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"content": "\u003cp>Classical music plays, silk curtains blow in the wind and comfy couches offer a place to curl up with a book. There are wooden toys, colorful magnetic blocks, and crayons organized by color in glass jars. Children use light projectors to make patterns and shapes on the walls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It may sound like a high-end early childhood education center in California, but this is Tijuana. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The students and their parents have fled violence in Central America, or other parts of Mexico, and are waiting for their asylum applications to the U.S. to be processed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782433\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782433\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39733_Nest_077-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39733_Nest_077-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39733_Nest_077-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39733_Nest_077-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39733_Nest_077-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39733_Nest_077-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Three-year-old Kevin, whose family fled cartel violence in Michoacán, plays at the light table with magnetic blocks at the Nest Tijuana. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A California woman opened this school, the Nest, in September. It’s the first one of its kind attached to a migrant shelter in the Mexican border town. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They welcome children 6 and under, and give them a chance to spend time away from the crowded shelter across the street — and to just be kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This isn’t a Band-Aid solution,” said founder Alise Shafer Ivey, a veteran early childhood director from Santa Monica. “This isn’t sweetening the day of a child who might be stuck on a mattress in a shelter. Of course we’re sweetening the day of that child, but it’s so much more than that. This is about really setting a trajectory that will have an impact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Families Sharing a Single Mattress in Crowded Shelter\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patricia’s 2-year-old daughter is one of the new students at the Nest. On the trip to Tijuana, Patricia’s two girls kept asking where their dad was. But how could Patricia tell them? They couldn’t even go to the funeral. It was too dangerous to show up to bury her husband.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782423\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 269px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11782423\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39724_Nest_034-qut-800x1200.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"269\" height=\"404\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39724_Nest_034-qut-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39724_Nest_034-qut-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39724_Nest_034-qut-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39724_Nest_034-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 269px) 100vw, 269px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Patricia and her daughter, 2, fled their home the same day her husband was killed for failing to pay a bribe to members of a cartel in Michoacán. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He had been a small-business owner in the western state of Michoacán, which has seen a \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/13-police-killed-by-gunmen-in-mexican-state-of-michoacan/2019/10/14/e84aef6c-eea5-11e9-bb7e-d2026ee0c199_story.html\">recent spike in violence\u003c/a> linked to drug cartels. When some men arrived at his shop demanding a bribe, he asked for more time to get the money. They killed him. Patricia and her girls, the older one is 5, fled that afternoon. (KQED is not using Patricia’s real name to protect her identity.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patricia didn’t look back until she got to the shelter in Tijuana. It felt overwhelming: more than 150 people sharing four bathrooms, a single washing machine and one mattress to share with her girls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Families like Patricia’s are arriving in Tijuana at a time when applications for asylum at the US-Mexico border have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1106366/download\">surging.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many are waiting in crowded shelters at the border for longer periods under the Trump administration’s controversial \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11758516/fear-confusion-and-separation-as-trump-administration-sends-migrants-back-to-mexico\">“Remain in Mexico” program\u003c/a>. Although it’s been challenged in court, the program has required more than 56,000 asylum-seekers (mostly Central Americans) to wait in Mexico while their cases are processed in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, a spike in cartel violence has \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/surge-of-mexican-migrants-is-new-challenge-for-trump-border-crackdown/2019/10/18/c40f6e72-f029-11e9-b648-76bcf86eb67e_story.html\">forced a lot of Mexican families\u003c/a> like Patricia’s to seek asylum in the U.S., too — and find space in overflowing shelters in border towns like Tijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782419\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782419\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39721_Nest_025-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39721_Nest_025-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39721_Nest_025-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39721_Nest_025-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39721_Nest_025-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39721_Nest_025-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Families wait in line at the shelter to eat a meal donated by students at a local medical college in Tijuana. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These kids have seen things no child should see,” said Ivey. “They’ve been stripped of their homelands, they’ve left their families behind. They’ve been stuffed in trunks of cars and crossed over borders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To think we’re going to deliver them to a kindergarten in the U.S. and think it’s going to go well? Not necessarily,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/48155/what-the-science-says-about-how-preschool-benefits-children\">Research\u003c/a> shows kids who have a hard time adjusting socially before age 5 have a lot of trouble catching up. If kids who’ve experienced the trauma of fleeing their homes can play and relax away from the stress of the crowded shelter, it could give them some sense of stability, experts say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782409\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782409\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39713_Nest_004-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt='A child walks through shapes projected on a wall at \"The Nest\" in Tijuana.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39713_Nest_004-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39713_Nest_004-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39713_Nest_004-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39713_Nest_004-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39713_Nest_004-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A child walks through shapes projected on a wall at the Tijuana Nest. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>An Unlikely Pair Share a Common Mission \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782429\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 334px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11782429\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39730_Nest_056-qut-800x1200.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"334\" height=\"501\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39730_Nest_056-qut-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39730_Nest_056-qut-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39730_Nest_056-qut-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39730_Nest_056-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 334px) 100vw, 334px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alise Shafer Ivey and Leticia Herrera Hernández at the Nest Tijuana in October 2019. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The idea for the Nest began with a trip Ivey took to Lesvos, Greece, after retiring from decades of directing the \u003ca href=\"https://www.evergreencommunityschool.com/\">Evergreen Community School\u003c/a> in Santa Monica. She met a relief worker who invited her to visit a refugee camp, which then housed mostly Syrian migrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children were “digging in the dirt, playing with nails in their pockets,” Ivey said. “They had old cigarette lighters that they had found. There was nothing for children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ivey offered to set up a space for refugee kids to play. She returned to California, raising $10,000 through a nonprofit she helped found, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.thinkwithus.org/\">Pedagogical Institute of Los Angeles.\u003c/a> She went on to set up Nests in Samos, Greece, then two more in the Congo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early childhood teachers, many from California, use their vacation time to volunteer for a few weeks at the Nests. They train refugees to work with young children, a skill that could help them find a job if they get asylum in a new country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tijuana Nest got its start after Ivey visited the shelter across the street, where Patricia and her girls sought refuge. Ivey instantly connected with Leticia Herrera Hernández, who runs the shelter. They’re both strong believers in prioritizing the needs of children, especially when parents are going through trauma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782436\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782436\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39738_Nest_085-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39738_Nest_085-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39738_Nest_085-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39738_Nest_085-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39738_Nest_085-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39738_Nest_085-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Viviana Lundgren (left) is an early childhood teacher in La Jolla who uses her vacation days to volunteer at the Nest in Tijuana. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Herrera had already worked with a California group\u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-immigration-mexico-school/at-u-s-mexico-border-a-bus-becomes-a-school-for-migrant-children-in-limbo-idUSKCN1UV25J\"> to set up a makeshift elementary school next to her shelter, in an old bus.\u003c/a> But there was nothing for toddlers and preschool-age kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The kids would just spend their days playing on their parents’ phones, having tantrums, and we’d be trying to get them to play to entertain themselves,” Herrera said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Alise Shafer Ivey, veteran early childhood director\"]‘This isn’t sweetening the day of a child who might be stuck on a mattress in a shelter. This is about really setting a trajectory that will have an impact.’[/pullquote]So she was thrilled when Ivey proposed renting the house and opening an engaging play space for young children who live in the shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera and Ivey make an unlikely pair. Ivey doesn’t speak Spanish and was raised Jewish. She doesn’t count on God or governments to change things. Herrera is a devout Catholic, guided by her unwavering faith that God will provide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera came to working with refugee families via a different path than Ivey: through tragedy. She used to own a beauty salon and lived an upper-class life in Tijuana. Then her son was killed in a car accident in 2002 in his mid-20s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything I thought was important didn’t matter. … I just wanted to die,” said Herrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782437\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782437\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39739_Nest_086-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39739_Nest_086-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39739_Nest_086-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39739_Nest_086-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39739_Nest_086-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39739_Nest_086-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After the death of her son, Leticia Herrera Hernández founded a shelter for migrants in Tijuana. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A priest urged her to channel her pain into helping people. In 2010, a friend asked her to go to the border to hand out food to homeless migrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It crushed my soul to see people so hungry,” Herrera said. “They were wiping every last drop of food from the pots with a tortilla. I left doubting that I had ever done anything meaningful with my life. I started to try to figure out how I could build a house for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Catholic charity helped Herrera find a space to start a shelter. It became one of the first to house LGBTQ migrants from Central America, attracting the ire of homophobic neighbors who \u003ca href=\"https://www.eluniversal.com.mx/estados/atacan-migrantes-trans-en-albergue-de-tijuana\">tried to burn it down.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These days, most of the families she houses are from Mexico, fleeing an \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/13-police-killed-by-gunmen-in-mexican-state-of-michoacan/2019/10/14/e84aef6c-eea5-11e9-bb7e-d2026ee0c199_story.html\">uptick in cartel violence in the states of Guerrero and Michoacán. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Parents Get a Space to Play, Too\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At parent orientation night at the Nest, Ivey did what she would do back at her former school in Santa Monica: lay out a spread with wine and cheese. She talked about brain science and neural pathways, and why memorizing ABCs is not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782410\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782410\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39714_Nest_009-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39714_Nest_009-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39714_Nest_009-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39714_Nest_009-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39714_Nest_009-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39714_Nest_009-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Asylum-seekers at the shelter across the street train as teachers at the Nest, gaining valuable skills that could land them a job in the US if they win their asylum case. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='migrants' label='Related Coverage']“The more we talk to children about their ideas and ask them ‘I wonder how that would work?’ Not quizzing them, but just wondering with them, the more all of those parts of the brain are activated\u003ci>,” \u003c/i>Ivey told the parents, many of whom had never been able to send their kids to preschool in their hometowns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She encouraged them to try out the magnetic wall where they can build a ramp for a ball to roll down. She showed them the light table, the painting area, the clay. Just like their kids do each day, the parents acted in a short play they wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of giggling broke out as Julieta, mom to Kevin, 3, pretended to be a grandmother in a story based on “Little Red Riding Hood.” She walked hunched over, her hands on her back, to meet a wolf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other parents whooped and applauded Julieta’s performance. Ivey said it’s the first time she’d seen Julieta smile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782422\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782422\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39723_Nest_030-qut-800x1200.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39723_Nest_030-qut-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39723_Nest_030-qut-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39723_Nest_030-qut-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39723_Nest_030-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Julieta and her son, Kevin, fled cartel violence in Michoacán. They don’t want to show their faces or use Julieta’s real name for fear of being identified and targeted. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Julieta and Kevin fled cartel violence in Michoacán. When they arrived in Tijuana in August, he had a really hard time accepting the shelter as home. He would hit other kids, yell at them. The Nest has helped him to adjust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now he doesn’t fight. He plays with the other kids,” Julieta said in Spanish (KQED isn’t using her real name to protect her identity since she is fleeing violence). “I used to have to grab him so he would turn and listen to me. Now he turns and looks at me. He reaches for my hand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782427\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782427\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39728_Nest_050-qut-800x1200.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39728_Nest_050-qut-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39728_Nest_050-qut-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39728_Nest_050-qut-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39728_Nest_050-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kevin, 3, sends scarves up through a plastic tube attached to a fan and shrieks with delight as they suspend in the air above his head. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Kevin loves sending silk scarves up through a vertical plastic tube attached to a tiny fan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Otra Vez! Otra Vez! (Again! Again!)” he shrieked as he watched them float and suspend above his head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a scarf got stuck on a ceiling fan, he had to figure out how to retrieve it. At the Nest, kids get to make a lot of decisions. They’ve had so little control over what has happened so far in their young lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, Kevin and several other kids lugged over a heavy ladder. A volunteer teacher from San Diego supervised them as they climbed up to get the scarf down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782434\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782434\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39734_Nest_079-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39734_Nest_079-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39734_Nest_079-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39734_Nest_079-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39734_Nest_079-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39734_Nest_079-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alise Shafer Ivey spent 34 years as the director of a private nonprofit school in Santa Monica, before founding the Pedagogical Institute of Los Angeles, which sponsors “Nests” at refugee camps and shelters around the world. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That kind of waiting, watching and letting kids problem-solve has been eye-opening for some parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve learned to be a better dad,” said Alfredo, another asylum-seeker who has been volunteering at the Nest (KQED isn’t using his real name to protect him from being located by a cartel that had targeted his family). “I used to tell them, ‘No, do it this way. Because I said so.’ And I learned that I was wrong. Having them do things on their own gives them more confidence in their decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782408\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782408\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39712_Nest_001-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39712_Nest_001-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39712_Nest_001-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39712_Nest_001-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39712_Nest_001-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39712_Nest_001-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Paintings dry on a rack in the outdoor art area at the Nest. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Nest also seeks to offer the children a refuge from the crowded shelter, where many of their fellow residents are fleeing life-threatening violence. A few ways they do that: forbidding adults from talking about adult problems and banning cellphones. The adults who volunteer just focus on being with the kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We protect the sacredness of this place,” said Ivey. “This is about children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Classical music plays, silk curtains blow in the wind and comfy couches offer a place to curl up with a book. There are wooden toys, colorful magnetic blocks, and crayons organized by color in glass jars. Children use light projectors to make patterns and shapes on the walls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It may sound like a high-end early childhood education center in California, but this is Tijuana. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The students and their parents have fled violence in Central America, or other parts of Mexico, and are waiting for their asylum applications to the U.S. to be processed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782433\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782433\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39733_Nest_077-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39733_Nest_077-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39733_Nest_077-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39733_Nest_077-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39733_Nest_077-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39733_Nest_077-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Three-year-old Kevin, whose family fled cartel violence in Michoacán, plays at the light table with magnetic blocks at the Nest Tijuana. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A California woman opened this school, the Nest, in September. It’s the first one of its kind attached to a migrant shelter in the Mexican border town. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They welcome children 6 and under, and give them a chance to spend time away from the crowded shelter across the street — and to just be kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This isn’t a Band-Aid solution,” said founder Alise Shafer Ivey, a veteran early childhood director from Santa Monica. “This isn’t sweetening the day of a child who might be stuck on a mattress in a shelter. Of course we’re sweetening the day of that child, but it’s so much more than that. This is about really setting a trajectory that will have an impact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Families Sharing a Single Mattress in Crowded Shelter\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patricia’s 2-year-old daughter is one of the new students at the Nest. On the trip to Tijuana, Patricia’s two girls kept asking where their dad was. But how could Patricia tell them? They couldn’t even go to the funeral. It was too dangerous to show up to bury her husband.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782423\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 269px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11782423\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39724_Nest_034-qut-800x1200.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"269\" height=\"404\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39724_Nest_034-qut-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39724_Nest_034-qut-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39724_Nest_034-qut-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39724_Nest_034-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 269px) 100vw, 269px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Patricia and her daughter, 2, fled their home the same day her husband was killed for failing to pay a bribe to members of a cartel in Michoacán. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He had been a small-business owner in the western state of Michoacán, which has seen a \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/13-police-killed-by-gunmen-in-mexican-state-of-michoacan/2019/10/14/e84aef6c-eea5-11e9-bb7e-d2026ee0c199_story.html\">recent spike in violence\u003c/a> linked to drug cartels. When some men arrived at his shop demanding a bribe, he asked for more time to get the money. They killed him. Patricia and her girls, the older one is 5, fled that afternoon. (KQED is not using Patricia’s real name to protect her identity.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patricia didn’t look back until she got to the shelter in Tijuana. It felt overwhelming: more than 150 people sharing four bathrooms, a single washing machine and one mattress to share with her girls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Families like Patricia’s are arriving in Tijuana at a time when applications for asylum at the US-Mexico border have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1106366/download\">surging.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many are waiting in crowded shelters at the border for longer periods under the Trump administration’s controversial \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11758516/fear-confusion-and-separation-as-trump-administration-sends-migrants-back-to-mexico\">“Remain in Mexico” program\u003c/a>. Although it’s been challenged in court, the program has required more than 56,000 asylum-seekers (mostly Central Americans) to wait in Mexico while their cases are processed in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, a spike in cartel violence has \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/surge-of-mexican-migrants-is-new-challenge-for-trump-border-crackdown/2019/10/18/c40f6e72-f029-11e9-b648-76bcf86eb67e_story.html\">forced a lot of Mexican families\u003c/a> like Patricia’s to seek asylum in the U.S., too — and find space in overflowing shelters in border towns like Tijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782419\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782419\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39721_Nest_025-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39721_Nest_025-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39721_Nest_025-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39721_Nest_025-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39721_Nest_025-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39721_Nest_025-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Families wait in line at the shelter to eat a meal donated by students at a local medical college in Tijuana. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These kids have seen things no child should see,” said Ivey. “They’ve been stripped of their homelands, they’ve left their families behind. They’ve been stuffed in trunks of cars and crossed over borders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To think we’re going to deliver them to a kindergarten in the U.S. and think it’s going to go well? Not necessarily,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/48155/what-the-science-says-about-how-preschool-benefits-children\">Research\u003c/a> shows kids who have a hard time adjusting socially before age 5 have a lot of trouble catching up. If kids who’ve experienced the trauma of fleeing their homes can play and relax away from the stress of the crowded shelter, it could give them some sense of stability, experts say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782409\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782409\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39713_Nest_004-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt='A child walks through shapes projected on a wall at \"The Nest\" in Tijuana.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39713_Nest_004-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39713_Nest_004-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39713_Nest_004-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39713_Nest_004-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39713_Nest_004-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A child walks through shapes projected on a wall at the Tijuana Nest. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>An Unlikely Pair Share a Common Mission \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782429\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 334px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11782429\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39730_Nest_056-qut-800x1200.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"334\" height=\"501\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39730_Nest_056-qut-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39730_Nest_056-qut-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39730_Nest_056-qut-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39730_Nest_056-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 334px) 100vw, 334px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alise Shafer Ivey and Leticia Herrera Hernández at the Nest Tijuana in October 2019. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The idea for the Nest began with a trip Ivey took to Lesvos, Greece, after retiring from decades of directing the \u003ca href=\"https://www.evergreencommunityschool.com/\">Evergreen Community School\u003c/a> in Santa Monica. She met a relief worker who invited her to visit a refugee camp, which then housed mostly Syrian migrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children were “digging in the dirt, playing with nails in their pockets,” Ivey said. “They had old cigarette lighters that they had found. There was nothing for children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ivey offered to set up a space for refugee kids to play. She returned to California, raising $10,000 through a nonprofit she helped found, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.thinkwithus.org/\">Pedagogical Institute of Los Angeles.\u003c/a> She went on to set up Nests in Samos, Greece, then two more in the Congo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early childhood teachers, many from California, use their vacation time to volunteer for a few weeks at the Nests. They train refugees to work with young children, a skill that could help them find a job if they get asylum in a new country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tijuana Nest got its start after Ivey visited the shelter across the street, where Patricia and her girls sought refuge. Ivey instantly connected with Leticia Herrera Hernández, who runs the shelter. They’re both strong believers in prioritizing the needs of children, especially when parents are going through trauma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782436\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782436\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39738_Nest_085-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39738_Nest_085-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39738_Nest_085-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39738_Nest_085-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39738_Nest_085-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39738_Nest_085-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Viviana Lundgren (left) is an early childhood teacher in La Jolla who uses her vacation days to volunteer at the Nest in Tijuana. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Herrera had already worked with a California group\u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-immigration-mexico-school/at-u-s-mexico-border-a-bus-becomes-a-school-for-migrant-children-in-limbo-idUSKCN1UV25J\"> to set up a makeshift elementary school next to her shelter, in an old bus.\u003c/a> But there was nothing for toddlers and preschool-age kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The kids would just spend their days playing on their parents’ phones, having tantrums, and we’d be trying to get them to play to entertain themselves,” Herrera said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘This isn’t sweetening the day of a child who might be stuck on a mattress in a shelter. This is about really setting a trajectory that will have an impact.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>So she was thrilled when Ivey proposed renting the house and opening an engaging play space for young children who live in the shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera and Ivey make an unlikely pair. Ivey doesn’t speak Spanish and was raised Jewish. She doesn’t count on God or governments to change things. Herrera is a devout Catholic, guided by her unwavering faith that God will provide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera came to working with refugee families via a different path than Ivey: through tragedy. She used to own a beauty salon and lived an upper-class life in Tijuana. Then her son was killed in a car accident in 2002 in his mid-20s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything I thought was important didn’t matter. … I just wanted to die,” said Herrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782437\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782437\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39739_Nest_086-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39739_Nest_086-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39739_Nest_086-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39739_Nest_086-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39739_Nest_086-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39739_Nest_086-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After the death of her son, Leticia Herrera Hernández founded a shelter for migrants in Tijuana. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A priest urged her to channel her pain into helping people. In 2010, a friend asked her to go to the border to hand out food to homeless migrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It crushed my soul to see people so hungry,” Herrera said. “They were wiping every last drop of food from the pots with a tortilla. I left doubting that I had ever done anything meaningful with my life. I started to try to figure out how I could build a house for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Catholic charity helped Herrera find a space to start a shelter. It became one of the first to house LGBTQ migrants from Central America, attracting the ire of homophobic neighbors who \u003ca href=\"https://www.eluniversal.com.mx/estados/atacan-migrantes-trans-en-albergue-de-tijuana\">tried to burn it down.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These days, most of the families she houses are from Mexico, fleeing an \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/13-police-killed-by-gunmen-in-mexican-state-of-michoacan/2019/10/14/e84aef6c-eea5-11e9-bb7e-d2026ee0c199_story.html\">uptick in cartel violence in the states of Guerrero and Michoacán. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Parents Get a Space to Play, Too\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At parent orientation night at the Nest, Ivey did what she would do back at her former school in Santa Monica: lay out a spread with wine and cheese. She talked about brain science and neural pathways, and why memorizing ABCs is not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782410\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782410\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39714_Nest_009-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39714_Nest_009-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39714_Nest_009-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39714_Nest_009-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39714_Nest_009-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39714_Nest_009-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Asylum-seekers at the shelter across the street train as teachers at the Nest, gaining valuable skills that could land them a job in the US if they win their asylum case. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The more we talk to children about their ideas and ask them ‘I wonder how that would work?’ Not quizzing them, but just wondering with them, the more all of those parts of the brain are activated\u003ci>,” \u003c/i>Ivey told the parents, many of whom had never been able to send their kids to preschool in their hometowns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She encouraged them to try out the magnetic wall where they can build a ramp for a ball to roll down. She showed them the light table, the painting area, the clay. Just like their kids do each day, the parents acted in a short play they wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of giggling broke out as Julieta, mom to Kevin, 3, pretended to be a grandmother in a story based on “Little Red Riding Hood.” She walked hunched over, her hands on her back, to meet a wolf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other parents whooped and applauded Julieta’s performance. Ivey said it’s the first time she’d seen Julieta smile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782422\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782422\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39723_Nest_030-qut-800x1200.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39723_Nest_030-qut-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39723_Nest_030-qut-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39723_Nest_030-qut-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39723_Nest_030-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Julieta and her son, Kevin, fled cartel violence in Michoacán. They don’t want to show their faces or use Julieta’s real name for fear of being identified and targeted. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Julieta and Kevin fled cartel violence in Michoacán. When they arrived in Tijuana in August, he had a really hard time accepting the shelter as home. He would hit other kids, yell at them. The Nest has helped him to adjust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now he doesn’t fight. He plays with the other kids,” Julieta said in Spanish (KQED isn’t using her real name to protect her identity since she is fleeing violence). “I used to have to grab him so he would turn and listen to me. Now he turns and looks at me. He reaches for my hand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782427\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782427\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39728_Nest_050-qut-800x1200.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39728_Nest_050-qut-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39728_Nest_050-qut-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39728_Nest_050-qut-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39728_Nest_050-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kevin, 3, sends scarves up through a plastic tube attached to a fan and shrieks with delight as they suspend in the air above his head. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Kevin loves sending silk scarves up through a vertical plastic tube attached to a tiny fan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Otra Vez! Otra Vez! (Again! Again!)” he shrieked as he watched them float and suspend above his head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a scarf got stuck on a ceiling fan, he had to figure out how to retrieve it. At the Nest, kids get to make a lot of decisions. They’ve had so little control over what has happened so far in their young lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, Kevin and several other kids lugged over a heavy ladder. A volunteer teacher from San Diego supervised them as they climbed up to get the scarf down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782434\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782434\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39734_Nest_079-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39734_Nest_079-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39734_Nest_079-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39734_Nest_079-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39734_Nest_079-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39734_Nest_079-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alise Shafer Ivey spent 34 years as the director of a private nonprofit school in Santa Monica, before founding the Pedagogical Institute of Los Angeles, which sponsors “Nests” at refugee camps and shelters around the world. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That kind of waiting, watching and letting kids problem-solve has been eye-opening for some parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve learned to be a better dad,” said Alfredo, another asylum-seeker who has been volunteering at the Nest (KQED isn’t using his real name to protect him from being located by a cartel that had targeted his family). “I used to tell them, ‘No, do it this way. Because I said so.’ And I learned that I was wrong. Having them do things on their own gives them more confidence in their decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782408\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782408\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39712_Nest_001-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39712_Nest_001-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39712_Nest_001-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39712_Nest_001-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39712_Nest_001-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39712_Nest_001-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Paintings dry on a rack in the outdoor art area at the Nest. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Nest also seeks to offer the children a refuge from the crowded shelter, where many of their fellow residents are fleeing life-threatening violence. A few ways they do that: forbidding adults from talking about adult problems and banning cellphones. The adults who volunteer just focus on being with the kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We protect the sacredness of this place,” said Ivey. “This is about children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than 1,500 migrant families were forcibly separated at the U.S.-Mexico border in the year before a federal judge ordered a halt to the practice, according to a government tally released Thursday by the American Civil Liberties Union, which sued to end family separations. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new numbers brings the total to almost 5,500 immigrant children who were taken from their parents since July 2017, when the Trump administration began ramping up prosecutions of parents who entered the United States unlawfully. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prosecutions and family separations were part of the administration’s push to deter families — most of them Central American — from seeking refuge in this country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Lee Gelernt, ACLU attorney\"]‘[The hundreds of kids] we’ve just learned about … are not only very young children, but they’ve been separated for possibly two or more years. We are desperate to find these children and parents.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we launched the lawsuit we thought there were maybe a few hundred families that were separated and we were shocked,” said Lee Gelernt, the lead ACLU attorney on the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had no idea that there would be thousands, that there would be babies and toddlers separated, or that we’d be looking all over the world for these families. This has been far worse than I think anybody could have anticipated,” Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under court order, the federal government released a final list Thursday to the ACLU, naming 1,556 additional migrant parents whose children were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11731845/judge-immigration-must-identify-thousands-more-migrant-kids-separated-from-parents\">taken away starting July 1, 2017\u003c/a>, but were no longer in government custody on June 26, 2018, when U.S. District Judge Dana Sabraw issued an \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/legal-document/ms-l-v-ice-order-granting-plaintiffs-motion-classwide-preliminary-injunction\">injunction\u003c/a> ending most separations, and ordering families to be reunited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gelernt said this included more than 200 children under the age of 5 — including 71 babies and toddlers, ages 2 or younger — when border agents took them from their mothers or fathers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These we’ve just learned about … are not only very young children but they’ve been separated for possibly two or more years,” he said. “We are desperate to find these children and parents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A committee of immigrant and child welfare advocates is working to find the parents, and has already made more than 4,000 phone calls to track down them down. Some committee members are in Central America attempting to locate parents in person. That effort is likely to ramp up now that the ACLU has a full list of names.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"immigration,migration\" label=\"Related Stories\"]“We think many if not most [of the children] are still without their parents,” said Gelernt. “We suspect, from what we’ve learned so far, that the majority of parents were deported without their children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This group of 1,556 is in addition to 2,814 separated children who were in federal custody at the time of Sabraw’s June 2018 injunction and were previously identified in the ACLU’s class action lawsuit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/ms-l-v-ice\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ms. L. v. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result of the judge’s order, the majority of those children were reunited with their parents. However, more than 600 were released to other relatives or sponsors. Two dozen children still remain in government-run shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11775527/more-than-1000-families-have-been-separated-at-the-border-despite-court-order\">third group of children,\u003c/a> identified earlier this year, had been taken from their parents after Judge Sabraw blocked family separations. His injunction included a provision that allows Homeland Security officials to separate parents from their children if the parents are considered “unfit” or “a danger to child.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials say they do that only rarely. As of this week, Gelernt said they had removed 1,090 children from their parents for such reasons, and every month the government reports additional separations from “unfit” parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ACLU attorneys say the government has taken children from their parents based on minor criminal convictions and unsubstantiated allegations of wrongdoing. They have asked the judge to reassess the original injunction and provide tighter guidelines for when children can be taken away from parents with a criminal history. Sabraw is considering that motion, and has ordered both parties to return to court on Nov. 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We think many if not most [of the children] are still without their parents,” said Gelernt. “We suspect, from what we’ve learned so far, that the majority of parents were deported without their children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This group of 1,556 is in addition to 2,814 separated children who were in federal custody at the time of Sabraw’s June 2018 injunction and were previously identified in the ACLU’s class action lawsuit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/ms-l-v-ice\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ms. L. v. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result of the judge’s order, the majority of those children were reunited with their parents. However, more than 600 were released to other relatives or sponsors. Two dozen children still remain in government-run shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11775527/more-than-1000-families-have-been-separated-at-the-border-despite-court-order\">third group of children,\u003c/a> identified earlier this year, had been taken from their parents after Judge Sabraw blocked family separations. His injunction included a provision that allows Homeland Security officials to separate parents from their children if the parents are considered “unfit” or “a danger to child.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials say they do that only rarely. As of this week, Gelernt said they had removed 1,090 children from their parents for such reasons, and every month the government reports additional separations from “unfit” parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ACLU attorneys say the government has taken children from their parents based on minor criminal convictions and unsubstantiated allegations of wrongdoing. They have asked the judge to reassess the original injunction and provide tighter guidelines for when children can be taken away from parents with a criminal history. Sabraw is considering that motion, and has ordered both parties to return to court on Nov. 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Feds Scrap Plan for Massive Shelter for Immigrant Kids in Inland Empire",
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"content": "\u003cp>The federal government has canceled plans to build a shelter to house more than 400 unaccompanied immigrant children in California's Inland Empire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fbo.gov/index?s=opportunity&mode=form&tab=core&id=4c2bd020d21a3709c38e6a6d46904de7&_cview=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Federal Business Opportunities website\u003c/a>, where the proposal was first posted, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) said it had \"determined it is in the best interest of the Government to cancel this project.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"small\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rep. Raul Ruiz, a Democrat who represents parts of the Inland Empire\"]'A facility that's bad for the children in the Inland Empire is going to be bad for children anywhere else in the United States.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11768396/feds-eye-inland-empire-for-major-new-site-to-house-unaccompanied-migrant-children\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">original proposal\u003c/a> from HHS's Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) sought to lease a 74,000-square-foot facility for 17 years. The proposed shelter was intended to house up to 430 children and 143 staff, with a projected opening date of December 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials with HHS would not provide more details on why the project was canceled. But U.S. Rep. Raul Ruiz, a Democrat who represents parts of the Inland Empire and sits on the House subcommittee that oversees HHS, said he thinks the disintegration of the plan is a direct result of the pressure that he and other California lawmakers and activists put on the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think the administration was reluctant to pursue a warehouse-type facility for young children because we would demand transparency,\" Ruiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz and several Congressional colleagues from the area sent a letter to ORR in August, asking that the federal government provide more information about the proposed facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[documentcloud url=\"httsp://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6306685-03-081919-Aguilar-ORR-Facility.html\" responsive=true height=800]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision to cancel the facility comes as more than 72,000 unaccompanied children and teens have been apprehended at the U.S.-Mexico border in the last 11 months, nearly 30,000 more than during the same period the previous year, according to U.S. Customs and Border Protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=news_11768396,news_11768396,news_11758308]Despite that significant increase, Ruiz said housing children in large facilities like this is not the best path forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"A facility that's bad for the children in the Inland Empire is going to be bad for children anywhere else in the United States,\" said Ruiz, who is a physician. \"These types of facilities should be blocked in all locations. Instead, resources should be spent toward smaller group care for children to meet their emotional and humanitarian needs.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California currently has at least nine other facilities that house unaccompanied minors, which are run by nonprofits under contract with ORR, and licensed by the state Department of Social Services.\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision to cancel the facility comes as more than 72,000 unaccompanied children and teens have been apprehended at the U.S.-Mexico border in the last 11 months, nearly 30,000 more than during the same period the previous year, according to U.S. Customs and Border Protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Despite that significant increase, Ruiz said housing children in large facilities like this is not the best path forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"A facility that's bad for the children in the Inland Empire is going to be bad for children anywhere else in the United States,\" said Ruiz, who is a physician. \"These types of facilities should be blocked in all locations. Instead, resources should be spent toward smaller group care for children to meet their emotional and humanitarian needs.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California currently has at least nine other facilities that house unaccompanied minors, which are run by nonprofits under contract with ORR, and licensed by the state Department of Social Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Fresno Priest Accused of Sexual Abuse of Immigrant Parishioners to Stand Trial",
"title": "Fresno Priest Accused of Sexual Abuse of Immigrant Parishioners to Stand Trial",
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"content": "\u003cp>A former Anglican priest accused of sexually abusing some of his adult immigrant parishioners in Fresno, under the guise of a supposed spiritual healing ritual, will stand trial, a judge ruled Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna walked out of the courtroom flanked by his supporters, who hugged him in the hallway as he left. Fresno County Superior Court Judge Jane A. Cardoza ruled the case will go to trial on all charges. Castañeda has been charged with 22 counts of battery, sexual battery, attempted sexual battery and attempt to dissuade a witness from prosecuting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='A man who accused Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna of sexual abuse']'You start confusing God and a human being and you have trouble making the distinction between what’s good and what’s bad.'[/pullquote]Cardoza’s ruling came after nine days of testimony by nine alleged victims, most of them adult men who said the priest massaged their genitals under the pretext of a “prayer” or “healing” ritual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The court finds that the witnesses were authentic and credible,\" said Cardoza. \"Indeed, I was taken by the tone of their testimony, being humbled, quite baffled by the defendant's actions and ultimately disillusioned by him.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda, through his attorney, has maintained his innocence. Defense attorney Ralph Torres said the alleged sexual abuse never happened and he thought they would prevail at trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This type of healing massage happens all over Latin America, Mexico and in the United States. Nothing unusual about that,\" he said after Cardoza's ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alleged victims described visiting Castañeda’s office to receive healing for physical ailments and personal issues such as drug or alcohol abuse, separation from a spouse, or the death of a child. Most said they were referred by other congregants who claimed the priest possessed spiritual gifts and the ability to heal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the eight men and one woman who testified, Castañeda told them that they had been cursed by previous wives or girlfriends, or were possessed by a demon and needed spiritual healing. (The witnesses were named in court, but KQED is not disclosing their identities because they are alleged victims of sexual abuse.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The witnesses said Castañeda instructed them to strip down to their underwear, lay on a bench or massage table, and receive “healing” or “prayer” massages that they described as very painful. One man reported he had visible bruises for days after the massages. Prosecutor Kelly Smith presented photos showing the man’s neck with red marks, which the witness said a family member took after one of the prayer massages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The massages often ended in the priest touching parishioners’ genitals, the witnesses testified. In some cases, they described a grazing that could have been accidental. In others, they said, Castañeda grabbed their penis or testicles through their underwear or attempted to masturbate them. Sometimes the priest claimed to have removed a black or yellow substance from their penis, the men said. The woman said Castañeda touched her breasts while making the sign of the cross on her chest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782043\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782043\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut-800x581.jpg\" alt=\"Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna preaches to parishioners of his new church, Iglesia del Espíritu Santo, or Holy Spirit Church. Castañeda has been charged with 22 counts of battery, sexual battery, attempted sexual battery and attempt to prevent a witness/victim from prosecuting.\" width=\"800\" height=\"581\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut-800x581.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut-160x116.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut-1020x741.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut-1200x871.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna preaches to parishioners of his new church, Iglesia del Espíritu Santo, or Holy Spirit Church. Castañeda has been charged with 22 counts of battery, sexual battery, attempted sexual battery and attempt to prevent a witness/victim from prosecuting. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The alleged victims described leaving the meetings shocked, ashamed and confused. Some said the events forever altered their trust in priests. The witnesses said the meetings took place at different times in recent years: The first accounts of the abuse date back to 2014 and the most recent to 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Bruce Taylor, U.S.-based archbishop of the World Communion of Christian Celtic Convergence Churches']'This is not some banana republic. This is the United States of America. We have due process. And everyone is presumed innocent until proven guilty.'[/pullquote]One man alleged Castañeda told him the priest needed to see his semen to determine how he should be treated. Another man said Castañeda yanked on his penis so abruptly that he heard a popping noise and urinated blood for two to three days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another witness said one prayer massage ended with Castañeda masturbating him and telling him that he was in love with him. The man, who was a parishioner and church volunteer, said the experience led him to attempt suicide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You start confusing God and a human being and you have trouble making the distinction between what’s good and what’s bad,” the man testified in Spanish through an interpreter. “And you realize that what’s happening to you isn’t right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When defense attorney Torres asked the same man whether he reported the alleged sexual touching to the priest's superiors at the church, the witness replied: “This isn’t something you can just talk about. Because there’s going to be some people who believe you, there’s going to be some people who do not believe you, and I couldn’t talk about it at the time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782022\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782022\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The offices of Our Lady of Guadalupe Parish in Fresno, where witnesses testified in court that some of the healing massages took place. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another witness testified that following an incident in which he said Castañeda attempted to masturbate him, he saw the priest at church. The witness said Castañeda patted him on the back and warned, “You better not tell anyone. You know the consequences.” The witness said he took the comment to be a threat that the priest could report his parents to immigration officials if he spoke up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The witnesses faced Castañeda in court, along with his many supporters, all churchgoers who followed the priest after he was removed from the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin because of the allegations, to his new congregation — Iglesia del Espíritu Santo, or Holy Spirit Church in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At different points during the testimony, the priest’s supporters scoffed and chuckled, or glared at witnesses when they exited the courtroom. Others talked under their breath, and smirked or laughed in response to the witness testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview at Castañeda's new church before the preliminary hearing began, a supporter of the priest said: \"What they have said is not believable.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If the father asked me to touch myself ... as an adult I would say, you know what father, this isn't normal,\" said Carolina Perea. \"You can't do this, I won't do it. Because we're not talking about kids here. These are adults.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point, Judge Cardoza stopped the hearing to chide members of the audience who were making audible noises, telling them they could not interrupt the proceedings. “I can hear you,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Bishop Eric Menees of the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin']'I essentially let him know that the allegations had been made. I did not say who the allegations were from. And his immediate response was to say ‘Yes, I learned this healing ministry in India.''[/pullquote]Defense attorney Torres questioned the alleged victims, asking them if they had applied for U visa, a visa for victims of crimes who cooperate with law enforcement in investigating or prosecuting a criminal case. Defenders of the priest have argued Castañeda's alleged victims are making accusations in an attempt to obtain legal status in the United States. The immigration status of the witnesses isn't clear, but one man said he got help applying for a U visa. Others said they didn’t know about the visa or had not applied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda led Latino parishioners in Fresno for nearly a decade before allegations surfaced that he had sexually abused parishioners. At the time, Castañeda was pastor of Our Lady of Guadalupe, a Spanish-language congregation of the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, Bishop Eric Menees of the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin said three men reported to him that Castañeda had a healing ministry where he told parishioners if he anointed their genitals, he could heal them of their sexual sins. The bishop, who said he considered the allegations to be credible, confronted Castañeda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I essentially let him know that the allegations had been made. I did not say who the allegations were from. And his immediate response was to say ‘Yes, I learned this healing ministry in India,’ ” Menees said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I just said, ‘No you didn’t. ... that’s just a lie. It certainly wasn’t a Christian healing ministry,' \" Menees told KQED at his office in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bishop Menees contacted Fresno police in October 2017 and removed Castañeda from his post at the Anglican church the next month. Fresno police began investigating the priest and arrested Castañeda in February 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To date, nine alleged victims have joined the criminal case. Over 40 people told church officials that they or a family member or friend were abused, Menees said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781960\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11781960 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">St. Juan Diego Parish in Cowiche, Washington. Castañeda was the pastor of the church in 2005, when an unidentified man has alleged the priest touched him inappropriately. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>An Earlier Allegation\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Carolina Perea, a supporter of Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna']'If the father asked me to touch myself ... as an adult I would say, you know what father, this isn't normal. You can't do this, I won't do it. Because we're not talking about kids here. These are adults.'[/pullquote]The allegations in Fresno are not the first to have been lodged against the priest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 1997-2005, Castañeda was a priest with the Catholic Diocese of Yakima in Washington. In December 2005, he was suspended from the ministry due to allegations he violated the seal of confession, Yakima Diocese Chancellor Msgr. Robert Siler told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Castañeda’s request, Siler said, he was laicized in December 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Records show that in 2009, the Yakima Diocese notified the Anglican Diocese in Fresno that the priest had allegedly touched the genitals of a young adult man under his care several years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked whether the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin, or the bishop at the time, notified parishioners of Our Lady of Guadalupe of the Yakima allegation, Bishop Menees said Tuesday that, due to the pending criminal and civil proceedings, counsel had advised him not to make any additional comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menees became the bishop in 2011. The previous head of the diocese, Bishop John-David Schofield, said in a September 2009 letter to the Yakima Diocese that “it appears to me Fr. Antonio has been wrongly accused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='sexual-assault' label='Related Coverage']Court documents show the man, who said he made the allegation in 2005, was interviewed by a Fresno police detective but did not want to come forward as a victim. In an in-person interview with KQED, the man said he hoped and prayed there would be justice for the alleged victims in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is quite similar, what happened to me, what they are describing,” the man said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a tragedy … that he was able to abuse his power in ministry for 10 years,” Msgr. Siler said. “How do we stop that? I don’t know. I can’t imagine the Diocese of Yakima having the resources to follow him around with a sign, for example, saying, ‘Don’t go near this man.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since his removal from the Anglican church, Castañeda has been re-ordained by the \u003ca href=\"http://www.celticconvergencechurch.org/\">World Communion of Christian Celtic Convergence Churches\u003c/a>, headquartered in the United Kingdom. The U.S.-based archbishop of the church, Bruce Taylor, said he believes Castañeda is innocent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not some banana republic. This is the United States of America,” Taylor said. “We have due process. And everyone is presumed innocent until proven guilty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the allegations stemming from Castañeda’s time in Yakima, Taylor said he was unaware of them. Defense attorney Torres said the Yakima allegation has no relevance to the Fresno case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If convicted, Castañeda faces up to 23½ years in prison.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A former Anglican priest accused of sexually abusing some of his adult immigrant parishioners in Fresno, under the guise of a supposed spiritual healing ritual, will stand trial, a judge ruled Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna walked out of the courtroom flanked by his supporters, who hugged him in the hallway as he left. Fresno County Superior Court Judge Jane A. Cardoza ruled the case will go to trial on all charges. Castañeda has been charged with 22 counts of battery, sexual battery, attempted sexual battery and attempt to dissuade a witness from prosecuting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Cardoza’s ruling came after nine days of testimony by nine alleged victims, most of them adult men who said the priest massaged their genitals under the pretext of a “prayer” or “healing” ritual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The court finds that the witnesses were authentic and credible,\" said Cardoza. \"Indeed, I was taken by the tone of their testimony, being humbled, quite baffled by the defendant's actions and ultimately disillusioned by him.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda, through his attorney, has maintained his innocence. Defense attorney Ralph Torres said the alleged sexual abuse never happened and he thought they would prevail at trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This type of healing massage happens all over Latin America, Mexico and in the United States. Nothing unusual about that,\" he said after Cardoza's ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alleged victims described visiting Castañeda’s office to receive healing for physical ailments and personal issues such as drug or alcohol abuse, separation from a spouse, or the death of a child. Most said they were referred by other congregants who claimed the priest possessed spiritual gifts and the ability to heal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the eight men and one woman who testified, Castañeda told them that they had been cursed by previous wives or girlfriends, or were possessed by a demon and needed spiritual healing. (The witnesses were named in court, but KQED is not disclosing their identities because they are alleged victims of sexual abuse.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The witnesses said Castañeda instructed them to strip down to their underwear, lay on a bench or massage table, and receive “healing” or “prayer” massages that they described as very painful. One man reported he had visible bruises for days after the massages. Prosecutor Kelly Smith presented photos showing the man’s neck with red marks, which the witness said a family member took after one of the prayer massages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The massages often ended in the priest touching parishioners’ genitals, the witnesses testified. In some cases, they described a grazing that could have been accidental. In others, they said, Castañeda grabbed their penis or testicles through their underwear or attempted to masturbate them. Sometimes the priest claimed to have removed a black or yellow substance from their penis, the men said. The woman said Castañeda touched her breasts while making the sign of the cross on her chest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782043\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782043\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut-800x581.jpg\" alt=\"Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna preaches to parishioners of his new church, Iglesia del Espíritu Santo, or Holy Spirit Church. Castañeda has been charged with 22 counts of battery, sexual battery, attempted sexual battery and attempt to prevent a witness/victim from prosecuting.\" width=\"800\" height=\"581\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut-800x581.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut-160x116.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut-1020x741.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut-1200x871.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10232019_Castaneda3_crop-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna preaches to parishioners of his new church, Iglesia del Espíritu Santo, or Holy Spirit Church. Castañeda has been charged with 22 counts of battery, sexual battery, attempted sexual battery and attempt to prevent a witness/victim from prosecuting. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The alleged victims described leaving the meetings shocked, ashamed and confused. Some said the events forever altered their trust in priests. The witnesses said the meetings took place at different times in recent years: The first accounts of the abuse date back to 2014 and the most recent to 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>One man alleged Castañeda told him the priest needed to see his semen to determine how he should be treated. Another man said Castañeda yanked on his penis so abruptly that he heard a popping noise and urinated blood for two to three days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another witness said one prayer massage ended with Castañeda masturbating him and telling him that he was in love with him. The man, who was a parishioner and church volunteer, said the experience led him to attempt suicide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You start confusing God and a human being and you have trouble making the distinction between what’s good and what’s bad,” the man testified in Spanish through an interpreter. “And you realize that what’s happening to you isn’t right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When defense attorney Torres asked the same man whether he reported the alleged sexual touching to the priest's superiors at the church, the witness replied: “This isn’t something you can just talk about. Because there’s going to be some people who believe you, there’s going to be some people who do not believe you, and I couldn’t talk about it at the time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782022\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782022\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39697_Shaw-office-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The offices of Our Lady of Guadalupe Parish in Fresno, where witnesses testified in court that some of the healing massages took place. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another witness testified that following an incident in which he said Castañeda attempted to masturbate him, he saw the priest at church. The witness said Castañeda patted him on the back and warned, “You better not tell anyone. You know the consequences.” The witness said he took the comment to be a threat that the priest could report his parents to immigration officials if he spoke up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The witnesses faced Castañeda in court, along with his many supporters, all churchgoers who followed the priest after he was removed from the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin because of the allegations, to his new congregation — Iglesia del Espíritu Santo, or Holy Spirit Church in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At different points during the testimony, the priest’s supporters scoffed and chuckled, or glared at witnesses when they exited the courtroom. Others talked under their breath, and smirked or laughed in response to the witness testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview at Castañeda's new church before the preliminary hearing began, a supporter of the priest said: \"What they have said is not believable.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If the father asked me to touch myself ... as an adult I would say, you know what father, this isn't normal,\" said Carolina Perea. \"You can't do this, I won't do it. Because we're not talking about kids here. These are adults.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point, Judge Cardoza stopped the hearing to chide members of the audience who were making audible noises, telling them they could not interrupt the proceedings. “I can hear you,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'I essentially let him know that the allegations had been made. I did not say who the allegations were from. And his immediate response was to say ‘Yes, I learned this healing ministry in India.''",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Defense attorney Torres questioned the alleged victims, asking them if they had applied for U visa, a visa for victims of crimes who cooperate with law enforcement in investigating or prosecuting a criminal case. Defenders of the priest have argued Castañeda's alleged victims are making accusations in an attempt to obtain legal status in the United States. The immigration status of the witnesses isn't clear, but one man said he got help applying for a U visa. Others said they didn’t know about the visa or had not applied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda led Latino parishioners in Fresno for nearly a decade before allegations surfaced that he had sexually abused parishioners. At the time, Castañeda was pastor of Our Lady of Guadalupe, a Spanish-language congregation of the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, Bishop Eric Menees of the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin said three men reported to him that Castañeda had a healing ministry where he told parishioners if he anointed their genitals, he could heal them of their sexual sins. The bishop, who said he considered the allegations to be credible, confronted Castañeda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I essentially let him know that the allegations had been made. I did not say who the allegations were from. And his immediate response was to say ‘Yes, I learned this healing ministry in India,’ ” Menees said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I just said, ‘No you didn’t. ... that’s just a lie. It certainly wasn’t a Christian healing ministry,' \" Menees told KQED at his office in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bishop Menees contacted Fresno police in October 2017 and removed Castañeda from his post at the Anglican church the next month. Fresno police began investigating the priest and arrested Castañeda in February 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To date, nine alleged victims have joined the criminal case. Over 40 people told church officials that they or a family member or friend were abused, Menees said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781960\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11781960 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Cowiche.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">St. Juan Diego Parish in Cowiche, Washington. Castañeda was the pastor of the church in 2005, when an unidentified man has alleged the priest touched him inappropriately. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>An Earlier Allegation\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The allegations in Fresno are not the first to have been lodged against the priest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 1997-2005, Castañeda was a priest with the Catholic Diocese of Yakima in Washington. In December 2005, he was suspended from the ministry due to allegations he violated the seal of confession, Yakima Diocese Chancellor Msgr. Robert Siler told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Castañeda’s request, Siler said, he was laicized in December 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Records show that in 2009, the Yakima Diocese notified the Anglican Diocese in Fresno that the priest had allegedly touched the genitals of a young adult man under his care several years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked whether the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin, or the bishop at the time, notified parishioners of Our Lady of Guadalupe of the Yakima allegation, Bishop Menees said Tuesday that, due to the pending criminal and civil proceedings, counsel had advised him not to make any additional comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menees became the bishop in 2011. The previous head of the diocese, Bishop John-David Schofield, said in a September 2009 letter to the Yakima Diocese that “it appears to me Fr. Antonio has been wrongly accused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Court documents show the man, who said he made the allegation in 2005, was interviewed by a Fresno police detective but did not want to come forward as a victim. In an in-person interview with KQED, the man said he hoped and prayed there would be justice for the alleged victims in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is quite similar, what happened to me, what they are describing,” the man said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a tragedy … that he was able to abuse his power in ministry for 10 years,” Msgr. Siler said. “How do we stop that? I don’t know. I can’t imagine the Diocese of Yakima having the resources to follow him around with a sign, for example, saying, ‘Don’t go near this man.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since his removal from the Anglican church, Castañeda has been re-ordained by the \u003ca href=\"http://www.celticconvergencechurch.org/\">World Communion of Christian Celtic Convergence Churches\u003c/a>, headquartered in the United Kingdom. The U.S.-based archbishop of the church, Bruce Taylor, said he believes Castañeda is innocent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not some banana republic. This is the United States of America,” Taylor said. “We have due process. And everyone is presumed innocent until proven guilty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the allegations stemming from Castañeda’s time in Yakima, Taylor said he was unaware of them. Defense attorney Torres said the Yakima allegation has no relevance to the Fresno case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If convicted, Castañeda faces up to 23½ years in prison.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Can a Costly Guest Worker Program Meet California’s Need for Farm Labor?",
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"content": "\u003cp>Driving up and down the roads just outside downtown Salinas, you’re likely to spot crews of farmworkers in the fields, moving swiftly in an ocean of green.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent afternoon, Jesús Alba, a work crew supervisor, was watching over one group of men and women as they harvested celery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Jesús Alba, farmworker supervisor\"]‘Before, people crossed the border a lot. And now, people can’t cross. For the people who go home to their country, it’s difficult to return. They go, but then they don’t come back.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of farmers, a lot of crops, that don’t have enough people,” Alba said, as the workers around him bent down to chop celery stalks and toss them onto washing stations. “Before, a lot of people went back and forth across the border. Now, people can’t cross. For the people who go home to their country, it’s difficult to return. They go, but then they don’t come back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/statistics/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California grows\u003c/a> over a third of the country’s vegetables and two-thirds of its fruits and nuts, and \u003ca href=\"https://arefiles.ucdavis.edu/uploads/filer_public/0b/1a/0b1a6c3a-b166-4131-b8e9-78ba62754df7/carroll.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a majority\u003c/a> of the workers who tend to those crops are undocumented immigrants. But increased enforcement, coupled with an aging population of U.S.-based farmworkers, has diminished the supply of California agricultural labor in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That availability of farm labor was the number one concern growers shared with U.S. Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue during his June tour of Northern California farming communities. Purdue’s visit came about a week after President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11756670/trump-delays-nationwide-ice-raids-including-san-francisco\">delayed plans\u003c/a> for nationwide deportations of undocumented families. But when asked whether the planned crackdown would exacerbate farm labor issues, Perdue told reporters he didn’t think so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not talking about immigration when we talk about a legal, reliable workforce,” he said. “We’re talking about people who want to come and provide for their families on a temporary basis, on a seasonal basis, in the H-2A program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perdue was referring to a decades-old\u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/working-united-states/temporary-workers/h-2a-temporary-agricultural-workers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> temporary agricultural visa program\u003c/a> that enables farmers to hire laborers from other countries. Soon after Perdue’s visit, the Department of Labor announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2019/07/26/2019-15307/temporary-agricultural-employment-of-h-2a-nonimmigrants-in-the-united-states\">proposed reforms\u003c/a> that the agency said would “modernize” and “improve” the H-2A process. If approved, the changes would allow employers to stagger workers’ start dates on a single application, modify how workers’ wages are determined, require online applications and allow for e-signatures, among other reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Slow Growth in California \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Use of the H-2A visa program has risen steadily in recent years. But the growth in California has been gradual\u003cb>. \u003c/b>This year, over \u003ca href=\"https://www.foreignlaborcert.doleta.gov/pdf/PerformanceData/2019/H-2A_Selected_Statistics_FY2019_Q3.pdf\">19,000\u003c/a> H-2A positions requested by California ranchers, farm labor contractors and other employers have been certified — the highest to date — but that’s a tiny small slice of the \u003ca href=\"https://s.giannini.ucop.edu/uploads/giannini_public/b0/21/b0219b84-4333-4fec-9111-eff182da42a8/v21n5_1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">massive migrant worker population\u003c/a> California farmers rely on each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the H-2A program can be costly, time-consuming and cumbersome — the program is managed by three separate federal government agencies — many California growers instead prefer to enlist the help of farm labor contractors to find and hire local farmworkers, most of whom are immigrants without legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/17a74978-c3b6-413b-8d05-84c015c4d7f7?src=embed\" title=\"H2A Visas CA\" width=\"800\" height=\"630\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But traditional hiring methods have also proved challenging of late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent\u003ca href=\"https://www.cfbf.com/storage/app/media/documents/LaborScarcity.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> California Farm Bureau Federation/UC Davis survey\u003c/a> of more than 1,000 California farmers found that over 70% said they had trouble hiring workers in 2017 and 2018. And 86% of respondents said they had raised wages in an effort to attract and keep workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That workforce is getting older, and there are fewer of them than there used to be,” said Bryan Little, CFBF’s employment policy director. “Their kids, by and large, aren’t going into agriculture in much the same way that a lot of farmers’ kids aren’t staying in agriculture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘Lengthy’ but ‘Worth it’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Central Valley farm labor contractor Ileana Arvizu, who over the last three years has brought workers from southern Mexico to California through the H-2A program, said the process was “lengthy” but “worth it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781814\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2019/10/23/can-a-costly-guest-worker-program-meet-californias-need-for-farm-labor/img_5729-3/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11781814\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11781814 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5729-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5729-2.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5729-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5729-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5729-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5729-2-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ileana Arvizu, a Central Valley farm labor contractor who uses the H-2A program. \u003ccite>(Alex Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One requirement of the program is to provide housing for guest workers, a deterrent for many growers in California, where housing is particularly expensive. In order to make the program work for her, Arvizu made an upfront investment that not all employers can, or are willing to, afford: She bought and renovated a hotel in Merced where workers stay while they pick tomatoes on various farms for several months during the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent warm evening, Arvizu stood in the parking lot of her hotel, where rows of picnic tables were arranged beneath a large tent. The newest group of workers, having just returned from the day’s harvest in the tomato fields, were preparing to sit down for a dinner of chicken mole and red rice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once upon a time, being a farm labor contractor was like a no-brainer. Like, labor was no issue,” Arvizu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, she said, a group of workers from Mexico she had hired through the H-2A program ended up arriving in California a month late because the paperwork was still being processed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to tell the growers that I’m still in the process,” she said. “So we just kinda scrambled to grab whoever was willing to come and help us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781819\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2019/10/23/can-a-costly-guest-worker-program-meet-californias-need-for-farm-labor/img_5630-1/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11781819\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11781819 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5630-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5630-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5630-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5630-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5630-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5630-1-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A new group of workers, hired by Ileana Arvizu, sit down for a dinner of chicken mole and red rice after a day of harvesting tomatoes. \u003ccite>(Alex Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Farmworkers With Deep Roots\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California’s large population of undocumented farmworkers with deep roots in the state is another reason the H-2A program has been slow to catch on here.[aside label=\"related stories\" tag=\"farmworkers\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The mayors of communities that I’ve talked to on an annual basis in this valley want to take care of the people of their communities,” said Manuel Cunha Jr., president of the Nisei Farmers League in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why bring in new people and bust the people that are in your community? Go in and raid them? I think it’s immoral,” Cunha said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most farmers, he added, cannot afford to pay the expenses associated with bringing H-2A workers into the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United Farm Workers Foundation and the UFW union submitted over 80,000 individual public comments to the Department of Labor opposing the changes to the visa program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the UFW’s concerns: that the proposed changes would result in domestic workers losing jobs to H-2A workers because growers wouldn’t be required to give hiring preference to domestic workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The proposed changes to the H-2A program will not only have harmful impacts on the domestic farmworkers who are currently working in America’s fields but also the foreign guest workers who participate in the program,” said National Field Coordinator Marichel Mejia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must protect the farmworkers who have been integral members of our communities and who have years of experience as skilled laborers,” Mejia said. “The Trump administration needs to recognize the hard work farmworkers do to feed the country and not implement these changes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan Jacobsen, CEO of the Fresno County Farm Bureau, said that many farmers and contractors would much rather obtain legal status for their existing workers, as opposed to bringing in new seasonal crews. And because the H-2A visa allows only for seasonal work, the program does not fulfill the need that many producers, like dairy farmers, have for a year-round workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a temporary patch that may work better for other states,” Jacobsen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Trump administration is cracking down on border enforcement, but says enough farmworkers will still be available through proposed changes to the H-2A temporary agricultural worker visa program. Many California farmers, though, are dubious.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Driving up and down the roads just outside downtown Salinas, you’re likely to spot crews of farmworkers in the fields, moving swiftly in an ocean of green.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent afternoon, Jesús Alba, a work crew supervisor, was watching over one group of men and women as they harvested celery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Before, people crossed the border a lot. And now, people can’t cross. For the people who go home to their country, it’s difficult to return. They go, but then they don’t come back.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of farmers, a lot of crops, that don’t have enough people,” Alba said, as the workers around him bent down to chop celery stalks and toss them onto washing stations. “Before, a lot of people went back and forth across the border. Now, people can’t cross. For the people who go home to their country, it’s difficult to return. They go, but then they don’t come back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/statistics/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California grows\u003c/a> over a third of the country’s vegetables and two-thirds of its fruits and nuts, and \u003ca href=\"https://arefiles.ucdavis.edu/uploads/filer_public/0b/1a/0b1a6c3a-b166-4131-b8e9-78ba62754df7/carroll.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a majority\u003c/a> of the workers who tend to those crops are undocumented immigrants. But increased enforcement, coupled with an aging population of U.S.-based farmworkers, has diminished the supply of California agricultural labor in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That availability of farm labor was the number one concern growers shared with U.S. Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue during his June tour of Northern California farming communities. Purdue’s visit came about a week after President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11756670/trump-delays-nationwide-ice-raids-including-san-francisco\">delayed plans\u003c/a> for nationwide deportations of undocumented families. But when asked whether the planned crackdown would exacerbate farm labor issues, Perdue told reporters he didn’t think so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not talking about immigration when we talk about a legal, reliable workforce,” he said. “We’re talking about people who want to come and provide for their families on a temporary basis, on a seasonal basis, in the H-2A program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perdue was referring to a decades-old\u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/working-united-states/temporary-workers/h-2a-temporary-agricultural-workers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> temporary agricultural visa program\u003c/a> that enables farmers to hire laborers from other countries. Soon after Perdue’s visit, the Department of Labor announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2019/07/26/2019-15307/temporary-agricultural-employment-of-h-2a-nonimmigrants-in-the-united-states\">proposed reforms\u003c/a> that the agency said would “modernize” and “improve” the H-2A process. If approved, the changes would allow employers to stagger workers’ start dates on a single application, modify how workers’ wages are determined, require online applications and allow for e-signatures, among other reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Slow Growth in California \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Use of the H-2A visa program has risen steadily in recent years. But the growth in California has been gradual\u003cb>. \u003c/b>This year, over \u003ca href=\"https://www.foreignlaborcert.doleta.gov/pdf/PerformanceData/2019/H-2A_Selected_Statistics_FY2019_Q3.pdf\">19,000\u003c/a> H-2A positions requested by California ranchers, farm labor contractors and other employers have been certified — the highest to date — but that’s a tiny small slice of the \u003ca href=\"https://s.giannini.ucop.edu/uploads/giannini_public/b0/21/b0219b84-4333-4fec-9111-eff182da42a8/v21n5_1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">massive migrant worker population\u003c/a> California farmers rely on each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the H-2A program can be costly, time-consuming and cumbersome — the program is managed by three separate federal government agencies — many California growers instead prefer to enlist the help of farm labor contractors to find and hire local farmworkers, most of whom are immigrants without legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/17a74978-c3b6-413b-8d05-84c015c4d7f7?src=embed\" title=\"H2A Visas CA\" width=\"800\" height=\"630\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But traditional hiring methods have also proved challenging of late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent\u003ca href=\"https://www.cfbf.com/storage/app/media/documents/LaborScarcity.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> California Farm Bureau Federation/UC Davis survey\u003c/a> of more than 1,000 California farmers found that over 70% said they had trouble hiring workers in 2017 and 2018. And 86% of respondents said they had raised wages in an effort to attract and keep workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That workforce is getting older, and there are fewer of them than there used to be,” said Bryan Little, CFBF’s employment policy director. “Their kids, by and large, aren’t going into agriculture in much the same way that a lot of farmers’ kids aren’t staying in agriculture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘Lengthy’ but ‘Worth it’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Central Valley farm labor contractor Ileana Arvizu, who over the last three years has brought workers from southern Mexico to California through the H-2A program, said the process was “lengthy” but “worth it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781814\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2019/10/23/can-a-costly-guest-worker-program-meet-californias-need-for-farm-labor/img_5729-3/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11781814\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11781814 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5729-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5729-2.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5729-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5729-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5729-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5729-2-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ileana Arvizu, a Central Valley farm labor contractor who uses the H-2A program. \u003ccite>(Alex Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One requirement of the program is to provide housing for guest workers, a deterrent for many growers in California, where housing is particularly expensive. In order to make the program work for her, Arvizu made an upfront investment that not all employers can, or are willing to, afford: She bought and renovated a hotel in Merced where workers stay while they pick tomatoes on various farms for several months during the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent warm evening, Arvizu stood in the parking lot of her hotel, where rows of picnic tables were arranged beneath a large tent. The newest group of workers, having just returned from the day’s harvest in the tomato fields, were preparing to sit down for a dinner of chicken mole and red rice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once upon a time, being a farm labor contractor was like a no-brainer. Like, labor was no issue,” Arvizu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, she said, a group of workers from Mexico she had hired through the H-2A program ended up arriving in California a month late because the paperwork was still being processed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to tell the growers that I’m still in the process,” she said. “So we just kinda scrambled to grab whoever was willing to come and help us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781819\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2019/10/23/can-a-costly-guest-worker-program-meet-californias-need-for-farm-labor/img_5630-1/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11781819\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11781819 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5630-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5630-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5630-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5630-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5630-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/IMG_5630-1-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A new group of workers, hired by Ileana Arvizu, sit down for a dinner of chicken mole and red rice after a day of harvesting tomatoes. \u003ccite>(Alex Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Farmworkers With Deep Roots\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California’s large population of undocumented farmworkers with deep roots in the state is another reason the H-2A program has been slow to catch on here.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The mayors of communities that I’ve talked to on an annual basis in this valley want to take care of the people of their communities,” said Manuel Cunha Jr., president of the Nisei Farmers League in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why bring in new people and bust the people that are in your community? Go in and raid them? I think it’s immoral,” Cunha said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most farmers, he added, cannot afford to pay the expenses associated with bringing H-2A workers into the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United Farm Workers Foundation and the UFW union submitted over 80,000 individual public comments to the Department of Labor opposing the changes to the visa program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the UFW’s concerns: that the proposed changes would result in domestic workers losing jobs to H-2A workers because growers wouldn’t be required to give hiring preference to domestic workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The proposed changes to the H-2A program will not only have harmful impacts on the domestic farmworkers who are currently working in America’s fields but also the foreign guest workers who participate in the program,” said National Field Coordinator Marichel Mejia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must protect the farmworkers who have been integral members of our communities and who have years of experience as skilled laborers,” Mejia said. “The Trump administration needs to recognize the hard work farmworkers do to feed the country and not implement these changes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan Jacobsen, CEO of the Fresno County Farm Bureau, said that many farmers and contractors would much rather obtain legal status for their existing workers, as opposed to bringing in new seasonal crews. And because the H-2A visa allows only for seasonal work, the program does not fulfill the need that many producers, like dairy farmers, have for a year-round workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a temporary patch that may work better for other states,” Jacobsen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A federal appeals court in San Francisco is considering whether thousands of asylum-seekers can be locked up for months or years, or whether they have a constitutional right to ask a judge for their release on bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A three-judge panel of the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals heard arguments Tuesday in a lawsuit challenging a Trump administration order that aims to detain asylum-seekers who enter the country without proper inspection until their cases are decided, a process that can take up to several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just moments after Justice Department attorney Lauren Bingham began addressing the court, Judge Michael Hawkins cut her off with what would become a recurring question throughout the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are the people in the plaintiffs class subject to indefinite detention with no promise of a bond hearing? Yes or no?” asked Hawkins, a Clinton appointee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Detention would not be indefinite, Bingham responded, because it would last only until an immigration judge decides if the government can deport that individual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bingham said immigrants who entered the country illegally — and passed initial interviews establishing a “credible fear” of persecution or torture — are entitled only to rights expressly given to them by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a sliding scale of due process,” she said. “And the Supreme Court has said on multiple occasions that due process is a flexible concept that takes into account all of the different varying circumstances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Coverage\" tag=\"asylum\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that immigration laws do not give detained immigrants the right to periodic bond hearings. But the justices also instructed lower courts to examine whether the U.S. Constitution requires such hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, U.S. Attorney General William Barr, whose purview includes immigration courts, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/file/1154747/download\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">issued the order\u003c/a> saying asylum-seekers who entered unlawfully are no longer eligible for release on bond, despite the fact that the practice has been around for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The change is one of several efforts by the Trump administration to dramatically restrict humanitarian protections, arguing that migrants are abusing the U.S. asylum system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Barr’s order, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement can still decide to release asylum applicants. But plaintiff attorneys argue that if the policy takes effect, detainees would not have a fair shot at freedom because ICE is biased toward detaining people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In criminal cases, defendants generally have the right to ask a judge to set them free while their cases are decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, a federal judge in Seattle issued a nationwide halt to Barr’s order. U.S. District Judge Marsha J. Pechman also said the government must provide bond hearings within seven days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pechman’s ruling provides critical protections that allow migrants seeking refuge in the U.S. to have a “genuine opportunity” to make their case for asylum, plaintiffs’ attorney Matt Adams told the 9th circuit panel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have thousands of our class members who will not only have been deprived of their liberty for months and perhaps years,” said Adams, legal director at the Northwest Immigrant Rights Project. “But many will then have been deprived of the opportunity to obtain legal representation, to gather the evidence necessary to marshal their case, to present their case before the court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only one out of 10 asylum-seekers win their case without legal representation, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/491/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to\u003c/a> researchers at Syracuse University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Government attorney Bingham cautioned the judges against requiring hearings within seven days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By requiring the bond hearings to happen so quickly with the government bearing the burden of proof, it incentivizes aliens to enter the United States illegally because they would then be entitled to greater process than if they properly reported to a port of entry,” said Bingham, referring to official border crossings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump and other top administration officials argue that many asylum-seekers skip court hearings and disappear into the country after they are released from detention. But that’s not supported by several studies, including a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11756583/report-vast-majority-of-asylum-seeking-families-in-s-f-immigration-court-attend-all-hearings\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">recent analysis\u003c/a> that found that close to 98% of families applying for asylum in San Francisco’s immigration court showed up to every hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About half of asylum-seekers who go before a judge and request release are granted bond while their case is decided, Adams told the panel of judges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the face of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/national-media-release/claims-credible-fear-increase-fiscal-year-2018\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">growing numbers\u003c/a> of people claiming asylum, the Trump administration has moved aggressively to eliminate what officials call “loopholes” they say attract migrants from Central America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration advocates have challenged many of those policies — including one that denies asylum to people who fail to seek protection in a country they cross en route to the U.S., and another that forces asylum-seekers to remain in Mexico while an immigration judge decides their case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen from this administration an assault on asylum,” said Michael Tan, a senior staff attorney with the ACLU Immigrants’ Rights Project. “The sad reality — that this administration is all too aware of — is that a lot of people just give up, they’d rather risk their life and safety than stay locked up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three-judge panel is expected to issue its ruling soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A federal appeals court in San Francisco is considering whether thousands of asylum-seekers can be locked up for months or years, or whether they have a constitutional right to ask a judge for their release on bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A three-judge panel of the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals heard arguments Tuesday in a lawsuit challenging a Trump administration order that aims to detain asylum-seekers who enter the country without proper inspection until their cases are decided, a process that can take up to several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just moments after Justice Department attorney Lauren Bingham began addressing the court, Judge Michael Hawkins cut her off with what would become a recurring question throughout the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are the people in the plaintiffs class subject to indefinite detention with no promise of a bond hearing? Yes or no?” asked Hawkins, a Clinton appointee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Detention would not be indefinite, Bingham responded, because it would last only until an immigration judge decides if the government can deport that individual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bingham said immigrants who entered the country illegally — and passed initial interviews establishing a “credible fear” of persecution or torture — are entitled only to rights expressly given to them by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a sliding scale of due process,” she said. “And the Supreme Court has said on multiple occasions that due process is a flexible concept that takes into account all of the different varying circumstances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that immigration laws do not give detained immigrants the right to periodic bond hearings. But the justices also instructed lower courts to examine whether the U.S. Constitution requires such hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, U.S. Attorney General William Barr, whose purview includes immigration courts, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/file/1154747/download\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">issued the order\u003c/a> saying asylum-seekers who entered unlawfully are no longer eligible for release on bond, despite the fact that the practice has been around for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The change is one of several efforts by the Trump administration to dramatically restrict humanitarian protections, arguing that migrants are abusing the U.S. asylum system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Barr’s order, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement can still decide to release asylum applicants. But plaintiff attorneys argue that if the policy takes effect, detainees would not have a fair shot at freedom because ICE is biased toward detaining people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In criminal cases, defendants generally have the right to ask a judge to set them free while their cases are decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, a federal judge in Seattle issued a nationwide halt to Barr’s order. U.S. District Judge Marsha J. Pechman also said the government must provide bond hearings within seven days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pechman’s ruling provides critical protections that allow migrants seeking refuge in the U.S. to have a “genuine opportunity” to make their case for asylum, plaintiffs’ attorney Matt Adams told the 9th circuit panel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have thousands of our class members who will not only have been deprived of their liberty for months and perhaps years,” said Adams, legal director at the Northwest Immigrant Rights Project. “But many will then have been deprived of the opportunity to obtain legal representation, to gather the evidence necessary to marshal their case, to present their case before the court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only one out of 10 asylum-seekers win their case without legal representation, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/491/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to\u003c/a> researchers at Syracuse University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Government attorney Bingham cautioned the judges against requiring hearings within seven days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By requiring the bond hearings to happen so quickly with the government bearing the burden of proof, it incentivizes aliens to enter the United States illegally because they would then be entitled to greater process than if they properly reported to a port of entry,” said Bingham, referring to official border crossings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump and other top administration officials argue that many asylum-seekers skip court hearings and disappear into the country after they are released from detention. But that’s not supported by several studies, including a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11756583/report-vast-majority-of-asylum-seeking-families-in-s-f-immigration-court-attend-all-hearings\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">recent analysis\u003c/a> that found that close to 98% of families applying for asylum in San Francisco’s immigration court showed up to every hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About half of asylum-seekers who go before a judge and request release are granted bond while their case is decided, Adams told the panel of judges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the face of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/national-media-release/claims-credible-fear-increase-fiscal-year-2018\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">growing numbers\u003c/a> of people claiming asylum, the Trump administration has moved aggressively to eliminate what officials call “loopholes” they say attract migrants from Central America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration advocates have challenged many of those policies — including one that denies asylum to people who fail to seek protection in a country they cross en route to the U.S., and another that forces asylum-seekers to remain in Mexico while an immigration judge decides their case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen from this administration an assault on asylum,” said Michael Tan, a senior staff attorney with the ACLU Immigrants’ Rights Project. “The sad reality — that this administration is all too aware of — is that a lot of people just give up, they’d rather risk their life and safety than stay locked up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three-judge panel is expected to issue its ruling soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Justice Department Announces Plan to Collect DNA From Migrants Crossing the Border",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Justice Department is proposing to begin collecting DNA samples from hundreds of thousands of immigrants crossing the border, creating an enormous database of asylum-seekers and other migrants that federal officials say will be used to help authorities fight crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General William Barr issued \u003ca href=\"https://s3.amazonaws.com/public-inspection.federalregister.gov/2019-22877.pdf\">the rule\u003c/a>, which is set to be published in the Federal Register on Tuesday, with the expectation that federal authorities will gather DNA information on about 748,000 immigrants annually, including asylum-seekers presenting themselves at legal ports of entries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Naureen Shah, ACLU\"]'It's the most intimate information that you can take from someone ... And we're going to be taking it from people against their will.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the proposed regulation, Barr describes the DNA sample as a \"genetic fingerprint\" that can uniquely identify a person, \"but they do not disclose the individual's traits, disorders, or dispositions.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal permanent residents and those seeking to enter the country legally won't be affected by the new regulation. The rule will now be subject to a 20-day comment period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But already, immigrant advocates have denounced the proposal, arguing that collecting genetic information from those crossing the border could have implications for family members residing in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's the most intimate information that you can take from someone. It is information you can use to find their family members, to know their histories,\" Naureen Shah, senior advocacy and policy counsel at the American Civil Liberties Union, told NPR. \"And we're going to be taking it from people against their will.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other lawyers who work with immigrants also slammed the proposal, saying it raises alarming privacy concerns and will not deter migrants from entering the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's hard for me to believe that a woman who is on a journey of 1,000 miles in broken flip-flops with a 2-year-old on her hip, doing everything she can and sacrificing everything ... is going to be deterred by DNA collection,\" said Henry Sias, a Philadelphia-based civil rights lawyer who represents asylum-seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal authorities \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/sw-border-migration\">say nearly 1 million migrants\u003c/a> were taken into custody after crossing the southern border in the last fiscal year, but the number of migrants taken into custody in recent months has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/10/08/768436273/apprehensions-at-the-u-s-mexico-border-decline-for-the-fourth-consecutive-month\">steadily declining\u003c/a>, which the Trump administration attributes to the crackdown on the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Collecting DNA information on criminal suspects is permitted under federal law and \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncsl.org/Documents/cj/ArresteeDNALaws.pdf\">nearly 30 states\u003c/a> allow taking a forensic profile from someone before conviction. The plan to implement mandatory DNA testing for hundreds of thousands of border-crossers was \u003ca href=\"https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/hamedaleaziz/trump-administration-dna-samples-immigrants\">first reported\u003c/a> by BuzzFeed in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Coverage\" tag=\"immigration\"]Justice Department officials hope to send the DNA information from migrants to an FBI database known as the Combined DNA Index System, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.fbi.gov/services/laboratory/biometric-analysis/codis/ndis-statistics\">already contains\u003c/a> nearly 14 million people who have been convicted of a crime and an additional 3.7 million people who have been arrested. Migrants' names and other personal data would not be stored with their DNA information to protect privacy, and the FBI would get the identification only if the sample matched a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials estimate the price of implementing the policy to be around $13 million for three years. That figure includes additional work hours for Customs and Border Protection and the cost of providing DNA sample collection kits to border agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration says a massive database of biometric information on migrants will lead to more crimes being solved. But immigrant advocates counter that the initiative demonizes migrants, and they point to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/05/02/607652253/studies-say-illegal-immigration-does-not-increase-violent-crime\">multiple studies\u003c/a> showing that increasing the flow of undocumented immigrants does not create a spike in violent crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, more than 25,000 migrants were charged with felony illegal re-entry and more than 80,000 were charged with misdemeanor improper entry, the highest number of immigration-related offenses on record since federal authorities began keeping track, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/department-justice-prosecuted-record-breaking-number-immigration-related-cases-fiscal-year\">Justice Department officials say\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Sias, the Philadelphia immigration lawyer, argues that taking a person's DNA information before they are convicted of crossing the border illegally is a privacy violation that turns the criminal justice system on its head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a conflation of immigration status with criminal activity, which is contributing to a guilty until proven innocent atmosphere,\" Sias said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Justice+Department+Announces+Plan+To+Collect+DNA+From+Migrants+Crossing+The+Border&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Justice Department is proposing to begin collecting DNA samples from hundreds of thousands of immigrants crossing the border, creating an enormous database of asylum-seekers and other migrants that federal officials say will be used to help authorities fight crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General William Barr issued \u003ca href=\"https://s3.amazonaws.com/public-inspection.federalregister.gov/2019-22877.pdf\">the rule\u003c/a>, which is set to be published in the Federal Register on Tuesday, with the expectation that federal authorities will gather DNA information on about 748,000 immigrants annually, including asylum-seekers presenting themselves at legal ports of entries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the proposed regulation, Barr describes the DNA sample as a \"genetic fingerprint\" that can uniquely identify a person, \"but they do not disclose the individual's traits, disorders, or dispositions.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal permanent residents and those seeking to enter the country legally won't be affected by the new regulation. The rule will now be subject to a 20-day comment period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But already, immigrant advocates have denounced the proposal, arguing that collecting genetic information from those crossing the border could have implications for family members residing in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's the most intimate information that you can take from someone. It is information you can use to find their family members, to know their histories,\" Naureen Shah, senior advocacy and policy counsel at the American Civil Liberties Union, told NPR. \"And we're going to be taking it from people against their will.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other lawyers who work with immigrants also slammed the proposal, saying it raises alarming privacy concerns and will not deter migrants from entering the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's hard for me to believe that a woman who is on a journey of 1,000 miles in broken flip-flops with a 2-year-old on her hip, doing everything she can and sacrificing everything ... is going to be deterred by DNA collection,\" said Henry Sias, a Philadelphia-based civil rights lawyer who represents asylum-seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal authorities \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/sw-border-migration\">say nearly 1 million migrants\u003c/a> were taken into custody after crossing the southern border in the last fiscal year, but the number of migrants taken into custody in recent months has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/10/08/768436273/apprehensions-at-the-u-s-mexico-border-decline-for-the-fourth-consecutive-month\">steadily declining\u003c/a>, which the Trump administration attributes to the crackdown on the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Collecting DNA information on criminal suspects is permitted under federal law and \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncsl.org/Documents/cj/ArresteeDNALaws.pdf\">nearly 30 states\u003c/a> allow taking a forensic profile from someone before conviction. The plan to implement mandatory DNA testing for hundreds of thousands of border-crossers was \u003ca href=\"https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/hamedaleaziz/trump-administration-dna-samples-immigrants\">first reported\u003c/a> by BuzzFeed in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Justice Department officials hope to send the DNA information from migrants to an FBI database known as the Combined DNA Index System, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.fbi.gov/services/laboratory/biometric-analysis/codis/ndis-statistics\">already contains\u003c/a> nearly 14 million people who have been convicted of a crime and an additional 3.7 million people who have been arrested. Migrants' names and other personal data would not be stored with their DNA information to protect privacy, and the FBI would get the identification only if the sample matched a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials estimate the price of implementing the policy to be around $13 million for three years. That figure includes additional work hours for Customs and Border Protection and the cost of providing DNA sample collection kits to border agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration says a massive database of biometric information on migrants will lead to more crimes being solved. But immigrant advocates counter that the initiative demonizes migrants, and they point to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/05/02/607652253/studies-say-illegal-immigration-does-not-increase-violent-crime\">multiple studies\u003c/a> showing that increasing the flow of undocumented immigrants does not create a spike in violent crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, more than 25,000 migrants were charged with felony illegal re-entry and more than 80,000 were charged with misdemeanor improper entry, the highest number of immigration-related offenses on record since federal authorities began keeping track, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/department-justice-prosecuted-record-breaking-number-immigration-related-cases-fiscal-year\">Justice Department officials say\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Sias, the Philadelphia immigration lawyer, argues that taking a person's DNA information before they are convicted of crossing the border illegally is a privacy violation that turns the criminal justice system on its head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a conflation of immigration status with criminal activity, which is contributing to a guilty until proven innocent atmosphere,\" Sias said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Justice+Department+Announces+Plan+To+Collect+DNA+From+Migrants+Crossing+The+Border&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "This Trump Rule Change Will Mean Lower Wages for Farmworkers",
"title": "This Trump Rule Change Will Mean Lower Wages for Farmworkers",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Temporary seasonal farmworkers will see wages decrease if a visa rule change proposed by the Trump administration goes through, and labor advocates worry that it also could lead to pay cuts for other domestic farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agriculture industry experts say the decreased costs will provide some much-needed relief for growers. The H-2A program allows agricultural employers to temporarily employ guest workers from other countries if there is a shortage of workers willing to take the jobs they offer. Some H-2A workers said they would still participate in the program even if they saw their wages go down, as they would make far more in six months as H-2A workers than they would doing the same work at home in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\", citation=\"Michael Marsh, president and CEO of the National Council of Agricultural Employers\"]'This will continue to erode domestic farmers' profitability while continuing to press upward domestic workers' wages unsustainably.'[/pullquote]Orlando, who declined to give his last name for fear of losing his job, came to the Salinas Valley on an H-2A visa to pick strawberries. Picking strawberries is particularly difficult as it requires the picker to spend the day bent at the waist, gently twisting ripe strawberries off each bush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking in Spanish, Orlando said he sent the majority of his money home to his family in Michoacán, so his children could afford clothes and books for school. He supported his entire family, he said, and even if the wages in the U.S. dropped, he would still reapply for a job as an H-2A worker. The money was too good to pass up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His roommate, César, who would only his first name for the same reason, agreed with Orlando. “It’s the reason why we come,” he added in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Announced in July, the Trump administration’s proposed changes to the H-2A visa came shortly after the Adverse Effect Wage Rate (AEWR) increased across the U.S. The changes would alter how the AEWR, which is the minimum hourly wage needed to attract noncitizen, seasonal workers, is calculated, lowering the hourly wage to benefit growers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Labor calculates the AEWR annually, and each state has a different one that employers must meet. Growers who employ H-2A workers have the option to pay workers whichever is higher: the AEWR, the agreed-upon amount set in a collective bargaining agreement, or the state or federal minimum wage. In some states, that list also includes the prevailing wage, based upon surveys of employees in similar positions within the same field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11780833\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/GettyImages-164224998-800x551.jpg\" alt=\"Migrant workers harvest strawberries at a farm March 13, 2013 near Oxnard, California. \" width=\"800\" height=\"551\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11780833\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrant workers harvest strawberries at a farm March 13, 2013 near Oxnard, California. \u003ccite>(Joe Klamar/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>From 2018 to 2019, California saw an increase of 6% in its AEWR, according to the Farm Bureau, driving the hourly wage from $13.18 to $13.92. Other states, such as Colorado, saw their AEWR increase by as much as 23%. Farmer advocates say growers and employers cannot sustain the pace of pay growth, which rarely drops. Between 2009 and 2014, the AEWR increased from $10.16 to just over $11, data from the Department of Labor shows. Today, it stands at just under $14 in California. Other states, including Washington, pay just over $15 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This will continue to erode domestic farmers’ profitability while continuing to press upward domestic workers’ wages unsustainably,” said President and CEO of the National Council of Agricultural Employers, Michael Marsh. “You’ll see farmers expanding fruit and vegetable production in Canada and Mexico, where the wage rates are significantly lower than they have to pay in the U.S. About half the fresh fruit in the U.S. is produced in a foreign country, and about a third of the vegetables.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And others say the wage rate is not just unsustainable, but unfairly calculated in the first place, and badly in need of a fix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe the AEWR is skewed, because that is based on regions of the United States,” said Sara Neagu-Reed, associate director of Federal Policy for the California Farm Bureau. “So you’re comparing a combine driver in Idaho to a blueberry picker in Salinas Valley. That’s why we think it’s flawed, and it’s better to go with the proposed rule, so you’re looking at calculations by job categories, and individuals who are all in the table grape or berry-picking category.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"farmworkers\" label=\"Related Content\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the “Salad Bowl of the World,” Monterey County Farm Bureau Executive Director Norm Groot argued that revamping the AEWR calculation model, resulting in a lower hourly wage for H-2A workers, would help farmers significantly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have temporary workers who are being paid more and domestic workers who technically could be paid less, but they have to be paid the same anyway, and so it has this wage inflation proponent in it,” Groot said. “What we’re trying to do is get that to tied not only to the inflation index, but also to the economy. If the economy goes down, then the adverse wage rate also goes down. Currently, it doesn’t get adjusted down, so you have an economy that’s slumping and you’re still paying those high wages.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the proposed H-2A guidelines also fail to take into account year-round agriculture, as takes place in the Salinas Valley, Groot added. He said that problem could be solved by simply increasing the number of green cards with an agriculture or horticultural preference, or adding an at-will provision so H-2A workers are tied to an area, and not one specific grower. That would help growers and farmworkers, Groot said, as growers don’t always have fields that need picking and H-2A workers only get paid for the days they work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If wages lower, it could put added pressure on an already struggling population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salinas tops the list of places in the U.S. with the highest concentration of farmworkers. According to the Department of Labor, 31,700 people worked as farmworkers in Salinas in 2018. In the Salinas and Pajaro valleys combined, just over 4,000 farmworkers were H-2A workers in 2017. The mean wage drawn by a farmworker in Salinas in 2018 was $28,940, statistics from the Department of Labor showed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11780790\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS8926_Drought_JoshC-4394-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Farm fields outside of Los Banos, California.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11780790\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farm fields outside of Los Banos, California. \u003ccite>(Josh Cassidy/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Salinas is also one of the most expensive places in the U.S. to live, with rent prices sitting at about double the national average.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of farmworkers are Latino, and a new report from Oakland’s Insight Center for Community Development found 52% of Latino households have trouble paying for basic expenses, such as housing, food or electricity. The number of Latino households struggling increased from 49% in 2014, the report showed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is due, in part, to Latinos often making a lower wage. The median income for Latino households in 2016 was $56,200, far lower than the statewide average of $78,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmworker advocates worry the Trump administration’s proposal to drop the wages paid to H-2A workers will adversely affect domestic farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the proposed regulation seeks to do is change the formula for how it’s calculated,” said Marichel Mejia, national field coordinator for the United Farm Workers Foundation. “One of the ways that they are adjusting this formula is basing wages based on a survey on farm labor contractors and the wages they pay. Farm labor contractors notoriously pay way less versus farmworkers who are direct hires from the company.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pay for domestic farmworkers is tied legally to H-2A pay; the hourly wage H-2A workers receive must be higher than the wages domestic workers receive. Some growers compensate domestic workers at the same rate as H-2A workers, or pay domestic workers a piece rate on top of a lower hourly wage that can help them earn higher wages overall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\", citation=\"Marichel Mejia, national field coordinator for the United Farm Workers Foundation\"]'Farmworkers are hardworking people who do some of the most difficult jobs in this country and they bring food to all of our tables. It’s hard, difficult work that’s dignified, so they should not have their wages going down.'[/pullquote]Advocates such as the United Farm Workers Foundation worry that when noncitizen workers are paid less under the Trump administration proposal, all farmworkers will likely see their earnings decrease. Growers may hire farm labor contractors, as opposed to hiring workers, directly in order to reduce their paperwork, cut down on worker recruitment efforts, reduce legal liability, avoid unionization or labor management disputes and cut their own costs, a 2010 report out of the California Institute for Rural Studies shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the same report shows abuses have been reported against farm labor contractors since the earliest days of the system in 1928. Those abuses continue to this day as wage and labor violations as well as retaliatory actions, like firing workers for complaining about being sprayed with pesticides. The administration’s proposal also would require employers to pay less for transportation of the H-2A farmworkers from their native country to their place of work as well as decrease annual housing inspections of H-2A housing, carried out by federal inspectors, to once every two years. Employers would also have the option to self-certify that housing meets H-2A standards instead of undergoing a government inspection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This in particular rang alarm bells at the UFW, Mejia said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Farmworkers are hardworking people who do some of the most difficult jobs in this country and they bring food to all of our tables,” said Mejia. “It’s hard, difficult work that’s dignified, so they should not have their wages going down. There are farmworkers that have been working in this country for decades and their job security should not be threatened by being potentially displaced by H-2A guest workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The H-2A worker program is notorious to have a lot of abuse of these guest workers coming in because they don’t have a lot of labor rights. The idea of removing some of their housing safeguards, we are against that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decision on the proposal is expected within the next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Kate Cimini is a multimedia journalist for The Californian. This article is part of the California Divide project, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequality and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Trump administration's proposal to change the H-2A visa will lower temporary farmworker's wages, decrease their housing security rights and could potentially affect domestic farmworkers as well. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Temporary seasonal farmworkers will see wages decrease if a visa rule change proposed by the Trump administration goes through, and labor advocates worry that it also could lead to pay cuts for other domestic farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agriculture industry experts say the decreased costs will provide some much-needed relief for growers. The H-2A program allows agricultural employers to temporarily employ guest workers from other countries if there is a shortage of workers willing to take the jobs they offer. Some H-2A workers said they would still participate in the program even if they saw their wages go down, as they would make far more in six months as H-2A workers than they would doing the same work at home in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Orlando, who declined to give his last name for fear of losing his job, came to the Salinas Valley on an H-2A visa to pick strawberries. Picking strawberries is particularly difficult as it requires the picker to spend the day bent at the waist, gently twisting ripe strawberries off each bush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking in Spanish, Orlando said he sent the majority of his money home to his family in Michoacán, so his children could afford clothes and books for school. He supported his entire family, he said, and even if the wages in the U.S. dropped, he would still reapply for a job as an H-2A worker. The money was too good to pass up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His roommate, César, who would only his first name for the same reason, agreed with Orlando. “It’s the reason why we come,” he added in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Announced in July, the Trump administration’s proposed changes to the H-2A visa came shortly after the Adverse Effect Wage Rate (AEWR) increased across the U.S. The changes would alter how the AEWR, which is the minimum hourly wage needed to attract noncitizen, seasonal workers, is calculated, lowering the hourly wage to benefit growers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Labor calculates the AEWR annually, and each state has a different one that employers must meet. Growers who employ H-2A workers have the option to pay workers whichever is higher: the AEWR, the agreed-upon amount set in a collective bargaining agreement, or the state or federal minimum wage. In some states, that list also includes the prevailing wage, based upon surveys of employees in similar positions within the same field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11780833\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/GettyImages-164224998-800x551.jpg\" alt=\"Migrant workers harvest strawberries at a farm March 13, 2013 near Oxnard, California. \" width=\"800\" height=\"551\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11780833\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrant workers harvest strawberries at a farm March 13, 2013 near Oxnard, California. \u003ccite>(Joe Klamar/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>From 2018 to 2019, California saw an increase of 6% in its AEWR, according to the Farm Bureau, driving the hourly wage from $13.18 to $13.92. Other states, such as Colorado, saw their AEWR increase by as much as 23%. Farmer advocates say growers and employers cannot sustain the pace of pay growth, which rarely drops. Between 2009 and 2014, the AEWR increased from $10.16 to just over $11, data from the Department of Labor shows. Today, it stands at just under $14 in California. Other states, including Washington, pay just over $15 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This will continue to erode domestic farmers’ profitability while continuing to press upward domestic workers’ wages unsustainably,” said President and CEO of the National Council of Agricultural Employers, Michael Marsh. “You’ll see farmers expanding fruit and vegetable production in Canada and Mexico, where the wage rates are significantly lower than they have to pay in the U.S. About half the fresh fruit in the U.S. is produced in a foreign country, and about a third of the vegetables.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And others say the wage rate is not just unsustainable, but unfairly calculated in the first place, and badly in need of a fix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe the AEWR is skewed, because that is based on regions of the United States,” said Sara Neagu-Reed, associate director of Federal Policy for the California Farm Bureau. “So you’re comparing a combine driver in Idaho to a blueberry picker in Salinas Valley. That’s why we think it’s flawed, and it’s better to go with the proposed rule, so you’re looking at calculations by job categories, and individuals who are all in the table grape or berry-picking category.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the “Salad Bowl of the World,” Monterey County Farm Bureau Executive Director Norm Groot argued that revamping the AEWR calculation model, resulting in a lower hourly wage for H-2A workers, would help farmers significantly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have temporary workers who are being paid more and domestic workers who technically could be paid less, but they have to be paid the same anyway, and so it has this wage inflation proponent in it,” Groot said. “What we’re trying to do is get that to tied not only to the inflation index, but also to the economy. If the economy goes down, then the adverse wage rate also goes down. Currently, it doesn’t get adjusted down, so you have an economy that’s slumping and you’re still paying those high wages.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the proposed H-2A guidelines also fail to take into account year-round agriculture, as takes place in the Salinas Valley, Groot added. He said that problem could be solved by simply increasing the number of green cards with an agriculture or horticultural preference, or adding an at-will provision so H-2A workers are tied to an area, and not one specific grower. That would help growers and farmworkers, Groot said, as growers don’t always have fields that need picking and H-2A workers only get paid for the days they work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If wages lower, it could put added pressure on an already struggling population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salinas tops the list of places in the U.S. with the highest concentration of farmworkers. According to the Department of Labor, 31,700 people worked as farmworkers in Salinas in 2018. In the Salinas and Pajaro valleys combined, just over 4,000 farmworkers were H-2A workers in 2017. The mean wage drawn by a farmworker in Salinas in 2018 was $28,940, statistics from the Department of Labor showed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11780790\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS8926_Drought_JoshC-4394-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Farm fields outside of Los Banos, California.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11780790\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farm fields outside of Los Banos, California. \u003ccite>(Josh Cassidy/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Salinas is also one of the most expensive places in the U.S. to live, with rent prices sitting at about double the national average.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of farmworkers are Latino, and a new report from Oakland’s Insight Center for Community Development found 52% of Latino households have trouble paying for basic expenses, such as housing, food or electricity. The number of Latino households struggling increased from 49% in 2014, the report showed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is due, in part, to Latinos often making a lower wage. The median income for Latino households in 2016 was $56,200, far lower than the statewide average of $78,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmworker advocates worry the Trump administration’s proposal to drop the wages paid to H-2A workers will adversely affect domestic farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the proposed regulation seeks to do is change the formula for how it’s calculated,” said Marichel Mejia, national field coordinator for the United Farm Workers Foundation. “One of the ways that they are adjusting this formula is basing wages based on a survey on farm labor contractors and the wages they pay. Farm labor contractors notoriously pay way less versus farmworkers who are direct hires from the company.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pay for domestic farmworkers is tied legally to H-2A pay; the hourly wage H-2A workers receive must be higher than the wages domestic workers receive. Some growers compensate domestic workers at the same rate as H-2A workers, or pay domestic workers a piece rate on top of a lower hourly wage that can help them earn higher wages overall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Advocates such as the United Farm Workers Foundation worry that when noncitizen workers are paid less under the Trump administration proposal, all farmworkers will likely see their earnings decrease. Growers may hire farm labor contractors, as opposed to hiring workers, directly in order to reduce their paperwork, cut down on worker recruitment efforts, reduce legal liability, avoid unionization or labor management disputes and cut their own costs, a 2010 report out of the California Institute for Rural Studies shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the same report shows abuses have been reported against farm labor contractors since the earliest days of the system in 1928. Those abuses continue to this day as wage and labor violations as well as retaliatory actions, like firing workers for complaining about being sprayed with pesticides. The administration’s proposal also would require employers to pay less for transportation of the H-2A farmworkers from their native country to their place of work as well as decrease annual housing inspections of H-2A housing, carried out by federal inspectors, to once every two years. Employers would also have the option to self-certify that housing meets H-2A standards instead of undergoing a government inspection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This in particular rang alarm bells at the UFW, Mejia said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Farmworkers are hardworking people who do some of the most difficult jobs in this country and they bring food to all of our tables,” said Mejia. “It’s hard, difficult work that’s dignified, so they should not have their wages going down. There are farmworkers that have been working in this country for decades and their job security should not be threatened by being potentially displaced by H-2A guest workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The H-2A worker program is notorious to have a lot of abuse of these guest workers coming in because they don’t have a lot of labor rights. The idea of removing some of their housing safeguards, we are against that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decision on the proposal is expected within the next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Kate Cimini is a multimedia journalist for The Californian. This article is part of the California Divide project, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequality and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Sunday night was the final deadline for Gov. Gavin Newsom’s to sign or veto bills from the current legislative session — and he kept some legislators waiting until the last moments to find out if their bills were going to live or die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the last day before the deadline, Newsom announced he had signed 870 bills into law. But Sunday’s flurry of action included more vetoes than signings, mostly for things Newsom said the state could not afford to implement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That included blocking a bill that would have required all schools to provide at least six weeks of pregnancy leave at full pay for staff. He also vetoed a bill requiring all elementary schools to have at least one full-day kindergarten program by 2022. Newsom did, though, sign into law a bill banning public high schools from starting class before 8:30 a.m. and middle schools from starting before 8 a.m. The governor’s office has \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/10/13/governor-newsom-takes-final-action-of-2019-legislative-season/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a full list of all the bills signed and vetoed on the last day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last week, Newsom signed landmark legislation that ran the gamut from a ban on selling fur to a mandate that state university health centers stock abortion medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a roundup of some of the standout bills signed in the lead up to the legislative deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Health and Aging\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 24:\u003c/strong> This bill, which is the first of it kind in the U.S., requires student health centers at all 34 UC and CSU campuses to provide medication abortions. The California Commission on the Status of Women and Girls will administer a Reproductive Health Fund to pay for the upfront costs of providing this option across campuses. But eventually universities may need to dip into tax dollars or student fees for ongoing costs — a funding avenue abortion opponents are against.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 824:\u003c/strong> By Assemblyman Jim Wood, D-Santa Rosa, and sponsored by Attorney General Xavier Becerra, this is another first-in-the-nation bill. It addresses pay-for-delay agreements, which saddle prescription drug users with debt. The new law tamps down on the practice of pharmaceutical drug companies paying their generic counterparts to delay the release of cheaper versions of drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 464:\u003c/strong> The California Dignity in Pregnancy and Childbirth Act requires implicit bias training for all perinatal health care providers and better tracking of maternal deaths by the coroner’s office. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11760903/a-black-mother-told-not-to-scream-in-labor-asks-can-california-fix-racism-in-maternity-care\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Mortality rates among black infants\u003c/a> in California are triple those of white infants, and black women are substantially more likely to suffer life-threatening complications during pregnancy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 159:\u003c/strong> This bill by Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, provides the HIV-prevention drugs, pre- and post-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP and PEP), \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/10/08/768313666/california-to-make-hiv-prevention-drugs-available-without-a-prescription\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">without a prescription\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Education\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 265:\u003c/strong> This amends a previous bill, the Child Hunger Prevention and Fair Treatment Act of 2017, to ensure students who receive free or reduced school lunches are offered the same meal as their peers. Previously, low-income students received an alternative lunch, which student advocates said singled them out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No more lunch shaming in CA,” \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1183468717939683328\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Newsom\u003c/a> tweeted on Sunday. In August, Newsom met with Ryan Kyote, a 9-year-old from Napa, who used his lunch card to cover meals for other students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/CAgovernor/status/1159841764833988611\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 493:\u003c/strong> This directs the California Department of Education to train teachers on how to best support LGBTQ students in middle and high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 982:\u003c/strong> The goal of this bill is to help students during periods of suspension stay on track with their schoolwork. The law mandates that schools provide homework assignments upon request to students suspended for two or more school days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 328:\u003c/strong> California becomes the first state in the country to mandate later start times for public schools, with the hope of improving educational success with more sleep. The law will take effect over a phased-in period, ultimately requiring middle schools to start at or after 8 a.m. and high schools to start no earlier than 8:30 a.m. The law does not apply to optional early classes or to schools in some rural areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/10/12/governor-newsom-signs-legislation-to-create-more-inclusive-schools-and-expand-k-12-student-protections/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a list of most of the education bills\u003c/a> signed by the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Housing\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 1482: \u003c/strong>Considered the biggest victory for California renter protections in decades, this bill creates a statewide limit on rent increases of 5% plus inflation. It also requires that landlords provide a “just cause” when evicting tenants who have been renting for a year or more. The limits on rent hikes don’t go nearly as far as local rent control laws in places like San Francisco and Oakland, but it would cover millions of Californians whose units didn’t already have such protections. The bill will sunset after 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 330\u003c/strong>: From Sen. Nancy Skinner, D-Berkeley, this law aims to cut down on red tape and to speed up construction projects by making it harder for local governments to kill affordable housing developments and homeless shelters. The provision sunsets after five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 1738:\u003c/strong> On Sunday, Newsom also signed a streamlined process for creating more agricultural farmworker housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Environment\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 54:\u003c/strong> By Assemblyman Phil Ting, D-San Francisco, AB 54 brings temporary relief in the wake of the mass closures of recycling centers that came with the folding of RePlanet, the state’s largest recycling business. The bill provides $10 million for recycling centers and gives grocers a reprieve from paying some recycling fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 342:\u003c/strong> AB 342 rejects the Trump administration’s plans to use protected public lands for oil and gas production. It bars any state entity from entering into an agreement to authorize pipelines or other oil- or gas-related infrastructure built on state-owned land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 1057:\u003c/strong> This renames the Division of Oil, Gas, and Geothermal Resources with the intent to also change the mission of the newly christened Geologic Energy Management Division. New leadership at the Department of Conservation, which oversees this division, and a new division supervisor underscore efforts to reroute the agency. The bill establishes protecting public health, safety and environmental quality as the agency’s new top priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/10/12/governor-gavin-newsom-signs-six-bills-to-move-california-away-from-fossil-fuels/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the full list of bills\u003c/a> aimed at limiting and regulating fossil fuels, including requiring a process for cleaning up non-floating oil and conducting testing on abandoned wells.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Animal Welfare\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 44:\u003c/strong> Anti-fur advocates have long sought to end the use of animals for their fur, and California is the first state in the nation to ban the creation of new fur products. Republican critics said the law was disrespectful to Native Americans, but there are exceptions in the bill for fur used by Native American tribes for traditional purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 313:\u003c/strong> This bill would ban the use of wild animals in circus acts, including bears, elephants, tigers and monkeys. California is only the third state, after New Jersey and Hawaii to enact a ban like this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 128\u003c/strong> protects California’s wild and domestic horses from slaughter and \u003cstrong>AB 1254\u003c/strong> bans bobcat hunting, trapping or killing until 2025. Notably, \u003cstrong>SB 395\u003c/strong>, signed Sunday night, would allow drivers to eat animals that they accidentally hit and kill with their car.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Other Bills Worth Noting\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In criminal justice reform, \u003cstrong>AB 1076\u003c/strong> will make it easier for people to clear their records of old criminal offenses, \u003cstrong>AB 484\u003c/strong> give judges more leeway when sentencing offenders for certain drug crimes and \u003cstrong>SB 22\u003c/strong> requires new rape kits be submitted for testing within 20 days and actually be tested within 120 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 32\u003c/strong> bans any new contracts or contract renewals with private prisons. By 2028, the bill will also require California to stop holding inmates in for-profit prison facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With an election year just a few months away, \u003cstrong>SB 72\u003c/strong> mandates same-day voter registration starting in 2020, though voters who wait until Election Day to register won’t be counted until their registration is cleared by county officials\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, Newsom signed a number of \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/10/10/governor-newsom-signs-worker-protection-bills-addressing-sexual-harassment-wages-and-health-protections/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sexual harassment protection-oriented bills\u003c/a> spurred by the #MeToo movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>reporting from the Associated Press was used in this post.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Sunday was the last day for Gov. Gavin Newsom’s to sign or veto bills for the year. Here are some of the major new laws.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Sunday night was the final deadline for Gov. Gavin Newsom’s to sign or veto bills from the current legislative session — and he kept some legislators waiting until the last moments to find out if their bills were going to live or die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the last day before the deadline, Newsom announced he had signed 870 bills into law. But Sunday’s flurry of action included more vetoes than signings, mostly for things Newsom said the state could not afford to implement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That included blocking a bill that would have required all schools to provide at least six weeks of pregnancy leave at full pay for staff. He also vetoed a bill requiring all elementary schools to have at least one full-day kindergarten program by 2022. Newsom did, though, sign into law a bill banning public high schools from starting class before 8:30 a.m. and middle schools from starting before 8 a.m. The governor’s office has \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/10/13/governor-newsom-takes-final-action-of-2019-legislative-season/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a full list of all the bills signed and vetoed on the last day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last week, Newsom signed landmark legislation that ran the gamut from a ban on selling fur to a mandate that state university health centers stock abortion medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a roundup of some of the standout bills signed in the lead up to the legislative deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Health and Aging\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 24:\u003c/strong> This bill, which is the first of it kind in the U.S., requires student health centers at all 34 UC and CSU campuses to provide medication abortions. The California Commission on the Status of Women and Girls will administer a Reproductive Health Fund to pay for the upfront costs of providing this option across campuses. But eventually universities may need to dip into tax dollars or student fees for ongoing costs — a funding avenue abortion opponents are against.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 824:\u003c/strong> By Assemblyman Jim Wood, D-Santa Rosa, and sponsored by Attorney General Xavier Becerra, this is another first-in-the-nation bill. It addresses pay-for-delay agreements, which saddle prescription drug users with debt. The new law tamps down on the practice of pharmaceutical drug companies paying their generic counterparts to delay the release of cheaper versions of drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 464:\u003c/strong> The California Dignity in Pregnancy and Childbirth Act requires implicit bias training for all perinatal health care providers and better tracking of maternal deaths by the coroner’s office. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11760903/a-black-mother-told-not-to-scream-in-labor-asks-can-california-fix-racism-in-maternity-care\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Mortality rates among black infants\u003c/a> in California are triple those of white infants, and black women are substantially more likely to suffer life-threatening complications during pregnancy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 159:\u003c/strong> This bill by Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, provides the HIV-prevention drugs, pre- and post-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP and PEP), \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/10/08/768313666/california-to-make-hiv-prevention-drugs-available-without-a-prescription\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">without a prescription\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Education\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 265:\u003c/strong> This amends a previous bill, the Child Hunger Prevention and Fair Treatment Act of 2017, to ensure students who receive free or reduced school lunches are offered the same meal as their peers. Previously, low-income students received an alternative lunch, which student advocates said singled them out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No more lunch shaming in CA,” \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1183468717939683328\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Newsom\u003c/a> tweeted on Sunday. In August, Newsom met with Ryan Kyote, a 9-year-old from Napa, who used his lunch card to cover meals for other students.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 493:\u003c/strong> This directs the California Department of Education to train teachers on how to best support LGBTQ students in middle and high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 982:\u003c/strong> The goal of this bill is to help students during periods of suspension stay on track with their schoolwork. The law mandates that schools provide homework assignments upon request to students suspended for two or more school days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 328:\u003c/strong> California becomes the first state in the country to mandate later start times for public schools, with the hope of improving educational success with more sleep. The law will take effect over a phased-in period, ultimately requiring middle schools to start at or after 8 a.m. and high schools to start no earlier than 8:30 a.m. The law does not apply to optional early classes or to schools in some rural areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/10/12/governor-newsom-signs-legislation-to-create-more-inclusive-schools-and-expand-k-12-student-protections/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a list of most of the education bills\u003c/a> signed by the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Housing\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 1482: \u003c/strong>Considered the biggest victory for California renter protections in decades, this bill creates a statewide limit on rent increases of 5% plus inflation. It also requires that landlords provide a “just cause” when evicting tenants who have been renting for a year or more. The limits on rent hikes don’t go nearly as far as local rent control laws in places like San Francisco and Oakland, but it would cover millions of Californians whose units didn’t already have such protections. The bill will sunset after 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 330\u003c/strong>: From Sen. Nancy Skinner, D-Berkeley, this law aims to cut down on red tape and to speed up construction projects by making it harder for local governments to kill affordable housing developments and homeless shelters. The provision sunsets after five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 1738:\u003c/strong> On Sunday, Newsom also signed a streamlined process for creating more agricultural farmworker housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Environment\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 54:\u003c/strong> By Assemblyman Phil Ting, D-San Francisco, AB 54 brings temporary relief in the wake of the mass closures of recycling centers that came with the folding of RePlanet, the state’s largest recycling business. The bill provides $10 million for recycling centers and gives grocers a reprieve from paying some recycling fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 342:\u003c/strong> AB 342 rejects the Trump administration’s plans to use protected public lands for oil and gas production. It bars any state entity from entering into an agreement to authorize pipelines or other oil- or gas-related infrastructure built on state-owned land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 1057:\u003c/strong> This renames the Division of Oil, Gas, and Geothermal Resources with the intent to also change the mission of the newly christened Geologic Energy Management Division. New leadership at the Department of Conservation, which oversees this division, and a new division supervisor underscore efforts to reroute the agency. The bill establishes protecting public health, safety and environmental quality as the agency’s new top priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/10/12/governor-gavin-newsom-signs-six-bills-to-move-california-away-from-fossil-fuels/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the full list of bills\u003c/a> aimed at limiting and regulating fossil fuels, including requiring a process for cleaning up non-floating oil and conducting testing on abandoned wells.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Animal Welfare\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 44:\u003c/strong> Anti-fur advocates have long sought to end the use of animals for their fur, and California is the first state in the nation to ban the creation of new fur products. Republican critics said the law was disrespectful to Native Americans, but there are exceptions in the bill for fur used by Native American tribes for traditional purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 313:\u003c/strong> This bill would ban the use of wild animals in circus acts, including bears, elephants, tigers and monkeys. California is only the third state, after New Jersey and Hawaii to enact a ban like this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 128\u003c/strong> protects California’s wild and domestic horses from slaughter and \u003cstrong>AB 1254\u003c/strong> bans bobcat hunting, trapping or killing until 2025. Notably, \u003cstrong>SB 395\u003c/strong>, signed Sunday night, would allow drivers to eat animals that they accidentally hit and kill with their car.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Other Bills Worth Noting\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In criminal justice reform, \u003cstrong>AB 1076\u003c/strong> will make it easier for people to clear their records of old criminal offenses, \u003cstrong>AB 484\u003c/strong> give judges more leeway when sentencing offenders for certain drug crimes and \u003cstrong>SB 22\u003c/strong> requires new rape kits be submitted for testing within 20 days and actually be tested within 120 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 32\u003c/strong> bans any new contracts or contract renewals with private prisons. By 2028, the bill will also require California to stop holding inmates in for-profit prison facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With an election year just a few months away, \u003cstrong>SB 72\u003c/strong> mandates same-day voter registration starting in 2020, though voters who wait until Election Day to register won’t be counted until their registration is cleared by county officials\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, Newsom signed a number of \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/10/10/governor-newsom-signs-worker-protection-bills-addressing-sexual-harassment-wages-and-health-protections/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sexual harassment protection-oriented bills\u003c/a> spurred by the #MeToo movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>reporting from the Associated Press was used in this post.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniels also said that nearly two dozen jurisdictions have brought suit against this rule, and would “wreak havoc on the immigration system if limited injunctions were issued.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, legal experts and immigrant advocates say the rulings mean good news for immigrants who worried about the rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What it means here, locally, is that there’s protection coming out of the court order from New York and from our case. Our case protects everyone in California, so there’s kind of a double-layer of protection at this time,” said James Williams, counsel for Santa Clara County, which filed one of the lawsuits against the rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has argued that the public charge rule aligned with federal policy, which requires immigrants to be self-sufficient in order to obtain citizenship. The rule was scheduled to go into effect on Oct. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>On a recent fall day at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sjcoe.org/\">San Joaquin County Office of Education\u003c/a>, groups of children built delicate towers out of playing cards balanced on small tabletop earthquake simulators. Their teacher came around and one by one turned on the simulators as the students waited breathlessly to see which tower would stand the tallest after the shaking stopped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The class is part of the federally funded \u003ca href=\"https://oese.ed.gov/offices/office-of-migrant-education/migrant-education-program/\">Migrant Education Program\u003c/a>, and the roughly 30 students in attendance were all children of farmworkers. The program offers extra instruction — after school, on weekends and during breaks — to kids who might otherwise fall behind academically as their families move around with the harvest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We learn a lot about science and it helps us get ready for [the] school year,” said fifth grader Alexys Chaves, who added that his favorite part was building robots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But over the past decade, the program has seen a significant drop in enrollment across the state and nationally. Those numbers are reflected in the area centered around Stockton, where the program is run by Manuel Nuñez, a regional director of migrant education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I first started with this region back in ‘01, we had about 21,000,” Nuñez said. “Currently we’re at about 2,200. So that’s a huge drop off.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"MORE EDUCATION COVERAGE\" tag=\"education\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, which is home to one in three of the country’s migrant students, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/sp/me/mt/programs.asp\">runs the largest program in the nation\u003c/a>, where 90% of the students are Latino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reasons for the decline in enrollment are complex, said Nuñez. It’s getting tougher to qualify for the program and there are fewer migrant workers as people take jobs in different fields. Then there’s the political atmosphere: Nuñez said that under the Trump administration, many migrant families are reluctant to sign up, even if their children could benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nuñez said they don’t ask about immigration status, but he and others say that fear persists in the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many times when we have staff go out and they’re talking to families and interviewing them to qualify for the program, they’re hesitant to give us information,” Nuñez said. “Especially because they know we’re a federal program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of what we’re trying to do is empower those parents to support their students in their education,” Nuñez added. “So when we don’t have those parents coming in, they’re losing out on that part. So it’s impacting their students, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Veronica Aguilar, director of the English Learner Support Division at the California Department of Education, said migrant education programs across the state are seeing a similar decline in enrollment. She is concerned the program’s budget could take a hit next year, which could hurt the 82,000 students enrolled statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do anticipate next year seeing some fluctuation only because there are rules that are changing in terms of how the allocation to the states are given,” Aguilar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nuñez said he knows first hand how hard migrant labor can be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did it from when I was 7 years old until 18,” he said. “When the other kids were happy about summer, my brothers and I were like, ‘Oh, summer.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Nuñez and his brothers spent the hot summer months working in the fields to help their family, they all participated in the migrant education program during the school year. He credits the program with helping him see college as an option and to imagine a different future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the same message Nuñez is trying to spread today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re trying to show the kids, too, that there’s something out there for them besides what life they know,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, the message is getting through to seventh grader Jennifer Sandoval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We get to do a lot of fun things,” she said. “I think we’re going to start building robots. And last year I came and it was a lot of fun because you get to do competitions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandoval wants to be a doctor when she grows up. It’s kids like her that keep Nuñez motivated, although he acknowledges the program might look different in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of what we’re trying to do is empower those parents to support their students in their education,” Nuñez added. “So when we don’t have those parents coming in, they’re losing out on that part. So it’s impacting their students, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Veronica Aguilar, director of the English Learner Support Division at the California Department of Education, said migrant education programs across the state are seeing a similar decline in enrollment. She is concerned the program’s budget could take a hit next year, which could hurt the 82,000 students enrolled statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do anticipate next year seeing some fluctuation only because there are rules that are changing in terms of how the allocation to the states are given,” Aguilar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nuñez said he knows first hand how hard migrant labor can be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did it from when I was 7 years old until 18,” he said. “When the other kids were happy about summer, my brothers and I were like, ‘Oh, summer.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Nuñez and his brothers spent the hot summer months working in the fields to help their family, they all participated in the migrant education program during the school year. He credits the program with helping him see college as an option and to imagine a different future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the same message Nuñez is trying to spread today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re trying to show the kids, too, that there’s something out there for them besides what life they know,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, the message is getting through to seventh grader Jennifer Sandoval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We get to do a lot of fun things,” she said. “I think we’re going to start building robots. And last year I came and it was a lot of fun because you get to do competitions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandoval wants to be a doctor when she grows up. It’s kids like her that keep Nuñez motivated, although he acknowledges the program might look different in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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