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"content": "\u003cp>When 15-year-old Guadalupe Garcia thinks about what could happen if the Supreme Court decides to end protections for hundreds of thousands of undocumented immigrants, she feels terrified that her mother could be deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If something were to happen to her, I would feel like the air got knocked out of me,” Guadalupe said. “I don’t know what I would do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"More coverage\" tag=\"immigration\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guadalupe is one of an estimated 250,000 U.S.-born children nationwide who have parents in the country under Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA, the federal program that provides temporary protection from deportation and permission to work for people who came to the U.S. as children. An estimated 72,600 children of DACA recipients live in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, President Trump announced plans to end DACA, which would subject recipients to possible deportation and revoke their ability to work when their status expires. The University of California and other plaintiffs sued to keep the program in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case is now before the U.S. Supreme Court, where justices will consider whether the Trump administration can legally end DACA. A coalition of children’s advocacy organizations, pediatricians and child development experts submitted a statement to the court, asking the justices to consider the health and well-being of recipients’ children, arguing that ending DACA would hurt their mental and physical health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If DACA is rescinded, you have a risk of greater economic insecurity, food insecurity, housing insecurity and access to health care and other services that may be impacted because a parent won’t have DACA status,” said Mayra Alvarez, president of The Children’s Partnership, a nonprofit children’s advocacy organization based in Los Angeles that signed on to the statement to the court. “Children thrive when they’re with loving parents, loving caregivers. It’s really important to consider that that critical relationship between a parent and a child is something we’re intentionally destroying by eliminating DACA.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guadalupe’s mother, Gabriela Garcia, was brought to the United States from Mexico when she was 3 years old. She was 17 when she had her daughter; now she is 33.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11802651\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 845px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11802651\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Gabrielachild.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"845\" height=\"1131\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Gabrielachild.png 845w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Gabrielachild-160x214.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Gabrielachild-800x1071.png 800w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 845px) 100vw, 845px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriela Garcia (right) at around 3 years old, shortly before moving to the U.S. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Gabriela Garcia.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When former President Barack Obama announced the DACA policy in 2012, it felt like a lifesaver. To apply, immigrants had to be between 15 and 30 years old, have been brought to the U.S. when they were younger than 16 and lived here for at least five years. They also had to either be in school, have graduated from high school or received a GED certificate or be veterans of the Armed Forces or the Coast Guard, and have no convictions for felonies, significant misdemeanors or multiple misdemeanors. Nationwide, nearly 700,000 people are currently protected under DACA, according to the most recent data from U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia said DACA has helped her provide for Guadalupe — it allows her to work as an accountant at a computer company, where she has health insurance that has been critical to care for her daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guadalupe was born with a birth defect that affects her kidneys. She has been hospitalized multiple times and has had three surgeries since she was born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia doesn’t know how she would have paid all the medical bills without health insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just seeing what the bill should have been without the health insurance, it’s crazy. It’s a big responsibility for me to make sure she has health insurance and she’s being taken care of, and we don’t miss anything in terms of her health, because that’s scary,” Garcia said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The impact of ending DACA would go far beyond Guadalupe’s physical health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='left' citation=\"Gabriela Garcia, DACA recipient\"]'It’s a big responsibility for me to make sure she has health insurance and she’s being taken care of, and we don’t miss anything in terms of her health, because that’s scary.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, the two live together in California’s Central Valley with their extended family — Garcia’s sister and her two children, Garcia’s other sister and brother and their parents. During the week, Garcia commutes daily to the San Francisco Bay Area for work. On the weekends, she spends most of her time with Guadalupe. They often walk her 2-year-old cousin to the local park, where he climbs up and down the play structure, calling for “Tita,” his nickname for Guadalupe, to chase him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tight-knit feeling, the family support — it all feels like it could change in an instant for Garcia and her daughter. The Supreme Court may not make a final decision on DACA until June. But the possibility of being separated from her mother already feels real to Guadalupe, already makes her anxious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Afraid she might lose her DACA status after Trump became president, Garcia drew up notarized papers making her younger sister, who is a U.S. citizen, the legal guardian of Guadalupe, in case she is deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole atmosphere we’re creating, that somehow it’s OK to threaten to split up a family, is devastating to a kid,” said Ted Lempert, president of Children Now, an advocacy organization based in Oakland that also signed on to the statement submitted to the court. “That uncertainty and fear has a huge impact on a kid’s health and well-being.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That assertion is backed up by research that says that when children live with the fear of a parent’s deportation, they are more likely to experience anxiety and depression and perform poorly in school or drop out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guadalupe has plans to attend Cal State Fullerton after high school, then go to medical school in New York. She wants to be a pediatrician. Her mom is proud of her daughter’s dreams. Garcia said she also had good grades in high school, until she realized what it meant that she was undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t think I could go to college, and I kind of like gave up,” Garcia said. “I was a good student, I had good grades, I had a really good GPA. I felt like I hit a wall and I couldn’t go or do anything when I realized I was an [undocumented] immigrant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Ted Lempert, President of Children Now\"]'The whole atmosphere we’re creating, that somehow it’s OK to threaten to split up a family, is devastating to a kid.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia worries that her own immigration status will derail her daughter’s dreams. She’s already heard her daughter say she’ll protect her mom, apply for immigration papers for her, make sure she’s able to stay. But Garcia doesn’t know if that’s even a possibility. Under current immigration law, most undocumented immigrants are barred from even applying for legal residency, even if they have U.S. citizen children or spouses, unless they leave the country for 10 years. Even then there is no guarantee the application would be approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish she didn’t have to worry about this type of thing,” Garcia said. “I wish that this wasn’t a fear that she has. I want her to focus on being a kid, or being a teenager, or making sure she has her life. I don’t want her to feel like she’s responsible for me. She’ll hit a wall like I hit a wall. I don’t want that feeling for her.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hugging her daughter close after a Sunday walk to the park, Garcia joked that Guadalupe is almost an adult, that she’ll soon leave home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s OK, Mom, you have three years left. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, the two live together in California’s Central Valley with their extended family — Garcia’s sister and her two children, Garcia’s other sister and brother and their parents. During the week, Garcia commutes daily to the San Francisco Bay Area for work. On the weekends, she spends most of her time with Guadalupe. They often walk her 2-year-old cousin to the local park, where he climbs up and down the play structure, calling for “Tita,” his nickname for Guadalupe, to chase him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tight-knit feeling, the family support — it all feels like it could change in an instant for Garcia and her daughter. The Supreme Court may not make a final decision on DACA until June. But the possibility of being separated from her mother already feels real to Guadalupe, already makes her anxious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Afraid she might lose her DACA status after Trump became president, Garcia drew up notarized papers making her younger sister, who is a U.S. citizen, the legal guardian of Guadalupe, in case she is deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole atmosphere we’re creating, that somehow it’s OK to threaten to split up a family, is devastating to a kid,” said Ted Lempert, president of Children Now, an advocacy organization based in Oakland that also signed on to the statement submitted to the court. “That uncertainty and fear has a huge impact on a kid’s health and well-being.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That assertion is backed up by research that says that when children live with the fear of a parent’s deportation, they are more likely to experience anxiety and depression and perform poorly in school or drop out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guadalupe has plans to attend Cal State Fullerton after high school, then go to medical school in New York. She wants to be a pediatrician. Her mom is proud of her daughter’s dreams. Garcia said she also had good grades in high school, until she realized what it meant that she was undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t think I could go to college, and I kind of like gave up,” Garcia said. “I was a good student, I had good grades, I had a really good GPA. I felt like I hit a wall and I couldn’t go or do anything when I realized I was an [undocumented] immigrant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia worries that her own immigration status will derail her daughter’s dreams. She’s already heard her daughter say she’ll protect her mom, apply for immigration papers for her, make sure she’s able to stay. But Garcia doesn’t know if that’s even a possibility. Under current immigration law, most undocumented immigrants are barred from even applying for legal residency, even if they have U.S. citizen children or spouses, unless they leave the country for 10 years. Even then there is no guarantee the application would be approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish she didn’t have to worry about this type of thing,” Garcia said. “I wish that this wasn’t a fear that she has. I want her to focus on being a kid, or being a teenager, or making sure she has her life. I don’t want her to feel like she’s responsible for me. She’ll hit a wall like I hit a wall. I don’t want that feeling for her.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hugging her daughter close after a Sunday walk to the park, Garcia joked that Guadalupe is almost an adult, that she’ll soon leave home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s OK, Mom, you have three years left. You’re almost done,” Guadalupe said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Am I?” Garcia answered, turning serious. “No. Never done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s always been her and I,” she said. “We’ve been through a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They leaned into each other, holding on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Robel Sletsion, an asylee from Eritrea who’s now a U.S. citizen, applied months ago for an immigrant visa for his wife, Tehaguas, who’s also Eritrean. The couple planned to live in Oakland together, where Sletsion works as a plumber and pipe fitter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the couple’s plans to reunite are now in shambles after President Trump expanded his travel ban to cover six more countries, including Eritrea. The new restrictions went into effect Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very hard. I don’t know how long it’s going to be,” said Sletsion, 34. “I don’t know if she can come. I don’t know if I’m allowed to get her here and live a happy life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is home to thousands of immigrants from countries targeted by the Trump administration’s new travel restrictions. The policy makes it difficult for American citizens to bring spouses, children and other relatives from the affected nations to live in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration is banning new immigrant visas to permanently move here for nationals of Eritrea, Myanmar, Kyrgyzstan and Nigeria, the most populous country in Africa. Citizens of Sudan and Tanzania will no longer be able to gain residency in the U.S through a diversity visa lottery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new policy widens the controversial travel ban that has been in place since 2017 on five Muslim-majority nations — Libya, Somalia, Iran, Syria and Yemen — as well as for certain citizens of North Korea and Venezuela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Refugees and asylees are exempted from the restrictions. And those with green cards or visas in hand will not be affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Sletsion’s wife does not yet have a U.S. visa, since her application is pending. Because of the new restrictions, Tehaguas may not be able to come live with him here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Sletsion can’t return safely to Eritrea, he said, because he fled political persecution in that country after the army forcibly conscripted him when he was a teen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Haregu Gaime, immigration attorney\"]‘It’s horrifying, people are scared that they will not be able to reunite with their family members.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a dictatorial government and it was very dangerous for me to live there. So I left,” said Sletsion, who arrived in the U.S. 11 years ago. “I’m very grateful to have a peaceful life here in this country. But this [order by the president] is very unfortunate. If somebody can help, please help us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the couple’s only hope to reunite is to get a waiver of the travel ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those exceptions are very hard to get, Sletsion learned at an event attended by dozens of other Eritrean immigrants at an Oakland library in the Temescal neighborhood last Saturday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is no formal application to request a waiver, attorneys at the event said. And U.S. citizens must show they’ll suffer undue hardship if their relative is denied a visa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s horrifying, people are scared that they will not be able to reunite with their family members,” said immigration attorney Haregu Gaime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new restrictions will impact Eritreans particularly hard, she said, as the Trump administration has already discontinued visas for students, tourists and business purposes. Those previous limitations are due to that country’s “lack of cooperation” in accepting their nationals who were ordered deported from the U.S., according to the Department of State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now “Eritreans are not allowed to enter the United States, is essentially what this government is saying,” said Gaime, who initially arrived in the U.S. as a 5-year-old Eritrean refugee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 8,100 Eritreans live in California, with a third of them residing in Alameda County alone, according to census figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump said the travel restrictions were imposed because the countries did not meet U.S. security criteria and have deficiencies in sharing terrorist, criminal or identity information. As a result, American officials can’t verify the true identity of all applicants from those nations, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As President, I must continue to act to protect the security and interests of the United States and its people,” said Trump in his \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/proclamation-improving-enhanced-vetting-capabilities-processes-detecting-attempted-entry/\">Jan. 31 proclamation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The travel ban expansion comes as African immigrants have surged in numbers in recent decades to more than 2 million nationwide, with the largest share of that population being born in Nigeria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ismael Okunade, co-owner of Miliki Restaurant in Oakland’s Laurel neighborhood, is one of the estimated 36,000 Nigerian immigrants living in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of Okunade’s customers were shocked by the new travel restrictions, he said, because Nigeria, Africa’s biggest economy, is a business partner to the U.S. And culturally, Nigerians are very influenced by America, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you go to Nigeria, the kids, everybody is Americanized,” said Okunade, who immigrated nearly 40 years ago and became a U.S. citizen. “Nigeria is actually like, you put New York in Lagos. It’s the same thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11802731\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11802731 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41459_IMG_1990-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41459_IMG_1990-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41459_IMG_1990-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41459_IMG_1990-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41459_IMG_1990-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41459_IMG_1990-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41459_IMG_1990-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41459_IMG_1990-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41459_IMG_1990-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41459_IMG_1990-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ismael Okunade works at the restaurant he owns in Oakland on Feb. 12, 2020. Many of his Nigerian customers were surprised by the travel ban expansion affecting their home country, he said. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Okunade believes a blanket ban on immigrant visas is unnecessary, because every Nigerian approved to come live in the U.S. already goes through extensive screening by American officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not that easy to get a visa. So they must have vetted people very well before they can get one,” he said. “So to me, it doesn’t make any sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his proclamation, President Trump said he decided to continue allowing temporary travelers — such as tourists and students — to reduce the number of people impacted. Immigrant visas were prioritized, he said, because it’s more difficult to deport an individual from the U.S. if they already have permanent legal residence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Haregu Gaime, immigration attorney\"]‘Do not lose hope. Keep filing those applications and apply for those waivers … do what you need to do, because this country belongs to all of us.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But critics of the restrictions questioned why the U.S. would ban new immigrant visas in the name of national security but then allow temporary visitors from the targeted countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That doesn’t seem to fit the rationale that we are being fed, that this is because of security threats or because we can’t authenticate documents,” said Babak Yousefzadeh, president emeritus of the Iranian American Bar Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is clearly a discriminatory policy on the basis of ethnicity or national origin or religion,” said Yousefzadeh, a San Francisco attorney representing plaintiffs in a federal lawsuit which argues that the government’s promise to implement a “robust” waiver process is hollow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the initial travel restrictions went into effect, there were mass denials of waivers and only two people were able to obtain the exceptions, according to the lawsuit. But the government has granted more waivers since: A third of the 60,000 petitions considered were approved between December 2017 and 2019, according to the State Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the government has not provided clear criteria or guidelines to apply for waivers, and the process remains “opaque and arbitrary,” said Yousefzadeh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, the U.S. Supreme Court allowed a version of the original travel ban to go into effect while lower courts consider whether it is constitutional. Last month, the 4th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in Virginia heard arguments from the ACLU and other organizations challenging the ban.\u003cbr>\n[aside tag=\"travel-ban\" label=\"related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given the pending lawsuits, the Council on American-Islamic Relations and other advocacy organizations “are exploring all the options available to them” on the expanded travel restrictions, said Zahra Billoo, who directs \u003ca href=\"https://www.cair.com\">CAIR\u003c/a>’s San Francisco Bay Area office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To the extent that more countries are being added, that means that more people will be targeted. And so my colleagues are exploring whether or not additional legal challenges are possible,” said Billoo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. citizens and green card holders ordinarily have a right to sponsor their family members abroad to come live with them. At the information session for Eritreans in Oakland, immigration lawyer Gaime said the travel restrictions interfere with that. But she asked those affected to be persistent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do not lose hope. Keep filing those applications and apply for those waivers … do what you need to do, because this country belongs to all of us,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Community organizer Meron Semedar, also an Eritrean asylee, had another recommendation for naturalized U.S. citizens at the event hoping to roll back the travel restrictions: register and vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When issues like today, like the [travel] ban come, how do you address it? If you are a citizen you can address it at the ballot, too,” said Semedar, who recently became an American citizen. “Who knows? By voting against Trump, we might have him out of office by November. And that has an impact.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Robel Sletsion, an asylee from Eritrea who’s now a U.S. citizen, applied months ago for an immigrant visa for his wife, Tehaguas, who’s also Eritrean. The couple planned to live in Oakland together, where Sletsion works as a plumber and pipe fitter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the couple’s plans to reunite are now in shambles after President Trump expanded his travel ban to cover six more countries, including Eritrea. The new restrictions went into effect Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very hard. I don’t know how long it’s going to be,” said Sletsion, 34. “I don’t know if she can come. I don’t know if I’m allowed to get her here and live a happy life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is home to thousands of immigrants from countries targeted by the Trump administration’s new travel restrictions. The policy makes it difficult for American citizens to bring spouses, children and other relatives from the affected nations to live in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration is banning new immigrant visas to permanently move here for nationals of Eritrea, Myanmar, Kyrgyzstan and Nigeria, the most populous country in Africa. Citizens of Sudan and Tanzania will no longer be able to gain residency in the U.S through a diversity visa lottery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new policy widens the controversial travel ban that has been in place since 2017 on five Muslim-majority nations — Libya, Somalia, Iran, Syria and Yemen — as well as for certain citizens of North Korea and Venezuela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Refugees and asylees are exempted from the restrictions. And those with green cards or visas in hand will not be affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Sletsion’s wife does not yet have a U.S. visa, since her application is pending. Because of the new restrictions, Tehaguas may not be able to come live with him here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Sletsion can’t return safely to Eritrea, he said, because he fled political persecution in that country after the army forcibly conscripted him when he was a teen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a dictatorial government and it was very dangerous for me to live there. So I left,” said Sletsion, who arrived in the U.S. 11 years ago. “I’m very grateful to have a peaceful life here in this country. But this [order by the president] is very unfortunate. If somebody can help, please help us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the couple’s only hope to reunite is to get a waiver of the travel ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those exceptions are very hard to get, Sletsion learned at an event attended by dozens of other Eritrean immigrants at an Oakland library in the Temescal neighborhood last Saturday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is no formal application to request a waiver, attorneys at the event said. And U.S. citizens must show they’ll suffer undue hardship if their relative is denied a visa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s horrifying, people are scared that they will not be able to reunite with their family members,” said immigration attorney Haregu Gaime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new restrictions will impact Eritreans particularly hard, she said, as the Trump administration has already discontinued visas for students, tourists and business purposes. Those previous limitations are due to that country’s “lack of cooperation” in accepting their nationals who were ordered deported from the U.S., according to the Department of State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now “Eritreans are not allowed to enter the United States, is essentially what this government is saying,” said Gaime, who initially arrived in the U.S. as a 5-year-old Eritrean refugee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 8,100 Eritreans live in California, with a third of them residing in Alameda County alone, according to census figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump said the travel restrictions were imposed because the countries did not meet U.S. security criteria and have deficiencies in sharing terrorist, criminal or identity information. As a result, American officials can’t verify the true identity of all applicants from those nations, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As President, I must continue to act to protect the security and interests of the United States and its people,” said Trump in his \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/proclamation-improving-enhanced-vetting-capabilities-processes-detecting-attempted-entry/\">Jan. 31 proclamation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The travel ban expansion comes as African immigrants have surged in numbers in recent decades to more than 2 million nationwide, with the largest share of that population being born in Nigeria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ismael Okunade, co-owner of Miliki Restaurant in Oakland’s Laurel neighborhood, is one of the estimated 36,000 Nigerian immigrants living in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of Okunade’s customers were shocked by the new travel restrictions, he said, because Nigeria, Africa’s biggest economy, is a business partner to the U.S. And culturally, Nigerians are very influenced by America, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you go to Nigeria, the kids, everybody is Americanized,” said Okunade, who immigrated nearly 40 years ago and became a U.S. citizen. “Nigeria is actually like, you put New York in Lagos. It’s the same thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11802731\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11802731 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41459_IMG_1990-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41459_IMG_1990-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41459_IMG_1990-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41459_IMG_1990-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41459_IMG_1990-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41459_IMG_1990-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41459_IMG_1990-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41459_IMG_1990-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41459_IMG_1990-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41459_IMG_1990-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ismael Okunade works at the restaurant he owns in Oakland on Feb. 12, 2020. Many of his Nigerian customers were surprised by the travel ban expansion affecting their home country, he said. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Okunade believes a blanket ban on immigrant visas is unnecessary, because every Nigerian approved to come live in the U.S. already goes through extensive screening by American officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not that easy to get a visa. So they must have vetted people very well before they can get one,” he said. “So to me, it doesn’t make any sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his proclamation, President Trump said he decided to continue allowing temporary travelers — such as tourists and students — to reduce the number of people impacted. Immigrant visas were prioritized, he said, because it’s more difficult to deport an individual from the U.S. if they already have permanent legal residence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Do not lose hope. Keep filing those applications and apply for those waivers … do what you need to do, because this country belongs to all of us.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But critics of the restrictions questioned why the U.S. would ban new immigrant visas in the name of national security but then allow temporary visitors from the targeted countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That doesn’t seem to fit the rationale that we are being fed, that this is because of security threats or because we can’t authenticate documents,” said Babak Yousefzadeh, president emeritus of the Iranian American Bar Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is clearly a discriminatory policy on the basis of ethnicity or national origin or religion,” said Yousefzadeh, a San Francisco attorney representing plaintiffs in a federal lawsuit which argues that the government’s promise to implement a “robust” waiver process is hollow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the initial travel restrictions went into effect, there were mass denials of waivers and only two people were able to obtain the exceptions, according to the lawsuit. But the government has granted more waivers since: A third of the 60,000 petitions considered were approved between December 2017 and 2019, according to the State Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the government has not provided clear criteria or guidelines to apply for waivers, and the process remains “opaque and arbitrary,” said Yousefzadeh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, the U.S. Supreme Court allowed a version of the original travel ban to go into effect while lower courts consider whether it is constitutional. Last month, the 4th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in Virginia heard arguments from the ACLU and other organizations challenging the ban.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given the pending lawsuits, the Council on American-Islamic Relations and other advocacy organizations “are exploring all the options available to them” on the expanded travel restrictions, said Zahra Billoo, who directs \u003ca href=\"https://www.cair.com\">CAIR\u003c/a>’s San Francisco Bay Area office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To the extent that more countries are being added, that means that more people will be targeted. And so my colleagues are exploring whether or not additional legal challenges are possible,” said Billoo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. citizens and green card holders ordinarily have a right to sponsor their family members abroad to come live with them. At the information session for Eritreans in Oakland, immigration lawyer Gaime said the travel restrictions interfere with that. But she asked those affected to be persistent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do not lose hope. Keep filing those applications and apply for those waivers … do what you need to do, because this country belongs to all of us,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Community organizer Meron Semedar, also an Eritrean asylee, had another recommendation for naturalized U.S. citizens at the event hoping to roll back the travel restrictions: register and vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When issues like today, like the [travel] ban come, how do you address it? If you are a citizen you can address it at the ballot, too,” said Semedar, who recently became an American citizen. “Who knows? By voting against Trump, we might have him out of office by November. And that has an impact.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "9 Ways Trump Has Overhauled Immigration to the US",
"title": "9 Ways Trump Has Overhauled Immigration to the US",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>During President Trump's first term, the transformation of federal immigration policy has been far-reaching and so broad that experts say the effects could last for years — even if he isn't reelected. Here are nine ways he has overhauled immigration in the U.S.:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>1. Trying to build a border wall\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s pledge that he would build a wall on the Mexican border (and making Mexico pay for it) galvanized enthusiasm among his supporters, but it has proven difficult — and costly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress approved much less money than Trump requested — $1.3 billion in the 2020 spending bill, rather than $8.6 billion. The president declared a state of emergency and channeled billions more from the Defense Department to Homeland Security. Advocates and a group of states led by California sued, and federal judges in California and Texas ruled that Trump was wrong to flout the will of Congress. But conservative court majorities have recently allowed construction to move ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, the government had built one mile of new barrier and 100 miles of replacement or secondary fencing — at a cost of almost $20 million per mile, NPR reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11729585\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11729585\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A border wall prototype is torn down at the U.S.-Mexico border, as seen from Tijuana, Mexico, on Feb. 27, 2019.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A border wall prototype is torn down at the U.S.-Mexico border, as seen from Tijuana, Mexico, on Feb. 27, 2019. \u003ccite>(GUILLERMO ARIAS/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>2. Restricting access to asylum\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe administration may not have gotten far with a physical wall, but it has succeeded in erecting a virtual wall of regulations blocking tens of thousands of migrants from requesting asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law says that people who reach the U.S., regardless of how they get here, can be granted asylum if they can prove a well-founded fear of persecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November 2018, Trump issued a federal rule barring people from applying for asylum if they didn’t enter the country at an official port of entry. Federal courts have blocked the rule and the case is currently before the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11773820\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11773820\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"People listen as a man calls out the names on a waiting list whose turn it is to walk to the U.S. border crossing in Tijuana where they will then ask for asylum.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut-800x532.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut-1200x799.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut.jpg 1800w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People listen as a man calls out the names on a waiting list whose turn it is to walk to the U.S. border crossing in Tijuana where they will then ask for asylum. \u003ccite>(David Maung/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another rule, issued last July, made people ineligible for asylum if they crossed a “third country” on the way to the U.S. but didn’t apply for protection there. The U.S. Supreme Court allowed that policy to take effect while a lower court in California hears a legal challenge. Few migrants from Central America and beyond have pursued asylum claims in Mexico, so they are virtually shut out at the southern border of the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador signed agreements to receive and consider asylum-seekers that the U.S. sends them. So far, the Trump administration has flown scores of Hondurans and Salvadorans to Guatemala — despite the fact that 200,000 Guatemalans fled insecurity in their country last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past year, Homeland Security officials also sent about 60,000 non-Mexicans back to Mexico to wait while their asylum cases are decided in U.S. immigration courts. People in the so-called Remain in Mexico program have found it next to impossible to obtain U.S. immigration lawyers. Only 187 people in the program — or 0.3% — have won their cases, compared to 30% of all asylum seekers last year, according to researchers at Syracuse University. Currently an estimated 20,000 people are camped in Mexico’s most violent cities, awaiting their day in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798867\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11798867\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-973077552-800x548.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"548\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-973077552-800x548.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-973077552-160x110.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-973077552-1020x699.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-973077552.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 2-year-old Honduran asylum-seeker cries as her mother is searched and detained near the U.S.-Mexico border on June 12, 2018, in McAllen, Texas. The asylum-seekers had rafted across the Rio Grande from Mexico and were detained by U.S. Border Patrol agents before being sent to a processing center for possible separation. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>3. Separating families and zero tolerance\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Removing migrant children from their parents at the U.S.-Mexico border was one of the Trump administration’s most controversial steps. Americans reacted to the sight of sobbing children with a broad, bipartisan backlash in 2018 that led President Trump to reverse the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The separations began quietly in 2017 and increased in April 2018, after then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced a “zero tolerance” policy aimed at criminally prosecuting all adults — including parents — who crossed the border without authorization.\u003cbr>\nIn 2018, a federal judge in San Diego ordered a halt to the separations and the reunification of families. More than 18 months later, perhaps as many as 2,000 of the more than 5,500 separated children still have not been reunited with their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11801732 label='the lasting impact of trump' hero=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_immigration_chaparral-FINAL-08-qut-1020x678.jpg\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government never got near its stated goal of “zero tolerance.” At its highest point, in June 2018, Customs and Border Protection referred 33% of unlawful border crossers to the Department of Justice, according to the Migration Policy Institute’s Sarah Pierce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>4. Pushing to end DACA \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2012, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals has granted temporary protection from deportation — and permission to work legally — to more than 800,000 young undocumented immigrants who were brought to the U.S. as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, the Trump administration moved to end the program, calling it an overreach of President Barack Obama’s executive power. The University of California, DACA recipients and others sued, and federal judges have kept the program in place for current recipients while the case is appealed. The U.S. Supreme Court is expected to rule this spring on whether the government followed administrative procedures when it tried to end DACA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last fall, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement began reopening deportation cases against DACA recipients, according to a CNN investigation. In January, acting ICE director Matthew Albence confirmed the strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently about 650,000 DACA recipients and nearly 200,000 of them live in California, many with children of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782817\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782817\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-536x402.jpg 536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut.jpg 1290w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sindy Ortiz Flores hugs her toddler for the first time in more than a month at San Francisco International Airport on Jan. 29, 2019, as cameras surround them. The baby, Grethshell Juliet, spent a month under government custody, after immigration authorities separated her from her father at the border. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>5. Broadening immigration enforcement\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With an executive order in his first days in office, Trump wiped away the immigration enforcement priorities of Obama’s later years, which had focused narrowly on deporting violent criminals and recent border crossers. Instead, Trump made just about any “removable alien” a priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, the share of immigrants arrested by ICE who had no criminal record increased — from 14% in 2016 to 36% last year, according to the Migration Policy Institute’s Pierce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deportations of people arrested in the interior of the country have not reached Obama’s 2013 peak of more than 133,000. But nearly 86,000 people were deported last year, well above the 65,000 deportations in the last year of Obama’s presidency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has also tried to withhold funding from so called “sanctuary cities” that limit law enforcement cooperation with ICE. The courts rejected that, but earlier in February the administration sued New Jersey and a county in Washington over sanctuary policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11772090\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11772090\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/ap_18344131910992_custom-f83e75e7ac1321965d24d2dc7e03407867be6324-800x492.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"492\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. Border Patrol agents stand in front of a secondary fence in San Diego, Calif., looking across the border wall toward Mexico.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>6. Restricting legal immigration \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the administration may expand the so-called “public charge” rule, even as the expansion is being challenged in court. The rule is a sweeping effort to restrict lower-income immigrants from becoming permanent U.S. residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government has long denied green cards to people who used substantial cash assistance from the government. Now the rule applies to immigrants who have used, or might use, a broad range of non-cash benefits, including food stamps and MediCal — even for short periods. San Francisco and Santa Clara counties filed the first challenge to the rule, which some call a “wealth test,” saying it could hurt the U.S. citizen children of immigrants if their parents are afraid to apply for nutrition assistance and health care they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services has also proposed almost doubling the fee to apply for citizenship, to $1170, while at the same time eliminating most fee waivers for low-income applicants. In December, a federal judge in San Francisco blocked the fee waiver rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the processing time for green cards and for citizenship has almost doubled between 2015 and 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>7. Refugee and humanitarian restrictions\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump has slashed the number of refugees the U.S. will admit annually — from 85,000 when he was elected to 18,000 in 2020. That’s by far the lowest level since the Refugee Act was passed in 1980.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration has also tried to terminate Temporary Protected Status for citizens of six countries allowed to stay in the U.S. following war or natural disaster. Roughly 400,000 TPS holders could face deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco has temporarily blocked the administration from ending TPS for people from El Salvador, Haiti, Nicaragua, Sudan, Honduras and Nepal. The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals is deciding whether to allow that injunction to stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11738686\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11738686\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico-800x511.jpg\" alt=\"A Honduran mother stands with her daughters in the migrant shelter where they are currently living near the U.S.-Mexico border on April 4, 2019 in Tijuana. She said they are on the waiting list to apply for asylum in the U.S. and must wait at the shelter for now.\" width=\"800\" height=\"511\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico-800x511.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico-160x102.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico-1020x652.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico-1200x767.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Honduran mother stands with her daughters in the migrant shelter near the U.S.-Mexico border on April 4, 2019 in Tijuana. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>8. Aiming to expand detention of children\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children in immigration custody — whether they are alone or accompanied by a parent — are protected by a two-decades-old legal settlement, known as the Flores agreement. It says children should be released to an adult sponsor — but if they remain in custody, it must be in a licensed child-care facility, not a jail-like setting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, a federal judge in Los Angeles ruled that kids must be released promptly from ICE family detention centers, generally within 20 days. Last year, the Trump administration published federal rules aimed at replacing Flores, in order to allow long-term family detention — something the L.A. judge blocked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courts also ruled that the government must provide children with soap and water, adequate food and a place to sleep, regardless of crowding in border facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, six migrant children died of illness in federal custody between September 2018 and May 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>9. Tightening pressure on immigration courts\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11797878,news_11796825,news_11785839]The Trump administration has increasingly used the immigration courts — which are part of the Justice Department — to speed up deportations. In 2018, then-Attorney general Jeff Sessions stripped authority from immigration judges, barring them from dismissing or suspending low-priority cases, and setting a quota requiring every judge to complete 700 cases a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stepped-up immigration enforcement beginning under President George W. Bush has contributed to a historic backlog of more than 1 million cases — and Sessions’ order for judges to re-open administratively closed cases adds another 300,000 cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration judges say their limited discretion and the pressure to close cases faster is creating an unbearable work environment and threatening due process for immigrants whose lives are in the balance. Dana Marks, former head of the National Association of Immigration Judges, said that she and her colleagues are asked to decide the equivalent of “death penalty cases in a traffic court setting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "From separating families, pushing to end DACA and limiting access to asylum, President Trump's reshaping of federal immigration policy has been vast.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>During President Trump's first term, the transformation of federal immigration policy has been far-reaching and so broad that experts say the effects could last for years — even if he isn't reelected. Here are nine ways he has overhauled immigration in the U.S.:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>1. Trying to build a border wall\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s pledge that he would build a wall on the Mexican border (and making Mexico pay for it) galvanized enthusiasm among his supporters, but it has proven difficult — and costly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress approved much less money than Trump requested — $1.3 billion in the 2020 spending bill, rather than $8.6 billion. The president declared a state of emergency and channeled billions more from the Defense Department to Homeland Security. Advocates and a group of states led by California sued, and federal judges in California and Texas ruled that Trump was wrong to flout the will of Congress. But conservative court majorities have recently allowed construction to move ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, the government had built one mile of new barrier and 100 miles of replacement or secondary fencing — at a cost of almost $20 million per mile, NPR reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11729585\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11729585\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A border wall prototype is torn down at the U.S.-Mexico border, as seen from Tijuana, Mexico, on Feb. 27, 2019.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A border wall prototype is torn down at the U.S.-Mexico border, as seen from Tijuana, Mexico, on Feb. 27, 2019. \u003ccite>(GUILLERMO ARIAS/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>2. Restricting access to asylum\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe administration may not have gotten far with a physical wall, but it has succeeded in erecting a virtual wall of regulations blocking tens of thousands of migrants from requesting asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law says that people who reach the U.S., regardless of how they get here, can be granted asylum if they can prove a well-founded fear of persecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November 2018, Trump issued a federal rule barring people from applying for asylum if they didn’t enter the country at an official port of entry. Federal courts have blocked the rule and the case is currently before the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11773820\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11773820\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"People listen as a man calls out the names on a waiting list whose turn it is to walk to the U.S. border crossing in Tijuana where they will then ask for asylum.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut-800x532.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut-1200x799.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut.jpg 1800w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People listen as a man calls out the names on a waiting list whose turn it is to walk to the U.S. border crossing in Tijuana where they will then ask for asylum. \u003ccite>(David Maung/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another rule, issued last July, made people ineligible for asylum if they crossed a “third country” on the way to the U.S. but didn’t apply for protection there. The U.S. Supreme Court allowed that policy to take effect while a lower court in California hears a legal challenge. Few migrants from Central America and beyond have pursued asylum claims in Mexico, so they are virtually shut out at the southern border of the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador signed agreements to receive and consider asylum-seekers that the U.S. sends them. So far, the Trump administration has flown scores of Hondurans and Salvadorans to Guatemala — despite the fact that 200,000 Guatemalans fled insecurity in their country last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past year, Homeland Security officials also sent about 60,000 non-Mexicans back to Mexico to wait while their asylum cases are decided in U.S. immigration courts. People in the so-called Remain in Mexico program have found it next to impossible to obtain U.S. immigration lawyers. Only 187 people in the program — or 0.3% — have won their cases, compared to 30% of all asylum seekers last year, according to researchers at Syracuse University. Currently an estimated 20,000 people are camped in Mexico’s most violent cities, awaiting their day in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798867\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11798867\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-973077552-800x548.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"548\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-973077552-800x548.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-973077552-160x110.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-973077552-1020x699.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-973077552.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 2-year-old Honduran asylum-seeker cries as her mother is searched and detained near the U.S.-Mexico border on June 12, 2018, in McAllen, Texas. The asylum-seekers had rafted across the Rio Grande from Mexico and were detained by U.S. Border Patrol agents before being sent to a processing center for possible separation. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>3. Separating families and zero tolerance\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Removing migrant children from their parents at the U.S.-Mexico border was one of the Trump administration’s most controversial steps. Americans reacted to the sight of sobbing children with a broad, bipartisan backlash in 2018 that led President Trump to reverse the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The separations began quietly in 2017 and increased in April 2018, after then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced a “zero tolerance” policy aimed at criminally prosecuting all adults — including parents — who crossed the border without authorization.\u003cbr>\nIn 2018, a federal judge in San Diego ordered a halt to the separations and the reunification of families. More than 18 months later, perhaps as many as 2,000 of the more than 5,500 separated children still have not been reunited with their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government never got near its stated goal of “zero tolerance.” At its highest point, in June 2018, Customs and Border Protection referred 33% of unlawful border crossers to the Department of Justice, according to the Migration Policy Institute’s Sarah Pierce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>4. Pushing to end DACA \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2012, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals has granted temporary protection from deportation — and permission to work legally — to more than 800,000 young undocumented immigrants who were brought to the U.S. as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, the Trump administration moved to end the program, calling it an overreach of President Barack Obama’s executive power. The University of California, DACA recipients and others sued, and federal judges have kept the program in place for current recipients while the case is appealed. The U.S. Supreme Court is expected to rule this spring on whether the government followed administrative procedures when it tried to end DACA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last fall, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement began reopening deportation cases against DACA recipients, according to a CNN investigation. In January, acting ICE director Matthew Albence confirmed the strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently about 650,000 DACA recipients and nearly 200,000 of them live in California, many with children of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782817\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782817\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-536x402.jpg 536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut.jpg 1290w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sindy Ortiz Flores hugs her toddler for the first time in more than a month at San Francisco International Airport on Jan. 29, 2019, as cameras surround them. The baby, Grethshell Juliet, spent a month under government custody, after immigration authorities separated her from her father at the border. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>5. Broadening immigration enforcement\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With an executive order in his first days in office, Trump wiped away the immigration enforcement priorities of Obama’s later years, which had focused narrowly on deporting violent criminals and recent border crossers. Instead, Trump made just about any “removable alien” a priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, the share of immigrants arrested by ICE who had no criminal record increased — from 14% in 2016 to 36% last year, according to the Migration Policy Institute’s Pierce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deportations of people arrested in the interior of the country have not reached Obama’s 2013 peak of more than 133,000. But nearly 86,000 people were deported last year, well above the 65,000 deportations in the last year of Obama’s presidency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has also tried to withhold funding from so called “sanctuary cities” that limit law enforcement cooperation with ICE. The courts rejected that, but earlier in February the administration sued New Jersey and a county in Washington over sanctuary policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11772090\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11772090\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/ap_18344131910992_custom-f83e75e7ac1321965d24d2dc7e03407867be6324-800x492.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"492\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. Border Patrol agents stand in front of a secondary fence in San Diego, Calif., looking across the border wall toward Mexico.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>6. Restricting legal immigration \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the administration may expand the so-called “public charge” rule, even as the expansion is being challenged in court. The rule is a sweeping effort to restrict lower-income immigrants from becoming permanent U.S. residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government has long denied green cards to people who used substantial cash assistance from the government. Now the rule applies to immigrants who have used, or might use, a broad range of non-cash benefits, including food stamps and MediCal — even for short periods. San Francisco and Santa Clara counties filed the first challenge to the rule, which some call a “wealth test,” saying it could hurt the U.S. citizen children of immigrants if their parents are afraid to apply for nutrition assistance and health care they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services has also proposed almost doubling the fee to apply for citizenship, to $1170, while at the same time eliminating most fee waivers for low-income applicants. In December, a federal judge in San Francisco blocked the fee waiver rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the processing time for green cards and for citizenship has almost doubled between 2015 and 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>7. Refugee and humanitarian restrictions\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump has slashed the number of refugees the U.S. will admit annually — from 85,000 when he was elected to 18,000 in 2020. That’s by far the lowest level since the Refugee Act was passed in 1980.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration has also tried to terminate Temporary Protected Status for citizens of six countries allowed to stay in the U.S. following war or natural disaster. Roughly 400,000 TPS holders could face deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco has temporarily blocked the administration from ending TPS for people from El Salvador, Haiti, Nicaragua, Sudan, Honduras and Nepal. The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals is deciding whether to allow that injunction to stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11738686\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11738686\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico-800x511.jpg\" alt=\"A Honduran mother stands with her daughters in the migrant shelter where they are currently living near the U.S.-Mexico border on April 4, 2019 in Tijuana. She said they are on the waiting list to apply for asylum in the U.S. and must wait at the shelter for now.\" width=\"800\" height=\"511\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico-800x511.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico-160x102.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico-1020x652.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico-1200x767.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Honduran mother stands with her daughters in the migrant shelter near the U.S.-Mexico border on April 4, 2019 in Tijuana. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>8. Aiming to expand detention of children\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children in immigration custody — whether they are alone or accompanied by a parent — are protected by a two-decades-old legal settlement, known as the Flores agreement. It says children should be released to an adult sponsor — but if they remain in custody, it must be in a licensed child-care facility, not a jail-like setting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, a federal judge in Los Angeles ruled that kids must be released promptly from ICE family detention centers, generally within 20 days. Last year, the Trump administration published federal rules aimed at replacing Flores, in order to allow long-term family detention — something the L.A. judge blocked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courts also ruled that the government must provide children with soap and water, adequate food and a place to sleep, regardless of crowding in border facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, six migrant children died of illness in federal custody between September 2018 and May 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>9. Tightening pressure on immigration courts\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Trump administration has increasingly used the immigration courts — which are part of the Justice Department — to speed up deportations. In 2018, then-Attorney general Jeff Sessions stripped authority from immigration judges, barring them from dismissing or suspending low-priority cases, and setting a quota requiring every judge to complete 700 cases a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stepped-up immigration enforcement beginning under President George W. Bush has contributed to a historic backlog of more than 1 million cases — and Sessions’ order for judges to re-open administratively closed cases adds another 300,000 cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration judges say their limited discretion and the pressure to close cases faster is creating an unbearable work environment and threatening due process for immigrants whose lives are in the balance. Dana Marks, former head of the National Association of Immigration Judges, said that she and her colleagues are asked to decide the equivalent of “death penalty cases in a traffic court setting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "trumps-changes-to-immigration-could-take-years-to-undo-experts-say",
"title": "Trump's Changes to Immigration Could Take Years to Undo — Even With a New President",
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"headTitle": "Trump’s Changes to Immigration Could Take Years to Undo — Even With a New President | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>As the 2020 presidential contest ramps up, President Trump is doubling down on restricting immigration to the U.S. — a key campaign pledge he made during his first run for the White House and one that he is hoping will earn him a second term. For many voters, immigration could be a defining issue in November — whether they support or oppose his policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his first week in office in January 2017, Trump issued a series of directives to dramatically increase border enforcement, expand detention and deportation of immigrants and halt refugee resettlement. The president often speaks of immigrants as “dangerous” and a threat to Americans, using words like “criminals” and calling a migrant caravan an “invasion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, three years on, the transformation of federal immigration policy has been far-reaching, touching legal immigrants and asylum-seekers as well as immigrants in the country without authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s antagonists, including California political leaders, have filed \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/stuartanderson/2019/11/05/all-the-presidents-immigration-lawsuits/#68e55c6a7d8e\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">scores of lawsuits\u003c/a> blocking many of the administration’s immigration moves — at least temporarily. But judges have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/11/759981451/supreme-court-allows-government-to-curtail-asylum-requests-during-legal-fight\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed\u003c/a> other policies to take effect, even as legal challenges work their way through federal courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801948\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11801948 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement provided this handout of an ICE enforcement operation it said was targeting immigration fugitives and re-entrants, among others, on Feb. 9, 2017, in Atlanta, Georgia. (Photo by Bryan Cox/U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Trump’s harsh rhetoric and restrictive policies present a stark contrast with the Democratic field of presidential candidates. But analysts say the scope of the changes made by the Trump administration is so broad that the effects are likely to endure for years, even if the president is not reelected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration’s enforcement push comes at a time when illegal immigration at the U.S.-Mexico border is \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/assets/documents/2020-Jan/U.S.%20Border%20Patrol%20Total%20Apprehensions%20%28FY%201925%20-%20FY%202019%29.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">far lower\u003c/a> than it was 20 years ago. And most undocumented immigrants have lived in the U.S. for a decade or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, just 577,000 immigrants were granted lawful permanent residence last year, far fewer than any time in the past two decades, when the U.S. issued roughly 1 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/immigration-statistics/yearbook/2018/table1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">green cards\u003c/a> annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘One of the Major Eras of Xenophobia?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some immigration scholars say this presidency is more hostile to immigrants than any in modern history, while advocates who favor tougher immigration policies applaud Trump’s approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Davis School of Law Dean Kevin R. Johnson contrasted the current era with the 1950s, when more than 1 million Mexicans were rounded up in a mass deportation campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even when he put in place Operation Wetback, President Eisenhower didn’t talk about immigrants the way this president does,” Johnson said. “The talk about race, and the fear created in immigrant communities, are what differentiates this president.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Jessica Vaughan, the Center for Immigration Studies']‘Almost every part of our immigration system has been touched.’[/pullquote]“In a historical sense, it represents one of the major eras of xenophobia,” said University of San Francisco law professor Bill Ong Hing, comparing this period to the 1920s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Vaughan, director of policy studies at the Center for Immigration Studies, said that while Trump’s language is “coarse,” she gives him high marks for clamping down “to de-incentivize people streaming up to the border, thinking they’d be released into the interior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Almost every part of our immigration system has been touched,” added Vaughn, whose center favors reducing immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/1660/immigration.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">public\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/11/12/americans-immigration-policy-priorities-divisions-between-and-within-the-two-parties/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">opinion\u003c/a> polls show that most Americans \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/11/12/americans-immigration-policy-priorities-divisions-between-and-within-the-two-parties/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">support\u003c/a> border security as well as a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants, and they favor taking in refugees of war and violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11757637\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11757637\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/ap_19126782050207_wide-926c85f779a71eddf5da6a166e583dd036c4cd76-800x450.jpg\" alt='Cuban migrants cross a bridge in Mexico to be processed as asylum-seekers in the U.S. The labor union representing asylum officers claims the policy formally known as the Migrant Protection Protocols is a \"widespread violation\" of international and domestic la' width=\"800\" height=\"450\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cuban migrants cross a bridge in Mexico to be processed as asylum-seekers in the U.S. \u003ccite>(Christian Torres/AP )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Little Tweaks, Huge Policy Implications\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So far, immigration changes under Trump have not been enshrined in new laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he has used his executive authority, like other presidents before him, to accomplish his goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11801856 label='the lasting impact of trump' hero=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_immigration_girl-qut-1020x642.jpg\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Little tweaks have huge policy implications,” said Sarah Pierce, an immigration policy analyst at the nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute in Washington, D.C. “So any future administration that’s more friendly to immigration is going to require decades to reverse this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a look at what those changes add up to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Trying to build a border wall\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump’s pledge to build a wall on the Mexican border galvanized enthusiasm among his supporters, but it has proven difficult — and costly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress approved much less money than Trump requested — $1.3 billion in the 2020 spending bill, rather than $8.6 billion. Despite legal challenges, conservative court majorities have recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/09/794969121/appeals-court-allows-trump-to-divert-3-6-billion-in-military-funds-for-border-wa\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed construction\u003c/a> to move ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, the government had built one mile of new barrier and 100 miles of replacement or secondary fencing — at a cost of almost $20 million per mile, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/17/797410228/at-11-billion-and-counting-trumps-border-wall-would-be-the-worlds-most-expensive\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Restricting access to asylum\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration may not have gotten far with a physical wall, but it has succeeded in erecting a virtual wall of regulations, blocking tens of thousands of migrants from being considered for asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example: Over the past year, border officials sent about 60,000 non-Mexicans back to Mexico to wait while their asylum cases are decided in U.S. immigration courts. It’s next to impossible for migrants in the so-called Remain in Mexico program to find U.S. immigration lawyers, and fewer than 200 have won their cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And last year, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2019/07/16/2019-15246/asylum-eligibility-and-procedural-modifications\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">new rule\u003c/a> shut out all asylum-seekers who crossed a “third country” en route to the U.S. but didn’t ask for protection there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal courts have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/11/759981451/supreme-court-allows-government-to-curtail-asylum-requests-during-legal-fight\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed both policies\u003c/a> to take effect while lower courts hear legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Separating families and zero tolerance\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Removing migrant children from their parents at the U.S.-Mexico border was one of the Trump administration’s most controversial steps — and prompted a broad, bipartisan backlash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The separations began after then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced a “zero tolerance” policy aimed at criminally prosecuting all adults — including parents — who cross the border illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, a federal judge in San Diego halted the separations and ordered the reunification of families. More than 18 months later, perhaps as many as 2,000 of the more than 5,500 separated children still have not been reunited with their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798878\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11798878\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People demonstrate in Washington, DC, on June 28, 2018, demanding an end to the separation of migrant children from their parents. (Photo credit should read NICHOLAS KAMM/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Pushing to end DACA \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2012, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals has granted temporary protection from deportation — and permission to work — to \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/tools/reports-studies/immigration-forms-data\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more than 800,000\u003c/a> young undocumented immigrants brought to the U.S. as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, the Trump administration moved to end DACA, calling it an \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/speech/attorney-general-sessions-delivers-remarks-daca\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">overreach\u003c/a> of President Barack Obama’s executive power. The University of California and others sued, and federal judges have kept the program in place while the case is appealed. The U.S. Supreme Court is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11785839/u-s-supreme-court-takes-on-daca-and-the-fate-of-nearly-200000-california-dreamers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">expected\u003c/a> to rule this spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently about 650,000 DACA recipients and nearly 200,000 of them live in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Broadening immigration enforcement\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With an \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-enhancing-public-safety-interior-united-states/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">executive order\u003c/a> in his first days in office, Trump wiped away Obama’s deportation priorities, which had focused on violent criminals and recent border crossers. Instead, Trump made just about any “removable alien” a priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, the share of immigrants arrested by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement who had no criminal record grew — from 14% in 2016 to 36% last year, according to Pierce of the Migration Policy Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Restricting legal immigration \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the administration may expand the so-called “public charge” rule, even as that’s being challenged in court. The rule is a sweeping effort to restrict lower-income immigrants from becoming permanent U.S. residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government has long denied green cards to people who used substantial cash assistance from the government. Now the rule applies to immigrants who have used, or might use, many more non-cash benefits, including food stamps and MediCal — even for short periods. San Francisco and Santa Clara counties filed the first challenge to the rule, saying it could hurt the U.S. citizen children of immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Refugee and humanitarian restrictions\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump has \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/programs/data-hub/charts/us-annual-refugee-resettlement-ceilings-and-number-refugees-admitted-united\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">slashed\u003c/a> the number of refugees the U.S. will admit annually — from 85,000 when he was elected, to a historic low of 18,000 for 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Sarah Pierce, Migration Policy Institute']‘Little tweaks have huge policy implications. So any future administration that’s more friendly to immigration is going to require decades to reverse this.’[/pullquote]The administration has also tried to terminate Temporary Protected Status for citizens of six countries allowed to stay in the U.S. following war or natural disaster. Roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.everycrsreport.com/files/20190329_RS20844_40bba737bf5e4440ac7bebb19757db87fe994fa4.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">400,000 TPS holders\u003c/a> could face deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11783511/trump-administration-extends-protections-for-many-salvadorans-living-in-u-s\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">temporarily blocked\u003c/a> the administration from ending TPS for people from El Salvador, Haiti, Nicaragua, Sudan, Honduras and Nepal. The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals is deciding whether to allow that injunction to stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Aiming to expand detention of children\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children in immigration custody are protected by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/infonet/flores-v-reno-settlement-agreement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Flores settlement agreement\u003c/a>. It says children should be released to an adult sponsor — but if they remain in custody, it must be in a licensed child care facility, not a jail-like setting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, a federal judge in Los Angeles ruled that kids must be released promptly from ICE family detention centers, generally within 20 days. Last year, the Trump administration published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11769437/whats-in-new-trump-immigration-rule-overriding-flores-agreement-3-key-changes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">federal rules aimed\u003c/a> at replacing Flores and permitting long-term family detention, which the L.A. judge blocked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, six migrant children \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/six-children-died-in-border-patrol-care-democrats-in-congress-want-to-know-why\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">died\u003c/a> of illness in federal custody between September 2018 and May 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Tightening pressure on immigration courts\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department, which oversees immigration courts, has tried to speed up deportations by setting a quota requiring judges to complete 700 cases a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then-Attorney General Sessions also stripped authority from immigration judges, barring them from dismissing or suspending low-priority cases. Sessions also ordered judges to reopen more than 300,000 cases that had been administratively closed. That’s on top of a historic backlog of more than 1 million cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration judges say their limited discretion and the pressure to close cases faster is creating an “\u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/changing-america/well-being/mental-health/480165-immigration-judges-are-retiring-and-quitting-early\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">unbearable\u003c/a>” work environment and threatening due process for immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11796924\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11796924\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"A woman waits to hear her place on a list of people waiting in Tijuana, Mexico, on Nov. 18, 2018, to seek asylum in the U.S.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut.jpg 1800w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman waits to hear her place on a list of people waiting in Tijuana, Mexico, on Nov. 18, 2018, to seek asylum in the U.S. \u003ccite>(David Maung/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Political Implications\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How lasting President Trump’s immigration restrictions prove will largely depend on the 2020 election, and who wins not just the presidency but also control of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his State of the Union speech in early February, Trump emphasized his push to build a border wall, his opposition to sanctuary cities and his agreements that turn back asylum-seekers at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a strategy that Jessica Vaughan, with the conservative Center for Immigration Studies, believes will be popular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are insistent that the laws be enforced. That’s a strength for him going into this election and he knows it,” she said. “We’re going to see him keep doing things he thinks are going to play well with voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11797878,news_11796825,news_11785839]But others believe Trump’s tough-on-immigrants approach could backfire this year, even though it worked for him in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Barreto, a professor of political science at UCLA and co-founder of the Latino Decisions polling firm, said \u003ca href=\"http://publications.unidosus.org/bitstream/handle/123456789/1996/TheStateoftheLatinoVote.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">polls show Latino\u003c/a> and immigrant voters are angry over the president’s racially polarizing language, family separations and the deaths of migrant children in federal custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one’s in favor of putting kids in cages and giving them space blankets,” Barreto said. “It’s a hard thing to sell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robust Latino turnout in 2018 helped flip at least a dozen congressional seats from Republican to Democrat, according to Barreto’s research, and it could play a big role in this year’s general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think on Super Tuesday we’ll get a really big clue,” he said. “We’ll have [primaries in] Texas and California both. If the turnout is really robust we’ll see that people are amped up and ready to participate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Trump is reelected, Vaughan and others expect him to put forward a major immigration bill crafted by presidential adviser and son-in-law Jared Kushner. The proposal codifies many restrictive enforcement measures and favors high-skilled immigrants over family-based immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For advocates and politicians, immigration is intensely polarizing, said Theresa Cardinal Brown, director of immigration policy at the centrist Bipartisan Policy Center in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration is now ranking up amongst those insoluble, intractable issues like abortion and gun control,” she said. “There’s no middle ground that people will admit to … And that’s highly problematic for an issue like immigration that has to be legislated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she believes that public opinion is more nuanced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People believe in a middle ground,” she said. “They say, ‘Sure we can secure our borders, but we can also have compassion for immigrants. Sure we can tighten our legal immigration system, but that doesn’t mean we have to break up families.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As the 2020 presidential contest ramps up, President Trump is doubling down on restricting immigration to the U.S. — a key campaign pledge he made during his first run for the White House and one that he is hoping will earn him a second term. For many voters, immigration could be a defining issue in November — whether they support or oppose his policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his first week in office in January 2017, Trump issued a series of directives to dramatically increase border enforcement, expand detention and deportation of immigrants and halt refugee resettlement. The president often speaks of immigrants as “dangerous” and a threat to Americans, using words like “criminals” and calling a migrant caravan an “invasion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, three years on, the transformation of federal immigration policy has been far-reaching, touching legal immigrants and asylum-seekers as well as immigrants in the country without authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s antagonists, including California political leaders, have filed \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/stuartanderson/2019/11/05/all-the-presidents-immigration-lawsuits/#68e55c6a7d8e\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">scores of lawsuits\u003c/a> blocking many of the administration’s immigration moves — at least temporarily. But judges have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/11/759981451/supreme-court-allows-government-to-curtail-asylum-requests-during-legal-fight\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed\u003c/a> other policies to take effect, even as legal challenges work their way through federal courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801948\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11801948 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement provided this handout of an ICE enforcement operation it said was targeting immigration fugitives and re-entrants, among others, on Feb. 9, 2017, in Atlanta, Georgia. (Photo by Bryan Cox/U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Trump’s harsh rhetoric and restrictive policies present a stark contrast with the Democratic field of presidential candidates. But analysts say the scope of the changes made by the Trump administration is so broad that the effects are likely to endure for years, even if the president is not reelected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration’s enforcement push comes at a time when illegal immigration at the U.S.-Mexico border is \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/assets/documents/2020-Jan/U.S.%20Border%20Patrol%20Total%20Apprehensions%20%28FY%201925%20-%20FY%202019%29.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">far lower\u003c/a> than it was 20 years ago. And most undocumented immigrants have lived in the U.S. for a decade or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, just 577,000 immigrants were granted lawful permanent residence last year, far fewer than any time in the past two decades, when the U.S. issued roughly 1 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/immigration-statistics/yearbook/2018/table1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">green cards\u003c/a> annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘One of the Major Eras of Xenophobia?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some immigration scholars say this presidency is more hostile to immigrants than any in modern history, while advocates who favor tougher immigration policies applaud Trump’s approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Davis School of Law Dean Kevin R. Johnson contrasted the current era with the 1950s, when more than 1 million Mexicans were rounded up in a mass deportation campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even when he put in place Operation Wetback, President Eisenhower didn’t talk about immigrants the way this president does,” Johnson said. “The talk about race, and the fear created in immigrant communities, are what differentiates this president.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Almost every part of our immigration system has been touched.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“In a historical sense, it represents one of the major eras of xenophobia,” said University of San Francisco law professor Bill Ong Hing, comparing this period to the 1920s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Vaughan, director of policy studies at the Center for Immigration Studies, said that while Trump’s language is “coarse,” she gives him high marks for clamping down “to de-incentivize people streaming up to the border, thinking they’d be released into the interior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Almost every part of our immigration system has been touched,” added Vaughn, whose center favors reducing immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/1660/immigration.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">public\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/11/12/americans-immigration-policy-priorities-divisions-between-and-within-the-two-parties/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">opinion\u003c/a> polls show that most Americans \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/11/12/americans-immigration-policy-priorities-divisions-between-and-within-the-two-parties/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">support\u003c/a> border security as well as a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants, and they favor taking in refugees of war and violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11757637\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11757637\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/ap_19126782050207_wide-926c85f779a71eddf5da6a166e583dd036c4cd76-800x450.jpg\" alt='Cuban migrants cross a bridge in Mexico to be processed as asylum-seekers in the U.S. The labor union representing asylum officers claims the policy formally known as the Migrant Protection Protocols is a \"widespread violation\" of international and domestic la' width=\"800\" height=\"450\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cuban migrants cross a bridge in Mexico to be processed as asylum-seekers in the U.S. \u003ccite>(Christian Torres/AP )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Little Tweaks, Huge Policy Implications\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So far, immigration changes under Trump have not been enshrined in new laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he has used his executive authority, like other presidents before him, to accomplish his goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Little tweaks have huge policy implications,” said Sarah Pierce, an immigration policy analyst at the nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute in Washington, D.C. “So any future administration that’s more friendly to immigration is going to require decades to reverse this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a look at what those changes add up to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Trying to build a border wall\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump’s pledge to build a wall on the Mexican border galvanized enthusiasm among his supporters, but it has proven difficult — and costly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress approved much less money than Trump requested — $1.3 billion in the 2020 spending bill, rather than $8.6 billion. Despite legal challenges, conservative court majorities have recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/09/794969121/appeals-court-allows-trump-to-divert-3-6-billion-in-military-funds-for-border-wa\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed construction\u003c/a> to move ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, the government had built one mile of new barrier and 100 miles of replacement or secondary fencing — at a cost of almost $20 million per mile, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/17/797410228/at-11-billion-and-counting-trumps-border-wall-would-be-the-worlds-most-expensive\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Restricting access to asylum\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration may not have gotten far with a physical wall, but it has succeeded in erecting a virtual wall of regulations, blocking tens of thousands of migrants from being considered for asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example: Over the past year, border officials sent about 60,000 non-Mexicans back to Mexico to wait while their asylum cases are decided in U.S. immigration courts. It’s next to impossible for migrants in the so-called Remain in Mexico program to find U.S. immigration lawyers, and fewer than 200 have won their cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And last year, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2019/07/16/2019-15246/asylum-eligibility-and-procedural-modifications\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">new rule\u003c/a> shut out all asylum-seekers who crossed a “third country” en route to the U.S. but didn’t ask for protection there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal courts have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/11/759981451/supreme-court-allows-government-to-curtail-asylum-requests-during-legal-fight\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed both policies\u003c/a> to take effect while lower courts hear legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Separating families and zero tolerance\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Removing migrant children from their parents at the U.S.-Mexico border was one of the Trump administration’s most controversial steps — and prompted a broad, bipartisan backlash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The separations began after then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced a “zero tolerance” policy aimed at criminally prosecuting all adults — including parents — who cross the border illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, a federal judge in San Diego halted the separations and ordered the reunification of families. More than 18 months later, perhaps as many as 2,000 of the more than 5,500 separated children still have not been reunited with their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798878\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11798878\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People demonstrate in Washington, DC, on June 28, 2018, demanding an end to the separation of migrant children from their parents. (Photo credit should read NICHOLAS KAMM/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Pushing to end DACA \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2012, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals has granted temporary protection from deportation — and permission to work — to \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/tools/reports-studies/immigration-forms-data\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more than 800,000\u003c/a> young undocumented immigrants brought to the U.S. as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, the Trump administration moved to end DACA, calling it an \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/speech/attorney-general-sessions-delivers-remarks-daca\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">overreach\u003c/a> of President Barack Obama’s executive power. The University of California and others sued, and federal judges have kept the program in place while the case is appealed. The U.S. Supreme Court is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11785839/u-s-supreme-court-takes-on-daca-and-the-fate-of-nearly-200000-california-dreamers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">expected\u003c/a> to rule this spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently about 650,000 DACA recipients and nearly 200,000 of them live in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Broadening immigration enforcement\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With an \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-enhancing-public-safety-interior-united-states/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">executive order\u003c/a> in his first days in office, Trump wiped away Obama’s deportation priorities, which had focused on violent criminals and recent border crossers. Instead, Trump made just about any “removable alien” a priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, the share of immigrants arrested by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement who had no criminal record grew — from 14% in 2016 to 36% last year, according to Pierce of the Migration Policy Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Restricting legal immigration \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the administration may expand the so-called “public charge” rule, even as that’s being challenged in court. The rule is a sweeping effort to restrict lower-income immigrants from becoming permanent U.S. residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government has long denied green cards to people who used substantial cash assistance from the government. Now the rule applies to immigrants who have used, or might use, many more non-cash benefits, including food stamps and MediCal — even for short periods. San Francisco and Santa Clara counties filed the first challenge to the rule, saying it could hurt the U.S. citizen children of immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Refugee and humanitarian restrictions\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump has \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/programs/data-hub/charts/us-annual-refugee-resettlement-ceilings-and-number-refugees-admitted-united\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">slashed\u003c/a> the number of refugees the U.S. will admit annually — from 85,000 when he was elected, to a historic low of 18,000 for 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Little tweaks have huge policy implications. So any future administration that’s more friendly to immigration is going to require decades to reverse this.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The administration has also tried to terminate Temporary Protected Status for citizens of six countries allowed to stay in the U.S. following war or natural disaster. Roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.everycrsreport.com/files/20190329_RS20844_40bba737bf5e4440ac7bebb19757db87fe994fa4.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">400,000 TPS holders\u003c/a> could face deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11783511/trump-administration-extends-protections-for-many-salvadorans-living-in-u-s\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">temporarily blocked\u003c/a> the administration from ending TPS for people from El Salvador, Haiti, Nicaragua, Sudan, Honduras and Nepal. The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals is deciding whether to allow that injunction to stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Aiming to expand detention of children\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children in immigration custody are protected by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/infonet/flores-v-reno-settlement-agreement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Flores settlement agreement\u003c/a>. It says children should be released to an adult sponsor — but if they remain in custody, it must be in a licensed child care facility, not a jail-like setting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, a federal judge in Los Angeles ruled that kids must be released promptly from ICE family detention centers, generally within 20 days. Last year, the Trump administration published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11769437/whats-in-new-trump-immigration-rule-overriding-flores-agreement-3-key-changes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">federal rules aimed\u003c/a> at replacing Flores and permitting long-term family detention, which the L.A. judge blocked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, six migrant children \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/six-children-died-in-border-patrol-care-democrats-in-congress-want-to-know-why\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">died\u003c/a> of illness in federal custody between September 2018 and May 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Tightening pressure on immigration courts\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department, which oversees immigration courts, has tried to speed up deportations by setting a quota requiring judges to complete 700 cases a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then-Attorney General Sessions also stripped authority from immigration judges, barring them from dismissing or suspending low-priority cases. Sessions also ordered judges to reopen more than 300,000 cases that had been administratively closed. That’s on top of a historic backlog of more than 1 million cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration judges say their limited discretion and the pressure to close cases faster is creating an “\u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/changing-america/well-being/mental-health/480165-immigration-judges-are-retiring-and-quitting-early\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">unbearable\u003c/a>” work environment and threatening due process for immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11796924\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11796924\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"A woman waits to hear her place on a list of people waiting in Tijuana, Mexico, on Nov. 18, 2018, to seek asylum in the U.S.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut.jpg 1800w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman waits to hear her place on a list of people waiting in Tijuana, Mexico, on Nov. 18, 2018, to seek asylum in the U.S. \u003ccite>(David Maung/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Political Implications\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How lasting President Trump’s immigration restrictions prove will largely depend on the 2020 election, and who wins not just the presidency but also control of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his State of the Union speech in early February, Trump emphasized his push to build a border wall, his opposition to sanctuary cities and his agreements that turn back asylum-seekers at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a strategy that Jessica Vaughan, with the conservative Center for Immigration Studies, believes will be popular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are insistent that the laws be enforced. That’s a strength for him going into this election and he knows it,” she said. “We’re going to see him keep doing things he thinks are going to play well with voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But others believe Trump’s tough-on-immigrants approach could backfire this year, even though it worked for him in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Barreto, a professor of political science at UCLA and co-founder of the Latino Decisions polling firm, said \u003ca href=\"http://publications.unidosus.org/bitstream/handle/123456789/1996/TheStateoftheLatinoVote.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">polls show Latino\u003c/a> and immigrant voters are angry over the president’s racially polarizing language, family separations and the deaths of migrant children in federal custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one’s in favor of putting kids in cages and giving them space blankets,” Barreto said. “It’s a hard thing to sell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robust Latino turnout in 2018 helped flip at least a dozen congressional seats from Republican to Democrat, according to Barreto’s research, and it could play a big role in this year’s general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think on Super Tuesday we’ll get a really big clue,” he said. “We’ll have [primaries in] Texas and California both. If the turnout is really robust we’ll see that people are amped up and ready to participate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Trump is reelected, Vaughan and others expect him to put forward a major immigration bill crafted by presidential adviser and son-in-law Jared Kushner. The proposal codifies many restrictive enforcement measures and favors high-skilled immigrants over family-based immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For advocates and politicians, immigration is intensely polarizing, said Theresa Cardinal Brown, director of immigration policy at the centrist Bipartisan Policy Center in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration is now ranking up amongst those insoluble, intractable issues like abortion and gun control,” she said. “There’s no middle ground that people will admit to … And that’s highly problematic for an issue like immigration that has to be legislated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she believes that public opinion is more nuanced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People believe in a middle ground,” she said. “They say, ‘Sure we can secure our borders, but we can also have compassion for immigrants. Sure we can tighten our legal immigration system, but that doesn’t mean we have to break up families.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Immigration Advocates Call Sending Border Patrol Agents to Sanctuary Cities a Scare Tactic",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration is planning to send border patrol agents to large sanctuary cities across the United States, like San Francisco, to assist with immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some immigration experts think this move is just a scare tactic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials with the Department of Homeland Security confirmed that border patrol agents would be deployed to assist Immigration and Customs Enforcement, saying \"ICE does not have sufficient resources to effectively manage the sustained increase in non-detained cases which is exacerbated by the rise of sanctuary jurisdictions.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But University of San Francisco law professor Bill Ong Hing disagrees with the idea that there aren't enough federal immigration officials to adequately enforce the area. [aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is likely true that there are fewer, per-capita, arrests in places like San Francisco and Santa Clara County than there are, per-capita, in other cities that are non-sanctuary cities,\" Hing said. \"But it's not because of lack of personnel. It's because the local police are not calling ICE up.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others are questioning the logic behind the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Reallocating CBP [Customs and Border Protection] agents for interior enforcement seems to suggest that the claimed crisis at the border cannot be the existential threat the administration has claimed it to be,\" said Pratheepan Gulasekaram, a law professor at Santa Clara University. \"Apparently elite CBP units can be spared for other activities.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco's \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.org/oceia/sanctuary-city-ordinance-0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">sanctuary ordinance\u003c/a>, passed in 1989, generally prevents city employees from using funds or resources to assist with federal immigration enforcement, unless required by state law. In 2013, the city passed the \"Due Process For All\" ordinance, which \"limits when City law enforcement officers may give ICE advance notice of a person’s release from local jail\" and prevents them from assisting with \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detainers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">ICE detainers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, then-Gov. Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11621200/governor-jerry-brown-signs-sanctuary-state-bill-setting-up-standoff-with-trump-adminstration\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">signed similar legislation\u003c/a> into law, making California a so-called \"sanctuary state.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has been critical of these laws, arguing that they make the country less safe. In 2018, the federal government filed a legal challenge \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654234/a-g-sessions-to-make-major-announcement-on-sanctuary-policies-in-sacramento\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">against the policy\u003c/a>. And just a few weeks ago, President Trump highlighted sanctuary cities and states during his State of the Union address, calling it an \"outrageous law\" with \"catastrophic results.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, San Francisco Mayor London Breed said the deployment of CBP agents is \"designed to create widespread fear and distrust and will deeply harm our entire community.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrants rights organizations have also \u003ca href=\"https://www.pangealegal.org/news-and-updates/2020/2/14/press-release-california-immigrant-rights-advocates-condemn-militarized-escalation-against-sanctuary-cities\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">criticized the action\u003c/a>, calling it \"a calculated maneuver to promote fear and intimidate cities and states that are upholding our values of common humanity and equal justice for everyone, including immigrants.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Border patrol agents have additional authority within 100 miles of the U.S. border, which includes the cities of \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/other/constitution-100-mile-border-zone\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco and Los Angeles\u003c/a>, that allows them to set up vehicle immigration checkpoints. However, agents cannot search a vehicle without a warrant or \"probable cause,\" meaning a\u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/probable_cause\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> reasonable suspicion\u003c/a> that a crime has occurred.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal officials would not confirm where exactly CBP agents would be sent, or how many.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Trump administration is planning to send border patrol agents to large sanctuary cities across the United States, like San Francisco, to assist with immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some immigration experts think this move is just a scare tactic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials with the Department of Homeland Security confirmed that border patrol agents would be deployed to assist Immigration and Customs Enforcement, saying \"ICE does not have sufficient resources to effectively manage the sustained increase in non-detained cases which is exacerbated by the rise of sanctuary jurisdictions.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But University of San Francisco law professor Bill Ong Hing disagrees with the idea that there aren't enough federal immigration officials to adequately enforce the area. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is likely true that there are fewer, per-capita, arrests in places like San Francisco and Santa Clara County than there are, per-capita, in other cities that are non-sanctuary cities,\" Hing said. \"But it's not because of lack of personnel. It's because the local police are not calling ICE up.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others are questioning the logic behind the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Reallocating CBP [Customs and Border Protection] agents for interior enforcement seems to suggest that the claimed crisis at the border cannot be the existential threat the administration has claimed it to be,\" said Pratheepan Gulasekaram, a law professor at Santa Clara University. \"Apparently elite CBP units can be spared for other activities.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco's \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.org/oceia/sanctuary-city-ordinance-0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">sanctuary ordinance\u003c/a>, passed in 1989, generally prevents city employees from using funds or resources to assist with federal immigration enforcement, unless required by state law. In 2013, the city passed the \"Due Process For All\" ordinance, which \"limits when City law enforcement officers may give ICE advance notice of a person’s release from local jail\" and prevents them from assisting with \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detainers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">ICE detainers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, then-Gov. Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11621200/governor-jerry-brown-signs-sanctuary-state-bill-setting-up-standoff-with-trump-adminstration\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">signed similar legislation\u003c/a> into law, making California a so-called \"sanctuary state.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has been critical of these laws, arguing that they make the country less safe. In 2018, the federal government filed a legal challenge \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654234/a-g-sessions-to-make-major-announcement-on-sanctuary-policies-in-sacramento\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">against the policy\u003c/a>. And just a few weeks ago, President Trump highlighted sanctuary cities and states during his State of the Union address, calling it an \"outrageous law\" with \"catastrophic results.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, San Francisco Mayor London Breed said the deployment of CBP agents is \"designed to create widespread fear and distrust and will deeply harm our entire community.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrants rights organizations have also \u003ca href=\"https://www.pangealegal.org/news-and-updates/2020/2/14/press-release-california-immigrant-rights-advocates-condemn-militarized-escalation-against-sanctuary-cities\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">criticized the action\u003c/a>, calling it \"a calculated maneuver to promote fear and intimidate cities and states that are upholding our values of common humanity and equal justice for everyone, including immigrants.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Border patrol agents have additional authority within 100 miles of the U.S. border, which includes the cities of \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/other/constitution-100-mile-border-zone\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco and Los Angeles\u003c/a>, that allows them to set up vehicle immigration checkpoints. However, agents cannot search a vehicle without a warrant or \"probable cause,\" meaning a\u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/probable_cause\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> reasonable suspicion\u003c/a> that a crime has occurred.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal officials would not confirm where exactly CBP agents would be sent, or how many.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Judge Orders Trump Administration to Quickly Bring Back SF Man Wrongly Deported to Chad",
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"content": "\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco told the Trump administration to expedite the return of a gay man who was deported to Chad last year while he was seeking asylum in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer told federal officials, including a representative from the Department of Homeland Security, to speed up the delivery of a boarding document to Abderaman Oumar Yaide that will allow him to return to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if they don't provide that letter before the next court-ordered status conference in two weeks?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The government needs to put a boarding letter for a plane in Oumar's hands by that time and, if not, he'll order someone from the State Department to appear in front of him in court,\" said Yaide's lawyer, Sean Lai McMahon with Pangea Legal Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yaide came to San Francisco in 2009, seeking political asylum. His case was denied by an immigration judge in 2014, and for years he's been appealing the decision. Since then, Yaide has come out as gay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801925\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11801925\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Oumar-Yaide-With-Friends-800x601.jpg\" alt=\"Oumar Yaide, pictured with friends in San Francisco, has been in hiding in Chad since he was deported. Yaide's lawyers say he fears for his life in Chad, which outlawed homosexuality in 2017.\" width=\"800\" height=\"601\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Oumar-Yaide-With-Friends-800x601.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Oumar-Yaide-With-Friends-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Oumar-Yaide-With-Friends-1020x766.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Oumar-Yaide-With-Friends.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Oumar-Yaide-With-Friends-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Oumar-Yaide-With-Friends-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Oumar-Yaide-With-Friends-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Oumar-Yaide-With-Friends-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Oumar-Yaide-With-Friends-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oumar Yaide, pictured with friends in San Francisco, has been in hiding in Chad since he was deported. Yaide's lawyers say he fears for his life in Chad, which outlawed homosexuality in 2017. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Pangea Legal Services)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In August 2019, Yaide was arrested by immigration officials and placed in deportation proceedings. He and his lawyers asked the Board of Immigration Appeals to reconsider his asylum claim due to the fact that Chad had \u003ca href=\"https://www.humandignitytrust.org/country-profile/chad/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">outlawed homosexuality\u003c/a> in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while the appeal was being processed, Yaide was deported back to Chad, in Central Africa, where his lawyers say he fears he will be \"tortured and killed by his own family, clan or the government.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, Judge Breyer ordered the federal government to return him to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since being back in Chad, his lawyers said Yaide has been in hiding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"For the moment, he is not in immediate danger,\" McMahon said. \"But I think that every day that he spends there heightens the risk, and I don't want to keep taking that risk.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, McMahon reported that Yaide was able to obtain a Chadian passport. He did so with the help of a third party, in part because he’s afraid to go out in public, McMahon said. That brings him one step closer to being able to return to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, during the hearing, the government also said it would appeal the order to return Yaide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's incredibly surprising,” McMahon said. “When the judge issued his order on Dec. 18, he stayed the order, meaning it didn't go into effect in order to give the government time to appeal. So for them to file it now is frustrating for us.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers with the federal government said they're filing a \"protective appeal,\" a move that reserves the right to appeal the case, whether or not they follow through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It seems like just another roadblock the government is putting in the way of Oumar's right to come back and seek asylum here,\" McMahon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Breyer ordered the two sides to return to court on Feb. 28 to update him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several politicians have come out in support of Yaide, including U.S. \u003ca href=\"https://www.feinstein.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/press-releases?id=D71FF193-4D09-4D0D-8E62-F8D94745112D\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein\u003c/a>. Earlier this month, the San Francisco Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2020/02/417035/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">unanimously approved\u003c/a> a resolution supporting his return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen Scott Wiener and Assemblymember David Chiu have also expressed their support on \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/DavidChiu/status/1227304498684743680?s=20\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Twitter\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/Scott_Wiener/status/1224011863152910343?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco told the Trump administration to expedite the return of a gay man who was deported to Chad last year while he was seeking asylum in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer told federal officials, including a representative from the Department of Homeland Security, to speed up the delivery of a boarding document to Abderaman Oumar Yaide that will allow him to return to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if they don't provide that letter before the next court-ordered status conference in two weeks?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The government needs to put a boarding letter for a plane in Oumar's hands by that time and, if not, he'll order someone from the State Department to appear in front of him in court,\" said Yaide's lawyer, Sean Lai McMahon with Pangea Legal Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yaide came to San Francisco in 2009, seeking political asylum. His case was denied by an immigration judge in 2014, and for years he's been appealing the decision. Since then, Yaide has come out as gay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801925\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11801925\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Oumar-Yaide-With-Friends-800x601.jpg\" alt=\"Oumar Yaide, pictured with friends in San Francisco, has been in hiding in Chad since he was deported. Yaide's lawyers say he fears for his life in Chad, which outlawed homosexuality in 2017.\" width=\"800\" height=\"601\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Oumar-Yaide-With-Friends-800x601.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Oumar-Yaide-With-Friends-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Oumar-Yaide-With-Friends-1020x766.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Oumar-Yaide-With-Friends.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Oumar-Yaide-With-Friends-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Oumar-Yaide-With-Friends-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Oumar-Yaide-With-Friends-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Oumar-Yaide-With-Friends-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/Oumar-Yaide-With-Friends-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oumar Yaide, pictured with friends in San Francisco, has been in hiding in Chad since he was deported. Yaide's lawyers say he fears for his life in Chad, which outlawed homosexuality in 2017. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Pangea Legal Services)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In August 2019, Yaide was arrested by immigration officials and placed in deportation proceedings. He and his lawyers asked the Board of Immigration Appeals to reconsider his asylum claim due to the fact that Chad had \u003ca href=\"https://www.humandignitytrust.org/country-profile/chad/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">outlawed homosexuality\u003c/a> in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while the appeal was being processed, Yaide was deported back to Chad, in Central Africa, where his lawyers say he fears he will be \"tortured and killed by his own family, clan or the government.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, Judge Breyer ordered the federal government to return him to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since being back in Chad, his lawyers said Yaide has been in hiding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"For the moment, he is not in immediate danger,\" McMahon said. \"But I think that every day that he spends there heightens the risk, and I don't want to keep taking that risk.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, McMahon reported that Yaide was able to obtain a Chadian passport. He did so with the help of a third party, in part because he’s afraid to go out in public, McMahon said. That brings him one step closer to being able to return to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, during the hearing, the government also said it would appeal the order to return Yaide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's incredibly surprising,” McMahon said. “When the judge issued his order on Dec. 18, he stayed the order, meaning it didn't go into effect in order to give the government time to appeal. So for them to file it now is frustrating for us.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers with the federal government said they're filing a \"protective appeal,\" a move that reserves the right to appeal the case, whether or not they follow through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It seems like just another roadblock the government is putting in the way of Oumar's right to come back and seek asylum here,\" McMahon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Breyer ordered the two sides to return to court on Feb. 28 to update him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several politicians have come out in support of Yaide, including U.S. \u003ca href=\"https://www.feinstein.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/press-releases?id=D71FF193-4D09-4D0D-8E62-F8D94745112D\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein\u003c/a>. Earlier this month, the San Francisco Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2020/02/417035/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">unanimously approved\u003c/a> a resolution supporting his return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen Scott Wiener and Assemblymember David Chiu have also expressed their support on \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/DavidChiu/status/1227304498684743680?s=20\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Twitter\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Under a Trump administration pilot program, U.S. Border Patrol agents are \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioremigrantdna\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">collecting DNA from migrants\u003c/a> and entering the genetic information into a criminal database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With plans to expand the program, children as young as 14 are having their saliva swabbed by federal agents who then put the samples in a database that until now has been used only for people arrested, charged or convicted of serious crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But don’t worry, I’m sure\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11797878/zero-tolerance-an-ongoing-history-of-family-separations-at-the-u-s-mexico-border\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> this administration\u003c/a> would never use the collected information for nefarious purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Under a Trump administration pilot program, U.S. Border Patrol agents are \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioremigrantdna\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">collecting DNA from migrants\u003c/a> and entering the genetic information into a criminal database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With plans to expand the program, children as young as 14 are having their saliva swabbed by federal agents who then put the samples in a database that until now has been used only for people arrested, charged or convicted of serious crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But don’t worry, I’m sure\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11797878/zero-tolerance-an-ongoing-history-of-family-separations-at-the-u-s-mexico-border\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> this administration\u003c/a> would never use the collected information for nefarious purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration has launched a \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2019/10/22/2019-22877/dna-sample-collection-from-immigration-detainees\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">pilot program\u003c/a> to collect DNA samples from migrants in two locations with plans to expand nationwide. The data is sent to the FBI and entered into a criminal database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/publications/privacy-pia-dhs080-detaineedna-january2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">memo\u003c/a> from the federal Department of Homeland Security says, “prompt DNA-sample collection could be essential to the detection and solution of crimes [aliens] may have committed or may commit in the United States.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Trump administration also argues collecting DNA will stop migrant adults from smuggling children across the border and falsely posing as their parents. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates counter that the program will not reduce criminal activity or help solve crimes because \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/05/02/607652253/studies-say-illegal-immigration-does-not-increase-violent-crime\">multiple studies\u003c/a> show that illegal immigration does not result in more lawlessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The U.S. Border Patrol agents are learning how to collect DNA from a training video provided by the FBI. People who refuse to submit samples could face misdemeanor charges. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Whose DNA is Collected? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Federal agents are collecting cheek swabs from people as young as 14 who are in immigration custody at two U.S. locations: at the Canadian border in and around Detroit, and at the official port of entry in Eagle Pass, Texas.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal permanent residents and those planning to enter the country legally will not be required to submit samples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The pilot program began on Jan. 6 and will continue for 90 days. The government plans to expand the program nationwide. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At present, more than 40,000 people are in medium or long term detention. About a million people circulate through immigration custody each year. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote]“It casts Latinos as would-be criminals. The racial profiling of this program is unconscionable.” Charleen Adams, geneticist[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">People land in detention for a variety of reasons: crossing the border illegally, seeking asylum, work site raids, or overstaying a visa. Most \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">detainees have \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/583/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">no criminal record\u003c/a>. However, migrants’ DNA\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> samples are registered and held in perpetuity in the FBI criminal database, the Combined Index Data System (CODIS). Historically, that archive has housed genetic information from people who have been arrested, charged or convicted in relation to serious crimes.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Privacy Concerns\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Civil rights advocates worry the expanded genetic testing compromises the privacy of people in detention and their families. Some scientists fear the information could wrongfully target a vulnerable population and lead to false criminal convictions.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Vera Eidelman, a staff lawyer with the American Civil Liberties Union’s Speech, Privacy, and Technology Project, calls the program population surveillance. She said the government could use the genetic information to locate family members or even deny people health insurance because DNA is much more powerful than a fingerprint. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It does not simply identify me as Vera,” Eidelman said. “It also says Vera is related to x, y and z other people. By the way, she also has the BRCA gene or other propensities for medical conditions. It is not simply about identity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Hank Greely, a bioethicist at Stanford University, worries less than Eidelman about these potential uses. Although it is not explicitly clear what genetic information the government will catalog, experts assume it’s the 20 markers that make up the typical DNA profile in the FBI database. This is not a detailed analysis. It’s much less information than a 23andMe or Ancestry.com test.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you had a kid at the border and wanted to know whether its father was in the CODIS database,” Greely said in an email, “you would likely get hundreds of hits, whether or not the father actually was in the database. That’s not very helpful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Greely said the government’s efforts to collect DNA are a waste of money because, in his opinion, it’s unlikely the current administration will allow many of the detainees into the country so the likelihood they’ll commit crimes here is also limited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there is no good reason to collect personal data, including DNA data, and it isn’t being done voluntarily, then it’s unethical: some risk for no gain is not ethical,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This is not the first time DNA collection efforts have alarmed civil rights advocates. California and other states already collect samples from anyone \u003cem>arrested\u003c/em> for a felony offense. That has helped to solve crimes, but the practice is also \u003ca href=\"https://www.governing.com/topics/public-justice-safety/tns-california-dna-supreme-court.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">controversial\u003c/a>. \u003c/span>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Possible Wrongful Convictions\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some scientists fear the program could put the wrong people behind bars because DNA is not foolproof. Someone’s DNA could end up at a crime scene they’ve never visited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We pick it [DNA] up and we do transfer it,” said Greg Hampikian, a forensic geneticist at Boise State University. “It’s in the hair we leave behind. It’s on our clothing, cups and utensils.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">DNA can pass between people at a public laundromat, on a toilet seat or even in a bag of donated clothes, and it can last for decades. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“DNA is really excellent at identifying people,” Hampikian said. “It is really poor at telling us how it got there.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The infamous Amanda Knox trial is an example of how DNA can snare innocent people. In 2007 in Perugia, Italy the 20-year-old American college student was accused of stabbing her UK housemate to death. Some of Knox’s DNA was found on the handle of a kitchen knife. A speck of the victim’s DNA was on the blade. Knox spent four years in prison before an appeals court released her, only to be found guilty again. Finally in 2015, after Italian DNA experts reviewed the case Knox was pronounced not guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most Americans find DNA evidence strongly persuasive. A 2015 \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/1603/crime.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Gallup poll\u003c/a> showed that 85 percent of Americans consider DNA evidence to be very or completely convincing. Once a DNA sample is entered into a trial as evidence it is very difficult to convince a jury the accused is innocent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Future Implications\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Charleen Adams, a geneticist at City of Hope National Medical Center in Duarte, Calif., \u003c/span>worries the program sets people up to distrust researchers. She\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>noted that people who are forced to relinquish their genetic information at the border may later refuse to volunteer for studies that could directly benefit them, like research on breast cancer in Latinas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I feel appalled that that this would slip through without discussion because it is dangerous,” Adams said. “It casts Latinos as would-be criminals. The racial profiling of this program is unconscionable.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cybersecurity, she added, is never guaranteed. If the data were to be hacked, they could be used to deny a person employment. Adams also worries about sampling errors at the border, or lab mix-ups that could lead to false negatives or false positives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Trump administration has launched a \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2019/10/22/2019-22877/dna-sample-collection-from-immigration-detainees\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">pilot program\u003c/a> to collect DNA samples from migrants in two locations with plans to expand nationwide. The data is sent to the FBI and entered into a criminal database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/publications/privacy-pia-dhs080-detaineedna-january2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">memo\u003c/a> from the federal Department of Homeland Security says, “prompt DNA-sample collection could be essential to the detection and solution of crimes [aliens] may have committed or may commit in the United States.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Trump administration also argues collecting DNA will stop migrant adults from smuggling children across the border and falsely posing as their parents. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates counter that the program will not reduce criminal activity or help solve crimes because \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/05/02/607652253/studies-say-illegal-immigration-does-not-increase-violent-crime\">multiple studies\u003c/a> show that illegal immigration does not result in more lawlessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The U.S. Border Patrol agents are learning how to collect DNA from a training video provided by the FBI. People who refuse to submit samples could face misdemeanor charges. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Whose DNA is Collected? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Federal agents are collecting cheek swabs from people as young as 14 who are in immigration custody at two U.S. locations: at the Canadian border in and around Detroit, and at the official port of entry in Eagle Pass, Texas.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal permanent residents and those planning to enter the country legally will not be required to submit samples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The pilot program began on Jan. 6 and will continue for 90 days. The government plans to expand the program nationwide. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At present, more than 40,000 people are in medium or long term detention. About a million people circulate through immigration custody each year. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "“It casts Latinos as would-be criminals. The racial profiling of this program is unconscionable.” Charleen Adams, geneticist",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">People land in detention for a variety of reasons: crossing the border illegally, seeking asylum, work site raids, or overstaying a visa. Most \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">detainees have \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/583/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">no criminal record\u003c/a>. However, migrants’ DNA\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> samples are registered and held in perpetuity in the FBI criminal database, the Combined Index Data System (CODIS). Historically, that archive has housed genetic information from people who have been arrested, charged or convicted in relation to serious crimes.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Privacy Concerns\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Civil rights advocates worry the expanded genetic testing compromises the privacy of people in detention and their families. Some scientists fear the information could wrongfully target a vulnerable population and lead to false criminal convictions.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Vera Eidelman, a staff lawyer with the American Civil Liberties Union’s Speech, Privacy, and Technology Project, calls the program population surveillance. She said the government could use the genetic information to locate family members or even deny people health insurance because DNA is much more powerful than a fingerprint. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It does not simply identify me as Vera,” Eidelman said. “It also says Vera is related to x, y and z other people. By the way, she also has the BRCA gene or other propensities for medical conditions. It is not simply about identity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Hank Greely, a bioethicist at Stanford University, worries less than Eidelman about these potential uses. Although it is not explicitly clear what genetic information the government will catalog, experts assume it’s the 20 markers that make up the typical DNA profile in the FBI database. This is not a detailed analysis. It’s much less information than a 23andMe or Ancestry.com test.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you had a kid at the border and wanted to know whether its father was in the CODIS database,” Greely said in an email, “you would likely get hundreds of hits, whether or not the father actually was in the database. That’s not very helpful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Greely said the government’s efforts to collect DNA are a waste of money because, in his opinion, it’s unlikely the current administration will allow many of the detainees into the country so the likelihood they’ll commit crimes here is also limited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there is no good reason to collect personal data, including DNA data, and it isn’t being done voluntarily, then it’s unethical: some risk for no gain is not ethical,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This is not the first time DNA collection efforts have alarmed civil rights advocates. California and other states already collect samples from anyone \u003cem>arrested\u003c/em> for a felony offense. That has helped to solve crimes, but the practice is also \u003ca href=\"https://www.governing.com/topics/public-justice-safety/tns-california-dna-supreme-court.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">controversial\u003c/a>. \u003c/span>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Possible Wrongful Convictions\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some scientists fear the program could put the wrong people behind bars because DNA is not foolproof. Someone’s DNA could end up at a crime scene they’ve never visited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We pick it [DNA] up and we do transfer it,” said Greg Hampikian, a forensic geneticist at Boise State University. “It’s in the hair we leave behind. It’s on our clothing, cups and utensils.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">DNA can pass between people at a public laundromat, on a toilet seat or even in a bag of donated clothes, and it can last for decades. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“DNA is really excellent at identifying people,” Hampikian said. “It is really poor at telling us how it got there.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The infamous Amanda Knox trial is an example of how DNA can snare innocent people. In 2007 in Perugia, Italy the 20-year-old American college student was accused of stabbing her UK housemate to death. Some of Knox’s DNA was found on the handle of a kitchen knife. A speck of the victim’s DNA was on the blade. Knox spent four years in prison before an appeals court released her, only to be found guilty again. Finally in 2015, after Italian DNA experts reviewed the case Knox was pronounced not guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most Americans find DNA evidence strongly persuasive. A 2015 \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/1603/crime.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Gallup poll\u003c/a> showed that 85 percent of Americans consider DNA evidence to be very or completely convincing. Once a DNA sample is entered into a trial as evidence it is very difficult to convince a jury the accused is innocent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Future Implications\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Charleen Adams, a geneticist at City of Hope National Medical Center in Duarte, Calif., \u003c/span>worries the program sets people up to distrust researchers. She\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>noted that people who are forced to relinquish their genetic information at the border may later refuse to volunteer for studies that could directly benefit them, like research on breast cancer in Latinas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I feel appalled that that this would slip through without discussion because it is dangerous,” Adams said. “It casts Latinos as would-be criminals. The racial profiling of this program is unconscionable.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cybersecurity, she added, is never guaranteed. If the data were to be hacked, they could be used to deny a person employment. Adams also worries about sampling errors at the border, or lab mix-ups that could lead to false negatives or false positives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "'Lost Hope': Tens of Thousands of Asylum-Seekers Face Tough Prospects in US Courts",
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"content": "\u003cp>Douglas Oviedo was among the first asylum-seekers the Trump administration required to wait in Mexico for a decision on their immigration claims. The evangelical pastor from Honduras remembers reporters and immigrant advocates greeting him as authorities escorted him from the U.S. back to Tijuana on Jan. 30, 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That spotlight, he said, led the American Civil Liberties Union to ask him to join a lawsuit seeking to stop the new policy, known as “Remain in Mexico.” And that’s how he eventually met an attorney who would represent him in immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was very lucky,” Oviedo, 36, told KQED. “When I was returned, a lot of people had their eyes on what was happening because it was a new policy of the U.S. government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when Saul Arzu, another asylum-seeker from Honduras, was also sent back to Tijuana a month later, no TV cameras were rolling. Arzu became one of tens of thousands of migrants forced to wait for months south of the border, in relative obscurity and unable to find an attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to be on my own before the judge,” said Arzu, 31. “I was left to defend myself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oviedo won asylum in the U.S., a feat that so far a tiny fraction of people in the Remain in Mexico program have achieved. Now a resident of the the Bay Area, Oviedo has a job and plans to raise funds to help migrants at the border and the at-risk youth he used to work with in Honduras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Arzu lost his asylum claim and was deported to Honduras. Back in his hometown of La Ceiba, one of the most violent cities in the country, he wonders if he’ll be able to dodge the gang members who initially made him flee. He’s lost hope, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One year into the unprecedented U.S. policy, officially called the Migrant Protection Protocols, immigration authorities have sent back nearly 60,000 mostly Central American asylum-seekers to Mexico. And they have transformed the prospects for those seeking U.S. protection at the southern border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Jessica Vaughan, Center for Immigration Studies']'It has made it possible for people who do qualify for asylum, who are genuinely in need of protection, to get relief sooner because they are in more accelerated proceedings.'[/pullquote]Only 187 people — 0.3% of the men, women and children placed in Remain in Mexico — have won the protections so far. Meanwhile, one-third, almost 20,000 people, have lost their claims and were ordered deported, according to researchers at Syracuse University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For asylum-seekers who are allowed to pursue their claims while residing in the U.S., obtaining protection is more likely: Immigration courts granted asylum in about 30% of cases last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the Remain in Mexico policy say it prevents migrants who want to come work in the U.S. from abusing the asylum system, while offering migrants with legitimate claims faster proceedings, as those cases are prioritized by immigration courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has made it possible for people who do qualify for asylum, who are genuinely in need of protection, to get relief sooner because they are in more accelerated proceedings,” said Jessica Vaughan, director of policy studies at the Center for Immigration Studies, which favors reducing immigration. “Before they would simply have been put in limbo, waiting for years for their first hearings even.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics counter that the policy places vulnerable migrants at risk in dangerous areas of Mexico and erodes due process rights. It’s next to impossible for asylum-seekers in Mexico, who are often living in shelters or in the streets, to find legal help, assemble evidence and present their cases to U.S. courts, according to interviews with migrants and attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s sort of an asylum process in name only,” said Lisa Knox, an immigration lawyer who represented Oviedo in his claim. “The reality is that, for most people there, they are not getting a fair shake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. immigration law is complex, and migrants often don’t speak English or understand how to build a successful asylum claim and navigate the court system. Representation by a U.S. immigration lawyer is key to winning the protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But only 5% of people in the Remain in Mexico program have legal representation. By contrast, 37% of all immigrants fighting deportation cases have an attorney, according to the American Immigration Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Lisa Knox, immigration lawyer']'It’s ... an asylum process in name only. The reality is that, for most people there, they are not getting a fair shake.'[/pullquote]To obtain asylum, non-citizens must prove a well-founded fear of persecution in their home country on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group or political opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oviedo fled Honduras under death threats by gang members. He said he worked for years getting youth out of gangs and into church in a neighborhood known for murders in broad daylight. After a 15-year-old boy who attended Oviedo’s church was killed, he organized a march to demand the government tackle crime and protect residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was mad because the government wasn’t doing its job to protect youth, to protect a child, to protect families,” said Oviedo, who publicly called for the government to install security cameras and assign more police officers to patrol the streets. “Because of that, the gang started following me and threatening me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November 2018, Oviedo traveled to the U.S. border as part of a caravan of about 5,000 Central American migrants and reached Tijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Jan. 29, 2019, the same day the Trump administration first put Remain in Mexico into action, Oviedo approached U.S. border authorities and requested asylum. He was returned to Mexico the following day with a court date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the following nine months in Tijuana, Oviedo co-founded a shelter for migrant women and children that recently opened its doors, and helped organize a festival to ease tensions between long-term residents of the border city and newly arrived Central Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Oviedo had a strong asylum case, it wasn’t guaranteed he’d win, said his attorney, who traveled to Tijuana five times to prepare the claim and meet with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Douglas is an extraordinary individual ... there were articles and witnesses to support his claim,” Knox said. “But it was still a lot of work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Saul Arzu, whose asylum claim was denied']'We’ve lost hope here. There’s nothing left but to live the time we’ve got left. It’s tough but that’s the reality.'[/pullquote]Saul Arzu also fled Honduras because he feared he’d be killed by gangs. Gang members murdered his cousins, and once they attacked him and slashed him in the head, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Oviedo, Arzu said he participated in protests against the government of President Juan Orlando Hernández, whose brother was convicted on drug trafficking charges last fall in New York. He ties the widespread violence in Honduras to his country’s corrupt government, and he believes the police are in league with organized crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like most of those in Remain in Mexico, Arzu couldn’t find a pro bono attorney after he first approached U.S. border authorities on Feb. 22. He tried calling U.S. legal nonprofits during the ensuing months he spent in Tijuana, he said, but couldn’t find anyone who would take his case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arzu said robbers stole his cellphone and $500 in Tijuana. During his immigration court hearing in San Diego, he pleaded with a judge to not return him to Mexico, where he said he didn’t feel safe. Authorities locked him up at the Otay Mesa immigration detention center instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There, a different judge heard his case and denied his asylum claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. government attorney arguing against him, told the judge that conditions in Honduras were safe enough for him to return, said Arzu.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I couldn’t defend myself from what he was saying,” Arzu recalled. “The judge asked me for my argument first, but after the prosecutor’s turn, the judge didn’t give me a chance to speak again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_11738062' label='Related Coverage']Arzu said that when he first got back to La Ceiba, he tried to stay out of sight of gang members. But now, he said, he’s working whatever odd jobs he can find, because he “can’t stay hidden forever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve lost hope here. There’s nothing left but to live the time we’ve got left,” Arzu said by phone from Honduras. “It’s tough but that’s the reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11800693\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11800693\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02072020_Oviedo-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Douglas Oviedo, 36, is one of a small group of people whose asylum claims at the U.S-Mexico border have been approved ever since the Trump administration implemented its 'Remain in Mexico' policy, which requires asylum seekers to wait in Mexico while their asylum cases are being evaluated.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02072020_Oviedo-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02072020_Oviedo-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02072020_Oviedo-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02072020_Oviedo-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02072020_Oviedo-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02072020_Oviedo-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02072020_Oviedo-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02072020_Oviedo-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02072020_Oviedo-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Douglas Oviedo, 36, is one of a small group of people whose asylum claims at the U.S-Mexico border have been approved ever since the Trump administration implemented its 'Remain in Mexico' policy, which requires asylum-seekers to wait in Mexico while their asylum cases are being evaluated. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Oviedo won asylum last September. Two weeks later, he attended a hearing at the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in San Francisco and witnessed a panel of judges considering the lawsuit he joined with California-based legal aid nonprofits against the policy, which is still under review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never imagined I’d be able to be in that courtroom. It was a great feeling,” Oviedo said. “There’s thousands of migrants at the border who feel they’ve been abandoned. But they are not alone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He decided to move to the Bay Area because friends helped him connect with an elderly sponsor who offered him a temporary place to stay at her home in Hercules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a new U.S. work permit in his pocket, Oviedo commutes three hours each way to remodel and paint houses in Daly City. While riding BART, he plans his next steps to organize a camp for about 150 troubled youth in Honduras, and to raise funds so U.S. immigration attorneys can travel to Tijuana to represent more asylum-seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here on the train, it’s a time to reflect, to think about the future and all the projects I want to get done,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oviedo won asylum in the U.S., a feat that so far a tiny fraction of people in the Remain in Mexico program have achieved. Now a resident of the the Bay Area, Oviedo has a job and plans to raise funds to help migrants at the border and the at-risk youth he used to work with in Honduras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Arzu lost his asylum claim and was deported to Honduras. Back in his hometown of La Ceiba, one of the most violent cities in the country, he wonders if he’ll be able to dodge the gang members who initially made him flee. He’s lost hope, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One year into the unprecedented U.S. policy, officially called the Migrant Protection Protocols, immigration authorities have sent back nearly 60,000 mostly Central American asylum-seekers to Mexico. And they have transformed the prospects for those seeking U.S. protection at the southern border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Only 187 people — 0.3% of the men, women and children placed in Remain in Mexico — have won the protections so far. Meanwhile, one-third, almost 20,000 people, have lost their claims and were ordered deported, according to researchers at Syracuse University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For asylum-seekers who are allowed to pursue their claims while residing in the U.S., obtaining protection is more likely: Immigration courts granted asylum in about 30% of cases last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the Remain in Mexico policy say it prevents migrants who want to come work in the U.S. from abusing the asylum system, while offering migrants with legitimate claims faster proceedings, as those cases are prioritized by immigration courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has made it possible for people who do qualify for asylum, who are genuinely in need of protection, to get relief sooner because they are in more accelerated proceedings,” said Jessica Vaughan, director of policy studies at the Center for Immigration Studies, which favors reducing immigration. “Before they would simply have been put in limbo, waiting for years for their first hearings even.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics counter that the policy places vulnerable migrants at risk in dangerous areas of Mexico and erodes due process rights. It’s next to impossible for asylum-seekers in Mexico, who are often living in shelters or in the streets, to find legal help, assemble evidence and present their cases to U.S. courts, according to interviews with migrants and attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s sort of an asylum process in name only,” said Lisa Knox, an immigration lawyer who represented Oviedo in his claim. “The reality is that, for most people there, they are not getting a fair shake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. immigration law is complex, and migrants often don’t speak English or understand how to build a successful asylum claim and navigate the court system. Representation by a U.S. immigration lawyer is key to winning the protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But only 5% of people in the Remain in Mexico program have legal representation. By contrast, 37% of all immigrants fighting deportation cases have an attorney, according to the American Immigration Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>To obtain asylum, non-citizens must prove a well-founded fear of persecution in their home country on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group or political opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oviedo fled Honduras under death threats by gang members. He said he worked for years getting youth out of gangs and into church in a neighborhood known for murders in broad daylight. After a 15-year-old boy who attended Oviedo’s church was killed, he organized a march to demand the government tackle crime and protect residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was mad because the government wasn’t doing its job to protect youth, to protect a child, to protect families,” said Oviedo, who publicly called for the government to install security cameras and assign more police officers to patrol the streets. “Because of that, the gang started following me and threatening me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November 2018, Oviedo traveled to the U.S. border as part of a caravan of about 5,000 Central American migrants and reached Tijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Jan. 29, 2019, the same day the Trump administration first put Remain in Mexico into action, Oviedo approached U.S. border authorities and requested asylum. He was returned to Mexico the following day with a court date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the following nine months in Tijuana, Oviedo co-founded a shelter for migrant women and children that recently opened its doors, and helped organize a festival to ease tensions between long-term residents of the border city and newly arrived Central Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Oviedo had a strong asylum case, it wasn’t guaranteed he’d win, said his attorney, who traveled to Tijuana five times to prepare the claim and meet with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Douglas is an extraordinary individual ... there were articles and witnesses to support his claim,” Knox said. “But it was still a lot of work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Saul Arzu also fled Honduras because he feared he’d be killed by gangs. Gang members murdered his cousins, and once they attacked him and slashed him in the head, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Oviedo, Arzu said he participated in protests against the government of President Juan Orlando Hernández, whose brother was convicted on drug trafficking charges last fall in New York. He ties the widespread violence in Honduras to his country’s corrupt government, and he believes the police are in league with organized crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like most of those in Remain in Mexico, Arzu couldn’t find a pro bono attorney after he first approached U.S. border authorities on Feb. 22. He tried calling U.S. legal nonprofits during the ensuing months he spent in Tijuana, he said, but couldn’t find anyone who would take his case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arzu said robbers stole his cellphone and $500 in Tijuana. During his immigration court hearing in San Diego, he pleaded with a judge to not return him to Mexico, where he said he didn’t feel safe. Authorities locked him up at the Otay Mesa immigration detention center instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There, a different judge heard his case and denied his asylum claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. government attorney arguing against him, told the judge that conditions in Honduras were safe enough for him to return, said Arzu.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I couldn’t defend myself from what he was saying,” Arzu recalled. “The judge asked me for my argument first, but after the prosecutor’s turn, the judge didn’t give me a chance to speak again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Arzu said that when he first got back to La Ceiba, he tried to stay out of sight of gang members. But now, he said, he’s working whatever odd jobs he can find, because he “can’t stay hidden forever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve lost hope here. There’s nothing left but to live the time we’ve got left,” Arzu said by phone from Honduras. “It’s tough but that’s the reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11800693\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11800693\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02072020_Oviedo-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Douglas Oviedo, 36, is one of a small group of people whose asylum claims at the U.S-Mexico border have been approved ever since the Trump administration implemented its 'Remain in Mexico' policy, which requires asylum seekers to wait in Mexico while their asylum cases are being evaluated.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02072020_Oviedo-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02072020_Oviedo-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02072020_Oviedo-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02072020_Oviedo-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02072020_Oviedo-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02072020_Oviedo-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02072020_Oviedo-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02072020_Oviedo-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02072020_Oviedo-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Douglas Oviedo, 36, is one of a small group of people whose asylum claims at the U.S-Mexico border have been approved ever since the Trump administration implemented its 'Remain in Mexico' policy, which requires asylum-seekers to wait in Mexico while their asylum cases are being evaluated. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Oviedo won asylum last September. Two weeks later, he attended a hearing at the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in San Francisco and witnessed a panel of judges considering the lawsuit he joined with California-based legal aid nonprofits against the policy, which is still under review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never imagined I’d be able to be in that courtroom. It was a great feeling,” Oviedo said. “There’s thousands of migrants at the border who feel they’ve been abandoned. But they are not alone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He decided to move to the Bay Area because friends helped him connect with an elderly sponsor who offered him a temporary place to stay at her home in Hercules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a new U.S. work permit in his pocket, Oviedo commutes three hours each way to remodel and paint houses in Daly City. While riding BART, he plans his next steps to organize a camp for about 150 troubled youth in Honduras, and to raise funds so U.S. immigration attorneys can travel to Tijuana to represent more asylum-seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\"Detention is NOT prison\" and \"try not to take things personally,\" are just \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6609612-Adelanto-Detainee-Handbook.html#document/p36/a543360\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">two of the pointers\u003c/a> the for-profit prison company GEO Group gives to newly locked-up migrant detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the latest disturbing account to come out of the company's troubled Adelanto facility, \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreadelantopepperspray\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">surveillance video\u003c/a> shows detainees (who were initiating a hunger strike to protest conditions in the facility) sitting calmly at a table and then getting pepper sprayed and roughed up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We sure have come a long, long way from \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/stli/learn/historyculture/colossus.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Emma Lazarus' United States\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"disqusTitle": "At Least 138 Salvadorans Were Killed After US Deported Them, Report Finds",
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"content": "\u003cp>In 2010, a young man fled gang recruitment and violence in his El Salvador neighborhood. He sought asylum in the United States, where his mother had already gone. But he and his mother were denied asylum and deported back to El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four months later, both were killed by gang members. The same gang that had caused them to flee in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's just one account in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.hrw.org/report/2020/02/05/deported-danger/united-states-deportation-policies-expose-salvadorans-death-and\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">new report\u003c/a> from Human Rights Watch, documenting the harm that can come to people deported back to El Salvador, including many asylum-seekers. The group documented almost 140 killings over a six-year period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Alison Parker, co-author of the Human Rights Watch report\"]'El Salvador is facing a human rights crisis, and the country is struggling to keep its own citizens safe.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It comes at a time when President Trump is touting his administration's get-tough immigration policies, particularly related to arrests and deportations, as he gears up for his reelection campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Last year, our brave ICE [U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement] officers arrested more than 120,000 criminal aliens charged with nearly 10,000 burglaries, 5,000 sexual assaults, 45,000 violent assaults and 2,000 murders,\" Trump said during Tuesday's \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/02/05/us/politics/state-of-union-transcript.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">State of the Union\u003c/a> address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also celebrated entering cooperative agreements with many Central American countries, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2019/09/20/joint-statement-between-us-government-and-government-el-salvador\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">including El Salvador\u003c/a>, aimed at diverting asylum-seekers away from the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Human Rights Watch says it is concerned over those cooperative agreements and urges their repeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What our report shows is that El Salvador is facing a human rights crisis, and the country is struggling to keep its own citizens safe much less provide safe protection to asylum-seekers from other countries in the region,\" said Alison Parker, San Francisco-based managing director of the U.S. Program at Human Rights Watch and co-author of the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/wp-content/uploads/sites/5/2019/09/Pew-Research-Center_Salvadorans-in-U-S-2017-data.xlsx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Pew Research Center\u003c/a>, more people with Salvadoran origin live in California than any other state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Human Rights Watch report, which was compiled between November 2018 and December 2019, looks at cases of people deported to El Salvador between 2013 and 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through a series of interviews with deportees, family members, witnesses, journalists and law enforcement professionals — plus a review of Salvadoran government data, court records and news reports — the group was able to find more than 200 cases of Salvadorans being abused, beaten and, in 138 cases, murdered after returning to the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Parker says, it's likely an undercount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's actually very stigmatizing to be a deportee in El Salvador,\" Parker said. \"And that means that family members of murder victims, or other victims of crime, don't report that their loved one — or they themselves are a deportee.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='asylum-seekers']In one case, Human Rights Watch found, a Salvadoran official said \"we think that if a person wasn’t wanted in the United States, it must be because the deported person is bad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, many deportees are simply people who lost an asylum claim. In order to \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/xlibrary/assets/training/xus/crcl/asylumseekers/crcl_asylum/pdfs/Immigration%20and%20Nationality%20Act%20101(a)(42).pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">qualify for asylum\u003c/a> in the U.S., an individual must have \"a well-founded fear of persecution on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion.\" Asylum-seekers must also prove that their government is persecuting them or unable or unwilling to protect them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Human Rights Watch study spans parts of both the Obama administration and the current administration, the report points to specific Trump-era policies that narrow access to asylum protections in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The human rights group also advocates reversing two decisions by U.S. attorneys general that make it more difficult to get asylum for \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1070866/download\">people fleeing domestic violence or gang violence\u003c/a>, or for \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/file/1187856/download\">people whose family members faced persecution\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Each of these factors is extremely relevant to the Salvadorans whom we interviewed for this report,\" Parker said. \"And that means it's become even more difficult for them to get protection.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"headline": "At Least 138 Salvadorans Were Killed After US Deported Them, Report Finds",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In 2010, a young man fled gang recruitment and violence in his El Salvador neighborhood. He sought asylum in the United States, where his mother had already gone. But he and his mother were denied asylum and deported back to El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four months later, both were killed by gang members. The same gang that had caused them to flee in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's just one account in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.hrw.org/report/2020/02/05/deported-danger/united-states-deportation-policies-expose-salvadorans-death-and\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">new report\u003c/a> from Human Rights Watch, documenting the harm that can come to people deported back to El Salvador, including many asylum-seekers. The group documented almost 140 killings over a six-year period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'El Salvador is facing a human rights crisis, and the country is struggling to keep its own citizens safe.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It comes at a time when President Trump is touting his administration's get-tough immigration policies, particularly related to arrests and deportations, as he gears up for his reelection campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Last year, our brave ICE [U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement] officers arrested more than 120,000 criminal aliens charged with nearly 10,000 burglaries, 5,000 sexual assaults, 45,000 violent assaults and 2,000 murders,\" Trump said during Tuesday's \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/02/05/us/politics/state-of-union-transcript.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">State of the Union\u003c/a> address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also celebrated entering cooperative agreements with many Central American countries, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2019/09/20/joint-statement-between-us-government-and-government-el-salvador\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">including El Salvador\u003c/a>, aimed at diverting asylum-seekers away from the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Human Rights Watch says it is concerned over those cooperative agreements and urges their repeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What our report shows is that El Salvador is facing a human rights crisis, and the country is struggling to keep its own citizens safe much less provide safe protection to asylum-seekers from other countries in the region,\" said Alison Parker, San Francisco-based managing director of the U.S. Program at Human Rights Watch and co-author of the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/wp-content/uploads/sites/5/2019/09/Pew-Research-Center_Salvadorans-in-U-S-2017-data.xlsx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Pew Research Center\u003c/a>, more people with Salvadoran origin live in California than any other state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Human Rights Watch report, which was compiled between November 2018 and December 2019, looks at cases of people deported to El Salvador between 2013 and 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through a series of interviews with deportees, family members, witnesses, journalists and law enforcement professionals — plus a review of Salvadoran government data, court records and news reports — the group was able to find more than 200 cases of Salvadorans being abused, beaten and, in 138 cases, murdered after returning to the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Parker says, it's likely an undercount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's actually very stigmatizing to be a deportee in El Salvador,\" Parker said. \"And that means that family members of murder victims, or other victims of crime, don't report that their loved one — or they themselves are a deportee.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In one case, Human Rights Watch found, a Salvadoran official said \"we think that if a person wasn’t wanted in the United States, it must be because the deported person is bad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, many deportees are simply people who lost an asylum claim. In order to \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/xlibrary/assets/training/xus/crcl/asylumseekers/crcl_asylum/pdfs/Immigration%20and%20Nationality%20Act%20101(a)(42).pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">qualify for asylum\u003c/a> in the U.S., an individual must have \"a well-founded fear of persecution on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion.\" Asylum-seekers must also prove that their government is persecuting them or unable or unwilling to protect them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Human Rights Watch study spans parts of both the Obama administration and the current administration, the report points to specific Trump-era policies that narrow access to asylum protections in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The human rights group also advocates reversing two decisions by U.S. attorneys general that make it more difficult to get asylum for \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1070866/download\">people fleeing domestic violence or gang violence\u003c/a>, or for \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/file/1187856/download\">people whose family members faced persecution\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Each of these factors is extremely relevant to the Salvadorans whom we interviewed for this report,\" Parker said. \"And that means it's become even more difficult for them to get protection.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
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"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
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"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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