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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Hundreds of migrant children still separated from their parents by the Trump administration may be allowed to reunite with their families in the United States — and some families may have the opportunity to stay, Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas announced on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reuniting the families is one of the Biden administration’s top priorities, something Mayorkas described as a “moral imperative.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During former President Donald Trump’s time in office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/transcripts/961301353\">more than 5,500 migrant children\u003c/a> were separated from their parents when they entered the country, and more than 1,400 parents were ultimately deported without their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It takes time to build out of the depths of cruelty that the administration before us established.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are hoping to reunite the families either here or in the country of origin,” Mayorkas said, explaining the government hopes to give migrants the choice. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And if, in fact, they seek to reunite here in the United States, we will explore lawful pathways for them to remain in the United States and to address the family needs so we are acting as restoratively as possible,” he said, without giving details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DHS said in a statement that the option of reuniting and staying in the United States would be provided “to the extent permissible under law” but did not provide more elaboration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates representing families who have been separated applauded the decision, but said they wanted more information. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Of course, the devil is in the details and Secretary Mayorkas has to shed all the caveats and qualifications around his announcement and follow through with everything that’s necessary to right the wrong,” Anthony Romero, executive director of the ACLU, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These separated families suffered unfathomably because of what our government did, and we owe them restitution. This includes a permanent pathway to citizenship, care, and resources to help them,” Romero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayorkas called the separation of children from their families “the most powerful example of cruelty” by the Trump administration, which had pushed to curb immigration. About 105 families have already been reunited since Biden took office, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s one of several Trump-era immigration policies that Biden’s DHS is working to reverse, but Mayorkas warned changes would not happen overnight. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It takes time to build out of the depths of cruelty that the administration before us established,” he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Biden+To+Allow+Some+Separated+Migrant+Families+To+Reunite+In+The+United+States&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The nation’s largest janitorial company,\u003ca href=\"https://www.abm.com/\"> ABM Industries,\u003c/a> has settled a lawsuit with three women janitors from Fresno who claimed the company fostered a sexually hostile work environment, emboldening supervisors to sexually harass and assault employees. The allegations against supervisors include making lewd sexual remarks, exposing genitals, displaying pornography, assault and attempted rape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know we are not the only ones,” said plaintiff Maria Paramo. “This problem affects many workers, especially women in our industry, all across the country. I am proud to stand up for myself and others who cannot speak to say ‘ya basta’ [enough is enough].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ABM provides janitorial services across the country. It was a focal point of KQED’s groundbreaking 2015 investigation \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/night-shift\">“Rape on the Night Shift,\u003c/a>” produced in collaboration with \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/\">Reveal from the Center for Investigative Reporting\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/\">PBS Frontline\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.univision.com/\">Univision\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://journalism.berkeley.edu/programs/mj/investigative-reporting/\">UC Berkeley’s Investigative Reporting Program\u003c/a>. That investigation pointed to years of complaints against ABM, including a federal class-action lawsuit involving 21 women from the Central Valley.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Brenda Adams, senior attorney with Equal Rights Advocates\"]‘It is a very scary thing to be in their position: to work alone at night in a big empty building, to not speak English, to be paid minimum wage and have that be your sole source of income for your entire family, to be threatened with losing your job, threatened with immigration authorities, and threatened physically with harm.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This new settlement — developed with input from women janitors themselves — requires ABM janitorial operations across California to develop more robust safety protocols. That could include using a buddy system to pair up workers when dropping off supplies, and limiting supply drops to well-lit, outdoor areas. The settlement also requires the company to create goals of hiring and promoting more women to supervisory positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case was first filed in 2019. Another plaintiff, Araceli Sanchez, said she endured 14 years of harassment while cleaning buildings, including sexual assault and attempted rape, from her supervisor, while working the night shift.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He made me feel like a piece of trash, like I wasn’t worth anything,” Sanchez told The California Report \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11726127/fresno-janitors-file-lawsuit-against-continued-rape-on-the-night-shift\">in 2019.\u003c/a> “Twice, he threatened me that if I told anyone, he would kill me. I felt like I didn’t have any rights. The company never told us we had any rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11726146\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11726146\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janitor Araceli Sanchez says she endured abuse at the hands of her supervisor for 14 years. \u003ccite>(Alex Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sanchez, who cannot read or write in English or Spanish, claims she was required to sign company documents without any explanation of what they meant. The complaint alleged there were documents in her personnel file that contained signatures of her name but were not actually signed by her, including one detailing policies against harassment in the workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a very scary thing to be in their position: to work alone at night in a big empty building, to not speak English, to be paid minimum wage and have that be your sole source of income for your entire family, to be threatened with losing your job, threatened with immigration authorities, and threatened physically with harm,” said Brenda Adams, senior attorney with \u003ca href=\"https://www.equalrights.org/\">Equal Rights Advocates\u003c/a>, which filed the lawsuit in conjunction with Fresno law firm Lang, Richert and Patch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11090957\" label=\"More on 'Rape on the Night Shift'\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These women were vulnerable and supervisors knew that. And ABM threw them to the wolves,” added Adams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement also requires that sexual harassment training and resources be made available in English and Spanish, and be accessible to those with limited literacy by providing audio files and pictorial descriptions to janitors and supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It addresses a major problem in the janitorial industry, which is you can have the best policies on the planet, but if people don’t understand them, it’s meaningless,” said Adams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement to KQED, ABM Industries noted that the company is “committed to fostering a professional and safe working environment for all our employees and we have zero tolerance for sexual harassment. Upon learning of these alleged incidents, we took immediate action by suspending the accused individuals, retaining an independent third party to investigate the claims, following up with the employees on their wellbeing, and subsequently terminating the accused individuals immediately after our investigation concluded. We take any claim of sexual harassment very seriously and remain committed to providing a safe workplace for all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ABM provides janitorial services across the country. It was a focal point of KQED’s groundbreaking 2015 investigation \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/night-shift\">“Rape on the Night Shift,\u003c/a>” produced in collaboration with \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/\">Reveal from the Center for Investigative Reporting\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/\">PBS Frontline\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.univision.com/\">Univision\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://journalism.berkeley.edu/programs/mj/investigative-reporting/\">UC Berkeley’s Investigative Reporting Program\u003c/a>. That investigation pointed to years of complaints against ABM, including a federal class-action lawsuit involving 21 women from the Central Valley.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This new settlement — developed with input from women janitors themselves — requires ABM janitorial operations across California to develop more robust safety protocols. That could include using a buddy system to pair up workers when dropping off supplies, and limiting supply drops to well-lit, outdoor areas. The settlement also requires the company to create goals of hiring and promoting more women to supervisory positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case was first filed in 2019. Another plaintiff, Araceli Sanchez, said she endured 14 years of harassment while cleaning buildings, including sexual assault and attempted rape, from her supervisor, while working the night shift.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He made me feel like a piece of trash, like I wasn’t worth anything,” Sanchez told The California Report \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11726127/fresno-janitors-file-lawsuit-against-continued-rape-on-the-night-shift\">in 2019.\u003c/a> “Twice, he threatened me that if I told anyone, he would kill me. I felt like I didn’t have any rights. The company never told us we had any rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11726146\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11726146\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janitor Araceli Sanchez says she endured abuse at the hands of her supervisor for 14 years. \u003ccite>(Alex Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sanchez, who cannot read or write in English or Spanish, claims she was required to sign company documents without any explanation of what they meant. The complaint alleged there were documents in her personnel file that contained signatures of her name but were not actually signed by her, including one detailing policies against harassment in the workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a very scary thing to be in their position: to work alone at night in a big empty building, to not speak English, to be paid minimum wage and have that be your sole source of income for your entire family, to be threatened with losing your job, threatened with immigration authorities, and threatened physically with harm,” said Brenda Adams, senior attorney with \u003ca href=\"https://www.equalrights.org/\">Equal Rights Advocates\u003c/a>, which filed the lawsuit in conjunction with Fresno law firm Lang, Richert and Patch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These women were vulnerable and supervisors knew that. And ABM threw them to the wolves,” added Adams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement also requires that sexual harassment training and resources be made available in English and Spanish, and be accessible to those with limited literacy by providing audio files and pictorial descriptions to janitors and supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It addresses a major problem in the janitorial industry, which is you can have the best policies on the planet, but if people don’t understand them, it’s meaningless,” said Adams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement to KQED, ABM Industries noted that the company is “committed to fostering a professional and safe working environment for all our employees and we have zero tolerance for sexual harassment. Upon learning of these alleged incidents, we took immediate action by suspending the accused individuals, retaining an independent third party to investigate the claims, following up with the employees on their wellbeing, and subsequently terminating the accused individuals immediately after our investigation concluded. We take any claim of sexual harassment very seriously and remain committed to providing a safe workplace for all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Maritza Maldonado has witnessed firsthand the devastation the coronavirus has wrought on the community where she grew up in East San Jose: layoffs, hunger, illness and an alarming number of funerals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Especially right after the holidays, we were hearing of people dying, several people a week,” said Maldonado, 60, who runs a local nonprofit that offers health care, legal aid and other services. “These are people that we know. Our neighbors, the people we go to church with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Maritza Maldonado, executive director of Amigos de Guadalupe Center for Justice and Empowerment\"]‘It’s not years, it’s generations of poverty. And I think for the first time in a long time, people are standing up and taking notice.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the pandemic became personal last May, when Maldonado’s sister, Miriam, died due to COVID-19 complications. Miriam was 66 and a mother of two daughters. One of them graduated from college not long after her death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, her mom was not there to see that,” said Maldonado, her voice breaking. “And there were moments like that, that are very difficult for them and difficult for us as a family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly a year after the global pandemic was declared, Santa Clara County has reported more than 1,700 deaths due to the coronavirus, the largest toll in the Bay Area. And the predominantly working-class and immigrant neighborhoods in East San Jose have borne the brunt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A cluster of adjacent ZIP codes — 95116, 95121, 95122 and 95127 — have some of the highest rates of COVID-19 infections and deaths in Santa Clara County. That area is home to just 11% of the county’s population, but accounts for 20% of those who have died from the coronavirus, according to the most recent county \u003ca href=\"https://data.sccgov.org/COVID-19/COVID-19-deaths-by-zip-code/xqsq-hpmr/data\">figures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11862320\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11862320\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47289_008_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47289_008_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47289_008_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47289_008_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47289_008_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47289_008_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A pinboard full of photos of Miriam Maldonado-Magaña and her family at the office where she taught ESL classes at Amigos de Guadalupe Center for Justice and Empowerment.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Miriam Maldonado-Magaña lived in ZIP code 95127. After retiring as a county social worker, she taught English as a second language as a volunteer and delivered food to those in need, her sister said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was a fixture in this community,” said Maldonado. “And my sister died giving food out to families. We think that’s how she got COVID.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maldonado runs Amigos de Guadalupe Center for Justice and Empowerment in the Mayfair neighborhood, where renowned labor leader Cesar Chavez once lived. During the pandemic, the organization has been helping local residents who have lost jobs or are sick with COVID-19, providing financial assistance to cover basic expenses, back rent and burial costs. The funds come from private donations, as well as city and county aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The help is critical for many immigrant workers who don’t qualify for unemployment insurance or other forms of government aid because they are undocumented, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Close to \u003ca href=\"https://censusreporter.org/profiles/86000US95116-95116/\">half of all residents\u003c/a> in each of the East San Jose ZIP codes hit hardest by the pandemic are foreign born, many of them from Mexico and Vietnam. The area includes Little Saigon and the Mexican Heritage Plaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11862309\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11862309\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47295_014_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47295_014_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47295_014_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47295_014_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47295_014_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47295_014_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maritza Maldonado, executive director of Amigos de Guadalupe Center for Justice and Empowerment, works at her desk in the Mayfair neighborhood of San Jose on Feb. 16, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Maldonado said the pandemic has exposed long-standing inequities, as Silicon Valley corporations and IT workers have prospered on the backs of the cooks, gardeners, nannies, custodians and bus drivers who live in her community and are now dying disproportionately from the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not years, it’s generations of poverty,” said Maldonado. “And I think for the first time in a long time, people are standing up and taking notice. But for us, it wasn’t a surprise that it hit us the hardest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents of East San Jose often work essential jobs where they are out in public settings and can be exposed to the virus. And the Bay Area’s sky-high rents force many to live in crowded households, where it’s easier for the virus to spread once someone is infected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the county, coronavirus-related deaths have decreased, from a high of 165 per week in early January to 43 last week. But at Our Lady of Refuge church, in ZIP code 95122, Rev. Hugo Rojas said the parish has still been overwhelmed by requests for funeral services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are doing two, three and sometimes four funeral masses per week,” said Rojas, who is originally from Argentina. “We talk to families, we talk to funeral homes and obviously it’s related to the COVID-19 pandemic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11862316\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11862316 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47304_004_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47304_004_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47304_004_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47304_004_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47304_004_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47304_004_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rev. Hugo Rojas outside of Our Lady of Refuge Parish during a drive-thru food distribution event at the church on Feb. 16, 2021.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Rojas said his parishioners, who may already face unpaid rent or car debt, are often left struggling to afford burial expenses that can cost thousands of dollars. And the risk of virus transmission has prevented some people from gathering to mourn their loved ones, leaving them to grieve in isolation, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11813696,news_11846531,forum_2010101882069\"]“After they bury them and they go back home, they are alone with their loss and suffering,” Rojas said. “People need attention. People need consolation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the pastor said that amid the uncertainty and pain in the community, people have also found ways to support each other. Relatives and neighbors of grieving families have organized online fundraisers or offered donations of cash to cover the expense of funeral services, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rojas’ parish also hosts a food distribution site that serves 900 families per week, about three times as many as a year ago. On a recent Tuesday afternoon, dozens of volunteers with Catholic Charities of Santa Clara directed traffic at the church’s parking lot and loaded boxes of groceries into the trunks of waiting cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A nurse at a mobile clinic from Gardner Health Services, also in the parking lot, tested people for the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to help each other,” said Rojas, watching the large operation underway outside the church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11862315\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11862315 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47302_002_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47302_002_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47302_002_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47302_002_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47302_002_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47302_002_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trucks from Second Harvest of Silicon Valley drop off food at Our Lady of Refuge Parish in San Jose on Feb. 16, 2021.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>County officials said they understand the disparate impact of COVID-19 in East San Jose and other hard-hit areas, and they’ve made addressing it central to their response. But the hard truth is, there’s not yet enough vaccine for everyone who wants it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, county workers are trying to ensure that those who are eligible for inoculations have easy access. They are setting up more vaccination sites in the community, and partnering with trusted local organizations to go door-to-door to explain that the vaccine is safe and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/covid19/Pages/COVID19-vaccine-information-for-public.aspx\">free of cost\u003c/a>, said Dr. Rocio Luna, deputy director of the Santa Clara County Public Health Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our county and our partners are incredibly focused on the east side of San Jose, on the areas that are disproportionately hit by COVID-19 to ensure that we get them vaccinated as soon as possible, when it’s their turn,” said Luna.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, the county opened a large vaccination site at Emmanuel Baptist Church in East San Jose, which will serve up to 500 people per day, and another at the nearby East Valley clinic. Officials are also planning to continue operating pop-up vaccination locations that don’t require appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11862314\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11862314 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47307_007_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47307_007_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47307_007_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47307_007_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47307_007_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47307_007_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteers from Leland High School carry food boxes to a car at a drive-thru food distribution event at Our Lady of Refuge Parish in San Jose on Feb. 16, 2021.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While the county has focused on inoculating health care workers and residents 65 and older, it will expand eligibility on Sunday to people who work in food and agriculture, education and child care, and emergency services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, vaccination rates among eligible Latino and Black residents in the county lag behind other groups. Only \u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/covid19/Pages/dashboard-vaccine-CAIR2.aspx\">a third\u003c/a> of Latinos and African Americans ages 65 and older have received at least one dose, compared to nearly half of white residents in the same age group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]So far, 60% of elderly Asian residents in the county have been inoculated. But public health officials warn there may be large differences within racial and ethnic groups, depending on their specific neighborhoods, income levels and other conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The need is urgent in East San Jose, said Maldonado. She called on Silicon Valley leaders to do more to support workers through the crisis, and on government officials to more fully prioritize vaccines for hard-hit areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t keep doing this, our people are not disposable. Our people deserve better,” she said. “We are in the heart of the pandemic here. And if that’s the case, then let’s be smart and strategic and get whatever we need to do to get this community the level of support and vaccinations that we need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A cluster of adjacent ZIP codes — 95116, 95121, 95122 and 95127 — have some of the highest rates of COVID-19 infections and deaths in Santa Clara County.",
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"title": "‘In the Heart of the Pandemic’: COVID-19 Deaths Loom Large in East San Jose | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Maritza Maldonado has witnessed firsthand the devastation the coronavirus has wrought on the community where she grew up in East San Jose: layoffs, hunger, illness and an alarming number of funerals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Especially right after the holidays, we were hearing of people dying, several people a week,” said Maldonado, 60, who runs a local nonprofit that offers health care, legal aid and other services. “These are people that we know. Our neighbors, the people we go to church with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the pandemic became personal last May, when Maldonado’s sister, Miriam, died due to COVID-19 complications. Miriam was 66 and a mother of two daughters. One of them graduated from college not long after her death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, her mom was not there to see that,” said Maldonado, her voice breaking. “And there were moments like that, that are very difficult for them and difficult for us as a family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly a year after the global pandemic was declared, Santa Clara County has reported more than 1,700 deaths due to the coronavirus, the largest toll in the Bay Area. And the predominantly working-class and immigrant neighborhoods in East San Jose have borne the brunt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A cluster of adjacent ZIP codes — 95116, 95121, 95122 and 95127 — have some of the highest rates of COVID-19 infections and deaths in Santa Clara County. That area is home to just 11% of the county’s population, but accounts for 20% of those who have died from the coronavirus, according to the most recent county \u003ca href=\"https://data.sccgov.org/COVID-19/COVID-19-deaths-by-zip-code/xqsq-hpmr/data\">figures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11862320\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11862320\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47289_008_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47289_008_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47289_008_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47289_008_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47289_008_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47289_008_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A pinboard full of photos of Miriam Maldonado-Magaña and her family at the office where she taught ESL classes at Amigos de Guadalupe Center for Justice and Empowerment.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Miriam Maldonado-Magaña lived in ZIP code 95127. After retiring as a county social worker, she taught English as a second language as a volunteer and delivered food to those in need, her sister said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was a fixture in this community,” said Maldonado. “And my sister died giving food out to families. We think that’s how she got COVID.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maldonado runs Amigos de Guadalupe Center for Justice and Empowerment in the Mayfair neighborhood, where renowned labor leader Cesar Chavez once lived. During the pandemic, the organization has been helping local residents who have lost jobs or are sick with COVID-19, providing financial assistance to cover basic expenses, back rent and burial costs. The funds come from private donations, as well as city and county aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The help is critical for many immigrant workers who don’t qualify for unemployment insurance or other forms of government aid because they are undocumented, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Close to \u003ca href=\"https://censusreporter.org/profiles/86000US95116-95116/\">half of all residents\u003c/a> in each of the East San Jose ZIP codes hit hardest by the pandemic are foreign born, many of them from Mexico and Vietnam. The area includes Little Saigon and the Mexican Heritage Plaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11862309\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11862309\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47295_014_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47295_014_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47295_014_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47295_014_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47295_014_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47295_014_SanJose_MaritzaMaldonado_02162021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maritza Maldonado, executive director of Amigos de Guadalupe Center for Justice and Empowerment, works at her desk in the Mayfair neighborhood of San Jose on Feb. 16, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Maldonado said the pandemic has exposed long-standing inequities, as Silicon Valley corporations and IT workers have prospered on the backs of the cooks, gardeners, nannies, custodians and bus drivers who live in her community and are now dying disproportionately from the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not years, it’s generations of poverty,” said Maldonado. “And I think for the first time in a long time, people are standing up and taking notice. But for us, it wasn’t a surprise that it hit us the hardest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents of East San Jose often work essential jobs where they are out in public settings and can be exposed to the virus. And the Bay Area’s sky-high rents force many to live in crowded households, where it’s easier for the virus to spread once someone is infected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the county, coronavirus-related deaths have decreased, from a high of 165 per week in early January to 43 last week. But at Our Lady of Refuge church, in ZIP code 95122, Rev. Hugo Rojas said the parish has still been overwhelmed by requests for funeral services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are doing two, three and sometimes four funeral masses per week,” said Rojas, who is originally from Argentina. “We talk to families, we talk to funeral homes and obviously it’s related to the COVID-19 pandemic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11862316\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11862316 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47304_004_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47304_004_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47304_004_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47304_004_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47304_004_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47304_004_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rev. Hugo Rojas outside of Our Lady of Refuge Parish during a drive-thru food distribution event at the church on Feb. 16, 2021.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Rojas said his parishioners, who may already face unpaid rent or car debt, are often left struggling to afford burial expenses that can cost thousands of dollars. And the risk of virus transmission has prevented some people from gathering to mourn their loved ones, leaving them to grieve in isolation, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“After they bury them and they go back home, they are alone with their loss and suffering,” Rojas said. “People need attention. People need consolation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the pastor said that amid the uncertainty and pain in the community, people have also found ways to support each other. Relatives and neighbors of grieving families have organized online fundraisers or offered donations of cash to cover the expense of funeral services, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rojas’ parish also hosts a food distribution site that serves 900 families per week, about three times as many as a year ago. On a recent Tuesday afternoon, dozens of volunteers with Catholic Charities of Santa Clara directed traffic at the church’s parking lot and loaded boxes of groceries into the trunks of waiting cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A nurse at a mobile clinic from Gardner Health Services, also in the parking lot, tested people for the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to help each other,” said Rojas, watching the large operation underway outside the church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11862315\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11862315 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47302_002_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47302_002_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47302_002_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47302_002_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47302_002_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47302_002_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trucks from Second Harvest of Silicon Valley drop off food at Our Lady of Refuge Parish in San Jose on Feb. 16, 2021.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>County officials said they understand the disparate impact of COVID-19 in East San Jose and other hard-hit areas, and they’ve made addressing it central to their response. But the hard truth is, there’s not yet enough vaccine for everyone who wants it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, county workers are trying to ensure that those who are eligible for inoculations have easy access. They are setting up more vaccination sites in the community, and partnering with trusted local organizations to go door-to-door to explain that the vaccine is safe and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/covid19/Pages/COVID19-vaccine-information-for-public.aspx\">free of cost\u003c/a>, said Dr. Rocio Luna, deputy director of the Santa Clara County Public Health Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our county and our partners are incredibly focused on the east side of San Jose, on the areas that are disproportionately hit by COVID-19 to ensure that we get them vaccinated as soon as possible, when it’s their turn,” said Luna.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, the county opened a large vaccination site at Emmanuel Baptist Church in East San Jose, which will serve up to 500 people per day, and another at the nearby East Valley clinic. Officials are also planning to continue operating pop-up vaccination locations that don’t require appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11862314\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11862314 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47307_007_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47307_007_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47307_007_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47307_007_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47307_007_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47307_007_SanJose_ChurchFoodDistrubtion_02162021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteers from Leland High School carry food boxes to a car at a drive-thru food distribution event at Our Lady of Refuge Parish in San Jose on Feb. 16, 2021.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While the county has focused on inoculating health care workers and residents 65 and older, it will expand eligibility on Sunday to people who work in food and agriculture, education and child care, and emergency services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, vaccination rates among eligible Latino and Black residents in the county lag behind other groups. Only \u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/covid19/Pages/dashboard-vaccine-CAIR2.aspx\">a third\u003c/a> of Latinos and African Americans ages 65 and older have received at least one dose, compared to nearly half of white residents in the same age group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>So far, 60% of elderly Asian residents in the county have been inoculated. But public health officials warn there may be large differences within racial and ethnic groups, depending on their specific neighborhoods, income levels and other conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The need is urgent in East San Jose, said Maldonado. She called on Silicon Valley leaders to do more to support workers through the crisis, and on government officials to more fully prioritize vaccines for hard-hit areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t keep doing this, our people are not disposable. Our people deserve better,” she said. “We are in the heart of the pandemic here. And if that’s the case, then let’s be smart and strategic and get whatever we need to do to get this community the level of support and vaccinations that we need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Biden Administration Scraps Longer, More Difficult Trump-Era Citizenship Test",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This post was originally published on Dec. 1, 2020. It was updated Feb. 22, 2021 at 1 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration is discarding a Trump-era civics test that immigrants must pass to become American citizens, claiming the test, which was launched in December 2020, could create unnecessary barriers to naturalization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services announced Monday it is reverting to a 2008 version of the civics test, which the agency said was thoroughly developed during a multiyear period and piloted before its implementation. The reversal is part of a broad review of the naturalization process announced by President Biden last month “to eliminate barriers and make the process more accessible to all eligible individuals,” according to a statement by the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates had criticized the 2020 version of the exam, which was longer and potentially more difficult, as a last-ditch effort in the waning weeks of Donald Trump’s presidency to prevent immigrants from gaining the benefits of U.S. citizenship, including the ability to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“President Trump’s citizenship test was the product of bigotry and xenophobia, not civics, or a desire to improve the naturalization process,” Melissa Rodgers, who directs programs for the Immigrant Legal Resource Center in San Francisco, said in a statement. “We applaud USCIS and the Biden administration for taking this critical step.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrants who filed their application for citizenship between Dec. 1, 2020 and March 1, 2021 will have the option to take either the 2020 civics test or the 2008 version. USCIS said the 2020 test will be phased out on April 19, 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post from Dec. 1, 2020\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11850118/extienden-el-examen-para-la-ciudadania-defensores-de-inmigrantes-temen-que-esto-complique-mas-el-proceso\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting today, new applicants to become U.S. citizens will be required to pass a revised civics test that is longer and potentially more difficult than the previous version that had been in place for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/citizenship/find-study-materials-and-resources/study-for-the-test\">2020 version\u003c/a> of the civics test could impact an estimated 2.2 million green card holders in California who are eligible to naturalize, the most of any state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, the agency that processes naturalization applications, doubled the length of the oral exam. USCIS officers will now ask citizenship candidates 20 out of 128 possible questions. Applicants must answer 12 questions correctly in order to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the previous version of the test, candidates were asked up to 10 out of 100 questions. Immigrants who filed their applications before Dec. 1 will continue to take that version.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency said it revised the test to better assess an applicant’s required understanding of U.S. history and civics, and prepare them to participate in American democracy. The exam was last updated in 2008.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“U.S. citizenship is the most significant immigration benefit our country offers,” said Sharon Rummery, a USCIS spokeswoman. “Preparing for the naturalization test helps aspiring citizens fully understand the meaning and responsibilities of U.S. citizenship. This allows them to become successful, assimilated citizens who share the fundamental values that unite all Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But immigrant advocates denounced the revision as a last-ditch effort by the outgoing Trump administration to hinder immigrants’ ability to gain the benefits of American citizenship, including the right to vote in local, state and federal elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think that it’s a way to discourage people from applying for citizenship,” said Bethzy Garcia, who coordinates naturalization assistance at the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights in Los Angeles (CHIRLA). “It’s a way to intimidate people. As it is, many of our applicants feel very anxious about going to the test.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia said CHIRLA helps more than 1,000 people per year with the naturalization process, many of whom are older immigrants who may have limited English skills or trouble memorizing answers. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to understanding U.S. civics fundamentals, candidates for citizenship must be adults who can read and write basic English, and show good moral character, among other \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/citizenship/learn-about-citizenship/citizenship-and-naturalization\">requirements\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By law, USCIS will continue to provide special consideration for applicants who are 65 or older and who have been U.S. lawful permanent residents for at least 20 years. These applicants may study just 20 questions and take the test in the language of their choice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 9 million immigrants are eligible to apply for naturalization, according to \u003ca href=\"https://dornsife.usc.edu/csii/eligible-to-naturalize-map/\">estimates\u003c/a> by the Center for the Study of Immigrant Integration at the University of Southern California. But many decline to take that step, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2017/06/29/mexican-lawful-immigrants-among-least-likely-to-become-u-s-citizens/\">citing\u003c/a> a lack of English skills and the price tag of the U.S. citizenship application, which is currently $725.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, the Trump administration tried to dramatically \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11831748/a-wealth-test-for-citizenship-california-advocates-slam-trump-plan-to-hike-fees\">increase\u003c/a> the fee to apply for citizenship to up to $1,170, as well as hike the cost of work permits and other immigration benefits. But a federal court in San Francisco blocked the fee increases just days before they were set to go into effect on Oct. 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Diego Iñiguez-López, policy and campaigns manager with the National Partnership for New Americans']‘It’s very consistent with hundreds of anti-immigrant measures that we’ve seen under consideration.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, applying for citizenship has become more burdensome under President Trump, with USCIS officials requiring more documentation from applicants, such as up to 10 years of travel history instead of five, said Diego Iñiguez-López, policy and campaigns manager with the National Partnership for New Americans, a coalition of immigrant rights organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new civics test is another Trump administration policy aiming to prevent immigrants from obtaining U.S. citizenship, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very consistent with hundreds of anti-immigrant measures that we’ve seen under consideration,” Iñiguez-López said. “And it’s part of a larger attempt to exclude immigrants from the concepts of democracy and political representation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USCIS said it worked in close coordination with community-based organizations and adult educators throughout the revision process. But Iñiguez-López said there was “minimal effort” by the administration to get input from nonprofits and naturalization experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and other advocates criticized the phrasing and answers to some questions, including one that asks who a U.S. senator represents. In the previous test, the correct answer was “all people in a state.” Now, applicants must answer “citizens of their state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With that question, one, it’s incorrect, and two, it shows the anti-immigrant bias of the Trump administration in the form of the civics test,” Iñiguez-López said. “Senators represent all of the persons in their state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and other advocates are asking President-elect Joe Biden to restore the previous test. They also want the Biden administration to take steps to expand access to naturalization by canceling the proposed fee increases and streamlining the citizenship application process to reduce the backlog of more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/document/reports/N400_performancedata_fy2020_qtr3.pdf\">740,000\u003c/a> pending requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This post was originally published on Dec. 1, 2020. It was updated Feb. 22, 2021 at 1 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration is discarding a Trump-era civics test that immigrants must pass to become American citizens, claiming the test, which was launched in December 2020, could create unnecessary barriers to naturalization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services announced Monday it is reverting to a 2008 version of the civics test, which the agency said was thoroughly developed during a multiyear period and piloted before its implementation. The reversal is part of a broad review of the naturalization process announced by President Biden last month “to eliminate barriers and make the process more accessible to all eligible individuals,” according to a statement by the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates had criticized the 2020 version of the exam, which was longer and potentially more difficult, as a last-ditch effort in the waning weeks of Donald Trump’s presidency to prevent immigrants from gaining the benefits of U.S. citizenship, including the ability to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“President Trump’s citizenship test was the product of bigotry and xenophobia, not civics, or a desire to improve the naturalization process,” Melissa Rodgers, who directs programs for the Immigrant Legal Resource Center in San Francisco, said in a statement. “We applaud USCIS and the Biden administration for taking this critical step.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrants who filed their application for citizenship between Dec. 1, 2020 and March 1, 2021 will have the option to take either the 2020 civics test or the 2008 version. USCIS said the 2020 test will be phased out on April 19, 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post from Dec. 1, 2020\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11850118/extienden-el-examen-para-la-ciudadania-defensores-de-inmigrantes-temen-que-esto-complique-mas-el-proceso\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting today, new applicants to become U.S. citizens will be required to pass a revised civics test that is longer and potentially more difficult than the previous version that had been in place for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/citizenship/find-study-materials-and-resources/study-for-the-test\">2020 version\u003c/a> of the civics test could impact an estimated 2.2 million green card holders in California who are eligible to naturalize, the most of any state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, the agency that processes naturalization applications, doubled the length of the oral exam. USCIS officers will now ask citizenship candidates 20 out of 128 possible questions. Applicants must answer 12 questions correctly in order to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the previous version of the test, candidates were asked up to 10 out of 100 questions. Immigrants who filed their applications before Dec. 1 will continue to take that version.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency said it revised the test to better assess an applicant’s required understanding of U.S. history and civics, and prepare them to participate in American democracy. The exam was last updated in 2008.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“U.S. citizenship is the most significant immigration benefit our country offers,” said Sharon Rummery, a USCIS spokeswoman. “Preparing for the naturalization test helps aspiring citizens fully understand the meaning and responsibilities of U.S. citizenship. This allows them to become successful, assimilated citizens who share the fundamental values that unite all Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But immigrant advocates denounced the revision as a last-ditch effort by the outgoing Trump administration to hinder immigrants’ ability to gain the benefits of American citizenship, including the right to vote in local, state and federal elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think that it’s a way to discourage people from applying for citizenship,” said Bethzy Garcia, who coordinates naturalization assistance at the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights in Los Angeles (CHIRLA). “It’s a way to intimidate people. As it is, many of our applicants feel very anxious about going to the test.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia said CHIRLA helps more than 1,000 people per year with the naturalization process, many of whom are older immigrants who may have limited English skills or trouble memorizing answers. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to understanding U.S. civics fundamentals, candidates for citizenship must be adults who can read and write basic English, and show good moral character, among other \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/citizenship/learn-about-citizenship/citizenship-and-naturalization\">requirements\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By law, USCIS will continue to provide special consideration for applicants who are 65 or older and who have been U.S. lawful permanent residents for at least 20 years. These applicants may study just 20 questions and take the test in the language of their choice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 9 million immigrants are eligible to apply for naturalization, according to \u003ca href=\"https://dornsife.usc.edu/csii/eligible-to-naturalize-map/\">estimates\u003c/a> by the Center for the Study of Immigrant Integration at the University of Southern California. But many decline to take that step, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2017/06/29/mexican-lawful-immigrants-among-least-likely-to-become-u-s-citizens/\">citing\u003c/a> a lack of English skills and the price tag of the U.S. citizenship application, which is currently $725.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, the Trump administration tried to dramatically \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11831748/a-wealth-test-for-citizenship-california-advocates-slam-trump-plan-to-hike-fees\">increase\u003c/a> the fee to apply for citizenship to up to $1,170, as well as hike the cost of work permits and other immigration benefits. But a federal court in San Francisco blocked the fee increases just days before they were set to go into effect on Oct. 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It’s very consistent with hundreds of anti-immigrant measures that we’ve seen under consideration.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, applying for citizenship has become more burdensome under President Trump, with USCIS officials requiring more documentation from applicants, such as up to 10 years of travel history instead of five, said Diego Iñiguez-López, policy and campaigns manager with the National Partnership for New Americans, a coalition of immigrant rights organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new civics test is another Trump administration policy aiming to prevent immigrants from obtaining U.S. citizenship, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very consistent with hundreds of anti-immigrant measures that we’ve seen under consideration,” Iñiguez-López said. “And it’s part of a larger attempt to exclude immigrants from the concepts of democracy and political representation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USCIS said it worked in close coordination with community-based organizations and adult educators throughout the revision process. But Iñiguez-López said there was “minimal effort” by the administration to get input from nonprofits and naturalization experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and other advocates criticized the phrasing and answers to some questions, including one that asks who a U.S. senator represents. In the previous test, the correct answer was “all people in a state.” Now, applicants must answer “citizens of their state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With that question, one, it’s incorrect, and two, it shows the anti-immigrant bias of the Trump administration in the form of the civics test,” Iñiguez-López said. “Senators represent all of the persons in their state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and other advocates are asking President-elect Joe Biden to restore the previous test. They also want the Biden administration to take steps to expand access to naturalization by canceling the proposed fee increases and streamlining the citizenship application process to reduce the backlog of more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/document/reports/N400_performancedata_fy2020_qtr3.pdf\">740,000\u003c/a> pending requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Immigrants who sued to be released from detention during the COVID-19 pandemic have won support from a federal appeals court in San Francisco. A three-judge panel of the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals agreed Thursday afternoon that conditions in two California facilities were so hazardous they likely violated the Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last spring, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11813475/sf-public-defender-sues-for-release-of-ice-detainees-to-reduce-crowding\">the detainees sued\u003c/a> U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, saying the impossibility of social distancing and the lack of COVID-19 testing and measures like masks and disinfectant put them at risk of illness and death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Vince Chhabria agreed, calling crowded conditions a “tinderbox” at the Yuba County Jail and the privately run Mesa Verde ICE Processing Facility in Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chhabria issued a series of injunctions \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11832472/people-are-terrified-sf-judge-orders-covid-19-testing-at-ice-facility\">to force ICE to improve\u003c/a> the conditions of confinement. And he reviewed scores of bail applications, eventually releasing more than 130 people from the two facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration and the private prison company GEO Group appealed, saying the judge lacked authority to remedy conditions or release detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an unpublished ruling Thursday, the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals disagreed, saying that Chhabria had acted properly and that the plaintiffs had shown they were likely to succeed in proving that detention conditions in April violated their right to due process under the Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citing an earlier decision, the three judges – Marsha Berzon, Morgan Christen and Bridget Bade – wrote, “The Fifth Amendment requires the government to provide conditions of reasonable health and safety to people in its custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately the Mesa Verde facility suffered an outbreak of COVID-19 in August, and the Yuba County Jail was hit by the virus in December. Almost 70 detained immigrants eventually contracted COVID-19 at the two facilities, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/coronavirus#detStat\">according to ICE\u003c/a>. Those who got sick included \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11856995/they-didnt-listen-to-us-ice-detainee-who-waged-hunger-strikes-for-covid-19-protections-gets-virus\">one man who had participated in hunger strikes\u003c/a> to draw attention to COVID-19 risks at Yuba County Jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11856995 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Herrera-1020x771.jpg']Bree Bernwanger, a senior attorney with the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area, argued the case. She said the 9th Circuit’s ruling is a reminder that ICE officials must prioritize the safety of people in their custody over the agency’s interest in detaining them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE violates the Constitution when it subjects people to an unreasonable risk of harm in detention,” she said. “And the risk of contracting COVID is a serious one that is constitutionally protected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bernwanger also noted that ICE detention is a form of civil custody, meant to hold people facing possible deportation if they are a danger to the public or unlikely to appear in immigration court as scheduled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the fact that those who were let free are back in their homes, safe from the pandemic, and with only rare allegations that any of them violated the court order for their release shows that ICE detention is largely unnecessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE detention is a sham,” Bernwanger said. “It hasn’t been keeping anyone safer. It’s actually just been more dangerous to our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ICE spokesman said the agency is currently reviewing the 9th Circuit’s decision and has no further comment because the matter is in litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 9th Circuit panel referred the case to a mediation program to work out next steps, noting that conditions in ICE detention have changed considerably in recent months, as the pandemic progressed and Chhabria ordered additional protections.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Immigrants who sued to be released from detention during the COVID-19 pandemic have won support from a federal appeals court in San Francisco. A three-judge panel of the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals agreed Thursday afternoon that conditions in two California facilities were so hazardous they likely violated the Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last spring, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11813475/sf-public-defender-sues-for-release-of-ice-detainees-to-reduce-crowding\">the detainees sued\u003c/a> U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, saying the impossibility of social distancing and the lack of COVID-19 testing and measures like masks and disinfectant put them at risk of illness and death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Vince Chhabria agreed, calling crowded conditions a “tinderbox” at the Yuba County Jail and the privately run Mesa Verde ICE Processing Facility in Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chhabria issued a series of injunctions \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11832472/people-are-terrified-sf-judge-orders-covid-19-testing-at-ice-facility\">to force ICE to improve\u003c/a> the conditions of confinement. And he reviewed scores of bail applications, eventually releasing more than 130 people from the two facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration and the private prison company GEO Group appealed, saying the judge lacked authority to remedy conditions or release detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an unpublished ruling Thursday, the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals disagreed, saying that Chhabria had acted properly and that the plaintiffs had shown they were likely to succeed in proving that detention conditions in April violated their right to due process under the Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citing an earlier decision, the three judges – Marsha Berzon, Morgan Christen and Bridget Bade – wrote, “The Fifth Amendment requires the government to provide conditions of reasonable health and safety to people in its custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately the Mesa Verde facility suffered an outbreak of COVID-19 in August, and the Yuba County Jail was hit by the virus in December. Almost 70 detained immigrants eventually contracted COVID-19 at the two facilities, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/coronavirus#detStat\">according to ICE\u003c/a>. Those who got sick included \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11856995/they-didnt-listen-to-us-ice-detainee-who-waged-hunger-strikes-for-covid-19-protections-gets-virus\">one man who had participated in hunger strikes\u003c/a> to draw attention to COVID-19 risks at Yuba County Jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Bree Bernwanger, a senior attorney with the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area, argued the case. She said the 9th Circuit’s ruling is a reminder that ICE officials must prioritize the safety of people in their custody over the agency’s interest in detaining them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE violates the Constitution when it subjects people to an unreasonable risk of harm in detention,” she said. “And the risk of contracting COVID is a serious one that is constitutionally protected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bernwanger also noted that ICE detention is a form of civil custody, meant to hold people facing possible deportation if they are a danger to the public or unlikely to appear in immigration court as scheduled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the fact that those who were let free are back in their homes, safe from the pandemic, and with only rare allegations that any of them violated the court order for their release shows that ICE detention is largely unnecessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE detention is a sham,” Bernwanger said. “It hasn’t been keeping anyone safer. It’s actually just been more dangerous to our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ICE spokesman said the agency is currently reviewing the 9th Circuit’s decision and has no further comment because the matter is in litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 9th Circuit panel referred the case to a mediation program to work out next steps, noting that conditions in ICE detention have changed considerably in recent months, as the pandemic progressed and Chhabria ordered additional protections.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Biden Tries to Rein in ICE: New Rules Limit Who Immigration Agents Target for Arrest",
"title": "Biden Tries to Rein in ICE: New Rules Limit Who Immigration Agents Target for Arrest",
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"content": "\u003cp>After four years of former President Donald Trump's immigration crackdown, the Biden administration on Thursday announced new guidelines that are expected to sharply limit arrests and deportations carried out by Immigration and Customs Enforcement. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the guidance, ICE agents and officers have been told to prioritize threats to national security and public safety when deciding whom to arrest, detain and deport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials said the guidance is intended to help the agency allocate its limited resources to cases the public cares about most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Like every law enforcement agency at the local, state, and federal level, we must prioritize our efforts to achieve the greatest security and safety impact,\" ICE acting Director Tae Johnson said in a statement. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The guidance to ICE agents is part of a broader effort by President Biden to roll back the previous administration's hard-line immigration policies. Also on Thursday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/02/18/968989967/democrats-unveil-sweeping-immigration-bill\">congressional Democrats unveiled an immigration bill\u003c/a> – \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/inauguration-day-live-updates/2021/01/20/958626092/on-immigration-biden-goes-big-in-opening-bid-to-congress\">a plan that President Biden had proposed on his first day in office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill includes a path to citizenship for the estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants living in the United States and a fast-track process for young \"Dreamer\" immigrants brought to the country illegally as children. The bill faces steep hurdles in a divided Congress. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Changes at ICE also face pushback – from outside the agency and within. Immigration hawks complain that the new guidance will prevent ICE agents and officers from doing their jobs – in essence, abolishing ICE without actually abolishing it. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The men and women of ICE, they took an oath to enforce immigration laws,\" said Thomas Homan, who served as acting ICE director under former President Trump. \"It's unfortunate they can't do the job. ... And it's unfortunate that many criminals are going to be walking the streets of America because this administration simply thinks they're not important enough to take off the streets.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE is charged with enforcing the nation's immigration laws – including arresting and deporting people living in the country illegally. In many ways, its agents became the public face of Trump's immigration crackdown, spreading fear and confusion in immigrant communities. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new guidance also was greeted with criticism from some immigrant advocates. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Naureen Shah, senior advocacy and policy counsel for the American Civil Liberties Union, said in a statement that the Biden administration isn't going far enough to \"fully break from the harmful deportation policies of both the Trump and Obama presidencies.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shah said the guidance would lead to \"continued disproportionate deportations of Black and Brown immigrants, including Muslims\" and that it contradicts the Biden administration's pledge to make sure that people seeking asylum are treated with dignity. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new guidance directs ICE agents and officers to focus on non-citizens who recently crossed the border illegally, or who are deemed to be threats to national security or public safety. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The guidance defines a public safety threat as someone who has been convicted of an aggravated felony, such as murder and rape, or of actively participating in a criminal street gang. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Field officers have been instructed to seek preapproval from supervisors before making arrests of non-citizens convicted of other crimes, such as minor drug offenses, immigration offenses and driving under the influence. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In practice, that means ICE arrests would be limited largely to immigrants who have been convicted of felony offenses and are already detained in federal or state prisons. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's not unusual for enforcement priorities at ICE to change from administration to administration – nor is it unusual for the changes to be controversial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='ice']The Obama administration instructed ICE to prioritize criminals for removal. Obama then faced criticism from immigrant advocates who decried the dramatic rise in deportations under his watch, as well as immigration hard-liners who said he shouldn't have set any priorities that tied agents' hands. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration guidelines are more restrictive – and facing the same range of criticism. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Obama-era policies ... set a dangerous precedent for the non-enforcement of the immigration laws of the United States in the name of prioritizing scarce ICE resources,\" said Andrew Arthur, a former immigration judge who is now at the Center for Immigration Studies, a nonprofit in Washington that advocates for lower levels of immigration. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration's plan is \"much, much worse,\" Arthur \u003ca href=\"https://cis.org/Arthur/Biden-Limits-Immigration-Enforcement-Are-Much-Worse-Even-Obamas\">wrote in a blog post\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homan, the former acting director of ICE, predicted that the new guidance would hurt morale at the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the union representing ICE agents has been silent on the new Biden guidance, the National ICE Council twice endorsed Trump for president and agents talked openly about feeling empowered during his administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly before the Trump administration ended, the union signed an unusual labor agreement with ICE. According to a whistleblower complaint, the deal would have given the union extraordinary power to \"indefinitely delay\" changes to immigration enforcement policies that it doesn't like. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration said this week it is moving to scrap the deal. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Biden+Tries+To+Rein+In+ICE%3A+New+Rules+Limit+Who+Immigration+Agents+Target+for+Arrest+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After four years of former President Donald Trump's immigration crackdown, the Biden administration on Thursday announced new guidelines that are expected to sharply limit arrests and deportations carried out by Immigration and Customs Enforcement. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the guidance, ICE agents and officers have been told to prioritize threats to national security and public safety when deciding whom to arrest, detain and deport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials said the guidance is intended to help the agency allocate its limited resources to cases the public cares about most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Like every law enforcement agency at the local, state, and federal level, we must prioritize our efforts to achieve the greatest security and safety impact,\" ICE acting Director Tae Johnson said in a statement. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The guidance to ICE agents is part of a broader effort by President Biden to roll back the previous administration's hard-line immigration policies. Also on Thursday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/02/18/968989967/democrats-unveil-sweeping-immigration-bill\">congressional Democrats unveiled an immigration bill\u003c/a> – \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/inauguration-day-live-updates/2021/01/20/958626092/on-immigration-biden-goes-big-in-opening-bid-to-congress\">a plan that President Biden had proposed on his first day in office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill includes a path to citizenship for the estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants living in the United States and a fast-track process for young \"Dreamer\" immigrants brought to the country illegally as children. The bill faces steep hurdles in a divided Congress. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Changes at ICE also face pushback – from outside the agency and within. Immigration hawks complain that the new guidance will prevent ICE agents and officers from doing their jobs – in essence, abolishing ICE without actually abolishing it. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The men and women of ICE, they took an oath to enforce immigration laws,\" said Thomas Homan, who served as acting ICE director under former President Trump. \"It's unfortunate they can't do the job. ... And it's unfortunate that many criminals are going to be walking the streets of America because this administration simply thinks they're not important enough to take off the streets.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE is charged with enforcing the nation's immigration laws – including arresting and deporting people living in the country illegally. In many ways, its agents became the public face of Trump's immigration crackdown, spreading fear and confusion in immigrant communities. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new guidance also was greeted with criticism from some immigrant advocates. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Obama administration instructed ICE to prioritize criminals for removal. Obama then faced criticism from immigrant advocates who decried the dramatic rise in deportations under his watch, as well as immigration hard-liners who said he shouldn't have set any priorities that tied agents' hands. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration guidelines are more restrictive – and facing the same range of criticism. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Obama-era policies ... set a dangerous precedent for the non-enforcement of the immigration laws of the United States in the name of prioritizing scarce ICE resources,\" said Andrew Arthur, a former immigration judge who is now at the Center for Immigration Studies, a nonprofit in Washington that advocates for lower levels of immigration. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration's plan is \"much, much worse,\" Arthur \u003ca href=\"https://cis.org/Arthur/Biden-Limits-Immigration-Enforcement-Are-Much-Worse-Even-Obamas\">wrote in a blog post\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homan, the former acting director of ICE, predicted that the new guidance would hurt morale at the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the union representing ICE agents has been silent on the new Biden guidance, the National ICE Council twice endorsed Trump for president and agents talked openly about feeling empowered during his administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly before the Trump administration ended, the union signed an unusual labor agreement with ICE. According to a whistleblower complaint, the deal would have given the union extraordinary power to \"indefinitely delay\" changes to immigration enforcement policies that it doesn't like. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration said this week it is moving to scrap the deal. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Biden+Tries+To+Rein+In+ICE%3A+New+Rules+Limit+Who+Immigration+Agents+Target+for+Arrest+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Congressional Democrats unveiled a sweeping immigration bill Thursday that includes setting up a path to citizenship for the estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants living in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure is backed by President Biden and closely aligns with the plan he proposed on his \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/inauguration-day-live-updates/2021/01/20/958626092/on-immigration-biden-goes-big-in-opening-bid-to-congress\">first day in office\u003c/a>. His administration and congressional Democrats are under pressure from immigration advocates to act quickly to move the bill, but it’s unclear how quickly they will pursue passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Rep. Linda Sánchez, D-Los Angeles']‘I am the daughter of immigrant parents from Mexico. They came to this country and they work hard and they sacrificed every day to provide for me and my brothers and sisters … Their story is like the story of so many others.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have 11 million undocumented people living, working and raising families in our communities without legal status,” Sen. Bob Menendez, D-New Jersey, said during a news conference Thursday morning. “These are good and decent people who believe in the promise of America down to their bones.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menendez was joined by Rep. Linda Sánchez, D-California, who shared her family’s story of immigrating to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am the daughter of immigrant parents from Mexico. They came to this country and they work hard and they sacrificed every day to provide for me and my brothers and sisters,” she said. “Their story is like the story of so many others.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democratic bill includes a fast-track process for immigrants who were brought to the country by their parents at a young age (otherwise known as “DREAMers”), along with certain farmworkers and past recipients of temporary protected status, such as people who fled wars. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan seeks to boost the diversity visa program, a sharp departure from the Trump administration’s goal to eliminate the program. The bill also replaces the term “alien” in U.S. immigration laws with “noncitizen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s anticipated that Republicans will oppose many provisions in the legislation, which could signal that Democrats will need to employ alternative measures to push it through the Senate where, under current rules, it needs 60 votes to proceed. [aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason we have not gotten immigration reform over the finish line is not because of a lack of will,” Menendez said. “It is because time and time again, we have compromised too much and capitulated too quickly to fringe voices who have refused to accept the humanity and contributions of immigrants to our country and dismiss everything, no matter how significant it is in terms of the national security, as amnesty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a CNN town hall on Tuesday, Biden indicated that though he considers a pathway to citizenship essential, he may be open to a piecemeal approach to immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s things that I would deal by itself, but not at the expense of saying, ‘I’m never going to do the other,’ ” he \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2021/02/17/remarks-by-president-biden-in-a-cnn-town-hall-with-anderson-cooper/\">said\u003c/a>. “There is a reasonable path to citizenship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both former Presidents Barack Obama and George W. Bush had attempted to put their stamp on immigration by unveiling proposals that included pathways to citizenship, but both plans were rejected by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Democrats+Unveil+Sweeping+Immigration+Bill&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason we have not gotten immigration reform over the finish line is not because of a lack of will,” Menendez said. “It is because time and time again, we have compromised too much and capitulated too quickly to fringe voices who have refused to accept the humanity and contributions of immigrants to our country and dismiss everything, no matter how significant it is in terms of the national security, as amnesty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a CNN town hall on Tuesday, Biden indicated that though he considers a pathway to citizenship essential, he may be open to a piecemeal approach to immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s things that I would deal by itself, but not at the expense of saying, ‘I’m never going to do the other,’ ” he \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2021/02/17/remarks-by-president-biden-in-a-cnn-town-hall-with-anderson-cooper/\">said\u003c/a>. “There is a reasonable path to citizenship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both former Presidents Barack Obama and George W. Bush had attempted to put their stamp on immigration by unveiling proposals that included pathways to citizenship, but both plans were rejected by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Democrats+Unveil+Sweeping+Immigration+Bill&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In 1777, five families of mixed Mexican and African heritage arrived in Alta California with the Spanish to help establish \u003ca href=\"https://artsandculture.google.com/exhibit/a-year-in-the-life-of-a-spanish-colonial-pueblo-san-jos%C3%A9%C2%A0de-guadalupe-in-1809-history-san-jose/qgJCEgJtbqBZLw?hl=en\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">El Pueblo de San José de Guadalupe\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They grew the food for the presidios, the military installations in the Bay Area,” explains local historian Jan Batiste Adkins, who’s written \u003ca href=\"https://www.africanamericanhistories.com/\">three books\u003c/a> on the history of African Americans in the Bay Area. Adkins says those are the first Black families in the South Bay she’s found records for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She notes there have historically been very few African Americans who have lived on the Peninsula and in the South Bay. This explains the relative lack of awareness of their cultural and economic contributions to those areas, particularly compared to those of the much larger Black communities in San Francisco and Oakland. But that’s not to say the South Bay’s Black communities have not been influential, from “since before the beginning,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexico abolished slavery in 1829, but it took the United States until 1865 to officially do so. And although California was admitted to the Union in 1850 as a “free state,” the experience of Black residents here was complicated. There was even a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcet.org/shows/lost-la/los-angeles-1850s-slave-market-is-now-the-site-of-a-federal-courthouse\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">slave market\u003c/a> in Los Angeles. Some Southerners who came to California after the Gold Rush brought slaves with them, and a number of them subsequently sued to secure their freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11860514\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1280px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11860514\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj.jpeg\" alt=\"James Williams was brought to California as a slave to mine in Sacramento Valley. Once he earned enough money, Williams was able to buy his freedom and moved to Murphy Ranch in Milpitas in 1852. Later he started his own business and operated freight teams between Hollister and San Francisco.\" width=\"1280\" height=\"865\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj.jpeg 1280w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj-800x541.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj-1020x689.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj-160x108.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1280px) 100vw, 1280px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">James Williams was brought to California as a slave to mine for gold in the Sacramento Valley. Once he earned enough money, Williams was able to buy his freedom and moved in 1852 to Murphy Ranch in Milpitas. Later he started his own business and operated freight teams between Hollister and San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Santa Clara City Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Many of the families that came here came as freed men and women from the East Coast. Many of them [also] came as slaves, and found freedom here in California,” Adkins says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>First Draft of Black History\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the mid-19th century, a number of Black newspapers, like the \u003ca href=\"https://cdnc.ucr.edu/?a=cl&cl=CL1&sp=PA\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Pacific Appeal\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.loc.gov/item/sn83027100/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Mirror of the Times \u003c/a>and the \u003ca href=\"https://cdnc.ucr.edu/?a=cl&cl=CL1&sp=EL&\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Elevator\u003c/a>, emerged in San Francisco. Today, they remain a treasure trove of tidbits of early Black history in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consider this plea for subscriptions in the very first issue of the Pacific Appeal, in April 1862:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Reader! Our first number is before you. Will you sustain us in our infant enterprise? We have engaged in an undertaking which requires pecuniary outlay, energy, perseverance and ability. We have “Set our boat before the blast, Our breast before the gun,” and while there is a breeze to swell our canvas we will continue our voyage; — while we have a hand to wield a weapon (the pen,) we will battle against oppression and injustice. Will you support us?\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>“I just fell in love with reading about the history of African Americans,” Adkins said. “Those newspapers were published in San Francisco, and those newspapers carried the stories of local pioneers, not only in San Francisco, but in the entire Bay Area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>African Americans in the South Bay built homes, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/07/28/san-joses-historic-antioch-baptist-church-marks-a-milestone/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">churches\u003c/a> and schools. They were \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/explore/archy-lee.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">abolitionists\u003c/a> before the Civil War, and sued for civil rights afterward. But the community was tiny, less than 100 people through much of the 19th century, according to Adkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"tommie-smith\"]That changed with the Great Migration beginning in the early 20th century, as African Americans from southern and midwestern states seeking new economic opportunities were drawn to cities like San Jose, Palo Alto and Milpitas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After World War II, some African Americans who had first arrived elsewhere in the Bay Area for military manufacturing jobs, later moved to the South Bay and the Peninsula for other industrial work, especially at \u003ca href=\"https://milpitashistoricalsociety.org/milpitas-history/milpitas-street-names/gross-street/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ford Motor Company\u003c/a> in Milpitas. A number of large technology companies, like IBM, were also hiring, as were local \u003ca href=\"https://www.paloaltoonline.com/news/2017/02/23/city-to-honor-distinguished-african-american-leaders\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">governments\u003c/a> and universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But newly arrived African Americans quickly discovered they were shut out from living in most South Bay neighborhoods due to “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/18486/redlining\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">redlining\u003c/a>” and other discriminatory local housing policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were some exceptions, however, although few and far between. Adkins says some companies, like IBM, built worker housing where Black employees and their families could stay. And legendary Bay Area real estate developer \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11635574/how-joseph-eichler-introduced-stylish-housing-for-the-masses\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Joseph Eichler\u003c/a> famously did not discriminate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11860517\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1259px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11860517 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005.jpeg\" alt=\"The Jordan family poses for a photo in 1948. John Jordan settled in North San Jose in 1909, and was a leader in of the city's Antioch Baptist Church, itself established in 1893. \" width=\"1259\" height=\"960\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005.jpeg 1259w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005-800x610.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005-1020x778.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005-160x122.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1259px) 100vw, 1259px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Jordan family poses for a photo in 1948. John Jordan settled in North San Jose in 1909 and was a leader in the city’s Antioch Baptist Church, which was established in 1893. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Robert Ellington)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 1967, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/harry-edwards\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Harry Edwards\u003c/a>, a young San Jose State University faculty member and former student athlete, organized a demonstration on the first day of fall semester to protest the lack of student housing available to Black football players.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former KQED host Belva Davis, then with KPIX, \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/sfbatv/bundles/230943\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">reported\u003c/a>, “Protesting groups have given the administration until 11 a.m. Friday to do something about the situation, or else they say they’ll stop the coming weekend football game.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]The president of the university ultimately canceled that game, and campus activism for racial equality continued to grow throughout the late 1960s. Most famously, San Jose State sprinters Tommie Smith and John Carlos \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11711644/black-power-the-1968-olympics-and-the-san-jose-state-students-who-shook-the-world\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">raised their clenched fists\u003c/a> in a Black Power salute while receiving their medals during the 1968 Summer Olympics in Mexico City — a protest against racial discrimination back home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, though, the explosive growth of Silicon Valley and the concurrent explosion in real estate prices have driven many Black residents out of the South Bay. Roughly 55,000 African Americans now live in Santa Clara County, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/santaclaracountycalifornia\">less than 3%\u003c/a> of the total population, according to U.S. census figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adkins says her research into the local history of African Americans has convinced her there are many more fascinating stories hidden in the state’s archives and family attics that must be discovered and told.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My feeling,” she says, “is if we do not write our history, if we do not document our history, who will?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In 1777, five families of mixed Mexican and African heritage arrived in Alta California with the Spanish to help establish \u003ca href=\"https://artsandculture.google.com/exhibit/a-year-in-the-life-of-a-spanish-colonial-pueblo-san-jos%C3%A9%C2%A0de-guadalupe-in-1809-history-san-jose/qgJCEgJtbqBZLw?hl=en\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">El Pueblo de San José de Guadalupe\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They grew the food for the presidios, the military installations in the Bay Area,” explains local historian Jan Batiste Adkins, who’s written \u003ca href=\"https://www.africanamericanhistories.com/\">three books\u003c/a> on the history of African Americans in the Bay Area. Adkins says those are the first Black families in the South Bay she’s found records for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She notes there have historically been very few African Americans who have lived on the Peninsula and in the South Bay. This explains the relative lack of awareness of their cultural and economic contributions to those areas, particularly compared to those of the much larger Black communities in San Francisco and Oakland. But that’s not to say the South Bay’s Black communities have not been influential, from “since before the beginning,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexico abolished slavery in 1829, but it took the United States until 1865 to officially do so. And although California was admitted to the Union in 1850 as a “free state,” the experience of Black residents here was complicated. There was even a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcet.org/shows/lost-la/los-angeles-1850s-slave-market-is-now-the-site-of-a-federal-courthouse\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">slave market\u003c/a> in Los Angeles. Some Southerners who came to California after the Gold Rush brought slaves with them, and a number of them subsequently sued to secure their freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11860514\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1280px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11860514\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj.jpeg\" alt=\"James Williams was brought to California as a slave to mine in Sacramento Valley. Once he earned enough money, Williams was able to buy his freedom and moved to Murphy Ranch in Milpitas in 1852. Later he started his own business and operated freight teams between Hollister and San Francisco.\" width=\"1280\" height=\"865\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj.jpeg 1280w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj-800x541.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj-1020x689.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj-160x108.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1280px) 100vw, 1280px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">James Williams was brought to California as a slave to mine for gold in the Sacramento Valley. Once he earned enough money, Williams was able to buy his freedom and moved in 1852 to Murphy Ranch in Milpitas. Later he started his own business and operated freight teams between Hollister and San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Santa Clara City Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Many of the families that came here came as freed men and women from the East Coast. Many of them [also] came as slaves, and found freedom here in California,” Adkins says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>First Draft of Black History\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the mid-19th century, a number of Black newspapers, like the \u003ca href=\"https://cdnc.ucr.edu/?a=cl&cl=CL1&sp=PA\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Pacific Appeal\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.loc.gov/item/sn83027100/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Mirror of the Times \u003c/a>and the \u003ca href=\"https://cdnc.ucr.edu/?a=cl&cl=CL1&sp=EL&\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Elevator\u003c/a>, emerged in San Francisco. Today, they remain a treasure trove of tidbits of early Black history in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consider this plea for subscriptions in the very first issue of the Pacific Appeal, in April 1862:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Reader! Our first number is before you. Will you sustain us in our infant enterprise? We have engaged in an undertaking which requires pecuniary outlay, energy, perseverance and ability. We have “Set our boat before the blast, Our breast before the gun,” and while there is a breeze to swell our canvas we will continue our voyage; — while we have a hand to wield a weapon (the pen,) we will battle against oppression and injustice. Will you support us?\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>“I just fell in love with reading about the history of African Americans,” Adkins said. “Those newspapers were published in San Francisco, and those newspapers carried the stories of local pioneers, not only in San Francisco, but in the entire Bay Area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>African Americans in the South Bay built homes, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/07/28/san-joses-historic-antioch-baptist-church-marks-a-milestone/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">churches\u003c/a> and schools. They were \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/explore/archy-lee.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">abolitionists\u003c/a> before the Civil War, and sued for civil rights afterward. But the community was tiny, less than 100 people through much of the 19th century, according to Adkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That changed with the Great Migration beginning in the early 20th century, as African Americans from southern and midwestern states seeking new economic opportunities were drawn to cities like San Jose, Palo Alto and Milpitas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After World War II, some African Americans who had first arrived elsewhere in the Bay Area for military manufacturing jobs, later moved to the South Bay and the Peninsula for other industrial work, especially at \u003ca href=\"https://milpitashistoricalsociety.org/milpitas-history/milpitas-street-names/gross-street/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ford Motor Company\u003c/a> in Milpitas. A number of large technology companies, like IBM, were also hiring, as were local \u003ca href=\"https://www.paloaltoonline.com/news/2017/02/23/city-to-honor-distinguished-african-american-leaders\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">governments\u003c/a> and universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But newly arrived African Americans quickly discovered they were shut out from living in most South Bay neighborhoods due to “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/18486/redlining\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">redlining\u003c/a>” and other discriminatory local housing policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were some exceptions, however, although few and far between. Adkins says some companies, like IBM, built worker housing where Black employees and their families could stay. And legendary Bay Area real estate developer \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11635574/how-joseph-eichler-introduced-stylish-housing-for-the-masses\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Joseph Eichler\u003c/a> famously did not discriminate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11860517\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1259px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11860517 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005.jpeg\" alt=\"The Jordan family poses for a photo in 1948. John Jordan settled in North San Jose in 1909, and was a leader in of the city's Antioch Baptist Church, itself established in 1893. \" width=\"1259\" height=\"960\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005.jpeg 1259w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005-800x610.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005-1020x778.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005-160x122.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1259px) 100vw, 1259px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Jordan family poses for a photo in 1948. John Jordan settled in North San Jose in 1909 and was a leader in the city’s Antioch Baptist Church, which was established in 1893. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Robert Ellington)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 1967, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/harry-edwards\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Harry Edwards\u003c/a>, a young San Jose State University faculty member and former student athlete, organized a demonstration on the first day of fall semester to protest the lack of student housing available to Black football players.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former KQED host Belva Davis, then with KPIX, \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/sfbatv/bundles/230943\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">reported\u003c/a>, “Protesting groups have given the administration until 11 a.m. Friday to do something about the situation, or else they say they’ll stop the coming weekend football game.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The president of the university ultimately canceled that game, and campus activism for racial equality continued to grow throughout the late 1960s. Most famously, San Jose State sprinters Tommie Smith and John Carlos \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11711644/black-power-the-1968-olympics-and-the-san-jose-state-students-who-shook-the-world\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">raised their clenched fists\u003c/a> in a Black Power salute while receiving their medals during the 1968 Summer Olympics in Mexico City — a protest against racial discrimination back home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, though, the explosive growth of Silicon Valley and the concurrent explosion in real estate prices have driven many Black residents out of the South Bay. Roughly 55,000 African Americans now live in Santa Clara County, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/santaclaracountycalifornia\">less than 3%\u003c/a> of the total population, according to U.S. census figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adkins says her research into the local history of African Americans has convinced her there are many more fascinating stories hidden in the state’s archives and family attics that must be discovered and told.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My feeling,” she says, “is if we do not write our history, if we do not document our history, who will?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Newsom, Lawmakers Agree To $600 Stimulus Checks Plus Boost For Undocumented Workers",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This post has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Congress hammers out President Joe Biden’s $1.9 trillion stimulus package, California has worked out its own plan to get more cash into the hands of struggling Californians, particularly undocumented families left out of federal assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After weeks of public hearings and closed-door negotiations, Gov. Gavin Newsom, Senate leader Toni G. Atkins and Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon today announced $600 one-time payments to households receiving the state’s earned income tax credit, along with an extra $600 for undocumented taxpayers earning less than $75,000 who were ineligible for previous federal stimulus payments and other assistance for low-income residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal is a compromise version of Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/01/newsom-wants-extra-600-stimulus-for-low-wage-californians/\">Golden State Stimulus\u003c/a> package and would help an estimated 5.7 million Californians. It now needs formal approval in the state Legislature as part of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/02/17/governor-newsom-legislative-leaders-announce-immediate-action-agreement-for-relief-to-californians-experiencing-pandemic-hardship/\">$9.6 billion California economic stimulus package\u003c/a> aimed at helping workers and small businesses. A vote could come as soon as Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are hungry and hurting,” Atkins, a San Diego Democrat, said in a statement. “I’m proud we were able to come together to get Californians some needed relief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Senate leader Toni G. Atkins']'People are hungry and hurting ... I’m proud we were able to come together to get Californians some needed relief.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Newsom’s original $2.4 billion proposal, California would have sent $600 payments to the families of approximately 4 million workers with annual incomes below $30,000, including some undocumented workers. But some advocates and lawmakers argued that the money would be better spent on filling gaps in federal relief, rather than trying to jumpstart the economy. Instead, they pushed for two alternatives that would send much larger cash payments payments to California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/undocumented-immigrants-in-california/\">nearly one in 10 workers\u003c/a> who are undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today’s $3.8 billion Golden State Stimulus deal took those concerns into account. California will now send $600 tax rebates out to 3.8 million workers who made less than $30,000 last year. On top of that, an estimated 575,000 undocumented workers who make up to $75,000 a year will get an extra $600, in some cases bringing their total aid to $1,200.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grants of $600 will also go out to 405,000 very low-income families with children enrolled in CalWorks, as well as 1.2 million elderly, blind and disabled recipients of Supplemental Security Income or the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/capi\">state’s Cash Assistance Program for Immigrants\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Sending Out More Cash\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California’s coffers have grown since Newsom’s January proposal, likely increasing lawmakers’ appetite to send out more cash. \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1357089574288117760?s=20\">The state now expects\u003c/a> $10.3 billion more in revenue than was projected in January, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/01/california-budget-depends-on-staggering-wealth-gap/\">driven by the pandemic gains of the state’s wealthiest residents\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sending thousands in relief to undocumented immigrants would be a political nonstarter in most other parts of the country. But not in California, which has used its growing Democratic super majority of legislators — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/california-legislature/2021/01/how-diverse-california-legislature/\">of which one in four are Latino\u003c/a> — to break economic barriers for those without legal status, granting them driver’s licenses, sending them low-income tax refunds and expanding health care for undocumented children and young adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think about my community and the 2 million people across the state who have been left out of any type of assistance,” said Assembly Member Wendy Carrillo, a Democrat from Los Angeles who was formally undocumented herself, in a hearing on the proposal. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Ineligible For Federal Aid\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Undocumented Californians, many who work in industries ravaged both by pandemic closures and the coronavirus itself, don’t qualify for federal stimulus payments and unemployment benefits. They are also largely ineligible for other safety net benefits, like food stamps. Newsom created a program to send $500 to undocumented immigrants last spring, but there was only enough money for about 150,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the summer, Newsom also created Housing for the Harvest to provide hotel rooms for farmworkers who can’t safely quarantine at home. But as of late January, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2020/12/why-few-farmworkers-isolate-in-californias-free-covid-19-hotel-rooms/\">just 119 rooms had been reserved\u003c/a>. Earlier today Newsom acknowledged that the program has been “underutilized.” The early action deal doubles down on the program, investing $24 million in financial assistance and services for farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s stimulus will act like a boost to the California’s Earned Income Tax Credit, which is already available to undocumented workers who file taxes with an Individual Taxpayer Identification Number, thanks to a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2020/09/newsom-weighs-pandemic-relief-for-undocumented-immigrants/\">new law passed last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During legislative hearings, the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office recommended sending \u003ca href=\"https://abgt.assembly.ca.gov/sites/abgt.assembly.ca.gov/files/Feb%202%20Sub%204%20LAO%20The-2021-22-Budget-Golden-State-Stimulus-012221.pdf\">$1,800 payments\u003c/a> just to the low-income ITIN filers, cutting the plan’s price tag to under $1 billion. Then distribute the remaining funds to the approximately half of undocumented workers who don’t have ITINS or other very low-income Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Target Aid To Undocumented\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fiscal and policy analyst Chas Alamo said Newsom’s $2.4 billion proposal was too small to stimulate California’s $3.1 trillion economy. By contrast, he noted Californians received about $4 billion in unemployment benefits each week during 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The LAO alternative had gained support from a group of 17 Assembly Democrats. [aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must continue to work together to address the void created by years of inaction by the federal government that has left our undocumented worker population in the cold, without any viable economic support to survive this pandemic,” the lawmakers wrote in a letter to the budget committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, a coalition of pro-immigrant and anti-poverty advocacy groups had called for lawmakers to build immigrant relief on top of Newsom’s original proposal: For most workers, they wanted to keep the $600 tax credits. For households making less than $50,000 last year that file taxes with ITINS, they asked California to send $1,200 per parent and child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The compromise with Newsom was less. Advocates applauded lawmakers for sending extra help to undocumented immigrants, but said it didn’t go far enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With a multibillion dollar surplus we should be creating a real California for All,” said Sasha Feldstein, economic justice policy manager at the California Immigrant Policy Center. “And that means filling in all of the gaps left by exclusionary federal relief efforts, not just pieces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "As Congress debates President Biden’s $1.9 trillion stimulus package, state lawmakers have been negotiating their own plan to send cash to struggling Californians, splitting over whether to target the cash to undocumented workers left out of federal relief.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This post has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Congress hammers out President Joe Biden’s $1.9 trillion stimulus package, California has worked out its own plan to get more cash into the hands of struggling Californians, particularly undocumented families left out of federal assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After weeks of public hearings and closed-door negotiations, Gov. Gavin Newsom, Senate leader Toni G. Atkins and Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon today announced $600 one-time payments to households receiving the state’s earned income tax credit, along with an extra $600 for undocumented taxpayers earning less than $75,000 who were ineligible for previous federal stimulus payments and other assistance for low-income residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal is a compromise version of Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/01/newsom-wants-extra-600-stimulus-for-low-wage-californians/\">Golden State Stimulus\u003c/a> package and would help an estimated 5.7 million Californians. It now needs formal approval in the state Legislature as part of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/02/17/governor-newsom-legislative-leaders-announce-immediate-action-agreement-for-relief-to-californians-experiencing-pandemic-hardship/\">$9.6 billion California economic stimulus package\u003c/a> aimed at helping workers and small businesses. A vote could come as soon as Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are hungry and hurting,” Atkins, a San Diego Democrat, said in a statement. “I’m proud we were able to come together to get Californians some needed relief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Newsom’s original $2.4 billion proposal, California would have sent $600 payments to the families of approximately 4 million workers with annual incomes below $30,000, including some undocumented workers. But some advocates and lawmakers argued that the money would be better spent on filling gaps in federal relief, rather than trying to jumpstart the economy. Instead, they pushed for two alternatives that would send much larger cash payments payments to California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/undocumented-immigrants-in-california/\">nearly one in 10 workers\u003c/a> who are undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today’s $3.8 billion Golden State Stimulus deal took those concerns into account. California will now send $600 tax rebates out to 3.8 million workers who made less than $30,000 last year. On top of that, an estimated 575,000 undocumented workers who make up to $75,000 a year will get an extra $600, in some cases bringing their total aid to $1,200.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grants of $600 will also go out to 405,000 very low-income families with children enrolled in CalWorks, as well as 1.2 million elderly, blind and disabled recipients of Supplemental Security Income or the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/capi\">state’s Cash Assistance Program for Immigrants\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Sending Out More Cash\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California’s coffers have grown since Newsom’s January proposal, likely increasing lawmakers’ appetite to send out more cash. \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1357089574288117760?s=20\">The state now expects\u003c/a> $10.3 billion more in revenue than was projected in January, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/01/california-budget-depends-on-staggering-wealth-gap/\">driven by the pandemic gains of the state’s wealthiest residents\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sending thousands in relief to undocumented immigrants would be a political nonstarter in most other parts of the country. But not in California, which has used its growing Democratic super majority of legislators — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/california-legislature/2021/01/how-diverse-california-legislature/\">of which one in four are Latino\u003c/a> — to break economic barriers for those without legal status, granting them driver’s licenses, sending them low-income tax refunds and expanding health care for undocumented children and young adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think about my community and the 2 million people across the state who have been left out of any type of assistance,” said Assembly Member Wendy Carrillo, a Democrat from Los Angeles who was formally undocumented herself, in a hearing on the proposal. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Ineligible For Federal Aid\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Undocumented Californians, many who work in industries ravaged both by pandemic closures and the coronavirus itself, don’t qualify for federal stimulus payments and unemployment benefits. They are also largely ineligible for other safety net benefits, like food stamps. Newsom created a program to send $500 to undocumented immigrants last spring, but there was only enough money for about 150,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the summer, Newsom also created Housing for the Harvest to provide hotel rooms for farmworkers who can’t safely quarantine at home. But as of late January, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2020/12/why-few-farmworkers-isolate-in-californias-free-covid-19-hotel-rooms/\">just 119 rooms had been reserved\u003c/a>. Earlier today Newsom acknowledged that the program has been “underutilized.” The early action deal doubles down on the program, investing $24 million in financial assistance and services for farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s stimulus will act like a boost to the California’s Earned Income Tax Credit, which is already available to undocumented workers who file taxes with an Individual Taxpayer Identification Number, thanks to a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2020/09/newsom-weighs-pandemic-relief-for-undocumented-immigrants/\">new law passed last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During legislative hearings, the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office recommended sending \u003ca href=\"https://abgt.assembly.ca.gov/sites/abgt.assembly.ca.gov/files/Feb%202%20Sub%204%20LAO%20The-2021-22-Budget-Golden-State-Stimulus-012221.pdf\">$1,800 payments\u003c/a> just to the low-income ITIN filers, cutting the plan’s price tag to under $1 billion. Then distribute the remaining funds to the approximately half of undocumented workers who don’t have ITINS or other very low-income Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Target Aid To Undocumented\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fiscal and policy analyst Chas Alamo said Newsom’s $2.4 billion proposal was too small to stimulate California’s $3.1 trillion economy. By contrast, he noted Californians received about $4 billion in unemployment benefits each week during 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The LAO alternative had gained support from a group of 17 Assembly Democrats. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must continue to work together to address the void created by years of inaction by the federal government that has left our undocumented worker population in the cold, without any viable economic support to survive this pandemic,” the lawmakers wrote in a letter to the budget committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, a coalition of pro-immigrant and anti-poverty advocacy groups had called for lawmakers to build immigrant relief on top of Newsom’s original proposal: For most workers, they wanted to keep the $600 tax credits. For households making less than $50,000 last year that file taxes with ITINS, they asked California to send $1,200 per parent and child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The compromise with Newsom was less. Advocates applauded lawmakers for sending extra help to undocumented immigrants, but said it didn’t go far enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With a multibillion dollar surplus we should be creating a real California for All,” said Sasha Feldstein, economic justice policy manager at the California Immigrant Policy Center. “And that means filling in all of the gaps left by exclusionary federal relief efforts, not just pieces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "COVID-19 Puts Amache Camp’s National Park Pursuit in Limbo",
"title": "COVID-19 Puts Amache Camp’s National Park Pursuit in Limbo",
"headTitle": "KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>At first, the trip unfolded as just an academic tracing of family history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Tonai had for years heard the stories from his father, Minoru, about the Amache internment camp in southeastern Colorado, where the U.S. government transported thousands of Japanese Americans from California and held them behind barbed wire and guard posts for three years during World War II. The family lore became a constant soundtrack that, over time, receded to a kind of background noise — always heard, seldom absorbed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in 1990, as a master’s student at the University of Northern Colorado, Tonai actually visited the site just outside the town of Granada. He explored the remnants of building foundations and other landmarks for an independent study project in photography.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His father had described the exact location of the family barracks — Building 9L, Apartment B. Tonai approached a slight dip in what remained of the foundation, a subtle reminder of the doorway to another time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just stepping across that threshold proved a life-changing experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I did that,” recalls Tonai, 60, “the stories came flooding back. My father used to talk about things like walking down a certain road at the camp, and now I could envision him as a 13- to 16-year-old boy, actually doing it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Tonai’s experience decades ago, the Amache site has been curated and improved, largely under the leadership of the Amache Preservation Society, a local school project headed by John Hopper, a social studies teacher-turned-principal of Granada High School. Hundreds of local students have found the single square mile of land a valuable historical resource, but it also has hosted years of pilgrimages for the former incarcerees and their families and drawn more than 20,000 visitors annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of that has led Amache to another threshold. Supporters of the site have pushed to establish it as a unit of the National Park System, a designation that could literally put Amache on the map as a federally run tourist destination. It also would shift most of the work around caring for it — a tall task that up to now has been mostly the province of Hopper and a handful of high school kids — to federal authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People like Tonai and his father, about to turn 92, have lent their voices to the ongoing preservation of a site that has broad historical and cultural importance, but particular resonance for the families of those who experienced Amache firsthand.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"John Tonai, who heard stories of Japanese internment from his father\"]'My dad was a teenager, just coming into his own, and he was always very angry about it. He has always supported preserving the memory of the camp.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He probably has stronger thoughts than almost anybody I know,” Tonai, who now works as an exhibit preparator and photographer for the Japanese American National Museum in Los Angeles, says of his father. “My dad was a teenager, just coming into his own, and he was always very angry about it. He has always supported preserving the memory of the camp.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effort on the federal level officially began in late 2019 with the John D. Dingell Jr. Conservation, Management, and Recreation Act. The massive legislation included dozens of initiatives and effectively launched a study of the Amache site’s suitability. But months later, the gears ground to a halt: Most significantly, the COVID-19 crisis stifled the normal schedule of public comment and wreaked havoc on the prescribed timeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, it’s kind of in limbo,” Hopper says. “The way I’m looking at it, we’ve lost a year with the COVID deal, not being able to meet in person.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An already lengthy federal process — the study and recommendation alone have a three-year timeline — suddenly seemed to get nudged even further into the future. For Hopper, who has seen his work with Amache become an all-consuming passion, the prospect of handing the lion’s share of the responsibility for the site to the government experts sooner rather than later offers peace of mind — not to mention the chance for actual retirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s something that not only has become a part of my life, but it’s on my mind just about every day — doesn’t matter what day,” Hopper, 57, says of Amache. “It’s always on my mind. It’s made me what I am, from an educational standpoint with these students. I want to make sure that the school continues to be involved as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a time when rural Colorado struggles with declining population and attendant economic challenges, Amache offers restorative opportunities. The work of the Amache Preservation Society has already helped restore a valuable historic and cultural marker. And in combination with both the Sand Creek Massacre National Historic Site near Eads and a similar attraction at Bent’s Old Fort in La Junta — each less than an hour’s drive from Granada – it creates a historic triangle on the Eastern Plains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>National Park designation would only add to the attraction, Hopper figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People would be a lot more aware,” he says. “Once they’re down here and tour all these sites, there are a lot of others. We’ve got the Santa Fe Trail, plus museums in Holly and Las Animas. We’re building up a decent historical area for people to come and see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Amache, structures from barracks to the camp’s guard and water towers have been reconstituted on the grounds. Memorials have been constructed or restored. An original recreation center at the camp that had been moved to Granada’s city park was returned to its original foundation. A museum in town has slowly collected an impressive array of artifacts from the era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People come from a long distance away to see Amache,” Hopper says. “That’s a help for the community, as well as people spending dollars and time in Granada. That’s the other thing: You become a National Park site, and it helps the community with more jobs and kind of solidifies that the community will stay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>COVID-19-related delays in the federal study’s public engagement effort, which stalled last spring, could push that portion of the process to next spring, notes Jeremy Sweat, chief of planning and compliance for the National Park Service regional office in Lakewood. Some meetings scheduled to take place in person, including some on the West Coast to accommodate original internees and their families, had to be canceled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once a new NPS team has been assembled, he adds, some virtual meetings will be added to the schedule to receive public input. When that portion of the process is complete, the federal staffers will start analyzing the four key criteria that figure into the study recommendation to the Secretary of the Interior, who then forwards the report to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress isn’t bound by the findings, which are designed simply to inform lawmakers. Any member could still introduce a bill to establish Amache as a unit of the National Park System, Sweat says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Checking the boxes\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The Amache incarceration site already has been designated a National Historic Landmark. But to become a unit of the National Park System, it would need to pass four additional tests during the site study. On average, about one in four studies results in a recommendation for inclusion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with approval, the NPS notes, it can take as long as 10 years to get a new national park up and running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, Amache is hoping to clear four hurdles of the site study:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Significance: Amache’s status as a National Historic Landmark already pretty well checks this box.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We typically still do some level of analysis to make sure nothing has changed, that there’s no new information,” Sweat says. “But in this case, it’s safe to say it’s nationally significant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A couple of other factors also weigh in its favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Ralph Carr’s welcoming the arrival of Japanese Americans, in stark contrast to many other reactions across the country and even sentiment within Colorado, bolsters the site with a unique set of historical circumstances. Additionally, Amache experienced much less conflict and violence than other incarceration sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suitability: This is where the process becomes even more detailed, as the focus turns to the site’s uniqueness and whether or not it’s represented or protected by other entities. Here, the study completes a comparative analysis to other sites — and among the 10 camps that were scattered across the interior U.S., a handful of others have already achieved federal recognition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sweat explains that the study looks at whether other sites tell the exact same story or have similar resources. But he emphasizes that the fact that there are other incarceration sites in other areas of the country in no way disqualifies Amache from consideration. The U.S. has many federally recognized sites that reference the same general historical narrative, such as the Civil War or Revolutionary War or even other Japanese American sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as it’s demonstrated that the site has a unique history and resources, that doesn’t count against it,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feasibility: This portion of the study looks at whether the site is of sufficient size and appropriate configuration to allow the NPS to manage it at a reasonable cost. Sweat says that access is a key factor here — whether the site can be accessed safely by visitors, but also that it can be acquired as federal land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Amache grounds are owned by the town of Granada, which Hopper says currently seems disposed to offer the land for a National Park site. But that can change with the political winds, which is another reason Hopper would like to see this process move quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With local elections, you never know,” he says. “Maybe down the road people say maybe we don’t want to donate the land now. That’s why I’d like to move this along. But it’s not going to move along anytime soon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Need for NPS management: The question here is whether NPS management is the “clearly superior” approach to other options. Could a site continue under its current management or move to management by some other entity, whether state or federal, private or nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fact that Amache already benefits from the management of the Amache Preservation Society doesn’t necessarily mean that this is the optimal approach — and won’t count against the site in the study. [aside tag=\"internment, japanese\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely not a disqualifier that there’s an existing organization,” Sweat says. “Most that are considered for inclusion in the Park Service usually have a managing entity. The real question is whether it’s necessary for the federal government and Park Service to manage, or does it receive adequate protection from the existing organization?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hopper feels that National Park designation would be optimal, though if the federal government were to disagree he would probably pursue other avenues, such as the creation of a state park on the site. But he has looked hard at all the NPS criteria and, by his calculation, Amache more than measures up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought we were a good fit on all of them,” he says. “Amache is nationally significant, and we’d be the furthest east of all the other National Park camps. We’re right on Highway 50, a coast-to-coast highway that’s well traveled. And Amache has a uniqueness about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Maintenance isn’t easy\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The site can be a handful for the students to maintain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hopper has nine students participating this year, and their time has been consumed re-staining the guard tower, mowing, trimming trees, conducting tours and working at the museum. They also typically give presentations about the camp to schools in Colorado, Kansas and Oklahoma. Every other year — at least before COVID — students also visited Japan and stayed with host families to learn more about the culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A current project has featured students helping to erect a replica of a historic kiosk that displayed the names of all the internees from Amache who served in the U.S. military.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re talking around a thousand names — plus a Medal of Honor recipient, and of course the 31 who died fighting for the United States,” Hopper says. “I’ve got students filing names correctly so we can get them to a company to manufacture panels for us. I used to be a roofer, so I built the roof myself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it’s finished, the kiosk will greet visitors at the main gate, with a series of flagpoles behind it flying the American flag, Colorado state flag, the flag for the 442nd Infantry Regiment that included almost entirely soldiers of Japanese American ancestry and a yet-to-be designed flag representing Amache.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Then we’ll light it up so people will understand that the people at Amache fought for the United States,” Hopper says. “So many people don’t understand that. You wouldn’t believe it. We still have people saying they were POWs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, if the study process moves Amache to the next stage, a member of Congress could introduce a bill to authorize the creation of a new National Park. That would then need to pass in both the House and Senate and be signed into law by the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the outcome that would bring Hopper a sense of completion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I retire, I want to feel good about it,” he says. “I want to walk away and let the next generation take it on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s where Tanner Grasmick comes in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 26-year-old social studies teacher grew up around Granada and, in his senior year, worked at Amache fixing signs, doing restoration, giving tours and then traveling to spread the word around the region. He even visited Japan, where he met a host family with whom he remains in touch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His dedication to Amache now has the familiar echo of Hopper’s as he works the dark history of the camp into his own teaching at Granada High School. That’s why Hopper already has tagged him as his successor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether the National Park Service takes control of the site or not, there will always be a role for the area kids — even if it’s just managing the museum, which would remain a separate, local entity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grasmick feels like he’s up for the task of following in his teacher’s footsteps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve met countless people from pilgrimages to Amache, and they’re such great people that I’d love to continue on with what Mr. Hopper has done and keep it going for them, too,” he says. “I’d definitely like to do it for a lifetime commitment.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Supporters of Colorado's Amache site — formerly a Japanese internment location — want to establish it as part of the National Park System, a designation that could literally put Amache on the map as a federally run tourist destination. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>At first, the trip unfolded as just an academic tracing of family history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Tonai had for years heard the stories from his father, Minoru, about the Amache internment camp in southeastern Colorado, where the U.S. government transported thousands of Japanese Americans from California and held them behind barbed wire and guard posts for three years during World War II. The family lore became a constant soundtrack that, over time, receded to a kind of background noise — always heard, seldom absorbed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in 1990, as a master’s student at the University of Northern Colorado, Tonai actually visited the site just outside the town of Granada. He explored the remnants of building foundations and other landmarks for an independent study project in photography.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His father had described the exact location of the family barracks — Building 9L, Apartment B. Tonai approached a slight dip in what remained of the foundation, a subtle reminder of the doorway to another time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just stepping across that threshold proved a life-changing experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I did that,” recalls Tonai, 60, “the stories came flooding back. My father used to talk about things like walking down a certain road at the camp, and now I could envision him as a 13- to 16-year-old boy, actually doing it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Tonai’s experience decades ago, the Amache site has been curated and improved, largely under the leadership of the Amache Preservation Society, a local school project headed by John Hopper, a social studies teacher-turned-principal of Granada High School. Hundreds of local students have found the single square mile of land a valuable historical resource, but it also has hosted years of pilgrimages for the former incarcerees and their families and drawn more than 20,000 visitors annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of that has led Amache to another threshold. Supporters of the site have pushed to establish it as a unit of the National Park System, a designation that could literally put Amache on the map as a federally run tourist destination. It also would shift most of the work around caring for it — a tall task that up to now has been mostly the province of Hopper and a handful of high school kids — to federal authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People like Tonai and his father, about to turn 92, have lent their voices to the ongoing preservation of a site that has broad historical and cultural importance, but particular resonance for the families of those who experienced Amache firsthand.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He probably has stronger thoughts than almost anybody I know,” Tonai, who now works as an exhibit preparator and photographer for the Japanese American National Museum in Los Angeles, says of his father. “My dad was a teenager, just coming into his own, and he was always very angry about it. He has always supported preserving the memory of the camp.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effort on the federal level officially began in late 2019 with the John D. Dingell Jr. Conservation, Management, and Recreation Act. The massive legislation included dozens of initiatives and effectively launched a study of the Amache site’s suitability. But months later, the gears ground to a halt: Most significantly, the COVID-19 crisis stifled the normal schedule of public comment and wreaked havoc on the prescribed timeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, it’s kind of in limbo,” Hopper says. “The way I’m looking at it, we’ve lost a year with the COVID deal, not being able to meet in person.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An already lengthy federal process — the study and recommendation alone have a three-year timeline — suddenly seemed to get nudged even further into the future. For Hopper, who has seen his work with Amache become an all-consuming passion, the prospect of handing the lion’s share of the responsibility for the site to the government experts sooner rather than later offers peace of mind — not to mention the chance for actual retirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s something that not only has become a part of my life, but it’s on my mind just about every day — doesn’t matter what day,” Hopper, 57, says of Amache. “It’s always on my mind. It’s made me what I am, from an educational standpoint with these students. I want to make sure that the school continues to be involved as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a time when rural Colorado struggles with declining population and attendant economic challenges, Amache offers restorative opportunities. The work of the Amache Preservation Society has already helped restore a valuable historic and cultural marker. And in combination with both the Sand Creek Massacre National Historic Site near Eads and a similar attraction at Bent’s Old Fort in La Junta — each less than an hour’s drive from Granada – it creates a historic triangle on the Eastern Plains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>National Park designation would only add to the attraction, Hopper figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People would be a lot more aware,” he says. “Once they’re down here and tour all these sites, there are a lot of others. We’ve got the Santa Fe Trail, plus museums in Holly and Las Animas. We’re building up a decent historical area for people to come and see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Amache, structures from barracks to the camp’s guard and water towers have been reconstituted on the grounds. Memorials have been constructed or restored. An original recreation center at the camp that had been moved to Granada’s city park was returned to its original foundation. A museum in town has slowly collected an impressive array of artifacts from the era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People come from a long distance away to see Amache,” Hopper says. “That’s a help for the community, as well as people spending dollars and time in Granada. That’s the other thing: You become a National Park site, and it helps the community with more jobs and kind of solidifies that the community will stay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>COVID-19-related delays in the federal study’s public engagement effort, which stalled last spring, could push that portion of the process to next spring, notes Jeremy Sweat, chief of planning and compliance for the National Park Service regional office in Lakewood. Some meetings scheduled to take place in person, including some on the West Coast to accommodate original internees and their families, had to be canceled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once a new NPS team has been assembled, he adds, some virtual meetings will be added to the schedule to receive public input. When that portion of the process is complete, the federal staffers will start analyzing the four key criteria that figure into the study recommendation to the Secretary of the Interior, who then forwards the report to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress isn’t bound by the findings, which are designed simply to inform lawmakers. Any member could still introduce a bill to establish Amache as a unit of the National Park System, Sweat says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Checking the boxes\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The Amache incarceration site already has been designated a National Historic Landmark. But to become a unit of the National Park System, it would need to pass four additional tests during the site study. On average, about one in four studies results in a recommendation for inclusion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with approval, the NPS notes, it can take as long as 10 years to get a new national park up and running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, Amache is hoping to clear four hurdles of the site study:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Significance: Amache’s status as a National Historic Landmark already pretty well checks this box.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We typically still do some level of analysis to make sure nothing has changed, that there’s no new information,” Sweat says. “But in this case, it’s safe to say it’s nationally significant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A couple of other factors also weigh in its favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Ralph Carr’s welcoming the arrival of Japanese Americans, in stark contrast to many other reactions across the country and even sentiment within Colorado, bolsters the site with a unique set of historical circumstances. Additionally, Amache experienced much less conflict and violence than other incarceration sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suitability: This is where the process becomes even more detailed, as the focus turns to the site’s uniqueness and whether or not it’s represented or protected by other entities. Here, the study completes a comparative analysis to other sites — and among the 10 camps that were scattered across the interior U.S., a handful of others have already achieved federal recognition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sweat explains that the study looks at whether other sites tell the exact same story or have similar resources. But he emphasizes that the fact that there are other incarceration sites in other areas of the country in no way disqualifies Amache from consideration. The U.S. has many federally recognized sites that reference the same general historical narrative, such as the Civil War or Revolutionary War or even other Japanese American sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as it’s demonstrated that the site has a unique history and resources, that doesn’t count against it,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feasibility: This portion of the study looks at whether the site is of sufficient size and appropriate configuration to allow the NPS to manage it at a reasonable cost. Sweat says that access is a key factor here — whether the site can be accessed safely by visitors, but also that it can be acquired as federal land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Amache grounds are owned by the town of Granada, which Hopper says currently seems disposed to offer the land for a National Park site. But that can change with the political winds, which is another reason Hopper would like to see this process move quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With local elections, you never know,” he says. “Maybe down the road people say maybe we don’t want to donate the land now. That’s why I’d like to move this along. But it’s not going to move along anytime soon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Need for NPS management: The question here is whether NPS management is the “clearly superior” approach to other options. Could a site continue under its current management or move to management by some other entity, whether state or federal, private or nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fact that Amache already benefits from the management of the Amache Preservation Society doesn’t necessarily mean that this is the optimal approach — and won’t count against the site in the study. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely not a disqualifier that there’s an existing organization,” Sweat says. “Most that are considered for inclusion in the Park Service usually have a managing entity. The real question is whether it’s necessary for the federal government and Park Service to manage, or does it receive adequate protection from the existing organization?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hopper feels that National Park designation would be optimal, though if the federal government were to disagree he would probably pursue other avenues, such as the creation of a state park on the site. But he has looked hard at all the NPS criteria and, by his calculation, Amache more than measures up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought we were a good fit on all of them,” he says. “Amache is nationally significant, and we’d be the furthest east of all the other National Park camps. We’re right on Highway 50, a coast-to-coast highway that’s well traveled. And Amache has a uniqueness about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Maintenance isn’t easy\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The site can be a handful for the students to maintain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hopper has nine students participating this year, and their time has been consumed re-staining the guard tower, mowing, trimming trees, conducting tours and working at the museum. They also typically give presentations about the camp to schools in Colorado, Kansas and Oklahoma. Every other year — at least before COVID — students also visited Japan and stayed with host families to learn more about the culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A current project has featured students helping to erect a replica of a historic kiosk that displayed the names of all the internees from Amache who served in the U.S. military.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re talking around a thousand names — plus a Medal of Honor recipient, and of course the 31 who died fighting for the United States,” Hopper says. “I’ve got students filing names correctly so we can get them to a company to manufacture panels for us. I used to be a roofer, so I built the roof myself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it’s finished, the kiosk will greet visitors at the main gate, with a series of flagpoles behind it flying the American flag, Colorado state flag, the flag for the 442nd Infantry Regiment that included almost entirely soldiers of Japanese American ancestry and a yet-to-be designed flag representing Amache.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Then we’ll light it up so people will understand that the people at Amache fought for the United States,” Hopper says. “So many people don’t understand that. You wouldn’t believe it. We still have people saying they were POWs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, if the study process moves Amache to the next stage, a member of Congress could introduce a bill to authorize the creation of a new National Park. That would then need to pass in both the House and Senate and be signed into law by the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the outcome that would bring Hopper a sense of completion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I retire, I want to feel good about it,” he says. “I want to walk away and let the next generation take it on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s where Tanner Grasmick comes in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 26-year-old social studies teacher grew up around Granada and, in his senior year, worked at Amache fixing signs, doing restoration, giving tours and then traveling to spread the word around the region. He even visited Japan, where he met a host family with whom he remains in touch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His dedication to Amache now has the familiar echo of Hopper’s as he works the dark history of the camp into his own teaching at Granada High School. That’s why Hopper already has tagged him as his successor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether the National Park Service takes control of the site or not, there will always be a role for the area kids — even if it’s just managing the museum, which would remain a separate, local entity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grasmick feels like he’s up for the task of following in his teacher’s footsteps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve met countless people from pilgrimages to Amache, and they’re such great people that I’d love to continue on with what Mr. Hopper has done and keep it going for them, too,” he says. “I’d definitely like to do it for a lifetime commitment.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Biden Revoked the Travel Ban. California Immigrants Hope to Reunite With Families",
"title": "Biden Revoked the Travel Ban. California Immigrants Hope to Reunite With Families",
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"content": "\u003cp>For six years, Armin Deroee has been trying to bring his elderly father to live with him in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Deroee’s 82-year-old dad is in Iran, and the Trump administration's travel ban created an obstacle the family struggled to surmount, despite hiring lawyers, applying for a waiver and persistently writing to U.S. officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Too much time, too much emotion ... and we do not have our dad here yet,” said Deroee, 42, a naturalized U.S. citizen who is an anesthesiologist living in the Central Valley city of Visalia. “It’s been a rough six years for us.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Armin Deroee\"]'When I look back at what we’ve been through, I don’t think it’s imaginable for whoever has not been through that process.'[/pullquote]Now that President Biden has revoked the travel restrictions for people from 13 Muslim-majority and African nations, Deroee and others feel hopeful they’ll finally be able to reunite with relatives from those countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/01/20/proclamation-ending-discriminatory-bans-on-entry-to-the-united-states/\">proclamation\u003c/a>, signed on his first day in office, labeled the ban discriminatory and detrimental to national security. But it represents just the start of a long process to fully reverse the restrictions, according to advocates who fought the Trump-era policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rescission of the ban is an important first step, but it does not actually fix the situation for people,” said Aarti Kohli, executive director of Asian Americans Advancing Justice — Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will be watching carefully, working with the administration to make sure that all these people who've been separated from their partners, from their children ... can be reunited with family and in a timely manner,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden has ordered the U.S. State Department to resume processing pending visas for people from the countries targeted by the travel ban: Iran, Eritrea, Libya, Kyrgyzstan, Myanmar, Nigeria, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tanzania, Yemen and North Korea, as well as certain government officials from Venezuela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, a State Department spokesperson said the agency will provide guidance to embassies and consulates on how to prioritize processing those pending applications. But the official added that delays may continue for several months as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pandemic continues to severely impact the number of visas our embassies and consulates abroad are able to process,” the spokesperson said. “We do not expect to be able to safely return to pre-pandemic workload levels until mid-2021 at the earliest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Biden’s order, the State Department must draft a plan within a month for reconsidering visa requests that were denied under the travel ban, and decide whether those applicants should pay additional fees to reopen their cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11859388\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 405px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47187_59a85ff6-5b89-48e5-bfe5-51dc4d976fbb-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11859388 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47187_59a85ff6-5b89-48e5-bfe5-51dc4d976fbb-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"405\" height=\"540\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47187_59a85ff6-5b89-48e5-bfe5-51dc4d976fbb-qut.jpg 405w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47187_59a85ff6-5b89-48e5-bfe5-51dc4d976fbb-qut-160x213.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47187_59a85ff6-5b89-48e5-bfe5-51dc4d976fbb-qut-354x472.jpg 354w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 405px) 100vw, 405px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mohammed Albarak, 26, with his daughter, Amira, on her first birthday on June 20, 2020 in Ibb, Yemen. Albarak, an American citizen who lives in the Bay Area, has asked the U.S. government to allow his Yemeni wife and their daughter to move here. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Mohammed Albarak)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The State Department denied more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11847545/huge-relief-california-immigrants-counting-on-biden-to-end-travel-ban\">41,000 visa requests\u003c/a> due to Trump’s travel restrictions, most of them from Iran. But civil rights groups and immigrant advocates say many more people were impacted by the policy, including those who were discouraged from applying.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Trump's Ban\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Shortly after taking office in January 2017, Trump suspended the entry of nationals from \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/01/30/512438879/7-targeted-countries-react-to-trumps-ban-on-immigration\">seven Muslim-majority nations\u003c/a> and indefinitely banned refugees from Syria, arguing the measure was necessary to protect the U.S. from terrorist threats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order sparked large protests at airports throughout the country and was challenged in the courts, forcing the administration to twice amend the language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the U.S. Supreme Court allowed its implementation, the ban went into full effect in December 2017. Last year, Trump expanded the restrictions to include some citizens from six mostly African countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mohammed Albarak, a Yemeni American man who works at his father’s corner store in San Francisco, is another U.S. citizen whose family was affected by the ban. Albarak said he didn’t even bother applying to bring over his wife from Yemen until recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Since the travel ban was there, I knew I would have to spend so much time on getting nowhere,” said Albarak, 26, referring to the difficulty of obtaining a waiver, something reserved for people who could prove they suffered “undue hardship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Albarak returned to Yemen in 2018 for his wedding. Last September, he came back to the U.S. to apply for his wife’s visa — and to vote for Biden, in hopes he would end the travel ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Albarak said he believes his family now has a better chance of reuniting in the U.S, though he expects the application to take more than seven months. In the meantime, his wife and 1-year-old daughter are stuck in a country engulfed in war.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can't imagine, like in three or four years when my daughter grows up, how would she even function psychologically and intellectually?” said Albarak, a graduate of UC Davis. “There's no schooling ... the situation is so desperate, you can always hear gunshots nearby.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘What’s Going to Happen Next?’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Deroee, the anesthesiologist, fears for the well-being of his father, an ear, nose and throat doctor. The years-long struggle to get his dad a visa has taken a toll, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can definitely see some depression, anxiety and the feel of hopelessness in my father,” Deroee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"immigration\"]Deroee recently flew to Turkey to accompany his dad to a medical exam at the U.S. Embassy. The exam is a required part of the visa application, but it couldn’t be done in Tehran, since the U.S. has no embassy in Iran.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He hopes this is the last step his father must complete for an application that began in 2015, when Deroee’s sister requested visas for both of their parents. U.S. officials granted his mother's visa the following year, but required his father to undergo additional screening. Before that was completed, Trump imposed the travel ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, the family won a waiver to the ban, but then faced another barrier: a Trump proclamation that suspended certain visas to protect American jobs during the pandemic. Though that is still in effect, Deroee’s family succeeded in circumventing it after they joined a successful lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I look back at what we’ve been through, I don’t think it’s imaginable for whoever has not been through that process,” said Deroee. “All of us have been in this sense of suspense, of, ‘What’s going to happen next?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deroee said his father, who was 77 when the visa process started, has gone through several rounds of background checks, each of which can take months to complete. He hopes Biden’s administration makes that vetting process less onerous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden’s proclamation revoking the travel ban also orders the State and Homeland Security departments to recommend ways to improve the screening of people who seek entry into the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand it’s a necessary process, but it needs to be more efficient,” Deroee said. “The time and energy of these staff in government can be used in better ways, and they are being paid from our tax money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For six years, Armin Deroee has been trying to bring his elderly father to live with him in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Deroee’s 82-year-old dad is in Iran, and the Trump administration's travel ban created an obstacle the family struggled to surmount, despite hiring lawyers, applying for a waiver and persistently writing to U.S. officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Too much time, too much emotion ... and we do not have our dad here yet,” said Deroee, 42, a naturalized U.S. citizen who is an anesthesiologist living in the Central Valley city of Visalia. “It’s been a rough six years for us.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Now that President Biden has revoked the travel restrictions for people from 13 Muslim-majority and African nations, Deroee and others feel hopeful they’ll finally be able to reunite with relatives from those countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/01/20/proclamation-ending-discriminatory-bans-on-entry-to-the-united-states/\">proclamation\u003c/a>, signed on his first day in office, labeled the ban discriminatory and detrimental to national security. But it represents just the start of a long process to fully reverse the restrictions, according to advocates who fought the Trump-era policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rescission of the ban is an important first step, but it does not actually fix the situation for people,” said Aarti Kohli, executive director of Asian Americans Advancing Justice — Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will be watching carefully, working with the administration to make sure that all these people who've been separated from their partners, from their children ... can be reunited with family and in a timely manner,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden has ordered the U.S. State Department to resume processing pending visas for people from the countries targeted by the travel ban: Iran, Eritrea, Libya, Kyrgyzstan, Myanmar, Nigeria, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tanzania, Yemen and North Korea, as well as certain government officials from Venezuela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, a State Department spokesperson said the agency will provide guidance to embassies and consulates on how to prioritize processing those pending applications. But the official added that delays may continue for several months as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pandemic continues to severely impact the number of visas our embassies and consulates abroad are able to process,” the spokesperson said. “We do not expect to be able to safely return to pre-pandemic workload levels until mid-2021 at the earliest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Biden’s order, the State Department must draft a plan within a month for reconsidering visa requests that were denied under the travel ban, and decide whether those applicants should pay additional fees to reopen their cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11859388\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 405px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47187_59a85ff6-5b89-48e5-bfe5-51dc4d976fbb-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11859388 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47187_59a85ff6-5b89-48e5-bfe5-51dc4d976fbb-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"405\" height=\"540\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47187_59a85ff6-5b89-48e5-bfe5-51dc4d976fbb-qut.jpg 405w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47187_59a85ff6-5b89-48e5-bfe5-51dc4d976fbb-qut-160x213.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47187_59a85ff6-5b89-48e5-bfe5-51dc4d976fbb-qut-354x472.jpg 354w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 405px) 100vw, 405px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mohammed Albarak, 26, with his daughter, Amira, on her first birthday on June 20, 2020 in Ibb, Yemen. Albarak, an American citizen who lives in the Bay Area, has asked the U.S. government to allow his Yemeni wife and their daughter to move here. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Mohammed Albarak)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The State Department denied more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11847545/huge-relief-california-immigrants-counting-on-biden-to-end-travel-ban\">41,000 visa requests\u003c/a> due to Trump’s travel restrictions, most of them from Iran. But civil rights groups and immigrant advocates say many more people were impacted by the policy, including those who were discouraged from applying.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Trump's Ban\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Shortly after taking office in January 2017, Trump suspended the entry of nationals from \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/01/30/512438879/7-targeted-countries-react-to-trumps-ban-on-immigration\">seven Muslim-majority nations\u003c/a> and indefinitely banned refugees from Syria, arguing the measure was necessary to protect the U.S. from terrorist threats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order sparked large protests at airports throughout the country and was challenged in the courts, forcing the administration to twice amend the language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the U.S. Supreme Court allowed its implementation, the ban went into full effect in December 2017. Last year, Trump expanded the restrictions to include some citizens from six mostly African countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mohammed Albarak, a Yemeni American man who works at his father’s corner store in San Francisco, is another U.S. citizen whose family was affected by the ban. Albarak said he didn’t even bother applying to bring over his wife from Yemen until recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Since the travel ban was there, I knew I would have to spend so much time on getting nowhere,” said Albarak, 26, referring to the difficulty of obtaining a waiver, something reserved for people who could prove they suffered “undue hardship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Albarak returned to Yemen in 2018 for his wedding. Last September, he came back to the U.S. to apply for his wife’s visa — and to vote for Biden, in hopes he would end the travel ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Albarak said he believes his family now has a better chance of reuniting in the U.S, though he expects the application to take more than seven months. In the meantime, his wife and 1-year-old daughter are stuck in a country engulfed in war.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can't imagine, like in three or four years when my daughter grows up, how would she even function psychologically and intellectually?” said Albarak, a graduate of UC Davis. “There's no schooling ... the situation is so desperate, you can always hear gunshots nearby.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘What’s Going to Happen Next?’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Deroee, the anesthesiologist, fears for the well-being of his father, an ear, nose and throat doctor. The years-long struggle to get his dad a visa has taken a toll, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can definitely see some depression, anxiety and the feel of hopelessness in my father,” Deroee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Deroee recently flew to Turkey to accompany his dad to a medical exam at the U.S. Embassy. The exam is a required part of the visa application, but it couldn’t be done in Tehran, since the U.S. has no embassy in Iran.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He hopes this is the last step his father must complete for an application that began in 2015, when Deroee’s sister requested visas for both of their parents. U.S. officials granted his mother's visa the following year, but required his father to undergo additional screening. Before that was completed, Trump imposed the travel ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, the family won a waiver to the ban, but then faced another barrier: a Trump proclamation that suspended certain visas to protect American jobs during the pandemic. Though that is still in effect, Deroee’s family succeeded in circumventing it after they joined a successful lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I look back at what we’ve been through, I don’t think it’s imaginable for whoever has not been through that process,” said Deroee. “All of us have been in this sense of suspense, of, ‘What’s going to happen next?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deroee said his father, who was 77 when the visa process started, has gone through several rounds of background checks, each of which can take months to complete. He hopes Biden’s administration makes that vetting process less onerous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden’s proclamation revoking the travel ban also orders the State and Homeland Security departments to recommend ways to improve the screening of people who seek entry into the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand it’s a necessary process, but it needs to be more efficient,” Deroee said. “The time and energy of these staff in government can be used in better ways, and they are being paid from our tax money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Olegaria Ruiz is among scores of undocumented front-line workers who feel left out of California’s new age-based COVID-19 vaccination plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Alex Sanchez, Garment Worker Center\" ]‘It might be funny to say, but maybe I needed to walk in somebody else’s shoes in order to understand what they’re going through.’[/pullquote]“More than anything, we need the government to help us get the vaccine, too,” said Ruiz, 46, who’s worked in the garment industry in Los Angeles for 27 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz says she doesn’t know of any co-workers, including those over 65, who have gotten the vaccine yet. A lot of them, she says, lack internet access and don’t know how to navigate the state’s complicated sign-up system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the pandemic, Ruiz has worked 12-hour shifts, seven days a week to sew masks, hospital gowns and surgical hair nets for doctors and nurses, she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she says she’s not always paid for all the hours she works and sometimes earns less than minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11858873\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11858873 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12.jpeg 600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12-160x160.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12-550x550.jpeg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12-470x470.jpeg 470w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ruiz sews face masks at her station in a garment factory. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Estela Perez, a member of the Garment Workers Center.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the same time, it’s difficult to socially distance in sweatshop factories, where upward of 50 seamstresses can often be sewing in one room. To make matters worse, Ruiz says many of her co-workers workers aren’t being provided face masks by their employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"essential-workers\"]“There’s no social distancing, and people don’t use masks,” Ruiz said. “[Some of my co-workers] sometimes can’t afford to buy masks because we aren’t being paid what we’re supposed to — a minimum salary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz worries about getting sick, but feels like she has no choice but to show up to work. As an undocumented worker, she doesn’t qualify for unemployment benefits or government stimulus payments. For now, she has to focus on keeping a roof over her family’s head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re afraid to work, but we have to do it,” said Ruiz. “How are we going to pay rent? How are we going to pay bills? We can’t force our children to live on the street.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard to know how bad COVID-19 outbreaks have been in sweatshop factories because many of them operate in the shadows, and workers like Ruiz frequently move between jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe the ICU numbers tell the whole story as far as how many people are going to live and die because of reopening [California’s economy],” said Alex Sanchez, a field organizer with the \u003ca href=\"https://garmentworkercenter.org/\">Garment Worker Center\u003c/a>, which advocates for the estimated 45,000 garment workers in Los Angeles. “I think it’s way too soon. And I don’t believe we are going to be able to flatten the curve if we still have people out there at high risk not having access to a vaccine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanchez, 44, contracted COVID-19 in late December, likely from his son, who works at an Amazon warehouse where there have been several outbreaks. He had no preexisting conditions, but was hospitalized in the ICU for nearly two weeks. He’s now home, recovering with the help of an oxygen machine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">I’ve been sick battling Covid and pneumonia since 12/27. I was hospitalized for two weeks. Even if anything reopens, please protect yourself. I am 44 years old with no pre-existing conditions and almost died. Please be safe. I’m now home on oxygen \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/BZ3lLryZNq\">pic.twitter.com/BZ3lLryZNq\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Alex Sanchez (@LALiving213) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LALiving213/status/1353598378874085376?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">January 25, 2021\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>From his living room, he’s been trying to help older garment workers who meet the age requirements to secure vaccine appointments online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In between doing hourly exercises to expand his lung capacity, Sanchez has also been advocating for all garment workers — and other low-wage essential workers who have to perform their jobs inside — to get the vaccine as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11858875\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11858875 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1020x1020.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"640\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1472x1472.jpg 1472w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1104x1104.jpg 1104w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-912x912.jpg 912w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-550x550.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-470x470.jpg 470w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901.jpg 1498w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alex Sanchez, field organizer for the Garment Worker Center, who is recovering from COVID-19, holds his two children while breathing oxygen. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Alex Sanchez.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Those are the people that should be focused on first,” Sanchez said. “But it just seems like they don’t have a voice or big lobbying power, that they’re being excluded from the vaccine delivery, even though they are producing masks and gowns for the health care community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had the privilege of having health care to go to the doctor, but most folks don’t,” Sanchez added. “It might be funny to say, but maybe I needed to walk in somebody else’s shoes in order to understand what they’re going through. So maybe I had to live it in order for me to be able to preach it. So I’m glad I’m here. I’m just trying to do whatever I can to keep everybody safe.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“More than anything, we need the government to help us get the vaccine, too,” said Ruiz, 46, who’s worked in the garment industry in Los Angeles for 27 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz says she doesn’t know of any co-workers, including those over 65, who have gotten the vaccine yet. A lot of them, she says, lack internet access and don’t know how to navigate the state’s complicated sign-up system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the pandemic, Ruiz has worked 12-hour shifts, seven days a week to sew masks, hospital gowns and surgical hair nets for doctors and nurses, she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she says she’s not always paid for all the hours she works and sometimes earns less than minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11858873\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11858873 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12.jpeg 600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12-160x160.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12-550x550.jpeg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12-470x470.jpeg 470w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ruiz sews face masks at her station in a garment factory. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Estela Perez, a member of the Garment Workers Center.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the same time, it’s difficult to socially distance in sweatshop factories, where upward of 50 seamstresses can often be sewing in one room. To make matters worse, Ruiz says many of her co-workers workers aren’t being provided face masks by their employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“There’s no social distancing, and people don’t use masks,” Ruiz said. “[Some of my co-workers] sometimes can’t afford to buy masks because we aren’t being paid what we’re supposed to — a minimum salary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz worries about getting sick, but feels like she has no choice but to show up to work. As an undocumented worker, she doesn’t qualify for unemployment benefits or government stimulus payments. For now, she has to focus on keeping a roof over her family’s head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re afraid to work, but we have to do it,” said Ruiz. “How are we going to pay rent? How are we going to pay bills? We can’t force our children to live on the street.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard to know how bad COVID-19 outbreaks have been in sweatshop factories because many of them operate in the shadows, and workers like Ruiz frequently move between jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe the ICU numbers tell the whole story as far as how many people are going to live and die because of reopening [California’s economy],” said Alex Sanchez, a field organizer with the \u003ca href=\"https://garmentworkercenter.org/\">Garment Worker Center\u003c/a>, which advocates for the estimated 45,000 garment workers in Los Angeles. “I think it’s way too soon. And I don’t believe we are going to be able to flatten the curve if we still have people out there at high risk not having access to a vaccine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanchez, 44, contracted COVID-19 in late December, likely from his son, who works at an Amazon warehouse where there have been several outbreaks. He had no preexisting conditions, but was hospitalized in the ICU for nearly two weeks. He’s now home, recovering with the help of an oxygen machine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">I’ve been sick battling Covid and pneumonia since 12/27. I was hospitalized for two weeks. Even if anything reopens, please protect yourself. I am 44 years old with no pre-existing conditions and almost died. Please be safe. I’m now home on oxygen \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/BZ3lLryZNq\">pic.twitter.com/BZ3lLryZNq\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Alex Sanchez (@LALiving213) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LALiving213/status/1353598378874085376?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">January 25, 2021\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>From his living room, he’s been trying to help older garment workers who meet the age requirements to secure vaccine appointments online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In between doing hourly exercises to expand his lung capacity, Sanchez has also been advocating for all garment workers — and other low-wage essential workers who have to perform their jobs inside — to get the vaccine as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11858875\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11858875 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1020x1020.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"640\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1472x1472.jpg 1472w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1104x1104.jpg 1104w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-912x912.jpg 912w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-550x550.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-470x470.jpg 470w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901.jpg 1498w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alex Sanchez, field organizer for the Garment Worker Center, who is recovering from COVID-19, holds his two children while breathing oxygen. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Alex Sanchez.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Those are the people that should be focused on first,” Sanchez said. “But it just seems like they don’t have a voice or big lobbying power, that they’re being excluded from the vaccine delivery, even though they are producing masks and gowns for the health care community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had the privilege of having health care to go to the doctor, but most folks don’t,” Sanchez added. “It might be funny to say, but maybe I needed to walk in somebody else’s shoes in order to understand what they’re going through. 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"tagline": "The flip side of gentrification, told through one town",
"info": "Gentrification is changing cities across America, forcing people from neighborhoods they have long called home. Call them the displaced. Now those priced out of the Bay Area are looking for a better life in an unlikely place. American Suburb follows this migration to one California town along the Delta, 45 miles from San Francisco. But is this once sleepy suburb ready for them?",
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"order": 8
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},
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
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"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
},
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"hidden-brain": {
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
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"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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