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"content": "\u003cp>“This girl told me I was going to hell because I’m Muslim,” said high school senior Sara Shohoud about her first incident of Islamophobia. She was in first grade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t know how to counter it. I was so young,” the 18-year old said. “And now, I just keep quiet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Sara Shohoud, high school senior']‘This girl told me I was going to hell because I’m Muslim.’[/pullquote]The Sunnyvale resident said she regrets staying silent and burying her frustration more recently, as classmates made offensive jokes about Muslims or equated them with being “terrorists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in those situations, and I kind of wish I could relive them because I didn’t handle it the best,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shohoud decided to enroll in a program to help Muslim youths handle harassment, inform peers about their faith and, in the process, create a more positive school environment. Since the Youth Speakers Training program launched three years ago, the nonprofit Islamic Networks Group now offers it in California and seven other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11778530\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11778530\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Muslim_Teenagers_ING-Youth-Speakers-Program_ING-training_Islamic-Network-Group_American-Teen-Muslims_Islamophobia_anti-bullying_sara-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Sara Shohoud, 17, presents a sketch about Muslim identity and culture during the ING Youth Speakers program in San Jose.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Muslim_Teenagers_ING-Youth-Speakers-Program_ING-training_Islamic-Network-Group_American-Teen-Muslims_Islamophobia_anti-bullying_sara-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Muslim_Teenagers_ING-Youth-Speakers-Program_ING-training_Islamic-Network-Group_American-Teen-Muslims_Islamophobia_anti-bullying_sara-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Muslim_Teenagers_ING-Youth-Speakers-Program_ING-training_Islamic-Network-Group_American-Teen-Muslims_Islamophobia_anti-bullying_sara-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Muslim_Teenagers_ING-Youth-Speakers-Program_ING-training_Islamic-Network-Group_American-Teen-Muslims_Islamophobia_anti-bullying_sara-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Muslim_Teenagers_ING-Youth-Speakers-Program_ING-training_Islamic-Network-Group_American-Teen-Muslims_Islamophobia_anti-bullying_sara-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sara Shohoud, 18, presents a sketch about Muslim identity and culture during the Islamic Networks Group Youth Speakers training in San Jose on Sept. 13, 2019. \u003ccite>(Sruti Mamidanna/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As anti-Muslim sentiment has grown in the U.S., data show Muslim kids experience bullying and harassment at a higher rate than other students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) \u003ca href=\"https://ca.cair.com/sfba/publications/2017-bullying-report/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reports\u003c/a> 53% of Muslim school-aged children in California said they have been “made fun of, verbally insulted or abused.” Nationally, 42% of Muslim children reported being bullied, \u003ca href=\"http://www.ispu.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/American-Muslim-Poll-2017-Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to\u003c/a> the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding. By comparison, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/healthyyouth/data/yrbs/pdf/2017/ss6708.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> found\u003c/a> 19% of all high school students say they have been bullied at school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a recent training session at the Evergreen Islamic Center in San Jose, Shohoud and about two dozen teens sat in folding chairs, sometimes fidgeting with plastic water bottles, as they opened up about bearing the brunt of “9/11 jokes” or being insulted for their religion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the kids who were becoming freshmen (this year) at this school were throwing the terms Muslim and terrorist,” Zayn Zaafran, 12, told the group, adding that he didn’t want to disclose he was Muslim. “I just backed off.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Saman Ali, a senior at Monte Vista High School']‘I wanted to show kids that Muslims are just like anybody else.’[/pullquote]Schools are reflecting a larger dynamic in America, where incidents of bias and violence against Muslims have increased in recent years, said Dr. Nadia Ansary, an associate professor at Rider University in New Jersey who studies discrimination and bullying of Muslim youth. She points to President Donald Trump’s rhetoric and policies such as the travel ban as contributing to the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Incidents of bias and violence against Muslims in the U.S. spiked in 2017, with 2,599 reports of violence, harassment and discrimination, according to\u003ca href=\"http://www.islamophobia.org/images/2019/Bias_Brief/BB_2_-_FINAL.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> a study\u003c/a> by CAIR, which has been tracking the trend since 2014. About one-third of the incidents reported, including employment discrimination and denial of service, were in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What happens in schools is a mirror image of what’s happening in society because schools are a part of our community,” said Ansary, adding that bullying puts children at greater risk for anxiety and depression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the Islamic Networks Group training in San Jose, students reviewed their rights at school and brainstormed how to respond to potentially thorny scenarios, such as what a Muslim student should do when jokingly asked, “Hey are you planning to bomb the school?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some students suggested doing nothing or telling an adult at the school. But Shohoud offered a different strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A really interesting response would be to ask, ‘What makes you say that?’ So they kind of have to admit that they are being Islamophobic, and nobody really wants to do that,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ishaq Pathan, the group’s Bay Area director who leads the training, and the other students nodded in agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, turn it back,” said Pathan, 24. “That’s a great response, because it puts the ball in their court and they have to come to terms with whatever they are saying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11778606\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11778606 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39173__M6A0802-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1299\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39173__M6A0802-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39173__M6A0802-qut-1-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39173__M6A0802-qut-1-800x541.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39173__M6A0802-qut-1-1020x690.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39173__M6A0802-qut-1-1200x812.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ryan Aridin and Wajdi Barghouti participate at an ING training in San Jose on Sept. 13, 2019. \u003ccite>(Sruti Mamidanna/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In general, school districts have a \u003ca href=\"https://www.educationdive.com/news/how-are-school-districts-legally-responsible-for-bullying/538619/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">legal obligation\u003c/a> to address bullying and protect students. California and other states have taken measures to curb the intensive and often repetitive form of harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, the California Department of Education developed anti-bullying \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ls/ss/se/documents/bullymodule1.docx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">guidelines\u003c/a> that schools must make available to teachers and other staff members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those steps are not enough to fully tackle the magnitude of the problem, said Ansary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody has a right to be educated in an environment where they’re not abused. Everybody has a right to practice their faith traditions,” she said. “The data suggest that that’s not where we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Dr. Nadia Ansary, an associate professor at Rider University in New Jersey']‘What happens in schools is a mirror image of what’s happening in society because schools are a part of our community.’[/pullquote]If students intervene to confront bullies, start a conversation to counter negative stereotypes, or nip hurtful language or jokes in the bud, that helps create a better environment for everyone at school, Pathan told the students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of this works if we just turn around and make fun of other people,” said Pathan. “It’s only going to work if we all reduce this thing together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the training, students also practice presenting fact-checked \u003ca href=\"https://ing.org/youth-presentations/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">materials\u003c/a> to their community about the history of Muslims in America and their faith. Those include a list of more than 110 frequently asked questions and answers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using all those those components to stem discrimination and empower students is what makes the program unique, said Ansary and Muslim leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Saman Ali, 17, finished the ING training two years ago, she gave presentations to hundreds of students at her high school about the basics of her religion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to show kids that Muslims are just like anybody else,” said Ali, a senior at Monte Vista High School in Danville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she realized most of her peers didn’t know much about Islam. Classmates asked her if she fasted during Ramadan, why she doesn’t wear a hijab and if she prays five times a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They definitely wanted to know what do you do as a Muslim kid,” she said. “I can understand why they were confused. So I was there to clarify.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monte Vista High teacher Jill Seidenverg has repeatedly invited Ali to share her presentation in her AP world history class. Students are often more receptive to learning from a peer, said Seidenverg, and she’s seen a positive impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='bullying' label='Related Coverage']“The more you know, the less afraid you are. And the less afraid you are, the less hateful or hurtful you can be as a human,” said Seidenverg, who has taught for 29 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The experience also helps the youth speakers gain confidence, as they trade their feelings of being powerless or victimized to ones of realizing they can be agents of change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ali said she used to want to transfer to another, more diverse high school. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>“This girl told me I was going to hell because I’m Muslim,” said high school senior Sara Shohoud about her first incident of Islamophobia. She was in first grade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t know how to counter it. I was so young,” the 18-year old said. “And now, I just keep quiet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Sunnyvale resident said she regrets staying silent and burying her frustration more recently, as classmates made offensive jokes about Muslims or equated them with being “terrorists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in those situations, and I kind of wish I could relive them because I didn’t handle it the best,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shohoud decided to enroll in a program to help Muslim youths handle harassment, inform peers about their faith and, in the process, create a more positive school environment. Since the Youth Speakers Training program launched three years ago, the nonprofit Islamic Networks Group now offers it in California and seven other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11778530\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11778530\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Muslim_Teenagers_ING-Youth-Speakers-Program_ING-training_Islamic-Network-Group_American-Teen-Muslims_Islamophobia_anti-bullying_sara-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Sara Shohoud, 17, presents a sketch about Muslim identity and culture during the ING Youth Speakers program in San Jose.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Muslim_Teenagers_ING-Youth-Speakers-Program_ING-training_Islamic-Network-Group_American-Teen-Muslims_Islamophobia_anti-bullying_sara-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Muslim_Teenagers_ING-Youth-Speakers-Program_ING-training_Islamic-Network-Group_American-Teen-Muslims_Islamophobia_anti-bullying_sara-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Muslim_Teenagers_ING-Youth-Speakers-Program_ING-training_Islamic-Network-Group_American-Teen-Muslims_Islamophobia_anti-bullying_sara-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Muslim_Teenagers_ING-Youth-Speakers-Program_ING-training_Islamic-Network-Group_American-Teen-Muslims_Islamophobia_anti-bullying_sara-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Muslim_Teenagers_ING-Youth-Speakers-Program_ING-training_Islamic-Network-Group_American-Teen-Muslims_Islamophobia_anti-bullying_sara-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sara Shohoud, 18, presents a sketch about Muslim identity and culture during the Islamic Networks Group Youth Speakers training in San Jose on Sept. 13, 2019. \u003ccite>(Sruti Mamidanna/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As anti-Muslim sentiment has grown in the U.S., data show Muslim kids experience bullying and harassment at a higher rate than other students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) \u003ca href=\"https://ca.cair.com/sfba/publications/2017-bullying-report/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reports\u003c/a> 53% of Muslim school-aged children in California said they have been “made fun of, verbally insulted or abused.” Nationally, 42% of Muslim children reported being bullied, \u003ca href=\"http://www.ispu.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/American-Muslim-Poll-2017-Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to\u003c/a> the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding. By comparison, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/healthyyouth/data/yrbs/pdf/2017/ss6708.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> found\u003c/a> 19% of all high school students say they have been bullied at school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a recent training session at the Evergreen Islamic Center in San Jose, Shohoud and about two dozen teens sat in folding chairs, sometimes fidgeting with plastic water bottles, as they opened up about bearing the brunt of “9/11 jokes” or being insulted for their religion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the kids who were becoming freshmen (this year) at this school were throwing the terms Muslim and terrorist,” Zayn Zaafran, 12, told the group, adding that he didn’t want to disclose he was Muslim. “I just backed off.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Schools are reflecting a larger dynamic in America, where incidents of bias and violence against Muslims have increased in recent years, said Dr. Nadia Ansary, an associate professor at Rider University in New Jersey who studies discrimination and bullying of Muslim youth. She points to President Donald Trump’s rhetoric and policies such as the travel ban as contributing to the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Incidents of bias and violence against Muslims in the U.S. spiked in 2017, with 2,599 reports of violence, harassment and discrimination, according to\u003ca href=\"http://www.islamophobia.org/images/2019/Bias_Brief/BB_2_-_FINAL.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> a study\u003c/a> by CAIR, which has been tracking the trend since 2014. About one-third of the incidents reported, including employment discrimination and denial of service, were in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What happens in schools is a mirror image of what’s happening in society because schools are a part of our community,” said Ansary, adding that bullying puts children at greater risk for anxiety and depression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the Islamic Networks Group training in San Jose, students reviewed their rights at school and brainstormed how to respond to potentially thorny scenarios, such as what a Muslim student should do when jokingly asked, “Hey are you planning to bomb the school?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some students suggested doing nothing or telling an adult at the school. But Shohoud offered a different strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A really interesting response would be to ask, ‘What makes you say that?’ So they kind of have to admit that they are being Islamophobic, and nobody really wants to do that,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ishaq Pathan, the group’s Bay Area director who leads the training, and the other students nodded in agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, turn it back,” said Pathan, 24. “That’s a great response, because it puts the ball in their court and they have to come to terms with whatever they are saying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11778606\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11778606 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39173__M6A0802-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1299\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39173__M6A0802-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39173__M6A0802-qut-1-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39173__M6A0802-qut-1-800x541.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39173__M6A0802-qut-1-1020x690.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39173__M6A0802-qut-1-1200x812.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ryan Aridin and Wajdi Barghouti participate at an ING training in San Jose on Sept. 13, 2019. \u003ccite>(Sruti Mamidanna/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In general, school districts have a \u003ca href=\"https://www.educationdive.com/news/how-are-school-districts-legally-responsible-for-bullying/538619/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">legal obligation\u003c/a> to address bullying and protect students. California and other states have taken measures to curb the intensive and often repetitive form of harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, the California Department of Education developed anti-bullying \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ls/ss/se/documents/bullymodule1.docx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">guidelines\u003c/a> that schools must make available to teachers and other staff members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those steps are not enough to fully tackle the magnitude of the problem, said Ansary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody has a right to be educated in an environment where they’re not abused. Everybody has a right to practice their faith traditions,” she said. “The data suggest that that’s not where we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>If students intervene to confront bullies, start a conversation to counter negative stereotypes, or nip hurtful language or jokes in the bud, that helps create a better environment for everyone at school, Pathan told the students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of this works if we just turn around and make fun of other people,” said Pathan. “It’s only going to work if we all reduce this thing together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the training, students also practice presenting fact-checked \u003ca href=\"https://ing.org/youth-presentations/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">materials\u003c/a> to their community about the history of Muslims in America and their faith. Those include a list of more than 110 frequently asked questions and answers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using all those those components to stem discrimination and empower students is what makes the program unique, said Ansary and Muslim leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Saman Ali, 17, finished the ING training two years ago, she gave presentations to hundreds of students at her high school about the basics of her religion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to show kids that Muslims are just like anybody else,” said Ali, a senior at Monte Vista High School in Danville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she realized most of her peers didn’t know much about Islam. Classmates asked her if she fasted during Ramadan, why she doesn’t wear a hijab and if she prays five times a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They definitely wanted to know what do you do as a Muslim kid,” she said. “I can understand why they were confused. So I was there to clarify.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monte Vista High teacher Jill Seidenverg has repeatedly invited Ali to share her presentation in her AP world history class. Students are often more receptive to learning from a peer, said Seidenverg, and she’s seen a positive impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The more you know, the less afraid you are. And the less afraid you are, the less hateful or hurtful you can be as a human,” said Seidenverg, who has taught for 29 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The experience also helps the youth speakers gain confidence, as they trade their feelings of being powerless or victimized to ones of realizing they can be agents of change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ali said she used to want to transfer to another, more diverse high school. But she felt differently after taking the training and giving her presentations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt more comfortable at my school, and I also think that the kids felt more comfortable with Muslims at school because we kind of understood each other a little bit better,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through another ING initiative, Ali is now collaborating with Jewish and Sikh students who also face high rates of bullying to raise awareness and tolerance at schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Trump signed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/presidential-proclamation-suspension-entry-immigrants-will-financially-burden-united-states-healthcare-system/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">proclamation\u003c/a> late Friday barring legal immigrants who cannot prove they will have health care coverage or the means to pay for it within 30 days of their arrival to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump said uninsured individuals are a burden on the health care industry and U.S. taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigrants who enter this country should not further saddle our health care system, and subsequently American taxpayers, with higher costs,” Trump declared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beginning Nov. 3, only immigrants covered by approved health insurance or those who can show they can pay for “reasonably foreseeable medical costs” will be allowed entry into the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement affects immigrants applying for visas from overseas. It doesn’t apply to non-citizen children of U.S. citizens. Refugees and asylum-seekers are also exempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='immigration' label='More Coverage']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, it would apply to the spouses and parents of U.S. citizens and the immediate family members of lawful permanent residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proclamation is the latest effort by the Trump administration to limit the number of low-income immigrants coming to the United States. The administration also plans to make it harder for immigrants to get green cards if they use a wide range of public benefits. That new rule is set to take effect this month, although it is facing legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new proclamation is also expected to be challenged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this policy survives the inevitable court challenges and is implemented, it will create a new and arbitrary hurdle for some half a million green card applicants each year,” Doug Rand, who worked on immigration policy in the Barack Obama administration, told NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Consular officers will deny the parents of U.S. citizens based on a snap judgment about their apparent health. U.S. citizens will be separated from their husbands and wives abroad based on a failure to demonstrate health insurance coverage or a subjective level of wealth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2019 \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">NPR\u003c/a>.\u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Trump signed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/presidential-proclamation-suspension-entry-immigrants-will-financially-burden-united-states-healthcare-system/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">proclamation\u003c/a> late Friday barring legal immigrants who cannot prove they will have health care coverage or the means to pay for it within 30 days of their arrival to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump said uninsured individuals are a burden on the health care industry and U.S. taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigrants who enter this country should not further saddle our health care system, and subsequently American taxpayers, with higher costs,” Trump declared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beginning Nov. 3, only immigrants covered by approved health insurance or those who can show they can pay for “reasonably foreseeable medical costs” will be allowed entry into the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement affects immigrants applying for visas from overseas. It doesn’t apply to non-citizen children of U.S. citizens. Refugees and asylum-seekers are also exempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, it would apply to the spouses and parents of U.S. citizens and the immediate family members of lawful permanent residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proclamation is the latest effort by the Trump administration to limit the number of low-income immigrants coming to the United States. The administration also plans to make it harder for immigrants to get green cards if they use a wide range of public benefits. That new rule is set to take effect this month, although it is facing legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new proclamation is also expected to be challenged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this policy survives the inevitable court challenges and is implemented, it will create a new and arbitrary hurdle for some half a million green card applicants each year,” Doug Rand, who worked on immigration policy in the Barack Obama administration, told NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Consular officers will deny the parents of U.S. citizens based on a snap judgment about their apparent health. U.S. citizens will be separated from their husbands and wives abroad based on a failure to demonstrate health insurance coverage or a subjective level of wealth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2019 \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">NPR\u003c/a>.\u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Lawyers for San Francisco and Santa Clara counties, the state of California and other plaintiffs tried to persuade a federal judge in Oakland Wednesday to block a Trump administration rule that would deny green cards to immigrants who use public benefits such as Medi-Cal, food stamps and housing vouchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs — who also include immigrant service providers, the states of Oregon, Maine and Pennsylvania, and the District of Columbia — say the \"public charge\" rule would cause them irreparable harm, forcing local governments to spend more to protect public health and increasing the likelihood of communicable disease outbreaks because fearful immigrants stop seeking medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Phyllis Hamilton signaled that she would decide on whether to block the rule before Oct. 15, when it is set to go into effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she chided the plaintiffs for failing to make a strong case — in legal briefs or in court — that a nationwide injunction is needed. And she stressed that the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals last month struck down another judge’s nationwide injunction on a federal asylum restriction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You are requesting [this] without giving me the kind of road map that I think the 9th Circuit requires to enter a nationwide injunction,” Hamilton said. “It leads me to believe that you’re not really serious about me granting this if you haven’t addressed the issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plaintiffs’ attorneys responded that if the policy is blocked in only some states, it would create a confusing patchwork of regulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anything short of a nationwide injunction will leave our residents confused, scared and ultimately chilled from [using] these benefits,” said San Francisco Deputy City Attorney Matthew Goldberg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for the Trump administration, meanwhile, told the judge that the public charge rule is also being challenged in Chicago, New York, Spokane and elsewhere, and a nationwide ruling would interfere with those courts reaching their own decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wednesday’s hearing centered in part on what the term “public charge” actually means.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='public-charge' label='Related Coverage']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Department of Justice lawyers argued that the new rule is in keeping with long-standing federal policy that requires immigrants to be self-sufficient in order to be granted legal permanent residence (known as a green card) — a path to eventual citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DOJ Deputy Assistant Attorney General Ethan Davis said the definition of public charge can include “any maintenance or public assistance from public funds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But plaintiffs argued that for more than 100 years, the government only considered someone a public charge if they had “primary dependence” on the government for survival, including people considered “paupers” and “lunatics.” They said the new rule improperly sweeps in immigrants who accept as little as $180 worth of non-cash assistance — including services such as health care that could actually help them work and become self-sufficient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The states and counties also said they could lose millions of dollars in federal funds if immigrants drop out of Medicaid (known in California as Medi-Cal) for fear of jeopardizing their chance at a green card. San Francisco stands to lose $7.5 million a year and Santa Clara County $4.6 million, said Goldberg, but that doesn’t mean local governments will stop providing health services or nutrition assistance to local residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a proprietary interest in the public health in our communities,” Goldberg said. “We have legal obligations to provide medical care to people who are uninsured.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arguing for the Trump administration, Davis countered that if local governments take a hit, it’s because they choose to spend their own funds on social services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They may spend more money on food pantries and the like, but that’s not a required consequence of the rule,” Davis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that losses by the plaintiffs are “highly speculative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Goldberg said immigrants are already giving up public benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s the preferred outcome of the rule, the purpose of the rule,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hamilton suggested she might block the public charge rule, but more narrowly than the plaintiffs requested. She called on both parties to submit additional briefs by Oct. 7 proposing a more limited ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Assuming I don’t issue a nationwide injunction and assuming I do think it should be enjoined,” she said, “I’d like to hear from both sides on what an injunction should look like.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Farida Jhabvala Romero contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Lawyers for San Francisco and Santa Clara counties, the state of California and other plaintiffs tried to persuade a federal judge in Oakland Wednesday to block a Trump administration rule that would deny green cards to immigrants who use public benefits such as Medi-Cal, food stamps and housing vouchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs — who also include immigrant service providers, the states of Oregon, Maine and Pennsylvania, and the District of Columbia — say the \"public charge\" rule would cause them irreparable harm, forcing local governments to spend more to protect public health and increasing the likelihood of communicable disease outbreaks because fearful immigrants stop seeking medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Phyllis Hamilton signaled that she would decide on whether to block the rule before Oct. 15, when it is set to go into effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she chided the plaintiffs for failing to make a strong case — in legal briefs or in court — that a nationwide injunction is needed. And she stressed that the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals last month struck down another judge’s nationwide injunction on a federal asylum restriction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You are requesting [this] without giving me the kind of road map that I think the 9th Circuit requires to enter a nationwide injunction,” Hamilton said. “It leads me to believe that you’re not really serious about me granting this if you haven’t addressed the issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Department of Justice lawyers argued that the new rule is in keeping with long-standing federal policy that requires immigrants to be self-sufficient in order to be granted legal permanent residence (known as a green card) — a path to eventual citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DOJ Deputy Assistant Attorney General Ethan Davis said the definition of public charge can include “any maintenance or public assistance from public funds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But plaintiffs argued that for more than 100 years, the government only considered someone a public charge if they had “primary dependence” on the government for survival, including people considered “paupers” and “lunatics.” They said the new rule improperly sweeps in immigrants who accept as little as $180 worth of non-cash assistance — including services such as health care that could actually help them work and become self-sufficient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The states and counties also said they could lose millions of dollars in federal funds if immigrants drop out of Medicaid (known in California as Medi-Cal) for fear of jeopardizing their chance at a green card. San Francisco stands to lose $7.5 million a year and Santa Clara County $4.6 million, said Goldberg, but that doesn’t mean local governments will stop providing health services or nutrition assistance to local residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a proprietary interest in the public health in our communities,” Goldberg said. “We have legal obligations to provide medical care to people who are uninsured.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arguing for the Trump administration, Davis countered that if local governments take a hit, it’s because they choose to spend their own funds on social services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They may spend more money on food pantries and the like, but that’s not a required consequence of the rule,” Davis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that losses by the plaintiffs are “highly speculative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Goldberg said immigrants are already giving up public benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s the preferred outcome of the rule, the purpose of the rule,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hamilton suggested she might block the public charge rule, but more narrowly than the plaintiffs requested. She called on both parties to submit additional briefs by Oct. 7 proposing a more limited ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Assuming I don’t issue a nationwide injunction and assuming I do think it should be enjoined,” she said, “I’d like to hear from both sides on what an injunction should look like.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Farida Jhabvala Romero contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Can Trump Administration Impose Tighter Restrictions on Asylum? Judges to Weigh In",
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"content": "\u003cp>Federal judges on Tuesday challenged government lawyers over the legality of a Trump administration rule that denies asylum to people who don't come through a designated port of entry, even though the law specifically allows them to apply — regardless of where they enter the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='immigration' label='Related Coverage']The exchange was part of a hearing before the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals on two cases challenging Trump administration policies restricting access to asylum protections for tens of thousands of migrants at the U.S.-Mexico border. The hearing in San Francisco addressed both the “port of entry” rule and another policy that forces most non-Mexicans who seek asylum at the border to wait in Mexico while their cases are heard in U.S. immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration has sought to deter the growing number of families and others seeking safe haven in the United States, many of whom say they are fleeing violence in Central America from which their government fails to protect them. The policies are part of a larger effort by the administration to restrict immigration overall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first case, Justice Department attorney Scott Stewart asked the three-judge panel to overturn a lower court ruling last December that blocked the “port of entry” rule. The government has said the restriction is “an important rule designed to address a crisis at our southern border that is overwhelming our asylum system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court, Stewart said the rule is valid because it still allows people who don’t come through a port of entry to apply for asylum — even if none of them will be granted it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This ability to apply for asylum, your honor, doesn’t guarantee any substantive outcome,” Stewart told the judges. “This authority to grant asylum is imbued with discretion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Richard Paez cut him off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It seems kind of odd that Congress has pretty specifically set out when an alien can apply — whether or not at a designated port of entry — and then the agency comes along and promulgates a regulation that basically just wipes that out. How is that consistent with the text of the statute?” asked Paez, who was appointed to the bench by President Bill Clinton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representing a group of immigrant legal service organizations challenging the “port of entry” rule, ACLU attorney Lee Gelernt argued that the asylum restriction was in blatant violation with the language of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do not think it would have made sense for Congress to say — and twice now, 1980 and 1996 — you may apply regardless,” said Gelernt. “Congress looked at this issue, understood how dangerous it was to eliminate asylum for people who couldn't make it to a port of entry, and put that language in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second case before the 9th Circuit Tuesday dealt with the Trump administration’s Migration Protection Protocols, known as the “Remain in Mexico” policy. It requires many non-Mexicans who seek asylum at the border to wait in Mexico for their cases to be heard in U.S. immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, U.S. District Judge Richard Seeborg in San Francisco blocked the policy. But the following month, the 9th Circuit allowed it to take effect while the government appeals Seeborg’s preliminary injunction. As of late August, 38,000 people had been ordered to remain in Mexico while their asylum cases proceed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='asylum-seekers' label='More Coverage']ACLU attorney Judy Rabinovitz argued that the forced return to Mexico was illegal and asked the court to allow the lower court’s injunction to block it. In particular, she said it was urgent to stop the U.S. from returning asylum-seekers to a country where they could face danger — a requirement of international law known by the French term “non-refoulement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The greatest suffering is with respect to those individuals who are being returned to persecution or torture despite the non-refoulement obligation,” said Rabinovitz. “Our concern is just to ensure that we get relief for those people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge William Fletcher, another Clinton appointee, challenged Department of Justice attorney Stewart, suggesting that the interview used to place migrants into the Remain in Mexico program is flawed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t even ask if they have any kind of fear,” said Fletcher. “You're not even asking them the key question with respect to refoulement, that is to say, ‘Are you afraid?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stewart replied that the government doesn’t need to ask because asylum-seekers can volunteer that they fear being sent back to Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Douglas Oviedo, an evangelical pastor from Honduras, is one of the plaintiffs in the Remain in Mexico case. He is one of a few people who have won asylum through that program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking after the hearing, Oviedo said he spent 11 months in a Tijuana migrant shelter, unable to work. Central American migrants face discrimination in Mexico but, even worse, they are preyed upon by local gangs and drug cartels and also by the Mexican police. Women are raped and young people are extorted, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Women and children are hiding in the shelters,” he said. “Migrants don’t leave because they’re afraid to go out in the streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Farida Jhabvala Romero contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Federal judges on Tuesday challenged government lawyers over the legality of a Trump administration rule that denies asylum to people who don't come through a designated port of entry, even though the law specifically allows them to apply — regardless of where they enter the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The exchange was part of a hearing before the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals on two cases challenging Trump administration policies restricting access to asylum protections for tens of thousands of migrants at the U.S.-Mexico border. The hearing in San Francisco addressed both the “port of entry” rule and another policy that forces most non-Mexicans who seek asylum at the border to wait in Mexico while their cases are heard in U.S. immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration has sought to deter the growing number of families and others seeking safe haven in the United States, many of whom say they are fleeing violence in Central America from which their government fails to protect them. The policies are part of a larger effort by the administration to restrict immigration overall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first case, Justice Department attorney Scott Stewart asked the three-judge panel to overturn a lower court ruling last December that blocked the “port of entry” rule. The government has said the restriction is “an important rule designed to address a crisis at our southern border that is overwhelming our asylum system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court, Stewart said the rule is valid because it still allows people who don’t come through a port of entry to apply for asylum — even if none of them will be granted it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This ability to apply for asylum, your honor, doesn’t guarantee any substantive outcome,” Stewart told the judges. “This authority to grant asylum is imbued with discretion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Richard Paez cut him off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It seems kind of odd that Congress has pretty specifically set out when an alien can apply — whether or not at a designated port of entry — and then the agency comes along and promulgates a regulation that basically just wipes that out. How is that consistent with the text of the statute?” asked Paez, who was appointed to the bench by President Bill Clinton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representing a group of immigrant legal service organizations challenging the “port of entry” rule, ACLU attorney Lee Gelernt argued that the asylum restriction was in blatant violation with the language of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do not think it would have made sense for Congress to say — and twice now, 1980 and 1996 — you may apply regardless,” said Gelernt. “Congress looked at this issue, understood how dangerous it was to eliminate asylum for people who couldn't make it to a port of entry, and put that language in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second case before the 9th Circuit Tuesday dealt with the Trump administration’s Migration Protection Protocols, known as the “Remain in Mexico” policy. It requires many non-Mexicans who seek asylum at the border to wait in Mexico for their cases to be heard in U.S. immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, U.S. District Judge Richard Seeborg in San Francisco blocked the policy. But the following month, the 9th Circuit allowed it to take effect while the government appeals Seeborg’s preliminary injunction. As of late August, 38,000 people had been ordered to remain in Mexico while their asylum cases proceed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>ACLU attorney Judy Rabinovitz argued that the forced return to Mexico was illegal and asked the court to allow the lower court’s injunction to block it. In particular, she said it was urgent to stop the U.S. from returning asylum-seekers to a country where they could face danger — a requirement of international law known by the French term “non-refoulement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The greatest suffering is with respect to those individuals who are being returned to persecution or torture despite the non-refoulement obligation,” said Rabinovitz. “Our concern is just to ensure that we get relief for those people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge William Fletcher, another Clinton appointee, challenged Department of Justice attorney Stewart, suggesting that the interview used to place migrants into the Remain in Mexico program is flawed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t even ask if they have any kind of fear,” said Fletcher. “You're not even asking them the key question with respect to refoulement, that is to say, ‘Are you afraid?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stewart replied that the government doesn’t need to ask because asylum-seekers can volunteer that they fear being sent back to Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Douglas Oviedo, an evangelical pastor from Honduras, is one of the plaintiffs in the Remain in Mexico case. He is one of a few people who have won asylum through that program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking after the hearing, Oviedo said he spent 11 months in a Tijuana migrant shelter, unable to work. Central American migrants face discrimination in Mexico but, even worse, they are preyed upon by local gangs and drug cartels and also by the Mexican police. Women are raped and young people are extorted, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Women and children are hiding in the shelters,” he said. “Migrants don’t leave because they’re afraid to go out in the streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Farida Jhabvala Romero contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Republicans Sue California, Charging Ineligible Voters Are on Voter Rolls",
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"content": "\u003cp>Three Republican voters are suing California's secretary of state, charging that Democrat Alex Padilla is violating the National Voter Registration Act by failing to ensure that only eligible voters are placed on the voter rolls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal lawsuit on behalf of the voters, two of them naturalized citizens, is being brought by high-profile GOP lawyer Harmeet Dhillon — a national committeewoman for the Republican National Committee. She has\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11775375/trump-notches-win-in-bid-to-block-california-tax-return-law-for-presidential-candidates\"> also sued the state over the recent law\u003c/a> requiring presidential candidates to release their tax returns in order to appear on the California primary ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla rejected the suit as a partisan attempt to suppress voter turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit alleges that under California's so-called\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/california-motor-voter/\"> Motor Voter law\u003c/a> — which automatically registers Californians applying for a driver's license or identification card at the DMV — people are being placed on the voter rolls without the secretary of state verifying that they are citizens. It's\u003ca href=\"https://www.apnews.com/42cd6b5eeda94a218caa250b460b8503\"> not the first problem for the Motor Voter system\u003c/a>, which Republicans have been critical of since its inception.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The National Voter Registration Act requires all states to make a determination of eligibility of voters who are placed on the voter rolls for federal elections before they enroll them,\" Dhillon said. \"California refuses to use the data in its possession to determine citizenship eligibility, which is a prerequisite to vote in all federal elections. So we believe that this failure violates the National Voter Registration Act.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dhillon charged that Padilla's office does make sure that felons and people who have moved are not improperly registered, but does not have a system for checking to make sure that a voter is a citizen, beyond looking to see that the applicant checked a box attesting to being a U.S. citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla disputed the claims in a written statement, saying the lawsuit represents \"a fundamental misrepresentation of the National Voter Registration Act.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an earlier letter to the plaintiffs, Padilla's office argued that the act requires voters only to attest to their own citizenship and does not require his office to obtain further proof of citizenship. On Tuesday, Padilla accused the plaintiffs of trying to scare people out of voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The plaintiffs claim they are protecting voters, but this is nothing more than an underhanded attempt to bring their voter suppression playbook to California,\" he said. \"As we have seen in other states — most recently in \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/19/621304260/judge-tosses-kansas-proof-of-citizenship-voter-law-and-rebukes-sec-of-state-koba\">Kansas\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2019/04/26/texas-agrees-stop-effort-purge-voter-rolls/\">Texas\u003c/a> — these efforts only serve to disenfranchise thousands of eligible citizens. California remains committed to ensuring the integrity of our elections, empowering citizens to participate in democracy, and defending the right to vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dhillion stressed that the lawsuit is not taking aim at individual voters and argued that the state is actually putting undocumented immigrants at risk of violating the law by not providing a backstop to ensure they are not improperly registered to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We believe that it's important that the most populous state in the country get its act together and make sure that they are not putting people in peril, frankly, by mistakenly enrolling them on the voter rolls and then telling them they have a right to vote,\" she said, noting that residents of other states have been prosecuted for felonies for improperly voting, and that it can hurt someone's chances of becoming a citizen later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11660173,news_11675508\" label=\"Related Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dhillon called the issue a \"civil rights matter\" and a nonpartisan issue. But it does play into an unsubstantiated narrative of large-scale voter fraud that's been pushed by President Trump and other Republicans. Trump has repeatedly and falsely claimed that millions of Californians illegally voted in 2016, costing him the popular vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dhillon, as an RNC member, is often called upon as a surrogate of the Trump White House and campaign, but on Tuesday rejected the idea that the suit could help Trump in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I don't think it has anything to do with the president's re-election bid. Let's be very clear,\" she said, noting that Trump has little chance of winning California's electoral votes next year. \"It is a bipartisan issue and the president doesn't control what California is doing and not doing, and I will also add that there are red states not doing their duty as well.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This isn't the first problem for California's Motor Voter law since 2018, when California began automatically registering people to vote. Last year, the DMV \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-dmv-voter-registration-error-20180905-story.html\">acknowledged that tens of thousands of people had been improperly registered\u003c/a> and that some were assigned the wrong party preference. A few months later, the state also admitted that it failed to transfer hundreds of voter registration applications before the Nov. 6 election, and after being sued, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-dmv-voter-registration-election-results-settlement-20190205-story.html\">agreed to investigate the problem\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article223886630.html\">questions remain\u003c/a> about whether noncitizens voted in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Three Republican voters are suing California's secretary of state, charging that Democrat Alex Padilla is violating the National Voter Registration Act by failing to ensure that only eligible voters are placed on the voter rolls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal lawsuit on behalf of the voters, two of them naturalized citizens, is being brought by high-profile GOP lawyer Harmeet Dhillon — a national committeewoman for the Republican National Committee. She has\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11775375/trump-notches-win-in-bid-to-block-california-tax-return-law-for-presidential-candidates\"> also sued the state over the recent law\u003c/a> requiring presidential candidates to release their tax returns in order to appear on the California primary ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla rejected the suit as a partisan attempt to suppress voter turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit alleges that under California's so-called\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/california-motor-voter/\"> Motor Voter law\u003c/a> — which automatically registers Californians applying for a driver's license or identification card at the DMV — people are being placed on the voter rolls without the secretary of state verifying that they are citizens. It's\u003ca href=\"https://www.apnews.com/42cd6b5eeda94a218caa250b460b8503\"> not the first problem for the Motor Voter system\u003c/a>, which Republicans have been critical of since its inception.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The National Voter Registration Act requires all states to make a determination of eligibility of voters who are placed on the voter rolls for federal elections before they enroll them,\" Dhillon said. \"California refuses to use the data in its possession to determine citizenship eligibility, which is a prerequisite to vote in all federal elections. So we believe that this failure violates the National Voter Registration Act.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dhillon charged that Padilla's office does make sure that felons and people who have moved are not improperly registered, but does not have a system for checking to make sure that a voter is a citizen, beyond looking to see that the applicant checked a box attesting to being a U.S. citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla disputed the claims in a written statement, saying the lawsuit represents \"a fundamental misrepresentation of the National Voter Registration Act.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an earlier letter to the plaintiffs, Padilla's office argued that the act requires voters only to attest to their own citizenship and does not require his office to obtain further proof of citizenship. On Tuesday, Padilla accused the plaintiffs of trying to scare people out of voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The plaintiffs claim they are protecting voters, but this is nothing more than an underhanded attempt to bring their voter suppression playbook to California,\" he said. \"As we have seen in other states — most recently in \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/19/621304260/judge-tosses-kansas-proof-of-citizenship-voter-law-and-rebukes-sec-of-state-koba\">Kansas\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2019/04/26/texas-agrees-stop-effort-purge-voter-rolls/\">Texas\u003c/a> — these efforts only serve to disenfranchise thousands of eligible citizens. California remains committed to ensuring the integrity of our elections, empowering citizens to participate in democracy, and defending the right to vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dhillion stressed that the lawsuit is not taking aim at individual voters and argued that the state is actually putting undocumented immigrants at risk of violating the law by not providing a backstop to ensure they are not improperly registered to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We believe that it's important that the most populous state in the country get its act together and make sure that they are not putting people in peril, frankly, by mistakenly enrolling them on the voter rolls and then telling them they have a right to vote,\" she said, noting that residents of other states have been prosecuted for felonies for improperly voting, and that it can hurt someone's chances of becoming a citizen later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dhillon called the issue a \"civil rights matter\" and a nonpartisan issue. But it does play into an unsubstantiated narrative of large-scale voter fraud that's been pushed by President Trump and other Republicans. Trump has repeatedly and falsely claimed that millions of Californians illegally voted in 2016, costing him the popular vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dhillon, as an RNC member, is often called upon as a surrogate of the Trump White House and campaign, but on Tuesday rejected the idea that the suit could help Trump in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I don't think it has anything to do with the president's re-election bid. Let's be very clear,\" she said, noting that Trump has little chance of winning California's electoral votes next year. \"It is a bipartisan issue and the president doesn't control what California is doing and not doing, and I will also add that there are red states not doing their duty as well.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This isn't the first problem for California's Motor Voter law since 2018, when California began automatically registering people to vote. Last year, the DMV \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-dmv-voter-registration-error-20180905-story.html\">acknowledged that tens of thousands of people had been improperly registered\u003c/a> and that some were assigned the wrong party preference. A few months later, the state also admitted that it failed to transfer hundreds of voter registration applications before the Nov. 6 election, and after being sued, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-dmv-voter-registration-election-results-settlement-20190205-story.html\">agreed to investigate the problem\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article223886630.html\">questions remain\u003c/a> about whether noncitizens voted in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Federal Judge Blocks Trump Move to Fast-Track Deportations",
"title": "Federal Judge Blocks Trump Move to Fast-Track Deportations",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>A federal judge has blocked the Trump administration's effort to expand fast-track deportation regulations for undocumented immigrants without the use of immigration courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The procedure, known as \"expedited removal,\" has previously been used to deport undocumented immigrants who cross into the U.S. by land without an immigration hearing, or access to an attorney if they are arrested within 100 miles of the border within two weeks of their arrival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, the administration expanded the rule to include undocumented immigrants who couldn't prove they had been in the U.S. continuously for two years or more, no matter where they were in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='U.S. District Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson']'Decision making by Ouija board or dart board, rock/paper/scissors, or even the Magic 8 Ball — simply will not do.'[/pullquote]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://ecf.dcd.uscourts.gov/cgi-bin/show_public_doc?2019cv2369-40\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">126-page report issued just before midnight\u003c/a> on Friday, U.S. District Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/legal-document/order-0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">issued a preliminary injunction\u003c/a> on the policy change. She stated that the administration did not follow the correct decision-making procedures, such as the formal notice-and-comment period required for major federal rule changes, and likely violated federal law in failing to do so. She said that \"no good cause exists for the agency to have not complied with these mandates in this instance.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson, who is an Obama-era appointee, also said that the July notice by the Department of Homeland Security seemed \"arbitrary and capricious.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Put in common parlance, if a policy decision that an agency makes is of sufficient consequence that it qualifies as an agency rule, then arbitrariness in deciding the contours of that rule — e.g., decision making by Ouija board or dart board, rock/paper/scissors, or even the Magic 8 Ball — simply will not do,\" \u003ca href=\"https://ecf.dcd.uscourts.gov/cgi-bin/show_public_doc?2019cv2369-40\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Jackson wrote\u003c/a>. \"There are well-established legal constraints on the manner in which an agency exercises its discretion to make discretionary policy decisions, and there are also legally established consequences if an agency does not adhere to these procedural requirements when it determines the policies that it imposes.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside tag='immigration' label='More Coverage.']\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security had argued that the policy change would relieve overburdened immigration courts and \"harmonize\" existing regulations to apply equally to undocumented immigrants whether they arrive by land or sea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The effect of that change will be to enhance national security and public safety — while reducing government costs — by facilitating prompt immigration determinations,\" DHS \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2019/07/23/2019-15710/designating-aliens-for-expedited-removal\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">said in the July notice\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are past the breaking point and must take all appropriate action to enforce the law, along the U.S. borders and within the country's interior,\" said acting Secretary of Homeland Security Kevin McAleenan \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2019/07/23/acting-secretary-mcaleenan-announces-new-designation-aliens-subject-expedited\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">when the new policy was announced\u003c/a>. \"This designation makes it clear that if you have no legal right to be here, we will remove you.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Civil Liberties Union, American Immigration Council, and Simpson Thacher & Bartlett LLP sought the preliminary injunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The court rejected the Trump administration's illegal attempt to remove hundreds of thousands of people from the U.S. without any legal recourse,\" ACLU attorney Anand Balakrishnan, who argued the case, said in a statement. \"This ruling recognizes the irreparable harm of this policy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The preliminary injunction blocks the expanded expedited removal policy from being applied until the court has finished litigation on the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR reached out to the Department of Homeland Security for comment but did not receive an immediate response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Federal+Judge+Blocks+Trump+Move+To+Fast-Track+Deportations&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson, who is an Obama-era appointee, also said that the July notice by the Department of Homeland Security seemed \"arbitrary and capricious.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Put in common parlance, if a policy decision that an agency makes is of sufficient consequence that it qualifies as an agency rule, then arbitrariness in deciding the contours of that rule — e.g., decision making by Ouija board or dart board, rock/paper/scissors, or even the Magic 8 Ball — simply will not do,\" \u003ca href=\"https://ecf.dcd.uscourts.gov/cgi-bin/show_public_doc?2019cv2369-40\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Jackson wrote\u003c/a>. \"There are well-established legal constraints on the manner in which an agency exercises its discretion to make discretionary policy decisions, and there are also legally established consequences if an agency does not adhere to these procedural requirements when it determines the policies that it imposes.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security had argued that the policy change would relieve overburdened immigration courts and \"harmonize\" existing regulations to apply equally to undocumented immigrants whether they arrive by land or sea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The effect of that change will be to enhance national security and public safety — while reducing government costs — by facilitating prompt immigration determinations,\" DHS \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2019/07/23/2019-15710/designating-aliens-for-expedited-removal\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">said in the July notice\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are past the breaking point and must take all appropriate action to enforce the law, along the U.S. borders and within the country's interior,\" said acting Secretary of Homeland Security Kevin McAleenan \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2019/07/23/acting-secretary-mcaleenan-announces-new-designation-aliens-subject-expedited\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">when the new policy was announced\u003c/a>. \"This designation makes it clear that if you have no legal right to be here, we will remove you.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Civil Liberties Union, American Immigration Council, and Simpson Thacher & Bartlett LLP sought the preliminary injunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The court rejected the Trump administration's illegal attempt to remove hundreds of thousands of people from the U.S. without any legal recourse,\" ACLU attorney Anand Balakrishnan, who argued the case, said in a statement. \"This ruling recognizes the irreparable harm of this policy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The preliminary injunction blocks the expanded expedited removal policy from being applied until the court has finished litigation on the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR reached out to the Department of Homeland Security for comment but did not receive an immediate response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Federal+Judge+Blocks+Trump+Move+To+Fast-Track+Deportations&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A federal judge in Los Angeles ruled on Friday against the Trump administration’s attempt to override a long-standing legal agreement protecting children in federal immigration custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the hearing even began, a lawyer for the plaintiffs gave supporters in the audience a thumbs-up sign. That’s because U.S. District Judge Dolly Gee issued the preliminary ruling just beforehand — stating that the federal government’s new regulations would trample the basic tenets of the original settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gee’s ruling means that federal immigration authorities may not indefinitely hold children with parents in locked detention facilities, as the Trump administration has proposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her argument, Gee focused on the fact that the 1997 \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/legal-document/flores-v-meese-stipulated-settlement-agreement-plus-extension-settlement\">Flores settlement agreement\u003c/a> is a binding contract. And, she said, the federal government can’t break that contract, even if it doesn’t agree with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The blessing or the curse — depending on one’s vantage point — of a binding contract is its certitude. The Flores Agreement is a binding contract and a consent decree. It is a final, binding judgment that was never appealed,” Gee said in her \u003ca href=\"https://www.docdroid.net/12qSC5e/ruling-is-final.pdf#page=24\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">final decision\u003c/a>. “Defendants cannot simply ignore the dictates of the consent decree merely because they no longer agree with its approach as a matter of policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='flores-settlement' label='Related Coverage']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gee also noted the agreement cannot be changed unless the federal government can prove “that a change in law or facts renders compliance either illegal, impossible or inequitable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While attorneys for the federal government have argued that the facts of the case have changed due to the vastly increased number of migrant families seeking asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border since the Flores settlement was established, Gee remained unconvinced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration also argued that the Flores settlement doesn’t adequately address the treatment of children who are accompanied by their parents — and the primary changes in the government’s new regulation mainly apply to families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Gee was unimpressed, pointing out that regardless of whether or not children are with their families, they are still children and still fall under the protections of the agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t tell me it’s night, when it’s clearly day,” Gee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than 20 years, the Flores agreement has bound federal immigration authorities to certain standards of care for minors in their legal custody. The agreement requires the government to treat them “with dignity, respect and special concern for their particular vulnerability as minors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement favors the release of children to family members or sponsors “without unnecessary delay,” and requires placement in “the least restrictive setting” appropriate for the child’s needs, provided the child will appear in immigration court and isn’t a danger to anyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Flores settlement also requires that, when children are in government custody, they be placed in facilities that are licensed by a state agency for the residential care of minors. After the Obama administration began holding thousands of parents and children in locked family detention centers run by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, federal courts interpreted the settlement to say that kids had to be released promptly from such unlicensed facilities, generally within 20 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, the Trump administration published regulations intended to supersede the Flores agreement. Those \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11769437/whats-in-new-trump-immigration-rule-overriding-flores-agreement-3-key-changes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">new regulations\u003c/a> would allow the federal government to hold families in ICE detention indefinitely, create a new federal licensing system for ICE Family Residential Centers and end legal oversight by children’s advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[youtube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zDphxLi2Xnk]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a press conference announcing the new regulations, acting Secretary of Homeland Security Kevin McAleenan argued that the Flores settlement encourages families from Central America to come to the U.S. border with their children because the government must release them from detention promptly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California and 18 other states (plus the District of Columbia) have separately filed a lawsuit against the Trump administration over the new regulations, asking for an injunction to prevent them from going into effect. In light of today’s order, Judge Gee has ordered both sides in that case to prove by next week why she shouldn’t dismiss this separate lawsuit as moot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KPBS reporter Max Rivlin-Nadler contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gee also noted the agreement cannot be changed unless the federal government can prove “that a change in law or facts renders compliance either illegal, impossible or inequitable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While attorneys for the federal government have argued that the facts of the case have changed due to the vastly increased number of migrant families seeking asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border since the Flores settlement was established, Gee remained unconvinced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration also argued that the Flores settlement doesn’t adequately address the treatment of children who are accompanied by their parents — and the primary changes in the government’s new regulation mainly apply to families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Gee was unimpressed, pointing out that regardless of whether or not children are with their families, they are still children and still fall under the protections of the agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t tell me it’s night, when it’s clearly day,” Gee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than 20 years, the Flores agreement has bound federal immigration authorities to certain standards of care for minors in their legal custody. The agreement requires the government to treat them “with dignity, respect and special concern for their particular vulnerability as minors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement favors the release of children to family members or sponsors “without unnecessary delay,” and requires placement in “the least restrictive setting” appropriate for the child’s needs, provided the child will appear in immigration court and isn’t a danger to anyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Flores settlement also requires that, when children are in government custody, they be placed in facilities that are licensed by a state agency for the residential care of minors. After the Obama administration began holding thousands of parents and children in locked family detention centers run by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, federal courts interpreted the settlement to say that kids had to be released promptly from such unlicensed facilities, generally within 20 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, the Trump administration published regulations intended to supersede the Flores agreement. Those \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11769437/whats-in-new-trump-immigration-rule-overriding-flores-agreement-3-key-changes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">new regulations\u003c/a> would allow the federal government to hold families in ICE detention indefinitely, create a new federal licensing system for ICE Family Residential Centers and end legal oversight by children’s advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/zDphxLi2Xnk'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/zDphxLi2Xnk'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a press conference announcing the new regulations, acting Secretary of Homeland Security Kevin McAleenan argued that the Flores settlement encourages families from Central America to come to the U.S. border with their children because the government must release them from detention promptly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California and 18 other states (plus the District of Columbia) have separately filed a lawsuit against the Trump administration over the new regulations, asking for an injunction to prevent them from going into effect. In light of today’s order, Judge Gee has ordered both sides in that case to prove by next week why she shouldn’t dismiss this separate lawsuit as moot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KPBS reporter Max Rivlin-Nadler contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "California Poised to Ban Some For-Profit Immigrant Detention Centers and Prisons",
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"content": "\u003cp>California could become the first state in the nation to ban both privately run prisons and immigration detention centers that are currently jailing thousands of people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Newsom has until Oct. 13 to sign or veto a bill that was overwhelmingly approved by the state Legislature earlier in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Issa Arnita, of Management & Training Corporation']'We provide a valuable service to our customers and a safe and humane environment for those in our care.'[/pullquote]\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB32\">AB 32\u003c/a>, by Assemblyman Rob Bonta (D-Oakland), would prohibit the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation from entering or renewing contracts after Jan. 1, 2020, with for-profit companies to run prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would also bar private corporations from operating detention facilities after their current contracts with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“AB 32 would be the nation’s most comprehensive ban on the use of for-profit detention in the civil and criminal context,” said Jackie Gonzalez, policy director at the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice, which pushed for the measure. “This bill is to say that as a state, our values are to prioritize people over profits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the bill argue that for-profit companies have an economic incentive to lock up more people, while critics counter that the legislation would eliminate options to reduce overcrowding and protect public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While AB 32 initially targeted for-profit prisons only, a late amendment expanded the measure to include civil detention, including for immigration offenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has not publicly disclosed whether he intends to sign the legislation, but during his inaugural address he promised to “end the outrage of private prisons once and for all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If enacted into law, the bill would impact four immigrant detention facilities in Southern California that can jail up to 4,700 people. The companies running those facilities — the Geo Group, CoreCivic and Management & Training Corporation — have contracts with ICE that expire in 2020 or 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Jackie Gonzalez, of the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice']'This bill is to say that as a state, our values are to prioritize people over profits.'[/pullquote]The legislation comes as ICE is locking up thousands more people than in prior years. In August, the agency reported an all-time high of more than 55,000 detainees nationwide on any given day. By mid-September, the number of immigrants in custody dropped to about \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detention-management?_ga=2.121597704.1440191402.1566244254-1011480269.1566244254\">52,000\u003c/a>, but that figure still represents a 15% jump from June 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, the agency said it intends to double its detention capacity in the state. ICE \u003ca href=\"https://www.fbo.gov/index?s=opportunity&mode=form&id=59fe5b894bafebebd22126f21614e00a&tab=core&_cview=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">solicited\u003c/a> proposals in April for new facilities to hold up to 5,600 people across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because state law already prohibits local governments from entering or expanding contracts directly with ICE, only the federal government could step in and take over operation of the four privately run detention centers in California. Another scenario would be the closure of the immigrant facilities: Adelanto, in the San Bernardino County town of Adelanto; Imperial Regional, in Calexico; Mesa Verde, in Bakersfield; and Otay Mesa, near San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='immigrant-detention-centers' label='More Coverage']Gonzalez said AB 32 could lead ICE to release more immigrants, such as those without serious criminal records — something the agency has the discretion to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My hope would be that there would be fewer people detained to begin with because ICE will recognize that those individuals should not be detained in the first place,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But David Jennings, who directs ICE’s enforcement and removal operations in Northern California, said AB 32 would force the agency to transfer detainees out of state, sending them farther away from any relatives in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Look, there's a whole bunch of people that by law have to be detained, and so they'll be detained, whether it's here or somewhere else,” said Jennings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some legal scholars doubt California has the authority to restrict the way ICE operates detention facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Eastman, a law professor at Chapman University, said AB 32 would be “blatantly” unconstitutional if enacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What if the federal government decides to house detainees at the Hilton. Is the Hilton now illegal?” said Eastman. “California cannot thwart federal enforcement efforts in areas so clearly within the authority of the federal government as immigration is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='David Jennings, Immigration and Customs Enforcement in Northern California']'There's a whole bunch of people that by law have to be detained and so they'll be detained whether it's here or somewhere else.'[/pullquote]Currently, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) has contracts that expire in 2023 for four private prisons that can hold up to 2,400 inmates, according to Bonta’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in one of the bill's exemptions, CDCR could renew or extend contracts with for-profit prisons “if needed to comply with court-ordered population caps.” CDCR said it doesn't comment on pending legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four states have banned the use of private correctional facilities: Illinois, Iowa, New York and, most recently, \u003ca href=\"https://www.leg.state.nv.us/App/NELIS/REL/80th2019/Bill/6286/Overview\">Nevada\u003c/a>. Illinois has also taken some steps to restrict immigration detention, but not to the extent that AB 32 and previous laws do in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for CoreCivic, which runs the Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego County and other facilities that contract with CDCR, called the bill “misguided.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='adelanto' label='Related Coverage']Issa Arnita, a spokesman with Management & Training Corp., said 550 employees at its Imperial Regional Detention Center and other facilities in California could be affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are currently reviewing the law and its possible effects on our facilities,” said Arnita. “We provide a valuable service to our customers and a safe and humane environment for those in our care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Geo Group, the nation’s second-largest for-profit prison operator, runs California’s biggest immigrant detention center in Adelanto, and the smaller Mesa Verde facility in Bakersfield. The company did not return requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Government watchdogs and immigrant advocates have repeatedly pointed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11696870/scathing-report-on-california-immigration-jail-comes-amid-growing-calls-to-improve-conditions\">serious violations\u003c/a> of ICE’s own detention standards at the Adelanto ICE Processing Center, including inadequate medical care.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB32\">AB 32\u003c/a>, by Assemblyman Rob Bonta (D-Oakland), would prohibit the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation from entering or renewing contracts after Jan. 1, 2020, with for-profit companies to run prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would also bar private corporations from operating detention facilities after their current contracts with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“AB 32 would be the nation’s most comprehensive ban on the use of for-profit detention in the civil and criminal context,” said Jackie Gonzalez, policy director at the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice, which pushed for the measure. “This bill is to say that as a state, our values are to prioritize people over profits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the bill argue that for-profit companies have an economic incentive to lock up more people, while critics counter that the legislation would eliminate options to reduce overcrowding and protect public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While AB 32 initially targeted for-profit prisons only, a late amendment expanded the measure to include civil detention, including for immigration offenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has not publicly disclosed whether he intends to sign the legislation, but during his inaugural address he promised to “end the outrage of private prisons once and for all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If enacted into law, the bill would impact four immigrant detention facilities in Southern California that can jail up to 4,700 people. The companies running those facilities — the Geo Group, CoreCivic and Management & Training Corporation — have contracts with ICE that expire in 2020 or 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The legislation comes as ICE is locking up thousands more people than in prior years. In August, the agency reported an all-time high of more than 55,000 detainees nationwide on any given day. By mid-September, the number of immigrants in custody dropped to about \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detention-management?_ga=2.121597704.1440191402.1566244254-1011480269.1566244254\">52,000\u003c/a>, but that figure still represents a 15% jump from June 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, the agency said it intends to double its detention capacity in the state. ICE \u003ca href=\"https://www.fbo.gov/index?s=opportunity&mode=form&id=59fe5b894bafebebd22126f21614e00a&tab=core&_cview=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">solicited\u003c/a> proposals in April for new facilities to hold up to 5,600 people across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because state law already prohibits local governments from entering or expanding contracts directly with ICE, only the federal government could step in and take over operation of the four privately run detention centers in California. Another scenario would be the closure of the immigrant facilities: Adelanto, in the San Bernardino County town of Adelanto; Imperial Regional, in Calexico; Mesa Verde, in Bakersfield; and Otay Mesa, near San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Gonzalez said AB 32 could lead ICE to release more immigrants, such as those without serious criminal records — something the agency has the discretion to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My hope would be that there would be fewer people detained to begin with because ICE will recognize that those individuals should not be detained in the first place,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But David Jennings, who directs ICE’s enforcement and removal operations in Northern California, said AB 32 would force the agency to transfer detainees out of state, sending them farther away from any relatives in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Look, there's a whole bunch of people that by law have to be detained, and so they'll be detained, whether it's here or somewhere else,” said Jennings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some legal scholars doubt California has the authority to restrict the way ICE operates detention facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Eastman, a law professor at Chapman University, said AB 32 would be “blatantly” unconstitutional if enacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What if the federal government decides to house detainees at the Hilton. Is the Hilton now illegal?” said Eastman. “California cannot thwart federal enforcement efforts in areas so clearly within the authority of the federal government as immigration is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Currently, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) has contracts that expire in 2023 for four private prisons that can hold up to 2,400 inmates, according to Bonta’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in one of the bill's exemptions, CDCR could renew or extend contracts with for-profit prisons “if needed to comply with court-ordered population caps.” CDCR said it doesn't comment on pending legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four states have banned the use of private correctional facilities: Illinois, Iowa, New York and, most recently, \u003ca href=\"https://www.leg.state.nv.us/App/NELIS/REL/80th2019/Bill/6286/Overview\">Nevada\u003c/a>. Illinois has also taken some steps to restrict immigration detention, but not to the extent that AB 32 and previous laws do in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for CoreCivic, which runs the Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego County and other facilities that contract with CDCR, called the bill “misguided.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration will no longer allow migrant families apprehended at the border to enter the U.S. under the immigration policy commonly known as “catch and release.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy change was announced Monday by Acting Secretary of Homeland Security Kevin McAleenan in remarks at the Council on Foreign Relations in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With some humanitarian and medical exceptions, DHS will no longer be releasing family units from Border Patrol Stations into the interior,” McAleenan \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2019/09/23/acting-secretary-mcaleenans-prepared-remarks-council-foreign-relations-september-23\">said\u003c/a> in his prepared remarks. “This means that for family units, the largest demographic by volume arriving at the border this year, the court-mandated practice of catch and release due to the inability of DHS to complete immigration proceedings with families detained together in custody — will have been mitigated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2019/09/23/acting-secretary-mcaleenan-announces-end-widespread-catch-and-release\">statement\u003c/a> issued by DHS, the agency outlined how it intends to carry out its new policy starting next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If migrant family units do not claim fear of return, they will be quickly returned to their country of origin, in close collaboration with Central American countries,” the statement read. “If they do claim fear, they will generally be returned to Mexico under the Migrant Protection Protocols (MPP).”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_11775527,news_11771386,news_11769455' label='Related Coverage']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/01/29/689819928/trump-administration-begins-remain-in-mexico-policy-sending-asylum-seekers-back\">MPP\u003c/a>, the U.S. government sends asylum-seeking migrants to Mexico, where they reside as they wait for court dates in the U.S. to pursue their claims for protection. The program, also known as “Remain in Mexico,” has come under \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/07/01/736908483/fear-confusion-and-separation-as-trump-administration-sends-migrants-back-to-mex\">widespread criticism\u003c/a> for failing to protect migrants with legitimate fears of returning to their homeland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McAleenan said the end of “catch and release” is a reaction, in part, to the record number of 144,000 migrants apprehended or encountered at the southern border in May. He said that 72% were unaccompanied children or families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement follows an \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/20/762948556/u-s-el-salvador-sign-new-asylum-deal-to-stem-tide-of-migrants\">agreement signed last week\u003c/a> by El Salvador and the U.S. in which the Central American nation agreed to allow some asylum-seekers to request protection there rather than the U.S. The operational details of that deal were not disclosed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the U.S. Supreme Court, by a vote of 7-2, allowed the administration to implement a rule requiring migrants to first seek asylum in “a third country.” In other words, the country through which they traveled to get to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Trump administration will no longer allow migrant families apprehended at the border to enter the U.S. under the immigration policy commonly known as “catch and release.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy change was announced Monday by Acting Secretary of Homeland Security Kevin McAleenan in remarks at the Council on Foreign Relations in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With some humanitarian and medical exceptions, DHS will no longer be releasing family units from Border Patrol Stations into the interior,” McAleenan \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2019/09/23/acting-secretary-mcaleenans-prepared-remarks-council-foreign-relations-september-23\">said\u003c/a> in his prepared remarks. “This means that for family units, the largest demographic by volume arriving at the border this year, the court-mandated practice of catch and release due to the inability of DHS to complete immigration proceedings with families detained together in custody — will have been mitigated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2019/09/23/acting-secretary-mcaleenan-announces-end-widespread-catch-and-release\">statement\u003c/a> issued by DHS, the agency outlined how it intends to carry out its new policy starting next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If migrant family units do not claim fear of return, they will be quickly returned to their country of origin, in close collaboration with Central American countries,” the statement read. “If they do claim fear, they will generally be returned to Mexico under the Migrant Protection Protocols (MPP).”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/01/29/689819928/trump-administration-begins-remain-in-mexico-policy-sending-asylum-seekers-back\">MPP\u003c/a>, the U.S. government sends asylum-seeking migrants to Mexico, where they reside as they wait for court dates in the U.S. to pursue their claims for protection. The program, also known as “Remain in Mexico,” has come under \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/07/01/736908483/fear-confusion-and-separation-as-trump-administration-sends-migrants-back-to-mex\">widespread criticism\u003c/a> for failing to protect migrants with legitimate fears of returning to their homeland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McAleenan said the end of “catch and release” is a reaction, in part, to the record number of 144,000 migrants apprehended or encountered at the southern border in May. He said that 72% were unaccompanied children or families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement follows an \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/20/762948556/u-s-el-salvador-sign-new-asylum-deal-to-stem-tide-of-migrants\">agreement signed last week\u003c/a> by El Salvador and the U.S. in which the Central American nation agreed to allow some asylum-seekers to request protection there rather than the U.S. The operational details of that deal were not disclosed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the U.S. Supreme Court, by a vote of 7-2, allowed the administration to implement a rule requiring migrants to first seek asylum in “a third country.” In other words, the country through which they traveled to get to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Last month, Yuri sat in her dining room in San Jose, turned on the TV, and heard something that made her sit up straight and sent her mind racing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration, the newscaster announced, had just published a new rule that could make it harder for immigrants to get a green card if they used, or were likely to use, public government benefits like food stamps or Medicaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yuri, who came to the United States from Michoacán, Mexico, was enrolled in CalFresh, California’s food stamp program, for her seven children, who range in age from just over a month to 15 and who all were born in this country. But with the new rule, Yuri, wondered, would staying on food stamps imperil her asylum application or get her deported? Would she and her family have to move back to Michoacán, which has some of the worst cartel violence in Mexico?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"public-charge\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She decided to terminate food stamps for her kids and to withdraw herself from MediCal, despite some health complications she said accompanied her latest pregnancy. She worries, she said, about how she will keep her children’s bellies full without food stamps. But she doesn’t want the use of social service programs to put her at risk of being deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across California, the looming change, known as the “public charge” rule, is sowing confusion and fear within the immigrant community, causing many people to abandon programs for fear of retaliation from immigration authorities, according to nearly two dozen interviews with health care providers, lawyers, nonprofit organizations and social service agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new rule could affect more than 2 million Californians, most of whom are not subject to the regulation, and could result in 765,000 people withdrawing from MediCal and CalFresh, according to UCLA’s Center for Health Policy Research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yuri, who did not want her last name used for fear of drawing attention to her family, would not be affected by the rule change: Refugees and asylees are\u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/legal-resources/final-rule-public-charge-ground-inadmissibility\"> exempted\u003c/a> from the policy, as are the food stamps she gets for her children, who are citizens. But many immigrants like her, who are not subject to the rule, are feeling the chilling effect, with some withdrawing from social services unnecessarily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Social service experts describe patients staying away from crucial medical appointments, domestic violence survivors avoiding food stamps, a crime victim with a humanitarian visa dropping health coverage during treatment for cancer and parents considering removing their children from benefits ranging from free and reduced school lunches to health coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, green card applicants must prove they will not be a financial burden — or a “public charge” — on the United States through use of cash welfare programs or publicly funded institutional care. The new regulation, which will take effect in mid-October, would expand the public charge definition to include Medicaid, food stamps and housing vouchers. Immigration officials will also consider income, education, English-language abilities and health when making a determination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Claribel Chavez, an outreach worker for the Second Harvest Food Bank of Silicon Valley, said the primary reason the people she talks to resist signing up for food stamps is out of fear of being considered a public charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re just not doing it because they are scared,” she said. “They say, ‘We would rather struggle than put our name into the system.’ It’s getting bad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, Santa Clara and San Francisco counties\u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/cco/public-charge/pages/home.aspx\"> sued\u003c/a> the Trump administration over the regulation and filed a motion to block the rule before it takes effect. The\u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/cco/public-charge/Documents/Counties_Prelimimary_Injunction_Motion.pdf\"> motion\u003c/a> argues that the rule, if implemented, would cause “irreparable harm” to the counties and “will cause individuals to dis-enroll from or forgo critical public benefits out of fear of potential immigration consequences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of a\u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/homenews/news/457485-washington-state-ag-files-lawsuit-over-trump-public-charge-rule\"> number\u003c/a> of states suing to block the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its\u003ca href=\"https://s3.amazonaws.com/public-inspection.federalregister.gov/2019-17142.pdf\"> publication\u003c/a> of the rule change, the Department of Homeland Security estimated that 324,000 people in households with non-citizens will withdraw or stay away from public benefits because of the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Yuri, an asylum-seeker\"]‘We don’t want to have the risk. You never know what’s going to happen.’[/pullquote]But immigrants’ rights advocates said they expect the affected pool to be much larger, because the effects are trickling down to legal immigrants and mixed-status families who, fearing negative consequences, may now withdraw or stay away from housing assistance, health care or other social services. A recent\u003ca href=\"https://www.kff.org/report-section/estimated-impacts-of-final-public-charge-inadmissibility-rule-on-immigrants-and-medicaid-coverage-key-findings/\"> report\u003c/a> by the Kaiser Family Foundation, for example, estimated that the rule could result in up to 4.7 million people withdrawing from Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although it is difficult to measure the full impacts of the policy before it takes effect, there are some indications that it may already be having an influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco County, according to court records, food stamp enrollment in households with at least one noncitizen dropped sharply when the proposed rule was announced in the fall of 2018, while citizen household enrollment remained relatively steady.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Santa Clara County, data provided in\u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/cco/public-charge/Documents/Declaration_of_Director_of_DEBS_Angela_Shing.pdf\"> court records\u003c/a> indicates that the number of households receiving food stamps with at least one member who is not a citizen decreased 20% — or from about 15,000 to about 12,000 — from October 2018 to May 2019. During the same time period, food stamp enrollment in citizen households stayed at roughly 26,000. The records also show that MediCal participation in households with at least one noncitizen decreased more than 13% from the fall of 2018 to July 2019, while participation in citizen households increased 6%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For health care providers in the Bay Area, the prospect of patients declining medical care is worrisome. Santa Clara County has the fourth-highest rate of tuberculosis in California, according to Dr. Sara Cody, the county’s director of public health, with almost 10% of that population infected with latent TB. Patients forgoing evaluation and treatment could heighten the risk of spreading infection to county residents, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jane Garcia, the chief executive officer of La Clinica, a health clinic that operates in Alameda, Solano and Contra Costa counties, said health care providers have reported patients skipping appointments and withdrawing from county health programs, as well as from MediCal. She said she gets three to four emails a day from doctors reporting appointment cancellations and no-shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Greg C. Garrett, the chief policy and external affairs officer of the Alameda Health Consortium, shared the story of a 13-year-old U.S. citizen with severe depression and schizophrenia whose mother withdrew her from health services because she was afraid of the public charge rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Her provider told me she is having nightmares, wondering what is happening with this young girl because of her issues,” Garrett said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum-seekers and refugees would be exempt from the current rule, as would victims of domestic violence and trafficking. But advocates and lawyers who work with those populations say that many of them, too, are confused about the 800-plus-page rule and have asked if they should reconsider using benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, neither the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) nor free and reduced price school lunch programs would be affected by the change. But social service providers in the Bay Area say recipients of both benefits have expressed concern about continuing their enrollment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Yuri, the path forward is one without CalFresh for her children, and although she is seeking the advice of an immigration lawyer, legal consultation seems unlikely to change her mind about withdrawing. For now, she said, it all just seems too uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want to have the risk,” she said, rocking her newborn’s pink crib. “You never know what’s going to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Erica Hellerstein is a journalist at The Mercury News in San Jose working for The California Divide, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She decided to terminate food stamps for her kids and to withdraw herself from MediCal, despite some health complications she said accompanied her latest pregnancy. She worries, she said, about how she will keep her children’s bellies full without food stamps. But she doesn’t want the use of social service programs to put her at risk of being deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across California, the looming change, known as the “public charge” rule, is sowing confusion and fear within the immigrant community, causing many people to abandon programs for fear of retaliation from immigration authorities, according to nearly two dozen interviews with health care providers, lawyers, nonprofit organizations and social service agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new rule could affect more than 2 million Californians, most of whom are not subject to the regulation, and could result in 765,000 people withdrawing from MediCal and CalFresh, according to UCLA’s Center for Health Policy Research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yuri, who did not want her last name used for fear of drawing attention to her family, would not be affected by the rule change: Refugees and asylees are\u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/legal-resources/final-rule-public-charge-ground-inadmissibility\"> exempted\u003c/a> from the policy, as are the food stamps she gets for her children, who are citizens. But many immigrants like her, who are not subject to the rule, are feeling the chilling effect, with some withdrawing from social services unnecessarily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Social service experts describe patients staying away from crucial medical appointments, domestic violence survivors avoiding food stamps, a crime victim with a humanitarian visa dropping health coverage during treatment for cancer and parents considering removing their children from benefits ranging from free and reduced school lunches to health coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, green card applicants must prove they will not be a financial burden — or a “public charge” — on the United States through use of cash welfare programs or publicly funded institutional care. The new regulation, which will take effect in mid-October, would expand the public charge definition to include Medicaid, food stamps and housing vouchers. Immigration officials will also consider income, education, English-language abilities and health when making a determination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Claribel Chavez, an outreach worker for the Second Harvest Food Bank of Silicon Valley, said the primary reason the people she talks to resist signing up for food stamps is out of fear of being considered a public charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re just not doing it because they are scared,” she said. “They say, ‘We would rather struggle than put our name into the system.’ It’s getting bad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, Santa Clara and San Francisco counties\u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/cco/public-charge/pages/home.aspx\"> sued\u003c/a> the Trump administration over the regulation and filed a motion to block the rule before it takes effect. The\u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/cco/public-charge/Documents/Counties_Prelimimary_Injunction_Motion.pdf\"> motion\u003c/a> argues that the rule, if implemented, would cause “irreparable harm” to the counties and “will cause individuals to dis-enroll from or forgo critical public benefits out of fear of potential immigration consequences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of a\u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/homenews/news/457485-washington-state-ag-files-lawsuit-over-trump-public-charge-rule\"> number\u003c/a> of states suing to block the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its\u003ca href=\"https://s3.amazonaws.com/public-inspection.federalregister.gov/2019-17142.pdf\"> publication\u003c/a> of the rule change, the Department of Homeland Security estimated that 324,000 people in households with non-citizens will withdraw or stay away from public benefits because of the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But immigrants’ rights advocates said they expect the affected pool to be much larger, because the effects are trickling down to legal immigrants and mixed-status families who, fearing negative consequences, may now withdraw or stay away from housing assistance, health care or other social services. A recent\u003ca href=\"https://www.kff.org/report-section/estimated-impacts-of-final-public-charge-inadmissibility-rule-on-immigrants-and-medicaid-coverage-key-findings/\"> report\u003c/a> by the Kaiser Family Foundation, for example, estimated that the rule could result in up to 4.7 million people withdrawing from Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although it is difficult to measure the full impacts of the policy before it takes effect, there are some indications that it may already be having an influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco County, according to court records, food stamp enrollment in households with at least one noncitizen dropped sharply when the proposed rule was announced in the fall of 2018, while citizen household enrollment remained relatively steady.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Santa Clara County, data provided in\u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/cco/public-charge/Documents/Declaration_of_Director_of_DEBS_Angela_Shing.pdf\"> court records\u003c/a> indicates that the number of households receiving food stamps with at least one member who is not a citizen decreased 20% — or from about 15,000 to about 12,000 — from October 2018 to May 2019. During the same time period, food stamp enrollment in citizen households stayed at roughly 26,000. The records also show that MediCal participation in households with at least one noncitizen decreased more than 13% from the fall of 2018 to July 2019, while participation in citizen households increased 6%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For health care providers in the Bay Area, the prospect of patients declining medical care is worrisome. Santa Clara County has the fourth-highest rate of tuberculosis in California, according to Dr. Sara Cody, the county’s director of public health, with almost 10% of that population infected with latent TB. Patients forgoing evaluation and treatment could heighten the risk of spreading infection to county residents, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jane Garcia, the chief executive officer of La Clinica, a health clinic that operates in Alameda, Solano and Contra Costa counties, said health care providers have reported patients skipping appointments and withdrawing from county health programs, as well as from MediCal. She said she gets three to four emails a day from doctors reporting appointment cancellations and no-shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Greg C. Garrett, the chief policy and external affairs officer of the Alameda Health Consortium, shared the story of a 13-year-old U.S. citizen with severe depression and schizophrenia whose mother withdrew her from health services because she was afraid of the public charge rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Her provider told me she is having nightmares, wondering what is happening with this young girl because of her issues,” Garrett said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum-seekers and refugees would be exempt from the current rule, as would victims of domestic violence and trafficking. But advocates and lawyers who work with those populations say that many of them, too, are confused about the 800-plus-page rule and have asked if they should reconsider using benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, neither the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) nor free and reduced price school lunch programs would be affected by the change. But social service providers in the Bay Area say recipients of both benefits have expressed concern about continuing their enrollment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Yuri, the path forward is one without CalFresh for her children, and although she is seeking the advice of an immigration lawyer, legal consultation seems unlikely to change her mind about withdrawing. For now, she said, it all just seems too uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want to have the risk,” she said, rocking her newborn’s pink crib. “You never know what’s going to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Erica Hellerstein is a journalist at The Mercury News in San Jose working for The California Divide, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than 1,000 migrant children have been \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorestillseparated\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">separated from their parents\u003c/a> since a federal judge issued an injunction designed to stop the practice in June, 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, Judge Dana Sabraw ordered the Trump administration to provide documentation on all family separations that have happened in the interim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now we're potentially looking at an injunction on top of another injunction on top of an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11675975/speaker-ryan-plans-immigration-votes-amid-doubts-that-bills-can-pass\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">executive order\u003c/a> — all supposedly put in place to stop family separations at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet the administration still insists on separating children from their parents, sometimes for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11764686/family-separation-for-a-traffic-offense\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ridiculous reasons\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than 1,000 migrant children have been \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorestillseparated\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">separated from their parents\u003c/a> since a federal judge issued an injunction designed to stop the practice in June, 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, Judge Dana Sabraw ordered the Trump administration to provide documentation on all family separations that have happened in the interim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now we're potentially looking at an injunction on top of another injunction on top of an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11675975/speaker-ryan-plans-immigration-votes-amid-doubts-that-bills-can-pass\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">executive order\u003c/a> — all supposedly put in place to stop family separations at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet the administration still insists on separating children from their parents, sometimes for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11764686/family-separation-for-a-traffic-offense\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ridiculous reasons\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A federal judge in San Diego on Monday ordered the Trump administration to provide all documentation relating to migrant family separations, a practice that has continued despite a June 2018 court order. More than 1,000 children have been separated from parents since then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is beyond shocking that the Trump administration continues to take babies from their parents,” ACLU lawyer Lee Gelernt said in a statement. Gelernt is representing migrant parents, whose children were forcibly taken away by border officials, in a class-action lawsuit. “The administration cannot simply ignore the nationwide injunction over minor infractions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a status conference on Friday, lawyers representing the federal government argued that the original injunction allows them to separate parents from their children if the parents are considered “unfit” or “a danger to the child.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in court, Gelernt questioned if the government’s motivation for separation was truly for reasons of safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The government is more than happy to take these parents, that they deem a danger to their child, and remove them together. So they’re more than happy to put them together when it means getting rid of them,” Gelernt said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU is asking that the judge reassess the original injunction to more explicitly address or provide guidelines for when children can be taken away from parents with a criminal history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU is also asking that the government provide plaintiffs with lists of separated children on a weekly basis. In a joint status report to the judge earlier this month, the ACLU said it has been provided “one updated list tracking continuing separation of families” on Aug. 20. But plaintiffs’ lawyers said the information was a month old, making it difficult to begin the process of finding and potentially reuniting the children with their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='ACLU lawyer Lee Gelernt']‘The government is more than happy to take these parents, that they deem a danger to their child, and remove them together. So they’re more than happy to put them together when it means getting rid of them.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Justice Department lawyer Sarah Fabian said providing the lists each week would not be “feasible” due to the intensive back-and-forth and crosschecking required between different federal agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Judge Dana Sabraw did not make a decision during the hearing on Friday, he said he hoped to rule on the continued separations soon. And he offered this observation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have, for example, a father who has an assault with a deadly weapon in California, beat another man nearly to death and is sentenced to federal prison — that man might be the most loving, protective father and absolutely no danger to his child,” Sabraw said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five asylum-seeking mothers also separately filed suit last week against the Trump administration’s family separation policy, seeking damages for cruel treatment and agony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in July, the ACLU \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11764463/border-agents-still-separating-hundreds-of-migrant-kids-from-parents-says-aclu\">filed a motion\u003c/a> attesting that the federal government had separated more than 900 children from their parents at the border, despite the nationwide injunction issued by Judge Sabraw on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677646/judge-bars-migrant-family-separations-orders-return-of-children-within-30-days\">June 26, 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That injunction prevents the government from separating children from their parents, “absent a determination that the parent is unfit or presents a danger to the child,” or if the parent “affirmatively, knowingly and voluntarily declines to be reunited with the child in DHS [Department of Homeland Security] custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last spring, Department of Homeland Security acting Secretary Kevin McAleenan said continuing separations are done only for the safety of the child and are based on “defined criteria” in keeping with Sabraw’s order. But ACLU attorneys say the government has taken children from their parents based on minor criminal convictions and unsubstantiated allegations of wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='family-separation' label='Related Coverage.']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Friday’s hearing, the government told Sabraw that of the 2,814 separated children who were in government custody at the time of the June 2018 ruling, all but 27 have been discharged — either by being reunified with a parent or under other “appropriate circumstances” (including placement with sponsors if their parent is deemed not eligible for reunification, or if the child turned 18.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The search for additional separated migrant kids is underway because in April Sabraw ordered an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11743074/judge-orders-trump-administration-to-identify-thousands-more-separated-migrant-families\">expansion of the class\u003c/a> in the lawsuit, known as \u003cem>Ms. L v. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Justice Department lawyer Sarah Fabian said providing the lists each week would not be “feasible” due to the intensive back-and-forth and crosschecking required between different federal agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Judge Dana Sabraw did not make a decision during the hearing on Friday, he said he hoped to rule on the continued separations soon. And he offered this observation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have, for example, a father who has an assault with a deadly weapon in California, beat another man nearly to death and is sentenced to federal prison — that man might be the most loving, protective father and absolutely no danger to his child,” Sabraw said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five asylum-seeking mothers also separately filed suit last week against the Trump administration’s family separation policy, seeking damages for cruel treatment and agony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in July, the ACLU \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11764463/border-agents-still-separating-hundreds-of-migrant-kids-from-parents-says-aclu\">filed a motion\u003c/a> attesting that the federal government had separated more than 900 children from their parents at the border, despite the nationwide injunction issued by Judge Sabraw on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677646/judge-bars-migrant-family-separations-orders-return-of-children-within-30-days\">June 26, 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That injunction prevents the government from separating children from their parents, “absent a determination that the parent is unfit or presents a danger to the child,” or if the parent “affirmatively, knowingly and voluntarily declines to be reunited with the child in DHS [Department of Homeland Security] custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last spring, Department of Homeland Security acting Secretary Kevin McAleenan said continuing separations are done only for the safety of the child and are based on “defined criteria” in keeping with Sabraw’s order. But ACLU attorneys say the government has taken children from their parents based on minor criminal convictions and unsubstantiated allegations of wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Friday’s hearing, the government told Sabraw that of the 2,814 separated children who were in government custody at the time of the June 2018 ruling, all but 27 have been discharged — either by being reunified with a parent or under other “appropriate circumstances” (including placement with sponsors if their parent is deemed not eligible for reunification, or if the child turned 18.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The search for additional separated migrant kids is underway because in April Sabraw ordered an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11743074/judge-orders-trump-administration-to-identify-thousands-more-separated-migrant-families\">expansion of the class\u003c/a> in the lawsuit, known as \u003cem>Ms. L v. ICE\u003c/em>, to include parents who were separated from their children between July 1, 2017, and June 25, 2018. During that hearing, Sabraw told government officials he expected the updated list of children to be ready by Oct. 23.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for the government told the court that at least 986 more children were taken from their parents in the year before Sabraw’s injunction. And federal officials are still combing through records that could identify as many as 2,000 more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge ordered both parties to report back to him with the family separation documents on Oct. 16.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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