written fierce opposition to the rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue is personal for Dr. Jasmine Saavedra, a pediatrician who works at an Esperanza clinic in a heavily Latino Chicago neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is convinced that if new Trump administration criteria were in effect for her parents three decades ago, she would have had a far different future. Her parents emigrated from Mexico in the 1980s unable to speak English and with little education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While working low-wage jobs, they relied on food stamps for a short time to get by. Her mother later quit public assistance because of the stigma, but Saavedra said there were days when her mother wouldn’t eat so her children could. She believes that helped her become a doctor and her two sisters become an accountant and a nurse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe when certain people think about immigrant families, they do think of it as a burden on this country, the way people would tell my mom she was when she was receiving assistance,” Saavedra said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But my parents, with no education, not speaking this language, being impoverished with a little bit assistance when they could, got us out and they have three successful daughters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press video journalist Mike Householder in Detroit contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Diabetics skipping regular checkups. Young asthmatics not getting preventive care. A surge in expensive emergency room visits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doctors and public health experts warn of poor health and rising costs they say will come from sweeping Trump administration changes that would deny green cards to many immigrants who use Medicaid, as well as food stamps and other forms of public assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some advocates say they’re already seeing the fallout even before the complex 837-page rule takes effect in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s administration trumpeted its aggressive \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/f440cbe61eb642c99f4d9a47e437c526\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">approach\u003c/a> this past week as a way to keep only self-sufficient immigrants in the country, but health experts argue it could force potentially millions of low-income migrants to choose between needed services and their bid to stay legally in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are going to be sicker. They’re not going to go get health care, or not until they have to go to an emergency room,” said Lisa David, president and CEO of Public Health Solutions, New York’s largest public health organization. “It’s going to cost the system a lot of money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrants who want permanent legal status, commonly called a green card, have long been required to prove they won’t be “a public charge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration announced Monday that would redefine the term to mean those who are “more likely than not” to receive public benefits over a certain period. U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services will also now consider other factors, including income, education and English proficiency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to see people coming to this country who are self-sufficient,” said Ken Cuccinelli, the agency’s acting director. “That’s a core principle of the American dream. It’s deeply embedded in our history, and particularly our history related to legal immigration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/21e2d0d8ebad45d5932f400184a566fd\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Two\u003c/a> California counties and attorneys general in 13 states sued, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/a185c08acfd84c548e8a679f57b07305\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">saying\u003c/a> the changes will increase public health risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are signs that is already happening in cities including Chicago, Detroit and New York, immigrant advocates say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within hours of the announcement, a Minnesota immigration attorney said she received a flurry of calls from worried clients about whether to leave Medicaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Detroit nonprofit helping Latinos and immigrants with social services said its usually jam-packed lobby was empty the day after the rules were unveiled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York’s largest public health organization, Public Health Solutions, which serves a large immigrant population, reported a 20% drop in food stamps enrollment since the rule was first proposed in the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is precedent for such a chilling effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After 1996 welfare and immigration changes that limited public assistance for some immigrants, the use of benefits dropped steeply among U.S. citizen children and refugees, groups who were still eligible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Studies based on data following that change showed people disenrolled from Medicaid at rates ranging from 15% to 35%, according to Harvard University’s François-Bagnoud Center for Health and Human Rights. And, it found, this came at a high cost: Asthma-related school absences in 1996 led to $719 million in lost parental productivity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federico Mason, who emigrated from Mexico over two decades ago, said he is worried about the new criteria because he is low-income and doesn’t speak English well. The Chicago resident said he has no immediate plans to remove his 8- and 15-year-old sons, who are U.S. citizens, from Medicaid, but the new rule has made him more fearful about providing for his family and about applying for a green card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If one day I want to adjust my status, it will be more difficult because of these unfair policies that continue to discriminate against me,” he said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, non-citizen low-income immigrants use public benefits at a much \u003ca href=\"https://www.apnews.com/460423ab286a4014bfe458a6989cc3f9\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">lower rate\u003c/a> than low-income U.S.-born citizens, but there’s the possibility that millions of people could drop benefits out of fear or confusion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estimates vary. It could be as high as 24 million people, according to the nonpartisan Fiscal Policy Institute, which includes in its count anyone in a family that has received food, health or housing support and where at least one person is a non-citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Deanna Behrens, a pediatric critical-care physician in suburban Chicago who wrote public testimony opposing the rule change, said children are the most vulnerable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said non-citizen parents might hesitate to apply for their children who are U.S. citizens, mistakenly fearing that if their children get benefits it will destroy their own chances of getting a green card and tear their families apart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That will lead to people being unable to afford care for chronic diseases like asthma and diabetes, as well as preventative measures. Instead, they’ll rely on far more costly emergency rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has forced the immigrant families into an impossible choice,” Behrens said. Roughly 544,000 people apply for green cards annually, with about 382,000 falling into categories that would be subject to the new review, according to the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esperanza Health Centers, which runs four Chicago-based clinics that serve low-income and largely immigrant populations, has seen an increase in the number of uninsured children. Since a draft of the new rule was released in the fall, the clinics report having 600 children without insurance, including those who have disenrolled from Medicaid. Typically, it’s about 200, according to Jessica Boland, director of behavioral health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re condemning people to having a much more unhealthy lifestyles because we believe that there is something awful about their request for what we think for most people is a right and not a privilege: health care,” said Dr. Kenneth Davis, president and CEO of Mount Sinai Health System, which covers eight hospitals in New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over a dozen major patient groups, including the March of Dimes and the American Heart Association, have written fierce opposition to the rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue is personal for Dr. Jasmine Saavedra, a pediatrician who works at an Esperanza clinic in a heavily Latino Chicago neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is convinced that if new Trump administration criteria were in effect for her parents three decades ago, she would have had a far different future. Her parents emigrated from Mexico in the 1980s unable to speak English and with little education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While working low-wage jobs, they relied on food stamps for a short time to get by. Her mother later quit public assistance because of the stigma, but Saavedra said there were days when her mother wouldn’t eat so her children could. She believes that helped her become a doctor and her two sisters become an accountant and a nurse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe when certain people think about immigrant families, they do think of it as a burden on this country, the way people would tell my mom she was when she was receiving assistance,” Saavedra said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But my parents, with no education, not speaking this language, being impoverished with a little bit assistance when they could, got us out and they have three successful daughters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press video journalist Mike Householder in Detroit contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "My Grandfather, A Killer",
"title": "My Grandfather, A Killer",
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"content": "\u003cp>On rare occasions, Dad and I would get together for lunch. It was 2014, and I had just started a job at NPR. Dad was retired and lived 60 miles away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From what I remember, we ate dim sum, which meant driving through the heart of downtown Los Angeles, the massive skyscrapers glistening in the afternoon sun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was quiet in the car. I was thinking about how Mom and Dad used to make this commute to LA every day for work. Two hours in the morning, two hours at night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11767453\" label=\"Bay Area Activist Shot in PI\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad interrupted my thoughts, pointing to a building on the side of the freeway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Did you know that my dad killed somebody in that place?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Wait, what?\" I responded, almost missing the moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I never met my grandfather, Lolo Vicente, but I'd heard stories about him. On our living room wall, there's a picture of him. He was handsome. Dad said he was strict, but he never talked about him coming to America, much less that he killed someone. When I asked Dad why it had taken him so long to tell me, he said it's because I never asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A million thoughts raced through my head. Lolo was in America? Why was Lolo in America? Who did he kill? Did he go to prison?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the main question tugging at me was what this all meant for the story of my family's history in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768295\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0087_custom-c0585b545430b16710a9af0cf79faf63be15644e-e1566155580832.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768295\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0087_custom-c0585b545430b16710a9af0cf79faf63be15644e-e1566155580832.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1222\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The author's father, Manolo Guerra, stands for a portrait at his home in Moreno Valley, Calif., on Aug. 7. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The murder had suddenly shattered my view of the quintessential immigrant narrative — the story my parents embodied. They both came to the United States from the Philippines in the 1980s looking for a better life. Dad became a citizen; Mom, a green card holder. They worked hard, bought a house in the suburbs and raised three children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My grandfather had taken a darker path. The fact that this violence was a part of my American story scared me. I hated how it might feed into the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/03/30/upshot/crime-immigration-myth.html?module=inline\">false\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/13/upshot/illegal-immigration-crime-rates-research.html\">narrative\u003c/a> that immigrants drive up crime rates. The story also enticed me. I needed to find answers to my questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the story of my Lolo — which means \"grandfather\" in Tagalog, a language native to the Philippines. The reason I'm here is because of him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768296\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0125_custom-c9645c2e7b06ad2ca7ca309cb317dc0510e8d865-e1566155627245.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0125_custom-c9645c2e7b06ad2ca7ca309cb317dc0510e8d865-e1566155627245.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1332\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trophies and ribbons won by the Guerra sisters are on display in the garage of their father, Manolo Guerra. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>America's \"Little Brown Brothers\" \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I first found Lolo's mug shot, I thought he looked handsome. He was only 24, with soft features and slick black hair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He had come to America six years earlier, in 1926. He grew up poor in a small province in the Philippines and was part of a mass migration that, \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/philippines-culture-migration\">by one estimate\u003c/a>, brought 150,000 Filipinos to America between 1907 and 1930. These were mostly single young men who boarded steamships to travel thousands of miles from the Philippines to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, it was relatively easy to immigrate to the U.S. from the Philippines, which in the 1930s was still \u003ca href=\"https://history.house.gov/Exhibitions-and-Publications/APA/Historical-Essays/Exclusion-and-Empire/The-Philippines/\">a U.S. territory\u003c/a>. The agricultural sector needed cheap labor, and Filipinos, who were considered noncitizen nationals, fulfilled that role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768297\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0006_custom-1882b5ad05ee6114c851da325a2def1eb5d017ee-e1566155844678.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768297\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0006_custom-1882b5ad05ee6114c851da325a2def1eb5d017ee-e1566155844678.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Manolo Guerra points himself out in an old family portrait. He's standing in the photo with his father, Vicente Guerra, his mother, Isabel Guerra, and his older brother Greg. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768298\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0103_custom-628870066d5a5490411611fdb6372e0377ff79a8-e1566155896220.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768298\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0103_custom-628870066d5a5490411611fdb6372e0377ff79a8-e1566155896220.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1332\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A family photo at the home of Manolo Guerra. The author, Denise Guerra, appears on the far left alongside her sister, mother, father, sister and brother-in-law. Her two nieces appear seated in the front row. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While most of these Filipinos worked in farming, men like my grandfather ended up in cities as low-wage domestic workers. In Los Angeles, he became a \"houseboy.\" Family lore said he cleaned house for actor George Raft, who appeared in the original \u003cem>Scarface\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For newly arrived immigrants like Lolo, life in America was hard, and the reception was not always warm. Filipino men were known as America's \"little brown brothers,\" a phrase coined by William Howard Taft, who before winning the White House in the 1908 election, served as the first American governor-general of the Philippines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"perspectives_201601138926\" label=\"Perspectives: Filipino Pride\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White America's view could be summed up in a 1929 \u003cem>Los Angeles Times \u003c/em>op-ed titled \"The Filipino Invasion.\" The author describes Filipinos as \"good boys, most of them trained on battleships or as houseboys to neatness, cleanliness and quiet courtesy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I can only imagine how emasculating this must have felt for Lolo and other young Filipino men. But you wouldn't be able to tell by looking at photographs of them from the time. Outside of work they wore fedoras, \u003ca href=\"https://www.esquiremag.ph/style/fashion/filipino-mens-fashion-a2289-20190401-lfrm6\">pressed zoot suits\u003c/a> and shiny wingtip shoes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthony Ocampo, a sociologist at California State Polytechnic University and author of the book \u003cem>The Latinos of Asia: How Filipino Americans Break the Rules of Race, \u003c/em>said dressing like that offered a form of mental self-preservation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think part of the reason they did that is because having traveled 7,000 miles across the Pacific Ocean, being able to present themselves in that way gave them some sort of dignity,\" Ocampo said. \"That the journey was worth it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768306\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768306\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Guerra sits at his home. In the 1980s, Guerra immigrated to the U.S. from the Philippines in search of a better life. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Of course, it wasn't strictly about self-preservation, said Ocampo. They also did it to attract women, especially at the local taxi-dance halls, where men could hire women to dance with them. The dance halls gave immigrants an outlet to socialize with one another and spend some of their hard-earned money — typically 10 cents per dance — in hopes of finding some companionship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women were usually white, and given racist attitudes and miscegenation laws, that dynamic would eventually spark violence against the Filipino community by white men enraged over the \u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=_yD8ND6gMUsC&pg=PA21#v=onepage&q&f=false\">influx of migrant laborers in the area\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most notorious incident happened in Watsonville, an agricultural community in Northern California. In 1930, a mob of about 500 white men and youth opened fire at a dance hall popular with the local Filipino community where white women were being employed. Over five days, roaming mobs assaulted Filipinos with pistols, clubs and whips. They dragged Filipinos from their homes and beat them. Filipinos were thrown off bridges. One man, Fermin Tobera, 22, was shot to death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was out to run the Filipinos out of the country,\" one participant told the \u003cem>Oakland Tribune\u003c/em>. \"We're going to get rid of them, that's what.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Murder \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next year, a woman would again be at the center of violence involving Filipinos. This time, it involved my Lolo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To this day, no one in my family can say for certain what drove my grandfather to murder. But according to an Associated Press report dated Sept. 23, 1931, it all had to do with \"an American girl.\" The headline of the story read, \"Oriental Killed, One Shot in Love Feud.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to my dad, Lolo was in a restaurant bathroom when two men cornered him and slit his neck, leaving Lolo bleeding and facedown on a toilet. Someone found Lolo and was able to get help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad doesn't know what prompted the attack, but he remembers the scar that it left on the back of Lolo's neck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After his recovery, Lolo went looking for his attackers, and one day, while cruising the streets of a busy downtown corridor, Lolo spotted two men leaving a theater. He told a friend to get the car ready. Lolo had a gun and was set on revenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shooting took place close to a popular dance hall where Filipinos hung out, near city hall. His victims were John Lopez, shot in the leg, and Joseph Retotar, a Filipino, who died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Records for the two men are hard to come by. Based on what I could find, Retotar was about the same age as Lolo. And that love feud? While the article suggests it was over an American, no one in the family can say for sure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years I agonized. If only I had her name or the details of the others involved, then just maybe I could figure out what really happened. It had to be in the case file. I went to the Los Angeles County Hall of Records to look for it, but when the archivist took the decades-old microfilm out of its box, it fell apart. This mystery woman was now a ghost on decrepit microfilm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768307\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768307\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Guerra and wife's house in the suburban community of Moreno Valley. The couple bought the home after immigrating to the U.S. and raised three children there. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Return to the Philippines\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo was caught, tried by a jury and found guilty of second-degree murder. He was sentenced to five years to life at San Quentin State Prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was out in seven years. Dad said Lolo talked about marking his cell with chalk every year he spent there. When he was released, he took his hand, swiped the chalk marks off the wall and cried aloud, \"Goodbye!\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's unclear why Lolo was released from prison so early, but a handwritten note in his prison records offers a clue. It appears to read, \"repat Paroled 5/5/39.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Repat\" is a likely reference to the government's efforts to repatriate Filipinos under a 1935 law signed by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in response to anger among white workers about Filipino men taking U.S. jobs. The measure came a year after the Tydings-McDuffie Act — a law that set the Philippines on the path to independence but that also reclassified Filipinos already in the U.S. as \"aliens.\" Taken together, the two laws were blamed for separating Filipino families, given that Tydings-McDuffie capped Filipino immigration at 50 people per year, making it near impossible for anyone who was repatriated to return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Lolo was heading back to the Philippines in 1939, World War II was raging in Europe. In the Pacific, Japanese forces had taken over several Chinese cities. The U.S. was on guard — its interests in the Philippines could be next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo's niece, my Tita Letty Francisco, remembers that the war may be the reason for Lolo's parole. Back then, it was common for prisoners to be recruited to fight the Japanese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1941, Japan bombed Pearl Harbor, Hawaii. Within hours, it invaded the Philippines. Lolo became a second lieutenant in the guerrilla army fighting the Japanese alongside U.S. forces. He even got a new nickname. Instead of Vicente Guerra, they called him Vicente Bakal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768304\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768304\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"599\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vicente Guerra is pictured during his time as a second lieutenant in the guerilla force fighting the Japanese in World War II. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Denise Guerra)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Bakal is iron,\" said Tita Letty. She said he could be loving toward his family, but when it came to war, Lolo showed no remorse for killing the Japanese. She remembers Lolo's fury after the Japanese bombed the home he shared with the woman he ended up marrying in the Philippines, Lola Isabel. He'd even brag about how many lives he took, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But according to Dad, there was at least one death that troubled Lolo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the time he was tasked with killing a Filipina who had been accused of working as an informant for the Japanese. She was labeled a \"Makapili,\" the name Filipinos gave those who aided the Japanese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the war, the Japanese would take informants, place bags over their heads, cut two holes for their eyes and ask them to identify Filipinos. Once identified, the Japanese would shoot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo's secret mission to kill this woman meant he couldn't use a gun, because it would make noise, so he and others used a piece of wood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"' They keep hitting her and hitting her, and she won't die,'\" Dad remembered Lolo telling him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So what they did, they just digged a hole. But when they put her there, she's still alive. So they keep hitting her,\" Dad said, his tone solemn like I imagine Lolo's must have been when recounting the story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After that, Lolo asked his boss to transfer him to another assignment. He couldn't take it anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I think back on this story, it makes me angry. How could he have killed someone so brutally? Even if it was in the service of his country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad takes me back to reality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is war,\" he said. \"What did you expect?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Enforcer \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was about five years after our car ride that Dad and I went to where the murder took place in downtown LA. The street corner looks like a restored loft with some shops. It's loud, bustling. Traffic and construction noise fills the air. In one direction, I see homeless men. In another, a man on a dockless scooter riding by.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's here, almost a century ago, that Lolo's life in America took a turn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad's silent, taking it all in. My thoughts are elsewhere, and I wonder how Lolo's environment shaped his actions. Did life in America encourage the worst in him? Turn him more angry? More violent? What if he had never come to the U.S.? Would he have avoided all the bloodshed? Or was it all inevitable?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think about another influence in Lolo's life, Ted Lewin. He was an American who built one of the biggest gaming operations in Manila. In a 1959 profile, \u003ca href=\"http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,865128,00.html\">\u003cem>Time\u003c/em> magazine described\u003c/a> Lewin, saying he had \"a taste for dark shirts, penthouses, air-conditioned Cadillacs and shadowy wheelings and dealings. In and out of Manila, in the past two decades, he has turned many a fast peso.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"filipino-americans\" label=\"Related Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo worked for Lewin as an enforcer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When they see something or they found out something in the casino that you are cheating, they would beat the hell out of them,\" said Dad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad said Lolo would tell him stories about taking a hammer and smashing each finger of a cheater's hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo became a top boss for Lewin. He was feared and respected. When Lewin was forced out of the trade by the Philippine government, Lolo took his experience and used it to establish his own businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He had a fleet of taxis and operated distilleries. Ever the hustler, he at one point took a job at customs, where he accepted bribes for letting folks smuggle goods into the islands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This allowed him to give his kids the opportunity to attend college in the Philippines, drive nice cars and establish political and business connections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad used that to build his own business selling electronics in the Philippines. It did well at first but then fell into bankruptcy. He looked at America and saw a second chance. And thanks in part to Lolo's war service, Dad was eventually able to gain citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He's retired now, after 40 years in manufacturing. He and my mom worked all the time, and because of that, my family enjoyed full bellies and college educations. The quintessential American Dream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>My family, my country \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked Dad why his life in America was so different from Lolo's. He said it's because each generation will be better off than the one before it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Remember during [his] time, they are all illiterate. They didn't go to high school,\" Dad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You go to another country, especially an industrialized country like America, most of them turned out to be drivers, busboys or work as a maid because they don't have schooling.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad never went back to the Philippines, even for Lolo's funeral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Even when I die, I already bought our family plot, because most people when they die, they go home, but this is my home, so I will just stay here,\" Dad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My parents are already dead. My only brother is dead. So there's no more thing for me to go to the Philippines.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768305\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768305\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"550\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85-160x110.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Guerra says a prayer in the chapel he constructed in his garage. He has never returned to the Philippines since coming to America in the 1980s. \"My parents are already dead. My only brother is dead. So there's no more thing for me to go to the Philippines,\" he said. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When I think about Lolo's history in America — the murder, the war, his thuggery — my biggest question is still whether he was a monster. Or would he have made different choices if America had been kinder? If you exist in a land where you're constantly seen as a villain, do you inevitably become one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite Lolo's violence, Dad believes he was a good father, a good friend. Tita Letty remembers him as kind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I'm not so sure. But the blood he shed is part of my family's story. It's part of America's.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=My+Grandfather%2C+A+Killer+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Denise Guerra, a second-generation Filipino American, never met her grandfather. When she finally learned a long-held family secret, it shattered her view of the quintessential immigrant narrative.",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href= \"https://www.npr.org/people/716309801/denise-guerra\"> Denise Guerra \u003ca/>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On rare occasions, Dad and I would get together for lunch. It was 2014, and I had just started a job at NPR. Dad was retired and lived 60 miles away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From what I remember, we ate dim sum, which meant driving through the heart of downtown Los Angeles, the massive skyscrapers glistening in the afternoon sun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was quiet in the car. I was thinking about how Mom and Dad used to make this commute to LA every day for work. Two hours in the morning, two hours at night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad interrupted my thoughts, pointing to a building on the side of the freeway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Did you know that my dad killed somebody in that place?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Wait, what?\" I responded, almost missing the moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I never met my grandfather, Lolo Vicente, but I'd heard stories about him. On our living room wall, there's a picture of him. He was handsome. Dad said he was strict, but he never talked about him coming to America, much less that he killed someone. When I asked Dad why it had taken him so long to tell me, he said it's because I never asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A million thoughts raced through my head. Lolo was in America? Why was Lolo in America? Who did he kill? Did he go to prison?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the main question tugging at me was what this all meant for the story of my family's history in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768295\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0087_custom-c0585b545430b16710a9af0cf79faf63be15644e-e1566155580832.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768295\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0087_custom-c0585b545430b16710a9af0cf79faf63be15644e-e1566155580832.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1222\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The author's father, Manolo Guerra, stands for a portrait at his home in Moreno Valley, Calif., on Aug. 7. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The murder had suddenly shattered my view of the quintessential immigrant narrative — the story my parents embodied. They both came to the United States from the Philippines in the 1980s looking for a better life. Dad became a citizen; Mom, a green card holder. They worked hard, bought a house in the suburbs and raised three children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My grandfather had taken a darker path. The fact that this violence was a part of my American story scared me. I hated how it might feed into the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/03/30/upshot/crime-immigration-myth.html?module=inline\">false\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/13/upshot/illegal-immigration-crime-rates-research.html\">narrative\u003c/a> that immigrants drive up crime rates. The story also enticed me. I needed to find answers to my questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the story of my Lolo — which means \"grandfather\" in Tagalog, a language native to the Philippines. The reason I'm here is because of him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768296\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0125_custom-c9645c2e7b06ad2ca7ca309cb317dc0510e8d865-e1566155627245.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0125_custom-c9645c2e7b06ad2ca7ca309cb317dc0510e8d865-e1566155627245.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1332\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trophies and ribbons won by the Guerra sisters are on display in the garage of their father, Manolo Guerra. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>America's \"Little Brown Brothers\" \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I first found Lolo's mug shot, I thought he looked handsome. He was only 24, with soft features and slick black hair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He had come to America six years earlier, in 1926. He grew up poor in a small province in the Philippines and was part of a mass migration that, \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/philippines-culture-migration\">by one estimate\u003c/a>, brought 150,000 Filipinos to America between 1907 and 1930. These were mostly single young men who boarded steamships to travel thousands of miles from the Philippines to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, it was relatively easy to immigrate to the U.S. from the Philippines, which in the 1930s was still \u003ca href=\"https://history.house.gov/Exhibitions-and-Publications/APA/Historical-Essays/Exclusion-and-Empire/The-Philippines/\">a U.S. territory\u003c/a>. The agricultural sector needed cheap labor, and Filipinos, who were considered noncitizen nationals, fulfilled that role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768297\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0006_custom-1882b5ad05ee6114c851da325a2def1eb5d017ee-e1566155844678.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768297\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0006_custom-1882b5ad05ee6114c851da325a2def1eb5d017ee-e1566155844678.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Manolo Guerra points himself out in an old family portrait. He's standing in the photo with his father, Vicente Guerra, his mother, Isabel Guerra, and his older brother Greg. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768298\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0103_custom-628870066d5a5490411611fdb6372e0377ff79a8-e1566155896220.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768298\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0103_custom-628870066d5a5490411611fdb6372e0377ff79a8-e1566155896220.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1332\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A family photo at the home of Manolo Guerra. The author, Denise Guerra, appears on the far left alongside her sister, mother, father, sister and brother-in-law. Her two nieces appear seated in the front row. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While most of these Filipinos worked in farming, men like my grandfather ended up in cities as low-wage domestic workers. In Los Angeles, he became a \"houseboy.\" Family lore said he cleaned house for actor George Raft, who appeared in the original \u003cem>Scarface\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For newly arrived immigrants like Lolo, life in America was hard, and the reception was not always warm. Filipino men were known as America's \"little brown brothers,\" a phrase coined by William Howard Taft, who before winning the White House in the 1908 election, served as the first American governor-general of the Philippines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White America's view could be summed up in a 1929 \u003cem>Los Angeles Times \u003c/em>op-ed titled \"The Filipino Invasion.\" The author describes Filipinos as \"good boys, most of them trained on battleships or as houseboys to neatness, cleanliness and quiet courtesy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I can only imagine how emasculating this must have felt for Lolo and other young Filipino men. But you wouldn't be able to tell by looking at photographs of them from the time. Outside of work they wore fedoras, \u003ca href=\"https://www.esquiremag.ph/style/fashion/filipino-mens-fashion-a2289-20190401-lfrm6\">pressed zoot suits\u003c/a> and shiny wingtip shoes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthony Ocampo, a sociologist at California State Polytechnic University and author of the book \u003cem>The Latinos of Asia: How Filipino Americans Break the Rules of Race, \u003c/em>said dressing like that offered a form of mental self-preservation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think part of the reason they did that is because having traveled 7,000 miles across the Pacific Ocean, being able to present themselves in that way gave them some sort of dignity,\" Ocampo said. \"That the journey was worth it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768306\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768306\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Guerra sits at his home. In the 1980s, Guerra immigrated to the U.S. from the Philippines in search of a better life. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Of course, it wasn't strictly about self-preservation, said Ocampo. They also did it to attract women, especially at the local taxi-dance halls, where men could hire women to dance with them. The dance halls gave immigrants an outlet to socialize with one another and spend some of their hard-earned money — typically 10 cents per dance — in hopes of finding some companionship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women were usually white, and given racist attitudes and miscegenation laws, that dynamic would eventually spark violence against the Filipino community by white men enraged over the \u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=_yD8ND6gMUsC&pg=PA21#v=onepage&q&f=false\">influx of migrant laborers in the area\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most notorious incident happened in Watsonville, an agricultural community in Northern California. In 1930, a mob of about 500 white men and youth opened fire at a dance hall popular with the local Filipino community where white women were being employed. Over five days, roaming mobs assaulted Filipinos with pistols, clubs and whips. They dragged Filipinos from their homes and beat them. Filipinos were thrown off bridges. One man, Fermin Tobera, 22, was shot to death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was out to run the Filipinos out of the country,\" one participant told the \u003cem>Oakland Tribune\u003c/em>. \"We're going to get rid of them, that's what.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Murder \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next year, a woman would again be at the center of violence involving Filipinos. This time, it involved my Lolo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To this day, no one in my family can say for certain what drove my grandfather to murder. But according to an Associated Press report dated Sept. 23, 1931, it all had to do with \"an American girl.\" The headline of the story read, \"Oriental Killed, One Shot in Love Feud.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to my dad, Lolo was in a restaurant bathroom when two men cornered him and slit his neck, leaving Lolo bleeding and facedown on a toilet. Someone found Lolo and was able to get help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad doesn't know what prompted the attack, but he remembers the scar that it left on the back of Lolo's neck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After his recovery, Lolo went looking for his attackers, and one day, while cruising the streets of a busy downtown corridor, Lolo spotted two men leaving a theater. He told a friend to get the car ready. Lolo had a gun and was set on revenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shooting took place close to a popular dance hall where Filipinos hung out, near city hall. His victims were John Lopez, shot in the leg, and Joseph Retotar, a Filipino, who died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Records for the two men are hard to come by. Based on what I could find, Retotar was about the same age as Lolo. And that love feud? While the article suggests it was over an American, no one in the family can say for sure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years I agonized. If only I had her name or the details of the others involved, then just maybe I could figure out what really happened. It had to be in the case file. I went to the Los Angeles County Hall of Records to look for it, but when the archivist took the decades-old microfilm out of its box, it fell apart. This mystery woman was now a ghost on decrepit microfilm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768307\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768307\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Guerra and wife's house in the suburban community of Moreno Valley. The couple bought the home after immigrating to the U.S. and raised three children there. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Return to the Philippines\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo was caught, tried by a jury and found guilty of second-degree murder. He was sentenced to five years to life at San Quentin State Prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was out in seven years. Dad said Lolo talked about marking his cell with chalk every year he spent there. When he was released, he took his hand, swiped the chalk marks off the wall and cried aloud, \"Goodbye!\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's unclear why Lolo was released from prison so early, but a handwritten note in his prison records offers a clue. It appears to read, \"repat Paroled 5/5/39.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Repat\" is a likely reference to the government's efforts to repatriate Filipinos under a 1935 law signed by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in response to anger among white workers about Filipino men taking U.S. jobs. The measure came a year after the Tydings-McDuffie Act — a law that set the Philippines on the path to independence but that also reclassified Filipinos already in the U.S. as \"aliens.\" Taken together, the two laws were blamed for separating Filipino families, given that Tydings-McDuffie capped Filipino immigration at 50 people per year, making it near impossible for anyone who was repatriated to return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Lolo was heading back to the Philippines in 1939, World War II was raging in Europe. In the Pacific, Japanese forces had taken over several Chinese cities. The U.S. was on guard — its interests in the Philippines could be next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo's niece, my Tita Letty Francisco, remembers that the war may be the reason for Lolo's parole. Back then, it was common for prisoners to be recruited to fight the Japanese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1941, Japan bombed Pearl Harbor, Hawaii. Within hours, it invaded the Philippines. Lolo became a second lieutenant in the guerrilla army fighting the Japanese alongside U.S. forces. He even got a new nickname. Instead of Vicente Guerra, they called him Vicente Bakal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768304\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768304\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"599\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vicente Guerra is pictured during his time as a second lieutenant in the guerilla force fighting the Japanese in World War II. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Denise Guerra)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Bakal is iron,\" said Tita Letty. She said he could be loving toward his family, but when it came to war, Lolo showed no remorse for killing the Japanese. She remembers Lolo's fury after the Japanese bombed the home he shared with the woman he ended up marrying in the Philippines, Lola Isabel. He'd even brag about how many lives he took, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But according to Dad, there was at least one death that troubled Lolo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the time he was tasked with killing a Filipina who had been accused of working as an informant for the Japanese. She was labeled a \"Makapili,\" the name Filipinos gave those who aided the Japanese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the war, the Japanese would take informants, place bags over their heads, cut two holes for their eyes and ask them to identify Filipinos. Once identified, the Japanese would shoot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo's secret mission to kill this woman meant he couldn't use a gun, because it would make noise, so he and others used a piece of wood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"' They keep hitting her and hitting her, and she won't die,'\" Dad remembered Lolo telling him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So what they did, they just digged a hole. But when they put her there, she's still alive. So they keep hitting her,\" Dad said, his tone solemn like I imagine Lolo's must have been when recounting the story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After that, Lolo asked his boss to transfer him to another assignment. He couldn't take it anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I think back on this story, it makes me angry. How could he have killed someone so brutally? Even if it was in the service of his country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad takes me back to reality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is war,\" he said. \"What did you expect?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Enforcer \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was about five years after our car ride that Dad and I went to where the murder took place in downtown LA. The street corner looks like a restored loft with some shops. It's loud, bustling. Traffic and construction noise fills the air. In one direction, I see homeless men. In another, a man on a dockless scooter riding by.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's here, almost a century ago, that Lolo's life in America took a turn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad's silent, taking it all in. My thoughts are elsewhere, and I wonder how Lolo's environment shaped his actions. Did life in America encourage the worst in him? Turn him more angry? More violent? What if he had never come to the U.S.? Would he have avoided all the bloodshed? Or was it all inevitable?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think about another influence in Lolo's life, Ted Lewin. He was an American who built one of the biggest gaming operations in Manila. In a 1959 profile, \u003ca href=\"http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,865128,00.html\">\u003cem>Time\u003c/em> magazine described\u003c/a> Lewin, saying he had \"a taste for dark shirts, penthouses, air-conditioned Cadillacs and shadowy wheelings and dealings. In and out of Manila, in the past two decades, he has turned many a fast peso.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo worked for Lewin as an enforcer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When they see something or they found out something in the casino that you are cheating, they would beat the hell out of them,\" said Dad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad said Lolo would tell him stories about taking a hammer and smashing each finger of a cheater's hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo became a top boss for Lewin. He was feared and respected. When Lewin was forced out of the trade by the Philippine government, Lolo took his experience and used it to establish his own businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He had a fleet of taxis and operated distilleries. Ever the hustler, he at one point took a job at customs, where he accepted bribes for letting folks smuggle goods into the islands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This allowed him to give his kids the opportunity to attend college in the Philippines, drive nice cars and establish political and business connections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad used that to build his own business selling electronics in the Philippines. It did well at first but then fell into bankruptcy. He looked at America and saw a second chance. And thanks in part to Lolo's war service, Dad was eventually able to gain citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He's retired now, after 40 years in manufacturing. He and my mom worked all the time, and because of that, my family enjoyed full bellies and college educations. The quintessential American Dream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>My family, my country \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked Dad why his life in America was so different from Lolo's. He said it's because each generation will be better off than the one before it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Remember during [his] time, they are all illiterate. They didn't go to high school,\" Dad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You go to another country, especially an industrialized country like America, most of them turned out to be drivers, busboys or work as a maid because they don't have schooling.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad never went back to the Philippines, even for Lolo's funeral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Even when I die, I already bought our family plot, because most people when they die, they go home, but this is my home, so I will just stay here,\" Dad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My parents are already dead. My only brother is dead. So there's no more thing for me to go to the Philippines.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768305\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768305\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"550\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85-160x110.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Guerra says a prayer in the chapel he constructed in his garage. He has never returned to the Philippines since coming to America in the 1980s. \"My parents are already dead. My only brother is dead. So there's no more thing for me to go to the Philippines,\" he said. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When I think about Lolo's history in America — the murder, the war, his thuggery — my biggest question is still whether he was a monster. Or would he have made different choices if America had been kinder? If you exist in a land where you're constantly seen as a villain, do you inevitably become one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite Lolo's violence, Dad believes he was a good father, a good friend. Tita Letty remembers him as kind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I'm not so sure. But the blood he shed is part of my family's story. It's part of America's.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=My+Grandfather%2C+A+Killer+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "California Leads New Lawsuit Over Trump Rule Targeting Poor Immigrants",
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"content": "\u003cp>California and three other states on Friday filed the latest court challenge to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11767202/immigration-chief-give-me-your-tired-your-poor-who-can-stand-on-their-own-2-feet\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">new Trump administration rules\u003c/a> blocking green cards for many immigrants who use public assistance including Medicaid, food stamps and housing vouchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly half of Americans would be considered a burden if the same standards were applied to U.S. citizens, said California Attorney General Xavier Becerra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]'[President Trump] has a particular problem with brown people — not even immigrants.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This Trump rule weaponizes nutrition, health care and housing,\" Becerra said, by potentially blocking legal immigrants from becoming citizens, \"if your child participates in something as basic as your neighborhood school lunch or nutrition program.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit he filed in U.S. District Court in San Francisco follows others this week including those by Washington and 12 other states, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11767411/s-f-santa-clara-first-in-nation-to-sue-over-trump-rule-targeting-low-income-immigrants\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">and by San Francisco and Santa Clara counties\u003c/a>. Joining California are Maine, Oregon and Pennsylvania, as well as the District of Columbia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thirteen immigrant advocacy and legal groups led by La Clínica de la Raza filed a separate lawsuit Friday in the same court, arguing the regulation was motivated by racial bias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='public-charge' label='Related Coverage']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuits all contest one of President Trump's most aggressive moves to restrict legal immigration. A spokesman for the White House declined comment while U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new rules set to take effect in October would broaden a range of programs that can disqualify immigrants from legal status if they are deemed to be a burden to the United States — what's known as a \"public charge.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra, a Democrat, said working families across the country rely on similar safety net programs. The impact is particularly great in California, which has more than 10 million immigrants. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This Trump rule disproportionately impacts Californians, that’s obvious,\" he said. \"Almost half of all California children have at least one immigrant parent.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His lawsuit argues that the rule creates unnecessary new obstacles for immigrants who want to legally live in the United States. It also discourages them from using health, nutrition, housing and other programs for fear it will erode their chances of being granted lawful status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The whole point is to create anxiety and create that chilling effect,\" said Gov. Gavin Newsom at a news conference with Becerra, immigration advocates and services providers. \"You already are seeing a decline in people that are getting supports that they're legally entitled to.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said Trump \"has a particular problem with brown people — not even immigrants.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He later said he was \"not going there\" by following other Democrats who have called Trump a white supremacist, \"but he says a lot of things that make a lot of people that do identify with that term very happy. The continued assault on the Hispanic community, it's not even any question; it's just self-evident.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom pointed to the rule change as well as recent immigration raids in Mississippi and a mass shooting by a man who authorities believe targeted Mexicans at a Walmart store in the Texas border city of El Paso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Connect some dots,\" Newsom said. \"Why is it even an open question, what's going on this country and what's going on with this administration, and what they're trying to do and who they're trying to blame.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11766631 label='Fear After Mass Shootings']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra's mother was born in Mexico, coming to the U.S. after marrying his father, and he said she likely would have been affected by the policy. However, the rules don't apply to U.S. citizens, even if the citizen is related to an immigrant who is affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many immigrants are ineligible for public benefits because of their status, and an Associated Press analysis found low-income immigrants use Medicaid, food aid, cash assistance and Supplemental Security Income, or SSI, at a lower rate than comparable low-income native-born adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who work with immigrants say the rule, which doesn't go into effect until October, is already having a negative impact. California counties administer the food stamp program and Medi-Cal in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The data are hard to tease out, but we have heard, for about two years now, every time there's been coverage of a possible rule coming forward, people will call and they will say please remove me from the rolls. Or please withdraw that application that I had filed,\" said Cathy Senderling-McDonald, deputy executive director of the County Welfare Directors Association of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump's attempts to thwart illegal immigration have drawn the most attention, but the latest announcement Monday affects people who entered the United States legally and are seeking permanent status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We want to see people coming to this country who are self-sufficient,\" said Ken Cuccinelli, the acting director of Citizenship and Immigration Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Katie Orr contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This Trump rule weaponizes nutrition, health care and housing,\" Becerra said, by potentially blocking legal immigrants from becoming citizens, \"if your child participates in something as basic as your neighborhood school lunch or nutrition program.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit he filed in U.S. District Court in San Francisco follows others this week including those by Washington and 12 other states, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11767411/s-f-santa-clara-first-in-nation-to-sue-over-trump-rule-targeting-low-income-immigrants\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">and by San Francisco and Santa Clara counties\u003c/a>. Joining California are Maine, Oregon and Pennsylvania, as well as the District of Columbia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thirteen immigrant advocacy and legal groups led by La Clínica de la Raza filed a separate lawsuit Friday in the same court, arguing the regulation was motivated by racial bias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The whole point is to create anxiety and create that chilling effect,\" said Gov. Gavin Newsom at a news conference with Becerra, immigration advocates and services providers. \"You already are seeing a decline in people that are getting supports that they're legally entitled to.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said Trump \"has a particular problem with brown people — not even immigrants.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He later said he was \"not going there\" by following other Democrats who have called Trump a white supremacist, \"but he says a lot of things that make a lot of people that do identify with that term very happy. The continued assault on the Hispanic community, it's not even any question; it's just self-evident.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom pointed to the rule change as well as recent immigration raids in Mississippi and a mass shooting by a man who authorities believe targeted Mexicans at a Walmart store in the Texas border city of El Paso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Connect some dots,\" Newsom said. \"Why is it even an open question, what's going on this country and what's going on with this administration, and what they're trying to do and who they're trying to blame.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra's mother was born in Mexico, coming to the U.S. after marrying his father, and he said she likely would have been affected by the policy. However, the rules don't apply to U.S. citizens, even if the citizen is related to an immigrant who is affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many immigrants are ineligible for public benefits because of their status, and an Associated Press analysis found low-income immigrants use Medicaid, food aid, cash assistance and Supplemental Security Income, or SSI, at a lower rate than comparable low-income native-born adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who work with immigrants say the rule, which doesn't go into effect until October, is already having a negative impact. California counties administer the food stamp program and Medi-Cal in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The data are hard to tease out, but we have heard, for about two years now, every time there's been coverage of a possible rule coming forward, people will call and they will say please remove me from the rolls. Or please withdraw that application that I had filed,\" said Cathy Senderling-McDonald, deputy executive director of the County Welfare Directors Association of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump's attempts to thwart illegal immigration have drawn the most attention, but the latest announcement Monday affects people who entered the United States legally and are seeking permanent status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We want to see people coming to this country who are self-sufficient,\" said Ken Cuccinelli, the acting director of Citizenship and Immigration Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Katie Orr contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Google employees are \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioregoogleice\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">calling on the tech giant\u003c/a> to pledge not to work with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and other agencies involved in tough immigration actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to ICE, hundreds of Google workers are calling out U.S. Customs and Border Protection and the Office of Refugee Resettlement, which have both been involved in family separations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s hope everyone at Google, and the United States for that matter, stand up and oppose what have essentially become policies of state-sponsored\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11764686/family-separation-for-a-traffic-offense\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> child abuse\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "The Cave Woman of India: Tracing My Scars as an Immigrant's Daughter",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]D[/dropcap]istant mountains are always blue. That was something my mother used to say to me. Over and over again. Distant mountains are always blue. It is true, especially in India, where the Ghats are dark bundles of risen geometry pointing up to the sky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But I think it means more than that now, more than just a description of the Sahyadri mountains seen from far away. It is as if the distance itself is coated in dark blue melancholy. The same color of a deepening sky as night falls. The same color that makes it seem like twilight is nostalgia for the day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is not just the way the lush greenness of the Sahyadris somehow mixes with the deep purple rock face, and turns the distant shapes to midnight cobalt. It’s something that happens in the space between — the very far awayness of those far away mountain ranges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Distant mountains are always blue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I know this now, because my mother is my distant mountain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767393\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11767393 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3273-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3273-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3273-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3273-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3273-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3273.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The view of the gorge from inside an Ajanta cave, Maharashtra India. \u003ccite>(Sandhya Dirks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>My mother is Parsi, born and raised in India. Like many children of immigrants, I spent parts of my childhood in my mother’s country. I have an Indian name, and Indian eyes, but I am not Indian in India, and not quite American in America. I am, like so many, in between.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I think of my childhood visits to India, I most vividly remember my mother’s caves. Well, maybe they are not \u003cem>her\u003c/em> caves, not really, but for almost as long as I can remember my mother has been obsessed with — and has studied — a place called Ajanta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767392\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11767392 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3395-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3395-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3395-160x90.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3395-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3395-1200x675.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3395.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The caves at Ajanta were carved, sculpted and painted between the first Century BC and the sixth century AD. \u003ccite>(Sandhya Dirks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ajanta is a \u003ca href=\"https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/242/\">UNESCO world heritage site\u003c/a> — 30 Buddhist caves carved into the rock face of a giant ravine, forged and painted between the first century BC and 6th century AD.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My mother has spent the last 30 years as an art historian learning and understanding the artwork left behind there; sculpture and paintings and stories. From centuries beyond imagining; the trace beginnings of the divine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767370\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11767370 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3336-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3336-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3336-160x90.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3336-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3336-1200x675.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3336.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">My mother, resting and reflecting inside an unfinished cave at Ajanta. \u003ccite>(Sandhya Dirks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It is not just the caves, with their cold stone interiors, not just the giant sculptures of the Buddha, and the way you can sense that this was once a place of worship and sacrifice. This was also my childhood playground. I wandered in and out and around the caves, while my mother squinted in the dark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I have watched my mother disappear into other kinds of caves too. Depression is after all, a kind of cave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, decades later, I visit my mother in India again. She's depressed again. So in the winter of 2018 I make the 20-plus hour trip from California to see her. I told myself that she needed me, but if I’m being honest I went for myself too — to trace some scars of my own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767387\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11767387 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3236-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3236-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3236-160x90.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3236-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3236-1200x675.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3236.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">My mother and I, posing at lookout point -- where you can see all the caves laid out across the surface of the rock. \u003ccite>(Sandhya Dirks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Together, we returned to Ajanta. We went back to her caves. It was a pilgrimage of sorts to the place that makes her happiest, and to the last place I truly remember being mothered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the story of that journey. It’s a story about mothers and daughters, mental illness, historical trauma and history itself. The way it repeats, the way it fails to learn, and the way the ghosts of the past live on inside us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcrmag/2019/08/TCRMAG20190816.mp3\" Image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3331.jpg\" Title=\"The Cave Woman of India: Tracing My Scars as an Immigrant's Daughter\" program=\"The California Report Magazine\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">D\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>istant mountains are always blue. That was something my mother used to say to me. Over and over again. Distant mountains are always blue. It is true, especially in India, where the Ghats are dark bundles of risen geometry pointing up to the sky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But I think it means more than that now, more than just a description of the Sahyadri mountains seen from far away. It is as if the distance itself is coated in dark blue melancholy. The same color of a deepening sky as night falls. The same color that makes it seem like twilight is nostalgia for the day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is not just the way the lush greenness of the Sahyadris somehow mixes with the deep purple rock face, and turns the distant shapes to midnight cobalt. It’s something that happens in the space between — the very far awayness of those far away mountain ranges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Distant mountains are always blue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I know this now, because my mother is my distant mountain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767393\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11767393 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3273-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3273-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3273-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3273-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3273-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3273.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The view of the gorge from inside an Ajanta cave, Maharashtra India. \u003ccite>(Sandhya Dirks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>My mother is Parsi, born and raised in India. Like many children of immigrants, I spent parts of my childhood in my mother’s country. I have an Indian name, and Indian eyes, but I am not Indian in India, and not quite American in America. I am, like so many, in between.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I think of my childhood visits to India, I most vividly remember my mother’s caves. Well, maybe they are not \u003cem>her\u003c/em> caves, not really, but for almost as long as I can remember my mother has been obsessed with — and has studied — a place called Ajanta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767392\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11767392 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3395-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3395-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3395-160x90.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3395-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3395-1200x675.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3395.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The caves at Ajanta were carved, sculpted and painted between the first Century BC and the sixth century AD. \u003ccite>(Sandhya Dirks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ajanta is a \u003ca href=\"https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/242/\">UNESCO world heritage site\u003c/a> — 30 Buddhist caves carved into the rock face of a giant ravine, forged and painted between the first century BC and 6th century AD.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My mother has spent the last 30 years as an art historian learning and understanding the artwork left behind there; sculpture and paintings and stories. From centuries beyond imagining; the trace beginnings of the divine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767370\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11767370 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3336-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3336-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3336-160x90.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3336-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3336-1200x675.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3336.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">My mother, resting and reflecting inside an unfinished cave at Ajanta. \u003ccite>(Sandhya Dirks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It is not just the caves, with their cold stone interiors, not just the giant sculptures of the Buddha, and the way you can sense that this was once a place of worship and sacrifice. This was also my childhood playground. I wandered in and out and around the caves, while my mother squinted in the dark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I have watched my mother disappear into other kinds of caves too. Depression is after all, a kind of cave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, decades later, I visit my mother in India again. She's depressed again. So in the winter of 2018 I make the 20-plus hour trip from California to see her. I told myself that she needed me, but if I’m being honest I went for myself too — to trace some scars of my own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767387\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11767387 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3236-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3236-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3236-160x90.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3236-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3236-1200x675.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_3236.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">My mother and I, posing at lookout point -- where you can see all the caves laid out across the surface of the rock. \u003ccite>(Sandhya Dirks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Together, we returned to Ajanta. We went back to her caves. It was a pilgrimage of sorts to the place that makes her happiest, and to the last place I truly remember being mothered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the story of that journey. It’s a story about mothers and daughters, mental illness, historical trauma and history itself. The way it repeats, the way it fails to learn, and the way the ghosts of the past live on inside us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A federal appeals court's ruling Friday will allow the Trump administration to begin rejecting asylum along the U.S.-Mexico border in New Mexico and Texas for migrants who arrive after passing through a third country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Friday's ruling from the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in San Francisco, U.S. District Judge Jon Tigar's \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11763296/federal-judge-in-s-f-halts-new-rule-targeting-central-american-asylum-seekers\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">July 24 order stopping the third-country policy\u003c/a> would only apply in California and Arizona, which are covered by the 9th Circuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two busiest areas for unauthorized border crossings are in South Texas' Rio Grande Valley and the region around El Paso, Texas, which includes New Mexico. Nearly 50,000 people in July crossed the U.S. border without permission in those two regions, according to the U.S. Border Patrol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration policy would deny asylum to anyone who passes through another country on the way to the U.S. without seeking protection there. Most crossing the southern border are Central Americans fleeing violence and poverty, who would largely be ineligible. The policy would also apply to people from Africa, Asia and South America who come to the southern border to request asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the policy is implemented, ineligible migrants who cross in New Mexico and Texas could be detained and more quickly deported. The U.S. Department of Homeland Security did not immediately respond to a request for comment Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under American law, people can request asylum when they arrive in the U.S. regardless of how they enter. The law makes an exception for those who have come through a country considered to be \"safe\" pursuant to an agreement between the U.S. and that country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11761305/this-obscure-treaty-is-the-blueprint-for-trumps-new-asylum-rule\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Canada and the U.S. have a \"safe third country\" agreement\u003c/a>. But the U.S. doesn't have one with Mexico or countries in Central America. The Trump administration has tried to sign one with Guatemala, but the country's incoming president said this week that Guatemala would not be able to uphold a tentative deal reached by his predecessor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. government is already turning away many asylum-seekers at the southern border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 30,000 people have been returned to Mexico to await asylum hearings under the government's Migrant Protection Protocols program. Tens of thousands of others are waiting in shelters and camps to present themselves to U.S. border agents at official ports of entry that have strict daily limits on asylum-seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_11763296,news_11761316,news_11761305' label='Related Coverage']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexico's asylum system is itself overwhelmed, and there are widespread reports of migrants being attacked and extorted. Border cities across from New Mexico and Texas include Juarez, Nuevo Laredo and Reynosa, all of which are well-known for their violence and gang presence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tigar had ruled the policy could expose migrants to violence and abuse, deny their rights under international law and return them to countries they were fleeing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeals court ruled that Tigar's order hadn't considered whether a nationwide order was necessary and that there wasn't enough evidence presented yet to conclude that it was. The court instructed Tigar to \"further develop the record in support of a preliminary injunction\" extending nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judges Mark Bennett and Milan Smith voted to limit Tigar's order. Judge A. Wallace Tashima dissented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tigar is a nominee of former President Barack Obama. Trump previously derided Tigar as an \"Obama judge\" after Tigar ruled against another set of asylum restrictions last year. That comment led to an unusual rebuke from Chief Justice John Roberts, who said the judiciary did not have \"Obama judges or Clinton judges.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump nominated Bennett, while Smith was nominated by former President George W. Bush. Tashima was nominated by former President Bill Clinton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Civil Liberties Union and other legal groups had sued the Trump administration after it announced the restrictions last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We will continue fighting to end the ban entirely and permanently,\" said Lee Gelernt, a lawyer for the ACLU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Justice declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The Trump administration policy would deny asylum to anyone who passes through another country on the way to the U.S. without seeking protection there. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A federal appeals court's ruling Friday will allow the Trump administration to begin rejecting asylum along the U.S.-Mexico border in New Mexico and Texas for migrants who arrive after passing through a third country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Friday's ruling from the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in San Francisco, U.S. District Judge Jon Tigar's \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11763296/federal-judge-in-s-f-halts-new-rule-targeting-central-american-asylum-seekers\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">July 24 order stopping the third-country policy\u003c/a> would only apply in California and Arizona, which are covered by the 9th Circuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two busiest areas for unauthorized border crossings are in South Texas' Rio Grande Valley and the region around El Paso, Texas, which includes New Mexico. Nearly 50,000 people in July crossed the U.S. border without permission in those two regions, according to the U.S. Border Patrol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration policy would deny asylum to anyone who passes through another country on the way to the U.S. without seeking protection there. Most crossing the southern border are Central Americans fleeing violence and poverty, who would largely be ineligible. The policy would also apply to people from Africa, Asia and South America who come to the southern border to request asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the policy is implemented, ineligible migrants who cross in New Mexico and Texas could be detained and more quickly deported. The U.S. Department of Homeland Security did not immediately respond to a request for comment Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexico's asylum system is itself overwhelmed, and there are widespread reports of migrants being attacked and extorted. Border cities across from New Mexico and Texas include Juarez, Nuevo Laredo and Reynosa, all of which are well-known for their violence and gang presence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tigar had ruled the policy could expose migrants to violence and abuse, deny their rights under international law and return them to countries they were fleeing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeals court ruled that Tigar's order hadn't considered whether a nationwide order was necessary and that there wasn't enough evidence presented yet to conclude that it was. The court instructed Tigar to \"further develop the record in support of a preliminary injunction\" extending nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judges Mark Bennett and Milan Smith voted to limit Tigar's order. Judge A. Wallace Tashima dissented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tigar is a nominee of former President Barack Obama. Trump previously derided Tigar as an \"Obama judge\" after Tigar ruled against another set of asylum restrictions last year. That comment led to an unusual rebuke from Chief Justice John Roberts, who said the judiciary did not have \"Obama judges or Clinton judges.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump nominated Bennett, while Smith was nominated by former President George W. Bush. Tashima was nominated by former President Bill Clinton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Civil Liberties Union and other legal groups had sued the Trump administration after it announced the restrictions last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We will continue fighting to end the ban entirely and permanently,\" said Lee Gelernt, a lawyer for the ACLU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Justice declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
"perspectives": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
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