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"content": "\u003cp>After four years of former President Donald Trump's immigration crackdown, the Biden administration on Thursday announced new guidelines that are expected to sharply limit arrests and deportations carried out by Immigration and Customs Enforcement. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the guidance, ICE agents and officers have been told to prioritize threats to national security and public safety when deciding whom to arrest, detain and deport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials said the guidance is intended to help the agency allocate its limited resources to cases the public cares about most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Like every law enforcement agency at the local, state, and federal level, we must prioritize our efforts to achieve the greatest security and safety impact,\" ICE acting Director Tae Johnson said in a statement. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The guidance to ICE agents is part of a broader effort by President Biden to roll back the previous administration's hard-line immigration policies. Also on Thursday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/02/18/968989967/democrats-unveil-sweeping-immigration-bill\">congressional Democrats unveiled an immigration bill\u003c/a> – \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/inauguration-day-live-updates/2021/01/20/958626092/on-immigration-biden-goes-big-in-opening-bid-to-congress\">a plan that President Biden had proposed on his first day in office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill includes a path to citizenship for the estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants living in the United States and a fast-track process for young \"Dreamer\" immigrants brought to the country illegally as children. The bill faces steep hurdles in a divided Congress. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Changes at ICE also face pushback – from outside the agency and within. Immigration hawks complain that the new guidance will prevent ICE agents and officers from doing their jobs – in essence, abolishing ICE without actually abolishing it. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The men and women of ICE, they took an oath to enforce immigration laws,\" said Thomas Homan, who served as acting ICE director under former President Trump. \"It's unfortunate they can't do the job. ... And it's unfortunate that many criminals are going to be walking the streets of America because this administration simply thinks they're not important enough to take off the streets.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE is charged with enforcing the nation's immigration laws – including arresting and deporting people living in the country illegally. In many ways, its agents became the public face of Trump's immigration crackdown, spreading fear and confusion in immigrant communities. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new guidance also was greeted with criticism from some immigrant advocates. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Naureen Shah, senior advocacy and policy counsel for the American Civil Liberties Union, said in a statement that the Biden administration isn't going far enough to \"fully break from the harmful deportation policies of both the Trump and Obama presidencies.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shah said the guidance would lead to \"continued disproportionate deportations of Black and Brown immigrants, including Muslims\" and that it contradicts the Biden administration's pledge to make sure that people seeking asylum are treated with dignity. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new guidance directs ICE agents and officers to focus on non-citizens who recently crossed the border illegally, or who are deemed to be threats to national security or public safety. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The guidance defines a public safety threat as someone who has been convicted of an aggravated felony, such as murder and rape, or of actively participating in a criminal street gang. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Field officers have been instructed to seek preapproval from supervisors before making arrests of non-citizens convicted of other crimes, such as minor drug offenses, immigration offenses and driving under the influence. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In practice, that means ICE arrests would be limited largely to immigrants who have been convicted of felony offenses and are already detained in federal or state prisons. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's not unusual for enforcement priorities at ICE to change from administration to administration – nor is it unusual for the changes to be controversial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='ice']The Obama administration instructed ICE to prioritize criminals for removal. Obama then faced criticism from immigrant advocates who decried the dramatic rise in deportations under his watch, as well as immigration hard-liners who said he shouldn't have set any priorities that tied agents' hands. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration guidelines are more restrictive – and facing the same range of criticism. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Obama-era policies ... set a dangerous precedent for the non-enforcement of the immigration laws of the United States in the name of prioritizing scarce ICE resources,\" said Andrew Arthur, a former immigration judge who is now at the Center for Immigration Studies, a nonprofit in Washington that advocates for lower levels of immigration. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration's plan is \"much, much worse,\" Arthur \u003ca href=\"https://cis.org/Arthur/Biden-Limits-Immigration-Enforcement-Are-Much-Worse-Even-Obamas\">wrote in a blog post\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homan, the former acting director of ICE, predicted that the new guidance would hurt morale at the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the union representing ICE agents has been silent on the new Biden guidance, the National ICE Council twice endorsed Trump for president and agents talked openly about feeling empowered during his administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly before the Trump administration ended, the union signed an unusual labor agreement with ICE. According to a whistleblower complaint, the deal would have given the union extraordinary power to \"indefinitely delay\" changes to immigration enforcement policies that it doesn't like. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration said this week it is moving to scrap the deal. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Biden+Tries+To+Rein+In+ICE%3A+New+Rules+Limit+Who+Immigration+Agents+Target+for+Arrest+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After four years of former President Donald Trump's immigration crackdown, the Biden administration on Thursday announced new guidelines that are expected to sharply limit arrests and deportations carried out by Immigration and Customs Enforcement. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the guidance, ICE agents and officers have been told to prioritize threats to national security and public safety when deciding whom to arrest, detain and deport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials said the guidance is intended to help the agency allocate its limited resources to cases the public cares about most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Like every law enforcement agency at the local, state, and federal level, we must prioritize our efforts to achieve the greatest security and safety impact,\" ICE acting Director Tae Johnson said in a statement. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The guidance to ICE agents is part of a broader effort by President Biden to roll back the previous administration's hard-line immigration policies. Also on Thursday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/02/18/968989967/democrats-unveil-sweeping-immigration-bill\">congressional Democrats unveiled an immigration bill\u003c/a> – \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/inauguration-day-live-updates/2021/01/20/958626092/on-immigration-biden-goes-big-in-opening-bid-to-congress\">a plan that President Biden had proposed on his first day in office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill includes a path to citizenship for the estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants living in the United States and a fast-track process for young \"Dreamer\" immigrants brought to the country illegally as children. The bill faces steep hurdles in a divided Congress. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Changes at ICE also face pushback – from outside the agency and within. Immigration hawks complain that the new guidance will prevent ICE agents and officers from doing their jobs – in essence, abolishing ICE without actually abolishing it. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The men and women of ICE, they took an oath to enforce immigration laws,\" said Thomas Homan, who served as acting ICE director under former President Trump. \"It's unfortunate they can't do the job. ... And it's unfortunate that many criminals are going to be walking the streets of America because this administration simply thinks they're not important enough to take off the streets.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE is charged with enforcing the nation's immigration laws – including arresting and deporting people living in the country illegally. In many ways, its agents became the public face of Trump's immigration crackdown, spreading fear and confusion in immigrant communities. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new guidance also was greeted with criticism from some immigrant advocates. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Naureen Shah, senior advocacy and policy counsel for the American Civil Liberties Union, said in a statement that the Biden administration isn't going far enough to \"fully break from the harmful deportation policies of both the Trump and Obama presidencies.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shah said the guidance would lead to \"continued disproportionate deportations of Black and Brown immigrants, including Muslims\" and that it contradicts the Biden administration's pledge to make sure that people seeking asylum are treated with dignity. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new guidance directs ICE agents and officers to focus on non-citizens who recently crossed the border illegally, or who are deemed to be threats to national security or public safety. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The guidance defines a public safety threat as someone who has been convicted of an aggravated felony, such as murder and rape, or of actively participating in a criminal street gang. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Field officers have been instructed to seek preapproval from supervisors before making arrests of non-citizens convicted of other crimes, such as minor drug offenses, immigration offenses and driving under the influence. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In practice, that means ICE arrests would be limited largely to immigrants who have been convicted of felony offenses and are already detained in federal or state prisons. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's not unusual for enforcement priorities at ICE to change from administration to administration – nor is it unusual for the changes to be controversial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Obama administration instructed ICE to prioritize criminals for removal. Obama then faced criticism from immigrant advocates who decried the dramatic rise in deportations under his watch, as well as immigration hard-liners who said he shouldn't have set any priorities that tied agents' hands. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration guidelines are more restrictive – and facing the same range of criticism. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Obama-era policies ... set a dangerous precedent for the non-enforcement of the immigration laws of the United States in the name of prioritizing scarce ICE resources,\" said Andrew Arthur, a former immigration judge who is now at the Center for Immigration Studies, a nonprofit in Washington that advocates for lower levels of immigration. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration's plan is \"much, much worse,\" Arthur \u003ca href=\"https://cis.org/Arthur/Biden-Limits-Immigration-Enforcement-Are-Much-Worse-Even-Obamas\">wrote in a blog post\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homan, the former acting director of ICE, predicted that the new guidance would hurt morale at the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the union representing ICE agents has been silent on the new Biden guidance, the National ICE Council twice endorsed Trump for president and agents talked openly about feeling empowered during his administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly before the Trump administration ended, the union signed an unusual labor agreement with ICE. According to a whistleblower complaint, the deal would have given the union extraordinary power to \"indefinitely delay\" changes to immigration enforcement policies that it doesn't like. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration said this week it is moving to scrap the deal. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Biden+Tries+To+Rein+In+ICE%3A+New+Rules+Limit+Who+Immigration+Agents+Target+for+Arrest+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Congressional Democrats unveiled a sweeping immigration bill Thursday that includes setting up a path to citizenship for the estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants living in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure is backed by President Biden and closely aligns with the plan he proposed on his \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/inauguration-day-live-updates/2021/01/20/958626092/on-immigration-biden-goes-big-in-opening-bid-to-congress\">first day in office\u003c/a>. His administration and congressional Democrats are under pressure from immigration advocates to act quickly to move the bill, but it’s unclear how quickly they will pursue passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Rep. Linda Sánchez, D-Los Angeles']‘I am the daughter of immigrant parents from Mexico. They came to this country and they work hard and they sacrificed every day to provide for me and my brothers and sisters … Their story is like the story of so many others.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have 11 million undocumented people living, working and raising families in our communities without legal status,” Sen. Bob Menendez, D-New Jersey, said during a news conference Thursday morning. “These are good and decent people who believe in the promise of America down to their bones.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menendez was joined by Rep. Linda Sánchez, D-California, who shared her family’s story of immigrating to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am the daughter of immigrant parents from Mexico. They came to this country and they work hard and they sacrificed every day to provide for me and my brothers and sisters,” she said. “Their story is like the story of so many others.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democratic bill includes a fast-track process for immigrants who were brought to the country by their parents at a young age (otherwise known as “DREAMers”), along with certain farmworkers and past recipients of temporary protected status, such as people who fled wars. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan seeks to boost the diversity visa program, a sharp departure from the Trump administration’s goal to eliminate the program. The bill also replaces the term “alien” in U.S. immigration laws with “noncitizen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s anticipated that Republicans will oppose many provisions in the legislation, which could signal that Democrats will need to employ alternative measures to push it through the Senate where, under current rules, it needs 60 votes to proceed. [aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason we have not gotten immigration reform over the finish line is not because of a lack of will,” Menendez said. “It is because time and time again, we have compromised too much and capitulated too quickly to fringe voices who have refused to accept the humanity and contributions of immigrants to our country and dismiss everything, no matter how significant it is in terms of the national security, as amnesty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a CNN town hall on Tuesday, Biden indicated that though he considers a pathway to citizenship essential, he may be open to a piecemeal approach to immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s things that I would deal by itself, but not at the expense of saying, ‘I’m never going to do the other,’ ” he \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2021/02/17/remarks-by-president-biden-in-a-cnn-town-hall-with-anderson-cooper/\">said\u003c/a>. “There is a reasonable path to citizenship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both former Presidents Barack Obama and George W. Bush had attempted to put their stamp on immigration by unveiling proposals that included pathways to citizenship, but both plans were rejected by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Democrats+Unveil+Sweeping+Immigration+Bill&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Congressional Democrats unveiled a sweeping immigration bill Thursday that includes setting up a path to citizenship for the estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants living in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure is backed by President Biden and closely aligns with the plan he proposed on his \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/inauguration-day-live-updates/2021/01/20/958626092/on-immigration-biden-goes-big-in-opening-bid-to-congress\">first day in office\u003c/a>. His administration and congressional Democrats are under pressure from immigration advocates to act quickly to move the bill, but it’s unclear how quickly they will pursue passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have 11 million undocumented people living, working and raising families in our communities without legal status,” Sen. Bob Menendez, D-New Jersey, said during a news conference Thursday morning. “These are good and decent people who believe in the promise of America down to their bones.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menendez was joined by Rep. Linda Sánchez, D-California, who shared her family’s story of immigrating to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am the daughter of immigrant parents from Mexico. They came to this country and they work hard and they sacrificed every day to provide for me and my brothers and sisters,” she said. “Their story is like the story of so many others.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democratic bill includes a fast-track process for immigrants who were brought to the country by their parents at a young age (otherwise known as “DREAMers”), along with certain farmworkers and past recipients of temporary protected status, such as people who fled wars. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan seeks to boost the diversity visa program, a sharp departure from the Trump administration’s goal to eliminate the program. The bill also replaces the term “alien” in U.S. immigration laws with “noncitizen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s anticipated that Republicans will oppose many provisions in the legislation, which could signal that Democrats will need to employ alternative measures to push it through the Senate where, under current rules, it needs 60 votes to proceed. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason we have not gotten immigration reform over the finish line is not because of a lack of will,” Menendez said. “It is because time and time again, we have compromised too much and capitulated too quickly to fringe voices who have refused to accept the humanity and contributions of immigrants to our country and dismiss everything, no matter how significant it is in terms of the national security, as amnesty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a CNN town hall on Tuesday, Biden indicated that though he considers a pathway to citizenship essential, he may be open to a piecemeal approach to immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s things that I would deal by itself, but not at the expense of saying, ‘I’m never going to do the other,’ ” he \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2021/02/17/remarks-by-president-biden-in-a-cnn-town-hall-with-anderson-cooper/\">said\u003c/a>. “There is a reasonable path to citizenship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both former Presidents Barack Obama and George W. Bush had attempted to put their stamp on immigration by unveiling proposals that included pathways to citizenship, but both plans were rejected by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Democrats+Unveil+Sweeping+Immigration+Bill&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In 1777, five families of mixed Mexican and African heritage arrived in Alta California with the Spanish to help establish \u003ca href=\"https://artsandculture.google.com/exhibit/a-year-in-the-life-of-a-spanish-colonial-pueblo-san-jos%C3%A9%C2%A0de-guadalupe-in-1809-history-san-jose/qgJCEgJtbqBZLw?hl=en\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">El Pueblo de San José de Guadalupe\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They grew the food for the presidios, the military installations in the Bay Area,” explains local historian Jan Batiste Adkins, who’s written \u003ca href=\"https://www.africanamericanhistories.com/\">three books\u003c/a> on the history of African Americans in the Bay Area. Adkins says those are the first Black families in the South Bay she’s found records for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She notes there have historically been very few African Americans who have lived on the Peninsula and in the South Bay. This explains the relative lack of awareness of their cultural and economic contributions to those areas, particularly compared to those of the much larger Black communities in San Francisco and Oakland. But that’s not to say the South Bay’s Black communities have not been influential, from “since before the beginning,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexico abolished slavery in 1829, but it took the United States until 1865 to officially do so. And although California was admitted to the Union in 1850 as a “free state,” the experience of Black residents here was complicated. There was even a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcet.org/shows/lost-la/los-angeles-1850s-slave-market-is-now-the-site-of-a-federal-courthouse\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">slave market\u003c/a> in Los Angeles. Some Southerners who came to California after the Gold Rush brought slaves with them, and a number of them subsequently sued to secure their freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11860514\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1280px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11860514\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj.jpeg\" alt=\"James Williams was brought to California as a slave to mine in Sacramento Valley. Once he earned enough money, Williams was able to buy his freedom and moved to Murphy Ranch in Milpitas in 1852. Later he started his own business and operated freight teams between Hollister and San Francisco.\" width=\"1280\" height=\"865\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj.jpeg 1280w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj-800x541.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj-1020x689.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj-160x108.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1280px) 100vw, 1280px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">James Williams was brought to California as a slave to mine for gold in the Sacramento Valley. Once he earned enough money, Williams was able to buy his freedom and moved in 1852 to Murphy Ranch in Milpitas. Later he started his own business and operated freight teams between Hollister and San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Santa Clara City Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Many of the families that came here came as freed men and women from the East Coast. Many of them [also] came as slaves, and found freedom here in California,” Adkins says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>First Draft of Black History\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the mid-19th century, a number of Black newspapers, like the \u003ca href=\"https://cdnc.ucr.edu/?a=cl&cl=CL1&sp=PA\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Pacific Appeal\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.loc.gov/item/sn83027100/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Mirror of the Times \u003c/a>and the \u003ca href=\"https://cdnc.ucr.edu/?a=cl&cl=CL1&sp=EL&\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Elevator\u003c/a>, emerged in San Francisco. Today, they remain a treasure trove of tidbits of early Black history in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consider this plea for subscriptions in the very first issue of the Pacific Appeal, in April 1862:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Reader! Our first number is before you. Will you sustain us in our infant enterprise? We have engaged in an undertaking which requires pecuniary outlay, energy, perseverance and ability. We have “Set our boat before the blast, Our breast before the gun,” and while there is a breeze to swell our canvas we will continue our voyage; — while we have a hand to wield a weapon (the pen,) we will battle against oppression and injustice. Will you support us?\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>“I just fell in love with reading about the history of African Americans,” Adkins said. “Those newspapers were published in San Francisco, and those newspapers carried the stories of local pioneers, not only in San Francisco, but in the entire Bay Area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>African Americans in the South Bay built homes, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/07/28/san-joses-historic-antioch-baptist-church-marks-a-milestone/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">churches\u003c/a> and schools. They were \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/explore/archy-lee.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">abolitionists\u003c/a> before the Civil War, and sued for civil rights afterward. But the community was tiny, less than 100 people through much of the 19th century, according to Adkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"tommie-smith\"]That changed with the Great Migration beginning in the early 20th century, as African Americans from southern and midwestern states seeking new economic opportunities were drawn to cities like San Jose, Palo Alto and Milpitas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After World War II, some African Americans who had first arrived elsewhere in the Bay Area for military manufacturing jobs, later moved to the South Bay and the Peninsula for other industrial work, especially at \u003ca href=\"https://milpitashistoricalsociety.org/milpitas-history/milpitas-street-names/gross-street/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ford Motor Company\u003c/a> in Milpitas. A number of large technology companies, like IBM, were also hiring, as were local \u003ca href=\"https://www.paloaltoonline.com/news/2017/02/23/city-to-honor-distinguished-african-american-leaders\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">governments\u003c/a> and universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But newly arrived African Americans quickly discovered they were shut out from living in most South Bay neighborhoods due to “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/18486/redlining\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">redlining\u003c/a>” and other discriminatory local housing policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were some exceptions, however, although few and far between. Adkins says some companies, like IBM, built worker housing where Black employees and their families could stay. And legendary Bay Area real estate developer \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11635574/how-joseph-eichler-introduced-stylish-housing-for-the-masses\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Joseph Eichler\u003c/a> famously did not discriminate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11860517\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1259px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11860517 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005.jpeg\" alt=\"The Jordan family poses for a photo in 1948. John Jordan settled in North San Jose in 1909, and was a leader in of the city's Antioch Baptist Church, itself established in 1893. \" width=\"1259\" height=\"960\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005.jpeg 1259w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005-800x610.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005-1020x778.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005-160x122.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1259px) 100vw, 1259px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Jordan family poses for a photo in 1948. John Jordan settled in North San Jose in 1909 and was a leader in the city’s Antioch Baptist Church, which was established in 1893. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Robert Ellington)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 1967, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/harry-edwards\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Harry Edwards\u003c/a>, a young San Jose State University faculty member and former student athlete, organized a demonstration on the first day of fall semester to protest the lack of student housing available to Black football players.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former KQED host Belva Davis, then with KPIX, \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/sfbatv/bundles/230943\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">reported\u003c/a>, “Protesting groups have given the administration until 11 a.m. Friday to do something about the situation, or else they say they’ll stop the coming weekend football game.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]The president of the university ultimately canceled that game, and campus activism for racial equality continued to grow throughout the late 1960s. Most famously, San Jose State sprinters Tommie Smith and John Carlos \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11711644/black-power-the-1968-olympics-and-the-san-jose-state-students-who-shook-the-world\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">raised their clenched fists\u003c/a> in a Black Power salute while receiving their medals during the 1968 Summer Olympics in Mexico City — a protest against racial discrimination back home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, though, the explosive growth of Silicon Valley and the concurrent explosion in real estate prices have driven many Black residents out of the South Bay. Roughly 55,000 African Americans now live in Santa Clara County, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/santaclaracountycalifornia\">less than 3%\u003c/a> of the total population, according to U.S. census figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adkins says her research into the local history of African Americans has convinced her there are many more fascinating stories hidden in the state’s archives and family attics that must be discovered and told.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My feeling,” she says, “is if we do not write our history, if we do not document our history, who will?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In 1777, five families of mixed Mexican and African heritage arrived in Alta California with the Spanish to help establish \u003ca href=\"https://artsandculture.google.com/exhibit/a-year-in-the-life-of-a-spanish-colonial-pueblo-san-jos%C3%A9%C2%A0de-guadalupe-in-1809-history-san-jose/qgJCEgJtbqBZLw?hl=en\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">El Pueblo de San José de Guadalupe\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They grew the food for the presidios, the military installations in the Bay Area,” explains local historian Jan Batiste Adkins, who’s written \u003ca href=\"https://www.africanamericanhistories.com/\">three books\u003c/a> on the history of African Americans in the Bay Area. Adkins says those are the first Black families in the South Bay she’s found records for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She notes there have historically been very few African Americans who have lived on the Peninsula and in the South Bay. This explains the relative lack of awareness of their cultural and economic contributions to those areas, particularly compared to those of the much larger Black communities in San Francisco and Oakland. But that’s not to say the South Bay’s Black communities have not been influential, from “since before the beginning,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexico abolished slavery in 1829, but it took the United States until 1865 to officially do so. And although California was admitted to the Union in 1850 as a “free state,” the experience of Black residents here was complicated. There was even a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcet.org/shows/lost-la/los-angeles-1850s-slave-market-is-now-the-site-of-a-federal-courthouse\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">slave market\u003c/a> in Los Angeles. Some Southerners who came to California after the Gold Rush brought slaves with them, and a number of them subsequently sued to secure their freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11860514\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1280px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11860514\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj.jpeg\" alt=\"James Williams was brought to California as a slave to mine in Sacramento Valley. Once he earned enough money, Williams was able to buy his freedom and moved to Murphy Ranch in Milpitas in 1852. Later he started his own business and operated freight teams between Hollister and San Francisco.\" width=\"1280\" height=\"865\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj.jpeg 1280w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj-800x541.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj-1020x689.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj-160x108.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1280px) 100vw, 1280px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">James Williams was brought to California as a slave to mine for gold in the Sacramento Valley. Once he earned enough money, Williams was able to buy his freedom and moved in 1852 to Murphy Ranch in Milpitas. Later he started his own business and operated freight teams between Hollister and San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Santa Clara City Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Many of the families that came here came as freed men and women from the East Coast. Many of them [also] came as slaves, and found freedom here in California,” Adkins says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>First Draft of Black History\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the mid-19th century, a number of Black newspapers, like the \u003ca href=\"https://cdnc.ucr.edu/?a=cl&cl=CL1&sp=PA\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Pacific Appeal\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.loc.gov/item/sn83027100/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Mirror of the Times \u003c/a>and the \u003ca href=\"https://cdnc.ucr.edu/?a=cl&cl=CL1&sp=EL&\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Elevator\u003c/a>, emerged in San Francisco. Today, they remain a treasure trove of tidbits of early Black history in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consider this plea for subscriptions in the very first issue of the Pacific Appeal, in April 1862:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Reader! Our first number is before you. Will you sustain us in our infant enterprise? We have engaged in an undertaking which requires pecuniary outlay, energy, perseverance and ability. We have “Set our boat before the blast, Our breast before the gun,” and while there is a breeze to swell our canvas we will continue our voyage; — while we have a hand to wield a weapon (the pen,) we will battle against oppression and injustice. Will you support us?\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>“I just fell in love with reading about the history of African Americans,” Adkins said. “Those newspapers were published in San Francisco, and those newspapers carried the stories of local pioneers, not only in San Francisco, but in the entire Bay Area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>African Americans in the South Bay built homes, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/07/28/san-joses-historic-antioch-baptist-church-marks-a-milestone/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">churches\u003c/a> and schools. They were \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/explore/archy-lee.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">abolitionists\u003c/a> before the Civil War, and sued for civil rights afterward. But the community was tiny, less than 100 people through much of the 19th century, according to Adkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That changed with the Great Migration beginning in the early 20th century, as African Americans from southern and midwestern states seeking new economic opportunities were drawn to cities like San Jose, Palo Alto and Milpitas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After World War II, some African Americans who had first arrived elsewhere in the Bay Area for military manufacturing jobs, later moved to the South Bay and the Peninsula for other industrial work, especially at \u003ca href=\"https://milpitashistoricalsociety.org/milpitas-history/milpitas-street-names/gross-street/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ford Motor Company\u003c/a> in Milpitas. A number of large technology companies, like IBM, were also hiring, as were local \u003ca href=\"https://www.paloaltoonline.com/news/2017/02/23/city-to-honor-distinguished-african-american-leaders\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">governments\u003c/a> and universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But newly arrived African Americans quickly discovered they were shut out from living in most South Bay neighborhoods due to “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/18486/redlining\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">redlining\u003c/a>” and other discriminatory local housing policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were some exceptions, however, although few and far between. Adkins says some companies, like IBM, built worker housing where Black employees and their families could stay. And legendary Bay Area real estate developer \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11635574/how-joseph-eichler-introduced-stylish-housing-for-the-masses\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Joseph Eichler\u003c/a> famously did not discriminate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11860517\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1259px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11860517 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005.jpeg\" alt=\"The Jordan family poses for a photo in 1948. John Jordan settled in North San Jose in 1909, and was a leader in of the city's Antioch Baptist Church, itself established in 1893. \" width=\"1259\" height=\"960\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005.jpeg 1259w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005-800x610.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005-1020x778.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005-160x122.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1259px) 100vw, 1259px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Jordan family poses for a photo in 1948. John Jordan settled in North San Jose in 1909 and was a leader in the city’s Antioch Baptist Church, which was established in 1893. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Robert Ellington)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 1967, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/harry-edwards\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Harry Edwards\u003c/a>, a young San Jose State University faculty member and former student athlete, organized a demonstration on the first day of fall semester to protest the lack of student housing available to Black football players.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former KQED host Belva Davis, then with KPIX, \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/sfbatv/bundles/230943\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">reported\u003c/a>, “Protesting groups have given the administration until 11 a.m. Friday to do something about the situation, or else they say they’ll stop the coming weekend football game.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The president of the university ultimately canceled that game, and campus activism for racial equality continued to grow throughout the late 1960s. Most famously, San Jose State sprinters Tommie Smith and John Carlos \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11711644/black-power-the-1968-olympics-and-the-san-jose-state-students-who-shook-the-world\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">raised their clenched fists\u003c/a> in a Black Power salute while receiving their medals during the 1968 Summer Olympics in Mexico City — a protest against racial discrimination back home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, though, the explosive growth of Silicon Valley and the concurrent explosion in real estate prices have driven many Black residents out of the South Bay. Roughly 55,000 African Americans now live in Santa Clara County, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/santaclaracountycalifornia\">less than 3%\u003c/a> of the total population, according to U.S. census figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adkins says her research into the local history of African Americans has convinced her there are many more fascinating stories hidden in the state’s archives and family attics that must be discovered and told.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My feeling,” she says, “is if we do not write our history, if we do not document our history, who will?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Newsom, Lawmakers Agree To $600 Stimulus Checks Plus Boost For Undocumented Workers",
"title": "Newsom, Lawmakers Agree To $600 Stimulus Checks Plus Boost For Undocumented Workers",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This post has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Congress hammers out President Joe Biden’s $1.9 trillion stimulus package, California has worked out its own plan to get more cash into the hands of struggling Californians, particularly undocumented families left out of federal assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After weeks of public hearings and closed-door negotiations, Gov. Gavin Newsom, Senate leader Toni G. Atkins and Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon today announced $600 one-time payments to households receiving the state’s earned income tax credit, along with an extra $600 for undocumented taxpayers earning less than $75,000 who were ineligible for previous federal stimulus payments and other assistance for low-income residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal is a compromise version of Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/01/newsom-wants-extra-600-stimulus-for-low-wage-californians/\">Golden State Stimulus\u003c/a> package and would help an estimated 5.7 million Californians. It now needs formal approval in the state Legislature as part of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/02/17/governor-newsom-legislative-leaders-announce-immediate-action-agreement-for-relief-to-californians-experiencing-pandemic-hardship/\">$9.6 billion California economic stimulus package\u003c/a> aimed at helping workers and small businesses. A vote could come as soon as Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are hungry and hurting,” Atkins, a San Diego Democrat, said in a statement. “I’m proud we were able to come together to get Californians some needed relief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Senate leader Toni G. Atkins']'People are hungry and hurting ... I’m proud we were able to come together to get Californians some needed relief.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Newsom’s original $2.4 billion proposal, California would have sent $600 payments to the families of approximately 4 million workers with annual incomes below $30,000, including some undocumented workers. But some advocates and lawmakers argued that the money would be better spent on filling gaps in federal relief, rather than trying to jumpstart the economy. Instead, they pushed for two alternatives that would send much larger cash payments payments to California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/undocumented-immigrants-in-california/\">nearly one in 10 workers\u003c/a> who are undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today’s $3.8 billion Golden State Stimulus deal took those concerns into account. California will now send $600 tax rebates out to 3.8 million workers who made less than $30,000 last year. On top of that, an estimated 575,000 undocumented workers who make up to $75,000 a year will get an extra $600, in some cases bringing their total aid to $1,200.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grants of $600 will also go out to 405,000 very low-income families with children enrolled in CalWorks, as well as 1.2 million elderly, blind and disabled recipients of Supplemental Security Income or the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/capi\">state’s Cash Assistance Program for Immigrants\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Sending Out More Cash\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California’s coffers have grown since Newsom’s January proposal, likely increasing lawmakers’ appetite to send out more cash. \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1357089574288117760?s=20\">The state now expects\u003c/a> $10.3 billion more in revenue than was projected in January, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/01/california-budget-depends-on-staggering-wealth-gap/\">driven by the pandemic gains of the state’s wealthiest residents\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sending thousands in relief to undocumented immigrants would be a political nonstarter in most other parts of the country. But not in California, which has used its growing Democratic super majority of legislators — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/california-legislature/2021/01/how-diverse-california-legislature/\">of which one in four are Latino\u003c/a> — to break economic barriers for those without legal status, granting them driver’s licenses, sending them low-income tax refunds and expanding health care for undocumented children and young adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think about my community and the 2 million people across the state who have been left out of any type of assistance,” said Assembly Member Wendy Carrillo, a Democrat from Los Angeles who was formally undocumented herself, in a hearing on the proposal. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Ineligible For Federal Aid\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Undocumented Californians, many who work in industries ravaged both by pandemic closures and the coronavirus itself, don’t qualify for federal stimulus payments and unemployment benefits. They are also largely ineligible for other safety net benefits, like food stamps. Newsom created a program to send $500 to undocumented immigrants last spring, but there was only enough money for about 150,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the summer, Newsom also created Housing for the Harvest to provide hotel rooms for farmworkers who can’t safely quarantine at home. But as of late January, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2020/12/why-few-farmworkers-isolate-in-californias-free-covid-19-hotel-rooms/\">just 119 rooms had been reserved\u003c/a>. Earlier today Newsom acknowledged that the program has been “underutilized.” The early action deal doubles down on the program, investing $24 million in financial assistance and services for farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s stimulus will act like a boost to the California’s Earned Income Tax Credit, which is already available to undocumented workers who file taxes with an Individual Taxpayer Identification Number, thanks to a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2020/09/newsom-weighs-pandemic-relief-for-undocumented-immigrants/\">new law passed last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During legislative hearings, the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office recommended sending \u003ca href=\"https://abgt.assembly.ca.gov/sites/abgt.assembly.ca.gov/files/Feb%202%20Sub%204%20LAO%20The-2021-22-Budget-Golden-State-Stimulus-012221.pdf\">$1,800 payments\u003c/a> just to the low-income ITIN filers, cutting the plan’s price tag to under $1 billion. Then distribute the remaining funds to the approximately half of undocumented workers who don’t have ITINS or other very low-income Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Target Aid To Undocumented\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fiscal and policy analyst Chas Alamo said Newsom’s $2.4 billion proposal was too small to stimulate California’s $3.1 trillion economy. By contrast, he noted Californians received about $4 billion in unemployment benefits each week during 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The LAO alternative had gained support from a group of 17 Assembly Democrats. [aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must continue to work together to address the void created by years of inaction by the federal government that has left our undocumented worker population in the cold, without any viable economic support to survive this pandemic,” the lawmakers wrote in a letter to the budget committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, a coalition of pro-immigrant and anti-poverty advocacy groups had called for lawmakers to build immigrant relief on top of Newsom’s original proposal: For most workers, they wanted to keep the $600 tax credits. For households making less than $50,000 last year that file taxes with ITINS, they asked California to send $1,200 per parent and child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The compromise with Newsom was less. Advocates applauded lawmakers for sending extra help to undocumented immigrants, but said it didn’t go far enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With a multibillion dollar surplus we should be creating a real California for All,” said Sasha Feldstein, economic justice policy manager at the California Immigrant Policy Center. “And that means filling in all of the gaps left by exclusionary federal relief efforts, not just pieces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "As Congress debates President Biden’s $1.9 trillion stimulus package, state lawmakers have been negotiating their own plan to send cash to struggling Californians, splitting over whether to target the cash to undocumented workers left out of federal relief.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This post has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Congress hammers out President Joe Biden’s $1.9 trillion stimulus package, California has worked out its own plan to get more cash into the hands of struggling Californians, particularly undocumented families left out of federal assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After weeks of public hearings and closed-door negotiations, Gov. Gavin Newsom, Senate leader Toni G. Atkins and Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon today announced $600 one-time payments to households receiving the state’s earned income tax credit, along with an extra $600 for undocumented taxpayers earning less than $75,000 who were ineligible for previous federal stimulus payments and other assistance for low-income residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal is a compromise version of Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/01/newsom-wants-extra-600-stimulus-for-low-wage-californians/\">Golden State Stimulus\u003c/a> package and would help an estimated 5.7 million Californians. It now needs formal approval in the state Legislature as part of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/02/17/governor-newsom-legislative-leaders-announce-immediate-action-agreement-for-relief-to-californians-experiencing-pandemic-hardship/\">$9.6 billion California economic stimulus package\u003c/a> aimed at helping workers and small businesses. A vote could come as soon as Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are hungry and hurting,” Atkins, a San Diego Democrat, said in a statement. “I’m proud we were able to come together to get Californians some needed relief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Newsom’s original $2.4 billion proposal, California would have sent $600 payments to the families of approximately 4 million workers with annual incomes below $30,000, including some undocumented workers. But some advocates and lawmakers argued that the money would be better spent on filling gaps in federal relief, rather than trying to jumpstart the economy. Instead, they pushed for two alternatives that would send much larger cash payments payments to California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/undocumented-immigrants-in-california/\">nearly one in 10 workers\u003c/a> who are undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today’s $3.8 billion Golden State Stimulus deal took those concerns into account. California will now send $600 tax rebates out to 3.8 million workers who made less than $30,000 last year. On top of that, an estimated 575,000 undocumented workers who make up to $75,000 a year will get an extra $600, in some cases bringing their total aid to $1,200.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grants of $600 will also go out to 405,000 very low-income families with children enrolled in CalWorks, as well as 1.2 million elderly, blind and disabled recipients of Supplemental Security Income or the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/capi\">state’s Cash Assistance Program for Immigrants\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Sending Out More Cash\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California’s coffers have grown since Newsom’s January proposal, likely increasing lawmakers’ appetite to send out more cash. \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1357089574288117760?s=20\">The state now expects\u003c/a> $10.3 billion more in revenue than was projected in January, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/01/california-budget-depends-on-staggering-wealth-gap/\">driven by the pandemic gains of the state’s wealthiest residents\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sending thousands in relief to undocumented immigrants would be a political nonstarter in most other parts of the country. But not in California, which has used its growing Democratic super majority of legislators — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/california-legislature/2021/01/how-diverse-california-legislature/\">of which one in four are Latino\u003c/a> — to break economic barriers for those without legal status, granting them driver’s licenses, sending them low-income tax refunds and expanding health care for undocumented children and young adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think about my community and the 2 million people across the state who have been left out of any type of assistance,” said Assembly Member Wendy Carrillo, a Democrat from Los Angeles who was formally undocumented herself, in a hearing on the proposal. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Ineligible For Federal Aid\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Undocumented Californians, many who work in industries ravaged both by pandemic closures and the coronavirus itself, don’t qualify for federal stimulus payments and unemployment benefits. They are also largely ineligible for other safety net benefits, like food stamps. Newsom created a program to send $500 to undocumented immigrants last spring, but there was only enough money for about 150,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the summer, Newsom also created Housing for the Harvest to provide hotel rooms for farmworkers who can’t safely quarantine at home. But as of late January, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2020/12/why-few-farmworkers-isolate-in-californias-free-covid-19-hotel-rooms/\">just 119 rooms had been reserved\u003c/a>. Earlier today Newsom acknowledged that the program has been “underutilized.” The early action deal doubles down on the program, investing $24 million in financial assistance and services for farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s stimulus will act like a boost to the California’s Earned Income Tax Credit, which is already available to undocumented workers who file taxes with an Individual Taxpayer Identification Number, thanks to a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2020/09/newsom-weighs-pandemic-relief-for-undocumented-immigrants/\">new law passed last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During legislative hearings, the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office recommended sending \u003ca href=\"https://abgt.assembly.ca.gov/sites/abgt.assembly.ca.gov/files/Feb%202%20Sub%204%20LAO%20The-2021-22-Budget-Golden-State-Stimulus-012221.pdf\">$1,800 payments\u003c/a> just to the low-income ITIN filers, cutting the plan’s price tag to under $1 billion. Then distribute the remaining funds to the approximately half of undocumented workers who don’t have ITINS or other very low-income Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Target Aid To Undocumented\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fiscal and policy analyst Chas Alamo said Newsom’s $2.4 billion proposal was too small to stimulate California’s $3.1 trillion economy. By contrast, he noted Californians received about $4 billion in unemployment benefits each week during 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The LAO alternative had gained support from a group of 17 Assembly Democrats. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must continue to work together to address the void created by years of inaction by the federal government that has left our undocumented worker population in the cold, without any viable economic support to survive this pandemic,” the lawmakers wrote in a letter to the budget committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, a coalition of pro-immigrant and anti-poverty advocacy groups had called for lawmakers to build immigrant relief on top of Newsom’s original proposal: For most workers, they wanted to keep the $600 tax credits. For households making less than $50,000 last year that file taxes with ITINS, they asked California to send $1,200 per parent and child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The compromise with Newsom was less. Advocates applauded lawmakers for sending extra help to undocumented immigrants, but said it didn’t go far enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With a multibillion dollar surplus we should be creating a real California for All,” said Sasha Feldstein, economic justice policy manager at the California Immigrant Policy Center. “And that means filling in all of the gaps left by exclusionary federal relief efforts, not just pieces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "COVID-19 Puts Amache Camp’s National Park Pursuit in Limbo",
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"content": "\u003cp>At first, the trip unfolded as just an academic tracing of family history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Tonai had for years heard the stories from his father, Minoru, about the Amache internment camp in southeastern Colorado, where the U.S. government transported thousands of Japanese Americans from California and held them behind barbed wire and guard posts for three years during World War II. The family lore became a constant soundtrack that, over time, receded to a kind of background noise — always heard, seldom absorbed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in 1990, as a master’s student at the University of Northern Colorado, Tonai actually visited the site just outside the town of Granada. He explored the remnants of building foundations and other landmarks for an independent study project in photography.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His father had described the exact location of the family barracks — Building 9L, Apartment B. Tonai approached a slight dip in what remained of the foundation, a subtle reminder of the doorway to another time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just stepping across that threshold proved a life-changing experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I did that,” recalls Tonai, 60, “the stories came flooding back. My father used to talk about things like walking down a certain road at the camp, and now I could envision him as a 13- to 16-year-old boy, actually doing it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Tonai’s experience decades ago, the Amache site has been curated and improved, largely under the leadership of the Amache Preservation Society, a local school project headed by John Hopper, a social studies teacher-turned-principal of Granada High School. Hundreds of local students have found the single square mile of land a valuable historical resource, but it also has hosted years of pilgrimages for the former incarcerees and their families and drawn more than 20,000 visitors annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of that has led Amache to another threshold. Supporters of the site have pushed to establish it as a unit of the National Park System, a designation that could literally put Amache on the map as a federally run tourist destination. It also would shift most of the work around caring for it — a tall task that up to now has been mostly the province of Hopper and a handful of high school kids — to federal authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People like Tonai and his father, about to turn 92, have lent their voices to the ongoing preservation of a site that has broad historical and cultural importance, but particular resonance for the families of those who experienced Amache firsthand.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"John Tonai, who heard stories of Japanese internment from his father\"]'My dad was a teenager, just coming into his own, and he was always very angry about it. He has always supported preserving the memory of the camp.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He probably has stronger thoughts than almost anybody I know,” Tonai, who now works as an exhibit preparator and photographer for the Japanese American National Museum in Los Angeles, says of his father. “My dad was a teenager, just coming into his own, and he was always very angry about it. He has always supported preserving the memory of the camp.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effort on the federal level officially began in late 2019 with the John D. Dingell Jr. Conservation, Management, and Recreation Act. The massive legislation included dozens of initiatives and effectively launched a study of the Amache site’s suitability. But months later, the gears ground to a halt: Most significantly, the COVID-19 crisis stifled the normal schedule of public comment and wreaked havoc on the prescribed timeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, it’s kind of in limbo,” Hopper says. “The way I’m looking at it, we’ve lost a year with the COVID deal, not being able to meet in person.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An already lengthy federal process — the study and recommendation alone have a three-year timeline — suddenly seemed to get nudged even further into the future. For Hopper, who has seen his work with Amache become an all-consuming passion, the prospect of handing the lion’s share of the responsibility for the site to the government experts sooner rather than later offers peace of mind — not to mention the chance for actual retirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s something that not only has become a part of my life, but it’s on my mind just about every day — doesn’t matter what day,” Hopper, 57, says of Amache. “It’s always on my mind. It’s made me what I am, from an educational standpoint with these students. I want to make sure that the school continues to be involved as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a time when rural Colorado struggles with declining population and attendant economic challenges, Amache offers restorative opportunities. The work of the Amache Preservation Society has already helped restore a valuable historic and cultural marker. And in combination with both the Sand Creek Massacre National Historic Site near Eads and a similar attraction at Bent’s Old Fort in La Junta — each less than an hour’s drive from Granada – it creates a historic triangle on the Eastern Plains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>National Park designation would only add to the attraction, Hopper figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People would be a lot more aware,” he says. “Once they’re down here and tour all these sites, there are a lot of others. We’ve got the Santa Fe Trail, plus museums in Holly and Las Animas. We’re building up a decent historical area for people to come and see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Amache, structures from barracks to the camp’s guard and water towers have been reconstituted on the grounds. Memorials have been constructed or restored. An original recreation center at the camp that had been moved to Granada’s city park was returned to its original foundation. A museum in town has slowly collected an impressive array of artifacts from the era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People come from a long distance away to see Amache,” Hopper says. “That’s a help for the community, as well as people spending dollars and time in Granada. That’s the other thing: You become a National Park site, and it helps the community with more jobs and kind of solidifies that the community will stay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>COVID-19-related delays in the federal study’s public engagement effort, which stalled last spring, could push that portion of the process to next spring, notes Jeremy Sweat, chief of planning and compliance for the National Park Service regional office in Lakewood. Some meetings scheduled to take place in person, including some on the West Coast to accommodate original internees and their families, had to be canceled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once a new NPS team has been assembled, he adds, some virtual meetings will be added to the schedule to receive public input. When that portion of the process is complete, the federal staffers will start analyzing the four key criteria that figure into the study recommendation to the Secretary of the Interior, who then forwards the report to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress isn’t bound by the findings, which are designed simply to inform lawmakers. Any member could still introduce a bill to establish Amache as a unit of the National Park System, Sweat says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Checking the boxes\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The Amache incarceration site already has been designated a National Historic Landmark. But to become a unit of the National Park System, it would need to pass four additional tests during the site study. On average, about one in four studies results in a recommendation for inclusion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with approval, the NPS notes, it can take as long as 10 years to get a new national park up and running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, Amache is hoping to clear four hurdles of the site study:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Significance: Amache’s status as a National Historic Landmark already pretty well checks this box.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We typically still do some level of analysis to make sure nothing has changed, that there’s no new information,” Sweat says. “But in this case, it’s safe to say it’s nationally significant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A couple of other factors also weigh in its favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Ralph Carr’s welcoming the arrival of Japanese Americans, in stark contrast to many other reactions across the country and even sentiment within Colorado, bolsters the site with a unique set of historical circumstances. Additionally, Amache experienced much less conflict and violence than other incarceration sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suitability: This is where the process becomes even more detailed, as the focus turns to the site’s uniqueness and whether or not it’s represented or protected by other entities. Here, the study completes a comparative analysis to other sites — and among the 10 camps that were scattered across the interior U.S., a handful of others have already achieved federal recognition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sweat explains that the study looks at whether other sites tell the exact same story or have similar resources. But he emphasizes that the fact that there are other incarceration sites in other areas of the country in no way disqualifies Amache from consideration. The U.S. has many federally recognized sites that reference the same general historical narrative, such as the Civil War or Revolutionary War or even other Japanese American sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as it’s demonstrated that the site has a unique history and resources, that doesn’t count against it,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feasibility: This portion of the study looks at whether the site is of sufficient size and appropriate configuration to allow the NPS to manage it at a reasonable cost. Sweat says that access is a key factor here — whether the site can be accessed safely by visitors, but also that it can be acquired as federal land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Amache grounds are owned by the town of Granada, which Hopper says currently seems disposed to offer the land for a National Park site. But that can change with the political winds, which is another reason Hopper would like to see this process move quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With local elections, you never know,” he says. “Maybe down the road people say maybe we don’t want to donate the land now. That’s why I’d like to move this along. But it’s not going to move along anytime soon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Need for NPS management: The question here is whether NPS management is the “clearly superior” approach to other options. Could a site continue under its current management or move to management by some other entity, whether state or federal, private or nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fact that Amache already benefits from the management of the Amache Preservation Society doesn’t necessarily mean that this is the optimal approach — and won’t count against the site in the study. [aside tag=\"internment, japanese\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely not a disqualifier that there’s an existing organization,” Sweat says. “Most that are considered for inclusion in the Park Service usually have a managing entity. The real question is whether it’s necessary for the federal government and Park Service to manage, or does it receive adequate protection from the existing organization?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hopper feels that National Park designation would be optimal, though if the federal government were to disagree he would probably pursue other avenues, such as the creation of a state park on the site. But he has looked hard at all the NPS criteria and, by his calculation, Amache more than measures up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought we were a good fit on all of them,” he says. “Amache is nationally significant, and we’d be the furthest east of all the other National Park camps. We’re right on Highway 50, a coast-to-coast highway that’s well traveled. And Amache has a uniqueness about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Maintenance isn’t easy\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The site can be a handful for the students to maintain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hopper has nine students participating this year, and their time has been consumed re-staining the guard tower, mowing, trimming trees, conducting tours and working at the museum. They also typically give presentations about the camp to schools in Colorado, Kansas and Oklahoma. Every other year — at least before COVID — students also visited Japan and stayed with host families to learn more about the culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A current project has featured students helping to erect a replica of a historic kiosk that displayed the names of all the internees from Amache who served in the U.S. military.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re talking around a thousand names — plus a Medal of Honor recipient, and of course the 31 who died fighting for the United States,” Hopper says. “I’ve got students filing names correctly so we can get them to a company to manufacture panels for us. I used to be a roofer, so I built the roof myself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it’s finished, the kiosk will greet visitors at the main gate, with a series of flagpoles behind it flying the American flag, Colorado state flag, the flag for the 442nd Infantry Regiment that included almost entirely soldiers of Japanese American ancestry and a yet-to-be designed flag representing Amache.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Then we’ll light it up so people will understand that the people at Amache fought for the United States,” Hopper says. “So many people don’t understand that. You wouldn’t believe it. We still have people saying they were POWs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, if the study process moves Amache to the next stage, a member of Congress could introduce a bill to authorize the creation of a new National Park. That would then need to pass in both the House and Senate and be signed into law by the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the outcome that would bring Hopper a sense of completion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I retire, I want to feel good about it,” he says. “I want to walk away and let the next generation take it on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s where Tanner Grasmick comes in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 26-year-old social studies teacher grew up around Granada and, in his senior year, worked at Amache fixing signs, doing restoration, giving tours and then traveling to spread the word around the region. He even visited Japan, where he met a host family with whom he remains in touch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His dedication to Amache now has the familiar echo of Hopper’s as he works the dark history of the camp into his own teaching at Granada High School. That’s why Hopper already has tagged him as his successor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether the National Park Service takes control of the site or not, there will always be a role for the area kids — even if it’s just managing the museum, which would remain a separate, local entity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grasmick feels like he’s up for the task of following in his teacher’s footsteps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve met countless people from pilgrimages to Amache, and they’re such great people that I’d love to continue on with what Mr. Hopper has done and keep it going for them, too,” he says. “I’d definitely like to do it for a lifetime commitment.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Supporters of Colorado's Amache site — formerly a Japanese internment location — want to establish it as part of the National Park System, a designation that could literally put Amache on the map as a federally run tourist destination. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>At first, the trip unfolded as just an academic tracing of family history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Tonai had for years heard the stories from his father, Minoru, about the Amache internment camp in southeastern Colorado, where the U.S. government transported thousands of Japanese Americans from California and held them behind barbed wire and guard posts for three years during World War II. The family lore became a constant soundtrack that, over time, receded to a kind of background noise — always heard, seldom absorbed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in 1990, as a master’s student at the University of Northern Colorado, Tonai actually visited the site just outside the town of Granada. He explored the remnants of building foundations and other landmarks for an independent study project in photography.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His father had described the exact location of the family barracks — Building 9L, Apartment B. Tonai approached a slight dip in what remained of the foundation, a subtle reminder of the doorway to another time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just stepping across that threshold proved a life-changing experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I did that,” recalls Tonai, 60, “the stories came flooding back. My father used to talk about things like walking down a certain road at the camp, and now I could envision him as a 13- to 16-year-old boy, actually doing it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Tonai’s experience decades ago, the Amache site has been curated and improved, largely under the leadership of the Amache Preservation Society, a local school project headed by John Hopper, a social studies teacher-turned-principal of Granada High School. Hundreds of local students have found the single square mile of land a valuable historical resource, but it also has hosted years of pilgrimages for the former incarcerees and their families and drawn more than 20,000 visitors annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of that has led Amache to another threshold. Supporters of the site have pushed to establish it as a unit of the National Park System, a designation that could literally put Amache on the map as a federally run tourist destination. It also would shift most of the work around caring for it — a tall task that up to now has been mostly the province of Hopper and a handful of high school kids — to federal authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People like Tonai and his father, about to turn 92, have lent their voices to the ongoing preservation of a site that has broad historical and cultural importance, but particular resonance for the families of those who experienced Amache firsthand.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He probably has stronger thoughts than almost anybody I know,” Tonai, who now works as an exhibit preparator and photographer for the Japanese American National Museum in Los Angeles, says of his father. “My dad was a teenager, just coming into his own, and he was always very angry about it. He has always supported preserving the memory of the camp.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effort on the federal level officially began in late 2019 with the John D. Dingell Jr. Conservation, Management, and Recreation Act. The massive legislation included dozens of initiatives and effectively launched a study of the Amache site’s suitability. But months later, the gears ground to a halt: Most significantly, the COVID-19 crisis stifled the normal schedule of public comment and wreaked havoc on the prescribed timeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, it’s kind of in limbo,” Hopper says. “The way I’m looking at it, we’ve lost a year with the COVID deal, not being able to meet in person.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An already lengthy federal process — the study and recommendation alone have a three-year timeline — suddenly seemed to get nudged even further into the future. For Hopper, who has seen his work with Amache become an all-consuming passion, the prospect of handing the lion’s share of the responsibility for the site to the government experts sooner rather than later offers peace of mind — not to mention the chance for actual retirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s something that not only has become a part of my life, but it’s on my mind just about every day — doesn’t matter what day,” Hopper, 57, says of Amache. “It’s always on my mind. It’s made me what I am, from an educational standpoint with these students. I want to make sure that the school continues to be involved as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a time when rural Colorado struggles with declining population and attendant economic challenges, Amache offers restorative opportunities. The work of the Amache Preservation Society has already helped restore a valuable historic and cultural marker. And in combination with both the Sand Creek Massacre National Historic Site near Eads and a similar attraction at Bent’s Old Fort in La Junta — each less than an hour’s drive from Granada – it creates a historic triangle on the Eastern Plains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>National Park designation would only add to the attraction, Hopper figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People would be a lot more aware,” he says. “Once they’re down here and tour all these sites, there are a lot of others. We’ve got the Santa Fe Trail, plus museums in Holly and Las Animas. We’re building up a decent historical area for people to come and see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Amache, structures from barracks to the camp’s guard and water towers have been reconstituted on the grounds. Memorials have been constructed or restored. An original recreation center at the camp that had been moved to Granada’s city park was returned to its original foundation. A museum in town has slowly collected an impressive array of artifacts from the era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People come from a long distance away to see Amache,” Hopper says. “That’s a help for the community, as well as people spending dollars and time in Granada. That’s the other thing: You become a National Park site, and it helps the community with more jobs and kind of solidifies that the community will stay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>COVID-19-related delays in the federal study’s public engagement effort, which stalled last spring, could push that portion of the process to next spring, notes Jeremy Sweat, chief of planning and compliance for the National Park Service regional office in Lakewood. Some meetings scheduled to take place in person, including some on the West Coast to accommodate original internees and their families, had to be canceled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once a new NPS team has been assembled, he adds, some virtual meetings will be added to the schedule to receive public input. When that portion of the process is complete, the federal staffers will start analyzing the four key criteria that figure into the study recommendation to the Secretary of the Interior, who then forwards the report to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress isn’t bound by the findings, which are designed simply to inform lawmakers. Any member could still introduce a bill to establish Amache as a unit of the National Park System, Sweat says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Checking the boxes\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The Amache incarceration site already has been designated a National Historic Landmark. But to become a unit of the National Park System, it would need to pass four additional tests during the site study. On average, about one in four studies results in a recommendation for inclusion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with approval, the NPS notes, it can take as long as 10 years to get a new national park up and running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, Amache is hoping to clear four hurdles of the site study:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Significance: Amache’s status as a National Historic Landmark already pretty well checks this box.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We typically still do some level of analysis to make sure nothing has changed, that there’s no new information,” Sweat says. “But in this case, it’s safe to say it’s nationally significant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A couple of other factors also weigh in its favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Ralph Carr’s welcoming the arrival of Japanese Americans, in stark contrast to many other reactions across the country and even sentiment within Colorado, bolsters the site with a unique set of historical circumstances. Additionally, Amache experienced much less conflict and violence than other incarceration sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suitability: This is where the process becomes even more detailed, as the focus turns to the site’s uniqueness and whether or not it’s represented or protected by other entities. Here, the study completes a comparative analysis to other sites — and among the 10 camps that were scattered across the interior U.S., a handful of others have already achieved federal recognition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sweat explains that the study looks at whether other sites tell the exact same story or have similar resources. But he emphasizes that the fact that there are other incarceration sites in other areas of the country in no way disqualifies Amache from consideration. The U.S. has many federally recognized sites that reference the same general historical narrative, such as the Civil War or Revolutionary War or even other Japanese American sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as it’s demonstrated that the site has a unique history and resources, that doesn’t count against it,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feasibility: This portion of the study looks at whether the site is of sufficient size and appropriate configuration to allow the NPS to manage it at a reasonable cost. Sweat says that access is a key factor here — whether the site can be accessed safely by visitors, but also that it can be acquired as federal land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Amache grounds are owned by the town of Granada, which Hopper says currently seems disposed to offer the land for a National Park site. But that can change with the political winds, which is another reason Hopper would like to see this process move quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With local elections, you never know,” he says. “Maybe down the road people say maybe we don’t want to donate the land now. That’s why I’d like to move this along. But it’s not going to move along anytime soon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Need for NPS management: The question here is whether NPS management is the “clearly superior” approach to other options. Could a site continue under its current management or move to management by some other entity, whether state or federal, private or nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fact that Amache already benefits from the management of the Amache Preservation Society doesn’t necessarily mean that this is the optimal approach — and won’t count against the site in the study. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely not a disqualifier that there’s an existing organization,” Sweat says. “Most that are considered for inclusion in the Park Service usually have a managing entity. The real question is whether it’s necessary for the federal government and Park Service to manage, or does it receive adequate protection from the existing organization?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hopper feels that National Park designation would be optimal, though if the federal government were to disagree he would probably pursue other avenues, such as the creation of a state park on the site. But he has looked hard at all the NPS criteria and, by his calculation, Amache more than measures up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought we were a good fit on all of them,” he says. “Amache is nationally significant, and we’d be the furthest east of all the other National Park camps. We’re right on Highway 50, a coast-to-coast highway that’s well traveled. And Amache has a uniqueness about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Maintenance isn’t easy\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The site can be a handful for the students to maintain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hopper has nine students participating this year, and their time has been consumed re-staining the guard tower, mowing, trimming trees, conducting tours and working at the museum. They also typically give presentations about the camp to schools in Colorado, Kansas and Oklahoma. Every other year — at least before COVID — students also visited Japan and stayed with host families to learn more about the culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A current project has featured students helping to erect a replica of a historic kiosk that displayed the names of all the internees from Amache who served in the U.S. military.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re talking around a thousand names — plus a Medal of Honor recipient, and of course the 31 who died fighting for the United States,” Hopper says. “I’ve got students filing names correctly so we can get them to a company to manufacture panels for us. I used to be a roofer, so I built the roof myself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it’s finished, the kiosk will greet visitors at the main gate, with a series of flagpoles behind it flying the American flag, Colorado state flag, the flag for the 442nd Infantry Regiment that included almost entirely soldiers of Japanese American ancestry and a yet-to-be designed flag representing Amache.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Then we’ll light it up so people will understand that the people at Amache fought for the United States,” Hopper says. “So many people don’t understand that. You wouldn’t believe it. We still have people saying they were POWs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, if the study process moves Amache to the next stage, a member of Congress could introduce a bill to authorize the creation of a new National Park. That would then need to pass in both the House and Senate and be signed into law by the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the outcome that would bring Hopper a sense of completion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I retire, I want to feel good about it,” he says. “I want to walk away and let the next generation take it on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s where Tanner Grasmick comes in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 26-year-old social studies teacher grew up around Granada and, in his senior year, worked at Amache fixing signs, doing restoration, giving tours and then traveling to spread the word around the region. He even visited Japan, where he met a host family with whom he remains in touch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His dedication to Amache now has the familiar echo of Hopper’s as he works the dark history of the camp into his own teaching at Granada High School. That’s why Hopper already has tagged him as his successor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether the National Park Service takes control of the site or not, there will always be a role for the area kids — even if it’s just managing the museum, which would remain a separate, local entity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grasmick feels like he’s up for the task of following in his teacher’s footsteps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve met countless people from pilgrimages to Amache, and they’re such great people that I’d love to continue on with what Mr. Hopper has done and keep it going for them, too,” he says. “I’d definitely like to do it for a lifetime commitment.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Biden Revoked the Travel Ban. California Immigrants Hope to Reunite With Families",
"title": "Biden Revoked the Travel Ban. California Immigrants Hope to Reunite With Families",
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"content": "\u003cp>For six years, Armin Deroee has been trying to bring his elderly father to live with him in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Deroee’s 82-year-old dad is in Iran, and the Trump administration's travel ban created an obstacle the family struggled to surmount, despite hiring lawyers, applying for a waiver and persistently writing to U.S. officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Too much time, too much emotion ... and we do not have our dad here yet,” said Deroee, 42, a naturalized U.S. citizen who is an anesthesiologist living in the Central Valley city of Visalia. “It’s been a rough six years for us.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Armin Deroee\"]'When I look back at what we’ve been through, I don’t think it’s imaginable for whoever has not been through that process.'[/pullquote]Now that President Biden has revoked the travel restrictions for people from 13 Muslim-majority and African nations, Deroee and others feel hopeful they’ll finally be able to reunite with relatives from those countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/01/20/proclamation-ending-discriminatory-bans-on-entry-to-the-united-states/\">proclamation\u003c/a>, signed on his first day in office, labeled the ban discriminatory and detrimental to national security. But it represents just the start of a long process to fully reverse the restrictions, according to advocates who fought the Trump-era policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rescission of the ban is an important first step, but it does not actually fix the situation for people,” said Aarti Kohli, executive director of Asian Americans Advancing Justice — Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will be watching carefully, working with the administration to make sure that all these people who've been separated from their partners, from their children ... can be reunited with family and in a timely manner,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden has ordered the U.S. State Department to resume processing pending visas for people from the countries targeted by the travel ban: Iran, Eritrea, Libya, Kyrgyzstan, Myanmar, Nigeria, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tanzania, Yemen and North Korea, as well as certain government officials from Venezuela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, a State Department spokesperson said the agency will provide guidance to embassies and consulates on how to prioritize processing those pending applications. But the official added that delays may continue for several months as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pandemic continues to severely impact the number of visas our embassies and consulates abroad are able to process,” the spokesperson said. “We do not expect to be able to safely return to pre-pandemic workload levels until mid-2021 at the earliest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Biden’s order, the State Department must draft a plan within a month for reconsidering visa requests that were denied under the travel ban, and decide whether those applicants should pay additional fees to reopen their cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11859388\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 405px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47187_59a85ff6-5b89-48e5-bfe5-51dc4d976fbb-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11859388 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47187_59a85ff6-5b89-48e5-bfe5-51dc4d976fbb-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"405\" height=\"540\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47187_59a85ff6-5b89-48e5-bfe5-51dc4d976fbb-qut.jpg 405w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47187_59a85ff6-5b89-48e5-bfe5-51dc4d976fbb-qut-160x213.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47187_59a85ff6-5b89-48e5-bfe5-51dc4d976fbb-qut-354x472.jpg 354w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 405px) 100vw, 405px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mohammed Albarak, 26, with his daughter, Amira, on her first birthday on June 20, 2020 in Ibb, Yemen. Albarak, an American citizen who lives in the Bay Area, has asked the U.S. government to allow his Yemeni wife and their daughter to move here. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Mohammed Albarak)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The State Department denied more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11847545/huge-relief-california-immigrants-counting-on-biden-to-end-travel-ban\">41,000 visa requests\u003c/a> due to Trump’s travel restrictions, most of them from Iran. But civil rights groups and immigrant advocates say many more people were impacted by the policy, including those who were discouraged from applying.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Trump's Ban\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Shortly after taking office in January 2017, Trump suspended the entry of nationals from \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/01/30/512438879/7-targeted-countries-react-to-trumps-ban-on-immigration\">seven Muslim-majority nations\u003c/a> and indefinitely banned refugees from Syria, arguing the measure was necessary to protect the U.S. from terrorist threats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order sparked large protests at airports throughout the country and was challenged in the courts, forcing the administration to twice amend the language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the U.S. Supreme Court allowed its implementation, the ban went into full effect in December 2017. Last year, Trump expanded the restrictions to include some citizens from six mostly African countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mohammed Albarak, a Yemeni American man who works at his father’s corner store in San Francisco, is another U.S. citizen whose family was affected by the ban. Albarak said he didn’t even bother applying to bring over his wife from Yemen until recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Since the travel ban was there, I knew I would have to spend so much time on getting nowhere,” said Albarak, 26, referring to the difficulty of obtaining a waiver, something reserved for people who could prove they suffered “undue hardship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Albarak returned to Yemen in 2018 for his wedding. Last September, he came back to the U.S. to apply for his wife’s visa — and to vote for Biden, in hopes he would end the travel ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Albarak said he believes his family now has a better chance of reuniting in the U.S, though he expects the application to take more than seven months. In the meantime, his wife and 1-year-old daughter are stuck in a country engulfed in war.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can't imagine, like in three or four years when my daughter grows up, how would she even function psychologically and intellectually?” said Albarak, a graduate of UC Davis. “There's no schooling ... the situation is so desperate, you can always hear gunshots nearby.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘What’s Going to Happen Next?’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Deroee, the anesthesiologist, fears for the well-being of his father, an ear, nose and throat doctor. The years-long struggle to get his dad a visa has taken a toll, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can definitely see some depression, anxiety and the feel of hopelessness in my father,” Deroee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"immigration\"]Deroee recently flew to Turkey to accompany his dad to a medical exam at the U.S. Embassy. The exam is a required part of the visa application, but it couldn’t be done in Tehran, since the U.S. has no embassy in Iran.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He hopes this is the last step his father must complete for an application that began in 2015, when Deroee’s sister requested visas for both of their parents. U.S. officials granted his mother's visa the following year, but required his father to undergo additional screening. Before that was completed, Trump imposed the travel ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, the family won a waiver to the ban, but then faced another barrier: a Trump proclamation that suspended certain visas to protect American jobs during the pandemic. Though that is still in effect, Deroee’s family succeeded in circumventing it after they joined a successful lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I look back at what we’ve been through, I don’t think it’s imaginable for whoever has not been through that process,” said Deroee. “All of us have been in this sense of suspense, of, ‘What’s going to happen next?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deroee said his father, who was 77 when the visa process started, has gone through several rounds of background checks, each of which can take months to complete. He hopes Biden’s administration makes that vetting process less onerous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden’s proclamation revoking the travel ban also orders the State and Homeland Security departments to recommend ways to improve the screening of people who seek entry into the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand it’s a necessary process, but it needs to be more efficient,” Deroee said. “The time and energy of these staff in government can be used in better ways, and they are being paid from our tax money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For six years, Armin Deroee has been trying to bring his elderly father to live with him in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Deroee’s 82-year-old dad is in Iran, and the Trump administration's travel ban created an obstacle the family struggled to surmount, despite hiring lawyers, applying for a waiver and persistently writing to U.S. officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Too much time, too much emotion ... and we do not have our dad here yet,” said Deroee, 42, a naturalized U.S. citizen who is an anesthesiologist living in the Central Valley city of Visalia. “It’s been a rough six years for us.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Now that President Biden has revoked the travel restrictions for people from 13 Muslim-majority and African nations, Deroee and others feel hopeful they’ll finally be able to reunite with relatives from those countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/01/20/proclamation-ending-discriminatory-bans-on-entry-to-the-united-states/\">proclamation\u003c/a>, signed on his first day in office, labeled the ban discriminatory and detrimental to national security. But it represents just the start of a long process to fully reverse the restrictions, according to advocates who fought the Trump-era policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rescission of the ban is an important first step, but it does not actually fix the situation for people,” said Aarti Kohli, executive director of Asian Americans Advancing Justice — Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will be watching carefully, working with the administration to make sure that all these people who've been separated from their partners, from their children ... can be reunited with family and in a timely manner,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden has ordered the U.S. State Department to resume processing pending visas for people from the countries targeted by the travel ban: Iran, Eritrea, Libya, Kyrgyzstan, Myanmar, Nigeria, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tanzania, Yemen and North Korea, as well as certain government officials from Venezuela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, a State Department spokesperson said the agency will provide guidance to embassies and consulates on how to prioritize processing those pending applications. But the official added that delays may continue for several months as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pandemic continues to severely impact the number of visas our embassies and consulates abroad are able to process,” the spokesperson said. “We do not expect to be able to safely return to pre-pandemic workload levels until mid-2021 at the earliest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Biden’s order, the State Department must draft a plan within a month for reconsidering visa requests that were denied under the travel ban, and decide whether those applicants should pay additional fees to reopen their cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11859388\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 405px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47187_59a85ff6-5b89-48e5-bfe5-51dc4d976fbb-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11859388 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47187_59a85ff6-5b89-48e5-bfe5-51dc4d976fbb-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"405\" height=\"540\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47187_59a85ff6-5b89-48e5-bfe5-51dc4d976fbb-qut.jpg 405w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47187_59a85ff6-5b89-48e5-bfe5-51dc4d976fbb-qut-160x213.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47187_59a85ff6-5b89-48e5-bfe5-51dc4d976fbb-qut-354x472.jpg 354w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 405px) 100vw, 405px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mohammed Albarak, 26, with his daughter, Amira, on her first birthday on June 20, 2020 in Ibb, Yemen. Albarak, an American citizen who lives in the Bay Area, has asked the U.S. government to allow his Yemeni wife and their daughter to move here. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Mohammed Albarak)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The State Department denied more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11847545/huge-relief-california-immigrants-counting-on-biden-to-end-travel-ban\">41,000 visa requests\u003c/a> due to Trump’s travel restrictions, most of them from Iran. But civil rights groups and immigrant advocates say many more people were impacted by the policy, including those who were discouraged from applying.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Trump's Ban\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Shortly after taking office in January 2017, Trump suspended the entry of nationals from \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/01/30/512438879/7-targeted-countries-react-to-trumps-ban-on-immigration\">seven Muslim-majority nations\u003c/a> and indefinitely banned refugees from Syria, arguing the measure was necessary to protect the U.S. from terrorist threats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order sparked large protests at airports throughout the country and was challenged in the courts, forcing the administration to twice amend the language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the U.S. Supreme Court allowed its implementation, the ban went into full effect in December 2017. Last year, Trump expanded the restrictions to include some citizens from six mostly African countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mohammed Albarak, a Yemeni American man who works at his father’s corner store in San Francisco, is another U.S. citizen whose family was affected by the ban. Albarak said he didn’t even bother applying to bring over his wife from Yemen until recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Since the travel ban was there, I knew I would have to spend so much time on getting nowhere,” said Albarak, 26, referring to the difficulty of obtaining a waiver, something reserved for people who could prove they suffered “undue hardship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Albarak returned to Yemen in 2018 for his wedding. Last September, he came back to the U.S. to apply for his wife’s visa — and to vote for Biden, in hopes he would end the travel ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Albarak said he believes his family now has a better chance of reuniting in the U.S, though he expects the application to take more than seven months. In the meantime, his wife and 1-year-old daughter are stuck in a country engulfed in war.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can't imagine, like in three or four years when my daughter grows up, how would she even function psychologically and intellectually?” said Albarak, a graduate of UC Davis. “There's no schooling ... the situation is so desperate, you can always hear gunshots nearby.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘What’s Going to Happen Next?’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Deroee, the anesthesiologist, fears for the well-being of his father, an ear, nose and throat doctor. The years-long struggle to get his dad a visa has taken a toll, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can definitely see some depression, anxiety and the feel of hopelessness in my father,” Deroee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Deroee recently flew to Turkey to accompany his dad to a medical exam at the U.S. Embassy. The exam is a required part of the visa application, but it couldn’t be done in Tehran, since the U.S. has no embassy in Iran.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He hopes this is the last step his father must complete for an application that began in 2015, when Deroee’s sister requested visas for both of their parents. U.S. officials granted his mother's visa the following year, but required his father to undergo additional screening. Before that was completed, Trump imposed the travel ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, the family won a waiver to the ban, but then faced another barrier: a Trump proclamation that suspended certain visas to protect American jobs during the pandemic. Though that is still in effect, Deroee’s family succeeded in circumventing it after they joined a successful lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I look back at what we’ve been through, I don’t think it’s imaginable for whoever has not been through that process,” said Deroee. “All of us have been in this sense of suspense, of, ‘What’s going to happen next?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deroee said his father, who was 77 when the visa process started, has gone through several rounds of background checks, each of which can take months to complete. He hopes Biden’s administration makes that vetting process less onerous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden’s proclamation revoking the travel ban also orders the State and Homeland Security departments to recommend ways to improve the screening of people who seek entry into the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand it’s a necessary process, but it needs to be more efficient,” Deroee said. “The time and energy of these staff in government can be used in better ways, and they are being paid from our tax money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Olegaria Ruiz is among scores of undocumented front-line workers who feel left out of California’s new age-based COVID-19 vaccination plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Alex Sanchez, Garment Worker Center\" ]‘It might be funny to say, but maybe I needed to walk in somebody else’s shoes in order to understand what they’re going through.’[/pullquote]“More than anything, we need the government to help us get the vaccine, too,” said Ruiz, 46, who’s worked in the garment industry in Los Angeles for 27 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz says she doesn’t know of any co-workers, including those over 65, who have gotten the vaccine yet. A lot of them, she says, lack internet access and don’t know how to navigate the state’s complicated sign-up system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the pandemic, Ruiz has worked 12-hour shifts, seven days a week to sew masks, hospital gowns and surgical hair nets for doctors and nurses, she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she says she’s not always paid for all the hours she works and sometimes earns less than minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11858873\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11858873 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12.jpeg 600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12-160x160.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12-550x550.jpeg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12-470x470.jpeg 470w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ruiz sews face masks at her station in a garment factory. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Estela Perez, a member of the Garment Workers Center.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the same time, it’s difficult to socially distance in sweatshop factories, where upward of 50 seamstresses can often be sewing in one room. To make matters worse, Ruiz says many of her co-workers workers aren’t being provided face masks by their employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"essential-workers\"]“There’s no social distancing, and people don’t use masks,” Ruiz said. “[Some of my co-workers] sometimes can’t afford to buy masks because we aren’t being paid what we’re supposed to — a minimum salary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz worries about getting sick, but feels like she has no choice but to show up to work. As an undocumented worker, she doesn’t qualify for unemployment benefits or government stimulus payments. For now, she has to focus on keeping a roof over her family’s head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re afraid to work, but we have to do it,” said Ruiz. “How are we going to pay rent? How are we going to pay bills? We can’t force our children to live on the street.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard to know how bad COVID-19 outbreaks have been in sweatshop factories because many of them operate in the shadows, and workers like Ruiz frequently move between jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe the ICU numbers tell the whole story as far as how many people are going to live and die because of reopening [California’s economy],” said Alex Sanchez, a field organizer with the \u003ca href=\"https://garmentworkercenter.org/\">Garment Worker Center\u003c/a>, which advocates for the estimated 45,000 garment workers in Los Angeles. “I think it’s way too soon. And I don’t believe we are going to be able to flatten the curve if we still have people out there at high risk not having access to a vaccine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanchez, 44, contracted COVID-19 in late December, likely from his son, who works at an Amazon warehouse where there have been several outbreaks. He had no preexisting conditions, but was hospitalized in the ICU for nearly two weeks. He’s now home, recovering with the help of an oxygen machine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">I’ve been sick battling Covid and pneumonia since 12/27. I was hospitalized for two weeks. Even if anything reopens, please protect yourself. I am 44 years old with no pre-existing conditions and almost died. Please be safe. I’m now home on oxygen \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/BZ3lLryZNq\">pic.twitter.com/BZ3lLryZNq\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Alex Sanchez (@LALiving213) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LALiving213/status/1353598378874085376?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">January 25, 2021\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>From his living room, he’s been trying to help older garment workers who meet the age requirements to secure vaccine appointments online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In between doing hourly exercises to expand his lung capacity, Sanchez has also been advocating for all garment workers — and other low-wage essential workers who have to perform their jobs inside — to get the vaccine as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11858875\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11858875 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1020x1020.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"640\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1472x1472.jpg 1472w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1104x1104.jpg 1104w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-912x912.jpg 912w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-550x550.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-470x470.jpg 470w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901.jpg 1498w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alex Sanchez, field organizer for the Garment Worker Center, who is recovering from COVID-19, holds his two children while breathing oxygen. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Alex Sanchez.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Those are the people that should be focused on first,” Sanchez said. “But it just seems like they don’t have a voice or big lobbying power, that they’re being excluded from the vaccine delivery, even though they are producing masks and gowns for the health care community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had the privilege of having health care to go to the doctor, but most folks don’t,” Sanchez added. “It might be funny to say, but maybe I needed to walk in somebody else’s shoes in order to understand what they’re going through. So maybe I had to live it in order for me to be able to preach it. So I’m glad I’m here. I’m just trying to do whatever I can to keep everybody safe.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“More than anything, we need the government to help us get the vaccine, too,” said Ruiz, 46, who’s worked in the garment industry in Los Angeles for 27 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz says she doesn’t know of any co-workers, including those over 65, who have gotten the vaccine yet. A lot of them, she says, lack internet access and don’t know how to navigate the state’s complicated sign-up system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the pandemic, Ruiz has worked 12-hour shifts, seven days a week to sew masks, hospital gowns and surgical hair nets for doctors and nurses, she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she says she’s not always paid for all the hours she works and sometimes earns less than minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11858873\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11858873 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12.jpeg 600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12-160x160.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12-550x550.jpeg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12-470x470.jpeg 470w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ruiz sews face masks at her station in a garment factory. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Estela Perez, a member of the Garment Workers Center.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the same time, it’s difficult to socially distance in sweatshop factories, where upward of 50 seamstresses can often be sewing in one room. To make matters worse, Ruiz says many of her co-workers workers aren’t being provided face masks by their employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“There’s no social distancing, and people don’t use masks,” Ruiz said. “[Some of my co-workers] sometimes can’t afford to buy masks because we aren’t being paid what we’re supposed to — a minimum salary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz worries about getting sick, but feels like she has no choice but to show up to work. As an undocumented worker, she doesn’t qualify for unemployment benefits or government stimulus payments. For now, she has to focus on keeping a roof over her family’s head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re afraid to work, but we have to do it,” said Ruiz. “How are we going to pay rent? How are we going to pay bills? We can’t force our children to live on the street.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard to know how bad COVID-19 outbreaks have been in sweatshop factories because many of them operate in the shadows, and workers like Ruiz frequently move between jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe the ICU numbers tell the whole story as far as how many people are going to live and die because of reopening [California’s economy],” said Alex Sanchez, a field organizer with the \u003ca href=\"https://garmentworkercenter.org/\">Garment Worker Center\u003c/a>, which advocates for the estimated 45,000 garment workers in Los Angeles. “I think it’s way too soon. And I don’t believe we are going to be able to flatten the curve if we still have people out there at high risk not having access to a vaccine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanchez, 44, contracted COVID-19 in late December, likely from his son, who works at an Amazon warehouse where there have been several outbreaks. He had no preexisting conditions, but was hospitalized in the ICU for nearly two weeks. He’s now home, recovering with the help of an oxygen machine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">I’ve been sick battling Covid and pneumonia since 12/27. I was hospitalized for two weeks. Even if anything reopens, please protect yourself. I am 44 years old with no pre-existing conditions and almost died. Please be safe. I’m now home on oxygen \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/BZ3lLryZNq\">pic.twitter.com/BZ3lLryZNq\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Alex Sanchez (@LALiving213) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LALiving213/status/1353598378874085376?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">January 25, 2021\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>From his living room, he’s been trying to help older garment workers who meet the age requirements to secure vaccine appointments online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In between doing hourly exercises to expand his lung capacity, Sanchez has also been advocating for all garment workers — and other low-wage essential workers who have to perform their jobs inside — to get the vaccine as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11858875\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11858875 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1020x1020.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"640\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1472x1472.jpg 1472w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1104x1104.jpg 1104w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-912x912.jpg 912w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-550x550.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-470x470.jpg 470w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901.jpg 1498w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alex Sanchez, field organizer for the Garment Worker Center, who is recovering from COVID-19, holds his two children while breathing oxygen. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Alex Sanchez.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Those are the people that should be focused on first,” Sanchez said. “But it just seems like they don’t have a voice or big lobbying power, that they’re being excluded from the vaccine delivery, even though they are producing masks and gowns for the health care community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had the privilege of having health care to go to the doctor, but most folks don’t,” Sanchez added. “It might be funny to say, but maybe I needed to walk in somebody else’s shoes in order to understand what they’re going through. 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"headTitle": "‘No nos escucharon’: Se contagia de COVID-19 un inmigrante detenido por ICE que realizó una huelga de hambre en favor de más protecciones contra la pandemia | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11856995/they-didnt-listen-to-us-ice-detainee-who-waged-hunger-strikes-for-covid-19-protections-gets-virus\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A principios de enero, Juan José Erazo Herrera comenzó a toser sangre y se le hizo muy difícil respirar. El migrante con 20 años de edad llegó a territorio estadounidense buscando asilo pero ahora se encontraba en la custodia de las autoridades migratorias en una cárcel al norte de Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El pasado 7 de enero dio positivo a una prueba de COVID-19, unos días después de que comenzara a experimentar síntomas.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Juan José Erazo Herrera, Inmigrante detenido por ICE en la cárcel del Condado de Yuba \"]‘No es nuestra culpa que nos enfermemos cuando no podemos protegernos.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El resultado positivo se sintió como un aguijón para Erazo Herrera. Varias veces le exigió a los oficiales del Servicio de control de inmigración y aduanas (o ICE por sus siglas en inglés) y los de la cárcel del Condado de Yuba que hicieran más para prevenir un brote de coronavirus en la prisión. El año pasado, realizó una \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11835611/ice-detainees-at-yuba-jail-press-for-covid-19-protections\">huelga de hambre\u003c/a> en rechazo de lo que él consideraba condiciones inseguras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No nos escucharon”, dijo Erazo Herrera. “Y en verdad no es justo. No es nuestra culpa que nos enfermemos cuando no podemos protegernos”, agregó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El coronavirus se ha propagado rápidamente dentro de la cárcel del Condado de Yuba y alrededor de la mitad de todos los reclusos han sido contagiados. Desde el mes pasado, más de 120 reos del condado y 9 de ICE han dado positivo en pruebas de COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erazo Herrera cuenta cómo los guardias lo aislaron en una pequeña celda de concreto sin ventanas por 12 días. Cuando llegó a la celda, se acuerda de cómo el espacio estaba en pésimas condiciones, el inodoro estaba muy sucio, moho cubría las paredes y la cama estaba llena de los pelos de otras personas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No voy a mentirte, cuando vi la celda por primera vez, empecé a llorar”, dijo Erazo Herrera, quien proviene de El Salvador. “Intenté quejarme. Me dio tanta tristeza ver qué tan sucio estaba todo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los guardias le dijeron que esta era la única celda disponible para hacer cuarentena. Menciona que les pidió productos de limpieza y terminó por limpiar todo a pesar de que tenía un intenso dolor de cabeza y le faltaba el aire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lo largo de la pandemia, un juez federal en San Francisco ha monitoreado las condiciones en la cárcel, la cual está localizada en la ciudad de Marysville. El pasado 23 de diciembre fue cuando el magistrado ordenó a ICE que tomará acción para proteger a los detenidos, incluyendo que la dependencia realizará pruebas de COVID-19 al menos una vez a la semana y que se asegurará que las celdas estén limpias y desinfectadas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vince Chhabria, juez federal de distrito, se involucró luego de que un grupo de inmigrantes detenidos en la cárcel del Condado de Yuba \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11832472/people-are-terrified-sf-judge-orders-covid-19-testing-at-ice-facility\">presentó una demanda en contra de ICE\u003c/a> para que esta agencia comenzará a liberar a inmigrantes bajo su custodia con el propósito de reducir el número de detenidos y por ende facilitar el distanciamiento social.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero la orden de limpiar las celdas no está siendo cumplida en la cárcel del Condado de Yuba, afirma Kelly Wells, una abogada del equipo migratorio de la Oficina del defensor público de San Francisco, y la representante de Erazo Herrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hemos escuchado varias veces de cada uno de los detenidos que cada vez que los mueven de celda, les toca celdas muy sucias que no han sido limpiadas, mucho menos desinfectadas”, dijo Wells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11858612\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11858612\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Yuba-County-Jail-Cells.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"577\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Yuba-County-Jail-Cells.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Yuba-County-Jail-Cells-160x115.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los reclusos de la cárcel del Condado de Yuba, entre ellos se incluye los detenidos de la agencia migratoria ICE, pueden ser puestos en confinamiento solitario por varios días en ‘celdas de seguridad’, las cuales no tienen ventanas. \u003ccite>(Cortesía de Rosen Bien Galvan & Grunfeld LLP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Una vocera de la Oficina del alguacil del Condado de Yuba, que supervisa la cárcel, remitió todas las preguntas a ICE. Por su parte, la agencia migratoria se rehusó a proveer una respuesta sobre las condiciones de la cuarentena de Erazo Herrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“El Servicio de control de inmigración y aduanas no puede dar un comentario a causa del litigio pendiente”, expresó Jonathan Moor, vocero de ICE, a través de un comunicado. “Sin embargo, la falta de un comentario no significa que la agencia esté de acuerdo con cualquiera de las acusaciones y tampoco está notando una estipulación”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Casi 9 mil personas han dado positivo por COVID-19 en custodia de ICE, según \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/coronavirus#detStat\">cifras proveídas por la misma dependencia\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los centros de detención de ICE deben asegurarse que el aislamiento médico sea “distinto de manera operacional” de cualquier otro tipo de alojamiento disciplinario, según las \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/coronavirus/eroCOVID19responseReqsCleanFacilities.pdf\">pautas de gestión de emergencias\u003c/a> de la agencia. Por ejemplo, estos planteles deben de proveer a los detenidos acceso a la televisión, libros y otros tipos de recreación cuanto más se pueda mientras estos cumplen con su cuarentena.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, ya varios inmigrantes detenidos por ICE, incluyendo algunos que se encuentran como reclusos en prisiones privadas y cárceles al nivel del condado, reportan que la agencia migratoria está usando el confinamiento solitario como una manera para \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841120/ice-misusing-solitary-confinement-for-covid-19-quarantine-detainees-say\">realizar las cuarentenas del COVID-19\u003c/a>. Erazo Herrera dijo que su cuarentena de 12 días se sintió como un castigo y que su salud mental empeoró.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label ='Historias Relacionadas' tag='kqed-en-espanol']Tuvo que permanecer en su celda 22 horas cada día, completamente solo. Por varios días, no había nada que hacer para poder pasar el tiempo, hasta que la cárcel permitió que recibiera los libros que sus amigos le mandaban desde afuera de la prisión.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Esa celda no es para un ser humano, está hecha para mantener a un animal salvaje encerrado. No hay televisión, no hay nada”, contó Erazo Herrera. “Empiezas a sentirte tan deprimido que hasta consideras suicidarte. Te preguntas qué has hecho para merecer este trato que recibes”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El muchacho finalmente fue liberado del aislamiento médico la semana pasada y dice que ya no siente los síntomas severos del COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Desde abril del año pasado, la población de los reclusos de ICE en la cárcel del condado de Yuba ha disminuido de 144 personas a 16. El juez Chhabria ordenó que la agencia liberara a más de 50 inmigrantes del penal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Algunos fueron transferidos a otras prisiones, otros fueron deportados o liberados de la custodia de ICE. Las autoridades migratorias pueden liberar a un individuo luego de identificar los riesgos que podrían representar contra la seguridad pública o de posiblemente fugarse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La abogada Wells afirma que las condiciones dentro del penal del Condado de Yuba son tan miserables que algunos inmigrantes detenidos se han rendido y han aceptado ser deportados, luego de tan sólo un mes de estar en custodia. Pero Erazo Herrera ha aguantado tres años en esa cárcel mientras espera que las cortes decidan el futuro de su solicitud de asilo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Juan José no ha aceptado ser deportado porque él se encuentra en una situación bastante crítica”, dijo Wells. “Aparte del abuso que sufrió en las manos de su madre, también fue golpeado varias veces por pandilleros y fue amenazado de muerte”, explicó la abogada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A los 16 años, Erazo Herrera huyó de El Salvador y cruzó solo la frontera sur de Estados Unidos. Los funcionarios de la Oficina de reasentamiento de refugiados (ORR), la dependencia encargada con el cuidado de los jóvenes migrantes no acompañados, se hicieron cargo de él y luego lo mandaron a Nueva York para que viviera con su hermano mayor, informa Wells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En Nueva York, Erazo Herrera se vio involucrado en un robo y fue sentenciado a cumplir una condena en una prisión de menores. Cuando cumplió los 18 años, ICE lo arrestó y lo mandó al penal en el Condado de Yuba.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11858613\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11858613\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Herrera-Snow-800x547.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"547\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Herrera-Snow-800x547.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Herrera-Snow-1020x698.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Herrera-Snow-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Herrera-Snow.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Juan José Erazo Herrera juega en la nieve en Nueva York, donde vivía con su hermano y donde también se vio involucrado en un robo, el cual resultó en que ICE lo detuviera. \u003ccite>(Cortesía de Juan José Erazo Herrera)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Para Erazo Herrera, el robo fue un error y sigue sintiendo mucho remordimiento por sus acciones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ya pagué por eso. No he tenido mi libertad desde que tenía 16 años”, dijo él. “Yo sólo quiero tener la oportunidad de enseñarles que soy alguien distinto, que he aprendido mucho desde que fui encerrado aquí. No soy el mismo chico que era en ese entonces”, declaró.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un juez de la corte superior del Condado de Yuba recientemente concedió a Erazo Herrera un estatus especial de joven inmigrante, el cual está reservado para inmigrantes indocumentados con menos de 21 años que fueron abusados por un padre y que regresar a su país natal podría perjudicarlos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Este estatus no es suficiente para que sea liberado de la custodia de ICE, señala Wells, pero podría abrir el camino a que aplique para la residencia. Aún así, eso podría tardar años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erazo Herrera espera que cuando finalmente salga del centro de detención tenga la oportunidad de ir a la escuela, trabajar y un día formar una organización que apoye a los jóvenes inmigrantes indocumentados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Quiero ayudar a otros chicos que hayan pasado por lo mismo que yo”, dijo él.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por el periodista, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11856995/they-didnt-listen-to-us-ice-detainee-who-waged-hunger-strikes-for-covid-19-protections-gets-virus\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A principios de enero, Juan José Erazo Herrera comenzó a toser sangre y se le hizo muy difícil respirar. El migrante con 20 años de edad llegó a territorio estadounidense buscando asilo pero ahora se encontraba en la custodia de las autoridades migratorias en una cárcel al norte de Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El pasado 7 de enero dio positivo a una prueba de COVID-19, unos días después de que comenzara a experimentar síntomas.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El resultado positivo se sintió como un aguijón para Erazo Herrera. Varias veces le exigió a los oficiales del Servicio de control de inmigración y aduanas (o ICE por sus siglas en inglés) y los de la cárcel del Condado de Yuba que hicieran más para prevenir un brote de coronavirus en la prisión. El año pasado, realizó una \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11835611/ice-detainees-at-yuba-jail-press-for-covid-19-protections\">huelga de hambre\u003c/a> en rechazo de lo que él consideraba condiciones inseguras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No nos escucharon”, dijo Erazo Herrera. “Y en verdad no es justo. No es nuestra culpa que nos enfermemos cuando no podemos protegernos”, agregó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El coronavirus se ha propagado rápidamente dentro de la cárcel del Condado de Yuba y alrededor de la mitad de todos los reclusos han sido contagiados. Desde el mes pasado, más de 120 reos del condado y 9 de ICE han dado positivo en pruebas de COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erazo Herrera cuenta cómo los guardias lo aislaron en una pequeña celda de concreto sin ventanas por 12 días. Cuando llegó a la celda, se acuerda de cómo el espacio estaba en pésimas condiciones, el inodoro estaba muy sucio, moho cubría las paredes y la cama estaba llena de los pelos de otras personas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No voy a mentirte, cuando vi la celda por primera vez, empecé a llorar”, dijo Erazo Herrera, quien proviene de El Salvador. “Intenté quejarme. Me dio tanta tristeza ver qué tan sucio estaba todo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los guardias le dijeron que esta era la única celda disponible para hacer cuarentena. Menciona que les pidió productos de limpieza y terminó por limpiar todo a pesar de que tenía un intenso dolor de cabeza y le faltaba el aire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lo largo de la pandemia, un juez federal en San Francisco ha monitoreado las condiciones en la cárcel, la cual está localizada en la ciudad de Marysville. El pasado 23 de diciembre fue cuando el magistrado ordenó a ICE que tomará acción para proteger a los detenidos, incluyendo que la dependencia realizará pruebas de COVID-19 al menos una vez a la semana y que se asegurará que las celdas estén limpias y desinfectadas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vince Chhabria, juez federal de distrito, se involucró luego de que un grupo de inmigrantes detenidos en la cárcel del Condado de Yuba \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11832472/people-are-terrified-sf-judge-orders-covid-19-testing-at-ice-facility\">presentó una demanda en contra de ICE\u003c/a> para que esta agencia comenzará a liberar a inmigrantes bajo su custodia con el propósito de reducir el número de detenidos y por ende facilitar el distanciamiento social.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero la orden de limpiar las celdas no está siendo cumplida en la cárcel del Condado de Yuba, afirma Kelly Wells, una abogada del equipo migratorio de la Oficina del defensor público de San Francisco, y la representante de Erazo Herrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hemos escuchado varias veces de cada uno de los detenidos que cada vez que los mueven de celda, les toca celdas muy sucias que no han sido limpiadas, mucho menos desinfectadas”, dijo Wells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11858612\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11858612\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Yuba-County-Jail-Cells.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"577\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Yuba-County-Jail-Cells.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Yuba-County-Jail-Cells-160x115.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los reclusos de la cárcel del Condado de Yuba, entre ellos se incluye los detenidos de la agencia migratoria ICE, pueden ser puestos en confinamiento solitario por varios días en ‘celdas de seguridad’, las cuales no tienen ventanas. \u003ccite>(Cortesía de Rosen Bien Galvan & Grunfeld LLP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Una vocera de la Oficina del alguacil del Condado de Yuba, que supervisa la cárcel, remitió todas las preguntas a ICE. Por su parte, la agencia migratoria se rehusó a proveer una respuesta sobre las condiciones de la cuarentena de Erazo Herrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“El Servicio de control de inmigración y aduanas no puede dar un comentario a causa del litigio pendiente”, expresó Jonathan Moor, vocero de ICE, a través de un comunicado. “Sin embargo, la falta de un comentario no significa que la agencia esté de acuerdo con cualquiera de las acusaciones y tampoco está notando una estipulación”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Casi 9 mil personas han dado positivo por COVID-19 en custodia de ICE, según \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/coronavirus#detStat\">cifras proveídas por la misma dependencia\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los centros de detención de ICE deben asegurarse que el aislamiento médico sea “distinto de manera operacional” de cualquier otro tipo de alojamiento disciplinario, según las \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/coronavirus/eroCOVID19responseReqsCleanFacilities.pdf\">pautas de gestión de emergencias\u003c/a> de la agencia. Por ejemplo, estos planteles deben de proveer a los detenidos acceso a la televisión, libros y otros tipos de recreación cuanto más se pueda mientras estos cumplen con su cuarentena.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, ya varios inmigrantes detenidos por ICE, incluyendo algunos que se encuentran como reclusos en prisiones privadas y cárceles al nivel del condado, reportan que la agencia migratoria está usando el confinamiento solitario como una manera para \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841120/ice-misusing-solitary-confinement-for-covid-19-quarantine-detainees-say\">realizar las cuarentenas del COVID-19\u003c/a>. Erazo Herrera dijo que su cuarentena de 12 días se sintió como un castigo y que su salud mental empeoró.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Tuvo que permanecer en su celda 22 horas cada día, completamente solo. Por varios días, no había nada que hacer para poder pasar el tiempo, hasta que la cárcel permitió que recibiera los libros que sus amigos le mandaban desde afuera de la prisión.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Esa celda no es para un ser humano, está hecha para mantener a un animal salvaje encerrado. No hay televisión, no hay nada”, contó Erazo Herrera. “Empiezas a sentirte tan deprimido que hasta consideras suicidarte. Te preguntas qué has hecho para merecer este trato que recibes”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El muchacho finalmente fue liberado del aislamiento médico la semana pasada y dice que ya no siente los síntomas severos del COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Desde abril del año pasado, la población de los reclusos de ICE en la cárcel del condado de Yuba ha disminuido de 144 personas a 16. El juez Chhabria ordenó que la agencia liberara a más de 50 inmigrantes del penal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Algunos fueron transferidos a otras prisiones, otros fueron deportados o liberados de la custodia de ICE. Las autoridades migratorias pueden liberar a un individuo luego de identificar los riesgos que podrían representar contra la seguridad pública o de posiblemente fugarse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La abogada Wells afirma que las condiciones dentro del penal del Condado de Yuba son tan miserables que algunos inmigrantes detenidos se han rendido y han aceptado ser deportados, luego de tan sólo un mes de estar en custodia. Pero Erazo Herrera ha aguantado tres años en esa cárcel mientras espera que las cortes decidan el futuro de su solicitud de asilo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Juan José no ha aceptado ser deportado porque él se encuentra en una situación bastante crítica”, dijo Wells. “Aparte del abuso que sufrió en las manos de su madre, también fue golpeado varias veces por pandilleros y fue amenazado de muerte”, explicó la abogada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A los 16 años, Erazo Herrera huyó de El Salvador y cruzó solo la frontera sur de Estados Unidos. Los funcionarios de la Oficina de reasentamiento de refugiados (ORR), la dependencia encargada con el cuidado de los jóvenes migrantes no acompañados, se hicieron cargo de él y luego lo mandaron a Nueva York para que viviera con su hermano mayor, informa Wells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En Nueva York, Erazo Herrera se vio involucrado en un robo y fue sentenciado a cumplir una condena en una prisión de menores. Cuando cumplió los 18 años, ICE lo arrestó y lo mandó al penal en el Condado de Yuba.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11858613\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11858613\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Herrera-Snow-800x547.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"547\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Herrera-Snow-800x547.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Herrera-Snow-1020x698.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Herrera-Snow-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Herrera-Snow.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Juan José Erazo Herrera juega en la nieve en Nueva York, donde vivía con su hermano y donde también se vio involucrado en un robo, el cual resultó en que ICE lo detuviera. \u003ccite>(Cortesía de Juan José Erazo Herrera)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Para Erazo Herrera, el robo fue un error y sigue sintiendo mucho remordimiento por sus acciones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ya pagué por eso. No he tenido mi libertad desde que tenía 16 años”, dijo él. “Yo sólo quiero tener la oportunidad de enseñarles que soy alguien distinto, que he aprendido mucho desde que fui encerrado aquí. No soy el mismo chico que era en ese entonces”, declaró.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un juez de la corte superior del Condado de Yuba recientemente concedió a Erazo Herrera un estatus especial de joven inmigrante, el cual está reservado para inmigrantes indocumentados con menos de 21 años que fueron abusados por un padre y que regresar a su país natal podría perjudicarlos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Este estatus no es suficiente para que sea liberado de la custodia de ICE, señala Wells, pero podría abrir el camino a que aplique para la residencia. Aún así, eso podría tardar años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erazo Herrera espera que cuando finalmente salga del centro de detención tenga la oportunidad de ir a la escuela, trabajar y un día formar una organización que apoye a los jóvenes inmigrantes indocumentados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Quiero ayudar a otros chicos que hayan pasado por lo mismo que yo”, dijo él.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por el periodista, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Biden signed three executive orders on Tuesday that he said he would lead to a more “fair, orderly, humane” immigration system, including one that would begin the difficult process of reuniting migrant children separated from their parents after crossing the United States border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of talk, with good reason, about the number of executive orders that I’ve signed. I’m not making new law — I’m eliminating bad policy,” Biden told reporters in the Oval Office before signing three actions to begin to roll back former President Donald Trump’s hard-line immigration measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the orders creates a task force to find ways to reunite children in the U.S. with their parents who have been deported without them — something Biden said was a “moral and national shame.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The job is made challenging by a lack of records. Details of how reunifications will happen are still to be determined. The task force will make recommendations on how to do it, working with representatives of families and other stakeholders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Cathleen Caron, director of Justice in Motion, a nonprofit working to reunite separated families\"]‘They were deeply, deeply scarred by having their children taken away. So they don’t have any reason to believe the U.S. government is going to do anything to help them.’[/pullquote]The task force will issue a report on its progress in 120 days, and every 60 days thereafter, White House press secretary Jen Psaki told reporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates said urgent action is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we need now is an immediate commitment to specific remedies, including reunification in the U.S., permanent legal status, and restitution for all of the 5,500-plus families separated by the Trump administration,” said the ACLU’s Lee Gelernt, who fought the issue in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anything short of that will be extremely troubling given that the U.S. government engaged in deliberate child abuse,” Gelernt said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials who previewed the executive actions to reporters said change won’t happen overnight. In fact, more actions are almost certain to follow. “It takes time to review everything, so we are starting with these right now, but that doesn’t mean it’s the end of it,” one of the officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Confronting a Deep Lack of Trust\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Cathleen Caron, founder and director of Justice in Motion, a U.S.-based nonprofit working to reunify separated families, emphasized how important it is that Biden’s task force plans to work with representatives of families who were separated from their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said many of those families have difficulty trusting people from the United States — and especially the government — after everything that has happened to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were deeply, deeply scarred by having their children taken away,” she said. “So they don’t have any reason to believe the U.S. government is going to do anything to help them. Why should they, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caron said relying on trusted partners and advocates in separated families’ countries of origin will be key.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we want are partners that will support what the affected migrant families need and want,” she said. “Partners in the countries of origin who are from there and have been communicating with these families… And the families themselves. They need to be at the center of this so the families aren’t unintentionally traumatized [and] hurt again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As to one possible avenue for beginning to rebuild trust with separated families? University of San Francisco law and migration studies Professor Bill Hing suggested offering visas to parents who were deported to return to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve damaged them. And there are visas in our law already, for example, [for] victims of crime, victims of domestic violence… Well, why not a visa for someone who has been victimized by the United States government?” Hing said. “That might add some incentives. And if you couple that with most likely much needed mental health counseling, regular health counseling, of course, they all need that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='family-separations']\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Restoring Asylum\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A second order Biden signed Tuesday looks at how to address the surge of migrants seeking asylum in the U.S. in recent years and will look at how to replace the Migrant Protection Protocols program — what Trump referred to as “Remain in Mexico.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden suspended that program on his first day in office. He has vowed to help countries in Central America address the underlying causes of migration. But the administration wants to restore the asylum system, officials said — and do something to help people stuck in camps at the border. The details of how that will happen are not yet clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to put in place an immigration process here that is humane, that is moral, that considers applications for refugees, applications for people to come into this country at the border in a way that treat people as human beings. That’s going to take some time. It’s not going to happen overnight,” Psaki told reporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The third order requires agencies to do a “top-to-bottom review of recent regulations, policies and guidance that have set up barriers to our legal immigration system.” The first one to go: Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/08/12/748328652/trump-administration-rule-would-penalize-immigrants-for-using-benefits\">“public charge” rule\u003c/a>, which prevented immigrants from getting permanent resident or “green card” status if they had or were likely to require public benefits such as housing subsidies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocacy groups said ending the public charge rule would help immigrants struggling with health care and food insecurity amid the COVID-19 crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new administration is \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/12/13/944791054/on-immigration-activists-demands-may-exceed-biden-realities\">under pressure from immigration activists\u003c/a> who are worried that reforms will stall as Biden rushes to deal with the response to the health and economic crises caused by the COVID-19 pandemic — as well as climate change and racial equity priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden sent a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/inauguration-day-live-updates/2021/01/20/958626092/on-immigration-biden-goes-big-in-opening-bid-to-congress\">sweeping immigration legislative proposal\u003c/a> to Congress the day he was sworn into office, but it’s unclear how quickly the plan may be considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from NPR’s Franco Ordoñez and Joel Rose, and KQED’s Michelle Wiley. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Biden signed three executive orders on Tuesday that he said he would lead to a more “fair, orderly, humane” immigration system, including one that would begin the difficult process of reuniting migrant children separated from their parents after crossing the United States border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of talk, with good reason, about the number of executive orders that I’ve signed. I’m not making new law — I’m eliminating bad policy,” Biden told reporters in the Oval Office before signing three actions to begin to roll back former President Donald Trump’s hard-line immigration measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the orders creates a task force to find ways to reunite children in the U.S. with their parents who have been deported without them — something Biden said was a “moral and national shame.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The job is made challenging by a lack of records. Details of how reunifications will happen are still to be determined. The task force will make recommendations on how to do it, working with representatives of families and other stakeholders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The task force will issue a report on its progress in 120 days, and every 60 days thereafter, White House press secretary Jen Psaki told reporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates said urgent action is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we need now is an immediate commitment to specific remedies, including reunification in the U.S., permanent legal status, and restitution for all of the 5,500-plus families separated by the Trump administration,” said the ACLU’s Lee Gelernt, who fought the issue in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anything short of that will be extremely troubling given that the U.S. government engaged in deliberate child abuse,” Gelernt said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials who previewed the executive actions to reporters said change won’t happen overnight. In fact, more actions are almost certain to follow. “It takes time to review everything, so we are starting with these right now, but that doesn’t mean it’s the end of it,” one of the officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Confronting a Deep Lack of Trust\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Cathleen Caron, founder and director of Justice in Motion, a U.S.-based nonprofit working to reunify separated families, emphasized how important it is that Biden’s task force plans to work with representatives of families who were separated from their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said many of those families have difficulty trusting people from the United States — and especially the government — after everything that has happened to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were deeply, deeply scarred by having their children taken away,” she said. “So they don’t have any reason to believe the U.S. government is going to do anything to help them. Why should they, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Restoring Asylum\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A second order Biden signed Tuesday looks at how to address the surge of migrants seeking asylum in the U.S. in recent years and will look at how to replace the Migrant Protection Protocols program — what Trump referred to as “Remain in Mexico.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden suspended that program on his first day in office. He has vowed to help countries in Central America address the underlying causes of migration. But the administration wants to restore the asylum system, officials said — and do something to help people stuck in camps at the border. The details of how that will happen are not yet clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to put in place an immigration process here that is humane, that is moral, that considers applications for refugees, applications for people to come into this country at the border in a way that treat people as human beings. That’s going to take some time. It’s not going to happen overnight,” Psaki told reporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The third order requires agencies to do a “top-to-bottom review of recent regulations, policies and guidance that have set up barriers to our legal immigration system.” The first one to go: Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/08/12/748328652/trump-administration-rule-would-penalize-immigrants-for-using-benefits\">“public charge” rule\u003c/a>, which prevented immigrants from getting permanent resident or “green card” status if they had or were likely to require public benefits such as housing subsidies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocacy groups said ending the public charge rule would help immigrants struggling with health care and food insecurity amid the COVID-19 crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new administration is \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/12/13/944791054/on-immigration-activists-demands-may-exceed-biden-realities\">under pressure from immigration activists\u003c/a> who are worried that reforms will stall as Biden rushes to deal with the response to the health and economic crises caused by the COVID-19 pandemic — as well as climate change and racial equity priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden sent a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/inauguration-day-live-updates/2021/01/20/958626092/on-immigration-biden-goes-big-in-opening-bid-to-congress\">sweeping immigration legislative proposal\u003c/a> to Congress the day he was sworn into office, but it’s unclear how quickly the plan may be considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from NPR’s Franco Ordoñez and Joel Rose, and KQED’s Michelle Wiley. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Even as California has begun providing the COVID-19 vaccine to thousands of incarcerated people, advocates fear vulnerable detained immigrants are being forgotten, with neither federal nor state authorities seeming to take responsibility for this population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials maintain California is in charge of distributing the vaccine to immigrants held in facilities throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Vaccines for detainees are being allocated by local and state health departments, and timelines vary based on availability and priorities within each state,” said Danielle Bennett, an ICE spokesperson, in a statement this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE has been working with state and local health departments to ensure that the ICE detainee population is included in state vaccination plans,” she added. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Hamid Yazdan Panah, advocacy director for Immigrant Defense Advocates\"]‘Not only have they not been vaccinating folks in ICE detention, but there seemingly does not appear to be a plan in place.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But until recently, California officials believed ICE was leading inoculation efforts for people in its custody, according to members of an advisory group tasked with helping public health officials distribute the vaccine equitably.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think everyone prior to this week was under the assumption that it is federal property, so it was going to be up to the federal government,” said Orville Thomas, who sits on the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/COVID-19/Community-Vaccine-Advisory-Committee.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Community Vaccine Advisory Committee\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office did not return repeated requests for comment, and the California Department of Public Health referred questions to ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Suggest you reach out to ICE for information,” a CDPH spokesperson told KQED in an email. “When we have additional information to share, we will loop back with you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration detention centers, like other congregate settings, pose a greater risk of COVID-19 infection, with one study estimating the mean case rate among ICE detainees was about \u003ca href=\"https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/health/2020/11/11/covid-ice-detainee-case-rate-higher-than-general-us-study/6220333002/\">13 times\u003c/a> higher than for the U.S. population overall during the first six months of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the coronavirus has swept through nearly all of the seven immigration detention facilities, infecting hundreds of detainees and dozens of staffers. In May, a 57-year-old Salvadoran man held at the Otay Mesa Detention Center, near San Diego, became the first person to die from COVID-19 in ICE custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are lives that are at greater risk considering what we know happens at these facilities,” said Thomas, who directs government affairs at the California Immigrant Policy Center in Sacramento. “So if the ball was dropped, it needs to get picked up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state initially prioritized people in congregate settings, including those incarcerated, for vaccine allocation. More than 8,700 state prison inmates — 9% of the total prison population — have received the first round of the vaccine, according to the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it is unclear if any immigrant detainees in the state have been inoculated yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE and two private prison companies operating most of the detention facilities in California — the GEO Group and CoreCivic — declined to answer whether any detainees in their custody had received the vaccine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Issa Arnita, a spokesman with Management & Training Corp., which runs the Imperial Regional Detention Facility in Calexico, said while some staffers have received doses, the vaccine “has not yet reached detainees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Arnita said that the company would offer the vaccine to people held in its facilities once local authorities deliver it. [aside tag=\"ice, immigration, migration\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As soon as we can get more vaccines from the health department, we will make them available to all staff and detainees,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and lawyers representing ICE detainees in California said they didn’t know of anyone held at these facilities who had received the vaccine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, dozens of organizations renewed their calls for state officials to include immigrant detainees in their vaccination plans and disclose the details and timeline, sending a \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hl1OQfsm1vtz0bFw4K7hZixnEBvGW8NLmb9z3YWVIoM/edit?usp=sharing\">letter\u003c/a> to Governor Gavin Newsom and Dr. Tomás Aragón, the head of the California Department of Public Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only have they not been vaccinating folks in ICE detention, but there seemingly does not appear to be a plan in place,” said Hamid Yazdan Panah, who directs advocacy for Immigrant Defense Advocates, one of the letter’s main signatories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently over 1,200 ICE detainees in California. The number of people held in immigration detention centers has plummeted during the pandemic to 14,200 nationwide — from 23,400 last June — in part because courts have ordered ICE to release vulnerable immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, nearly 9,000 people who were or are in ICE detention have tested positive for the virus so far, including hundreds in California, according to agency figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has argued in court recently that it has the right to protect people’s safety and health within its borders, even those who are in federal detention facilities. Yet with ICE declining responsibility, and California seeming to take no action, Yazdan Panah worries that immigrant detainees may not be able to receive the vaccine at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we want to see is California exercising [its] right and ensuring that individuals in these facilities are protected,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bureaucratic confusion comes as the state struggles with one of the slowest vaccine rollouts in the nation. One of the biggest problems is that the federal government hasn’t delivered enough doses to the state, said Kiran Savage-Sangwan, who directs the California Pan-Ethnic Health Network and also sits on the CDPH’s Community Vaccine Advisory Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with the limited supply, California is trying to speed up delivery by shifting from a complex list of at-risk populations and essential workers, to a simpler age-based system, with those 65 and older first in line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That change, and the state’s lack of clarity around who is in charge of vaccinating immigrant detainees, may delay COVID-19 protections even longer for people held at ICE facilities, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope it gets resolved because it’s so important,” said Savage-Sangwan. “We really have seen major outbreaks in the detention centers and we have to, you know, not be playing hot potato with this issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But until recently, California officials believed ICE was leading inoculation efforts for people in its custody, according to members of an advisory group tasked with helping public health officials distribute the vaccine equitably.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think everyone prior to this week was under the assumption that it is federal property, so it was going to be up to the federal government,” said Orville Thomas, who sits on the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/COVID-19/Community-Vaccine-Advisory-Committee.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Community Vaccine Advisory Committee\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office did not return repeated requests for comment, and the California Department of Public Health referred questions to ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Suggest you reach out to ICE for information,” a CDPH spokesperson told KQED in an email. “When we have additional information to share, we will loop back with you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration detention centers, like other congregate settings, pose a greater risk of COVID-19 infection, with one study estimating the mean case rate among ICE detainees was about \u003ca href=\"https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/health/2020/11/11/covid-ice-detainee-case-rate-higher-than-general-us-study/6220333002/\">13 times\u003c/a> higher than for the U.S. population overall during the first six months of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the coronavirus has swept through nearly all of the seven immigration detention facilities, infecting hundreds of detainees and dozens of staffers. In May, a 57-year-old Salvadoran man held at the Otay Mesa Detention Center, near San Diego, became the first person to die from COVID-19 in ICE custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are lives that are at greater risk considering what we know happens at these facilities,” said Thomas, who directs government affairs at the California Immigrant Policy Center in Sacramento. “So if the ball was dropped, it needs to get picked up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state initially prioritized people in congregate settings, including those incarcerated, for vaccine allocation. More than 8,700 state prison inmates — 9% of the total prison population — have received the first round of the vaccine, according to the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it is unclear if any immigrant detainees in the state have been inoculated yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE and two private prison companies operating most of the detention facilities in California — the GEO Group and CoreCivic — declined to answer whether any detainees in their custody had received the vaccine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Issa Arnita, a spokesman with Management & Training Corp., which runs the Imperial Regional Detention Facility in Calexico, said while some staffers have received doses, the vaccine “has not yet reached detainees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Arnita said that the company would offer the vaccine to people held in its facilities once local authorities deliver it. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As soon as we can get more vaccines from the health department, we will make them available to all staff and detainees,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and lawyers representing ICE detainees in California said they didn’t know of anyone held at these facilities who had received the vaccine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, dozens of organizations renewed their calls for state officials to include immigrant detainees in their vaccination plans and disclose the details and timeline, sending a \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hl1OQfsm1vtz0bFw4K7hZixnEBvGW8NLmb9z3YWVIoM/edit?usp=sharing\">letter\u003c/a> to Governor Gavin Newsom and Dr. Tomás Aragón, the head of the California Department of Public Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only have they not been vaccinating folks in ICE detention, but there seemingly does not appear to be a plan in place,” said Hamid Yazdan Panah, who directs advocacy for Immigrant Defense Advocates, one of the letter’s main signatories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently over 1,200 ICE detainees in California. The number of people held in immigration detention centers has plummeted during the pandemic to 14,200 nationwide — from 23,400 last June — in part because courts have ordered ICE to release vulnerable immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, nearly 9,000 people who were or are in ICE detention have tested positive for the virus so far, including hundreds in California, according to agency figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has argued in court recently that it has the right to protect people’s safety and health within its borders, even those who are in federal detention facilities. Yet with ICE declining responsibility, and California seeming to take no action, Yazdan Panah worries that immigrant detainees may not be able to receive the vaccine at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we want to see is California exercising [its] right and ensuring that individuals in these facilities are protected,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bureaucratic confusion comes as the state struggles with one of the slowest vaccine rollouts in the nation. One of the biggest problems is that the federal government hasn’t delivered enough doses to the state, said Kiran Savage-Sangwan, who directs the California Pan-Ethnic Health Network and also sits on the CDPH’s Community Vaccine Advisory Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with the limited supply, California is trying to speed up delivery by shifting from a complex list of at-risk populations and essential workers, to a simpler age-based system, with those 65 and older first in line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That change, and the state’s lack of clarity around who is in charge of vaccinating immigrant detainees, may delay COVID-19 protections even longer for people held at ICE facilities, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope it gets resolved because it’s so important,” said Savage-Sangwan. “We really have seen major outbreaks in the detention centers and we have to, you know, not be playing hot potato with this issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We talk through the week’s biggest political stories: the governor’s sudden lifting of statewide stay-at-home orders amid a growing movement to recall him, newly confirmed Secretary of State Shirley Weber, newly appointed U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla and the decision by the San Francisco Board of Education to rename 44 schools in the name of social justice — even though most schools remain shuttered.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joe Garofoli, San Francisco Chronicle senior political writer \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marisa Lagos, KQED politics and government correspondent\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Climate Change and Lake Tahoe\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lake Tahoe received several feet of snowfall this week, but a conference of climate change experts who gathered for the Operation Sierra Snowstorm Conference have a dire long-term prediction. At the current rate of warming, they say, many ski resorts will be seeing rain instead of snow at elevations of 5,000, 6,000 or even 7,000 feet in the decades to come.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Dorian Fougères, California Tahoe Conservancy acting deputy director\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Daniel Swain, UCLA \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Institute of the Environment and Sustainability \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">climate scientist\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: California Coastline\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California’s coastline winds for more than 3,000 miles along the western edge of the United States. Videographer Jim McKee captured just a portion of its splendor in this week’s look at something beautiful.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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