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"content": "\u003cp>The California Association of Realtors is apologizing for its role in pushing policies that drove racial segregation in the state, decades after the group put its money behind \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-affordable-housing-constitution-20190203-story.html\">a proposition that overturned the state’s first fair housing law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a press conference Friday, leaders of multiple real estate organizations spoke about their next steps, following the association’s apology last week. The realtors’ group is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11907336/lawmakers-push-to-repeal-anti-black-housing-law-in-california-constitution\">now backing a bill that would overturn a law that makes it harder for the state to build affordable housing\u003c/a>. The group is partnering with nonprofits focused on expanding homeownership among communities of color. It also pushed for a law requiring implicit-bias training for real estate agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has been a very long time coming,” said Derrick Luckett, chair of the National Association of Real Estate Brokers, an association that has expressed a commitment to expanding intergenerational wealth among Black households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Association of Realtors was one of many real estate groups that supported redlining, barriers to affordable housing projects, and other practices of the 20th century that led to more segregated cities across the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the 1930s, the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation, backed by the federal government, created maps that categorized parts of cities into grades based on their purported creditworthiness. The practice, now known as redlining, drove racial segregation and income inequality by preventing residents living in certain neighborhoods from receiving loans.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Matt Lewis, spokesperson, California YIMBY\"]‘An apology is always backward-looking, so it’s important to try to correct the damage you did. But the next step is, so what are you going to do about it?’[/pullquote]The California Association of Realtors, then known as the California Real Estate Association, paid for a campaign to add an amendment to the state constitution in 1950 forcing the government to get voter approval before spending public money on affordable housing. In more recent decades, the group has supported repealing the amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1964, the association put its money behind \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2020-10-21/prop-14-ronald-reagan-la-times-vote-segregation-californias-constitution\">a proposition to invalidate the Rumford Act\u003c/a>, a law aimed at protecting people of color from discrimination while they were searching for a home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, following the killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and Ahmaud Arbery, which led to global demonstrations against racism and police violence, the National Association of Realtors apologized for its role in housing discrimination. Real estate groups in cities including St. Louis and Minneapolis have recently followed suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otto Catrina, president of the California Association of Realtors, said Friday that its apology follows one by the group’s former president in its magazine last year. But this apology is more formal, since it’s gone through the approval of the association’s board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many of our members, this apology reflects the organization that we are today and are continuing to work to foster inclusion and belonging for all our members and our communities,” Catrina said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Association of Realtors reports that the homeownership rate for Black Americans is 43% compared to 72% for white Americans. Black homeowners also have reported that the value of their home appraisals increases when they strip away any sign of a Black family living there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929845\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 614px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11929845\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut.jpg\" alt=\"The image of a document from the 1930s.\" width=\"614\" height=\"1008\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut.jpg 614w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut-160x263.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 614px) 100vw, 614px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 1937 Oakland area description from the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation. Among the ‘detrimental influences’ listed in the document are ‘predominance of foreign elements’ and ‘infiltration by Negroes and Orientals.’ \u003ccite>(Courtesy of University of Maryland's T-Races project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eli Knaap, associate director of San Diego State University’s Center for Open Geographical Science, said the apology comes when there’s overwhelming evidence that the legacy of discriminatory housing policies hinders families’ ability to build wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The greatest source of wealth for most families is in their home,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knaap, who’s studied the lasting impacts of practices like redlining that drove racial segregation, said some local governments now implement what’s known as inclusionary zoning where a portion of units in a residential development need to be affordable for lower-income residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, California’s first-in-the-nation reparations task force released an exhaustive report that listed housing segregation as one of the many harms Black Californians faced long after the abolition of slavery. As the task force deliberates on what form reparations could take, economists are working to put dollar figures on the lasting impacts of these harms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Association of Realtors hasn’t taken an official stance on reparations but will review policy recommendations made by the task force, Catrina said Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Lewis, spokesperson for housing advocacy group California YIMBY, said it’s important for the realtors’ association to be clear about what steps it will take to address the lingering effects of discriminatory policies it supported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An apology is always backward-looking, so it’s important to try to correct the damage you did,” Lewis said. “But the next step is, so what are you going to do about it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The California Association of Realtors, then known as the California Real Estate Association, paid for a campaign to add an amendment to the state constitution in 1950 forcing the government to get voter approval before spending public money on affordable housing. In more recent decades, the group has supported repealing the amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1964, the association put its money behind \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2020-10-21/prop-14-ronald-reagan-la-times-vote-segregation-californias-constitution\">a proposition to invalidate the Rumford Act\u003c/a>, a law aimed at protecting people of color from discrimination while they were searching for a home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, following the killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and Ahmaud Arbery, which led to global demonstrations against racism and police violence, the National Association of Realtors apologized for its role in housing discrimination. Real estate groups in cities including St. Louis and Minneapolis have recently followed suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otto Catrina, president of the California Association of Realtors, said Friday that its apology follows one by the group’s former president in its magazine last year. But this apology is more formal, since it’s gone through the approval of the association’s board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many of our members, this apology reflects the organization that we are today and are continuing to work to foster inclusion and belonging for all our members and our communities,” Catrina said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Association of Realtors reports that the homeownership rate for Black Americans is 43% compared to 72% for white Americans. Black homeowners also have reported that the value of their home appraisals increases when they strip away any sign of a Black family living there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929845\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 614px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11929845\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut.jpg\" alt=\"The image of a document from the 1930s.\" width=\"614\" height=\"1008\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut.jpg 614w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut-160x263.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 614px) 100vw, 614px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 1937 Oakland area description from the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation. Among the ‘detrimental influences’ listed in the document are ‘predominance of foreign elements’ and ‘infiltration by Negroes and Orientals.’ \u003ccite>(Courtesy of University of Maryland's T-Races project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eli Knaap, associate director of San Diego State University’s Center for Open Geographical Science, said the apology comes when there’s overwhelming evidence that the legacy of discriminatory housing policies hinders families’ ability to build wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The greatest source of wealth for most families is in their home,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knaap, who’s studied the lasting impacts of practices like redlining that drove racial segregation, said some local governments now implement what’s known as inclusionary zoning where a portion of units in a residential development need to be affordable for lower-income residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, California’s first-in-the-nation reparations task force released an exhaustive report that listed housing segregation as one of the many harms Black Californians faced long after the abolition of slavery. As the task force deliberates on what form reparations could take, economists are working to put dollar figures on the lasting impacts of these harms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Association of Realtors hasn’t taken an official stance on reparations but will review policy recommendations made by the task force, Catrina said Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Lewis, spokesperson for housing advocacy group California YIMBY, said it’s important for the realtors’ association to be clear about what steps it will take to address the lingering effects of discriminatory policies it supported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An apology is always backward-looking, so it’s important to try to correct the damage you did,” Lewis said. “But the next step is, so what are you going to do about it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "from-menlo-park-to-laguna-beach-residents-turn-to-ballot-box-to-fight-new-california-housing-mandates",
"title": "From Menlo Park to Laguna Beach, Residents Turn to Ballot Box to Fight New California Housing Mandates",
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"headTitle": "From Menlo Park to Laguna Beach, Residents Turn to Ballot Box to Fight New California Housing Mandates | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Suburban Park lives up to its bucolic name. The trees are leafy. The lawns are manicured. School-age children glide by on push scooters and bounce basketballs on sun-dappled sidewalks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s here, amid the nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.redfin.com/neighborhood/9706/CA/Menlo-Park/Suburban-Park-Lorelei-Manr-Flood-Park-Triangle/housing-market\">$2 million single-family homes\u003c/a> in this Menlo Park neighborhood, that a new battleground has emerged in the fight to preserve what some still consider an American ideal: one home for every lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside every fifth house or so are green lawn signs proclaiming “Yes on V,” in support of a \u003ca href=\"https://beta.menlopark.org/Government/Departments/City-Managers-Office/City-Clerk/Elections/November-8-2022-General-Election/Measure-V\">ballot measure\u003c/a> that would make it harder to build apartments throughout the city. The measure would require a vote for any changes to what can be built — but only in single-family neighborhoods.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Chris Elmendorf, law professor, UC Davis\"]‘The state housing agency is no longer treating housing element approvals as a one-and-done proposition.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have no choice,” said Nicole Chessari, a Suburban Park homeowner who is co-leading the Yes on Measure V campaign. “No one was listening to us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians opposed to new development in their neighborhoods have long had local elected leaders on their side. But their power to say no is waning. Faced with a massive housing shortage, state leaders over the past half-dozen years have approved a bevy of new laws to override opposition to new housing and have become more willing to take recalcitrant cities to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are new laws to permit backyard apartments, allow duplexes on single-family lots, convert offices and big-box stores to housing and prohibit parking requirements near transit. Central to these changes are new mandates for cities to not only plan for more housing but to do so in a way that reverses racial segregation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, residents in some California cities are firing back. From Menlo Park to \u003ca href=\"https://www.votescount.us/Home/Elections/November2022CaliforniaGeneralElection/LocalMeasuresNovember2022/S-WATFuture.aspx\">Watsonville\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.lagunabeachindy.com/laguna-residents-form-new-pac-against-measure-q/\">Laguna Beach\u003c/a>, they’re hoping to rely on another time-tested tradition: using the ballot box to restrict growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A case study\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Menlo Park’s Measure V arose to contest one specific project: ninety units of affordable housing with priority for teachers and staff of the Ravenswood City School District in Suburban Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The concrete lot is now overrun with weeds. But it was once home to the James Flood Elementary School, which closed in 2011 due to dwindling enrollment. Ravenswood district staff have been searching for a way to reuse the parcel — and generate income for the district — ever since, said William Eger, chief business officer for the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I arrived a couple years ago, the district was in the process of analyzing our overall district footprint, thinking about, ‘How do we address some of these funding inequities?’” Eger said. “How can we use some of the assets we have, including our physical assets, the land that we own, in order to provide for our staff to afford to live in the area?”[aside postID=\"news_11927941,news_11927063,news_11924697\" label=\"Related Posts\"]In January, the district’s board took a step toward building teacher housing on the former school site, when it voted unanimously to enter into \u003ca href=\"https://paloaltoonline.com/news/2022/01/24/developers-propose-affordable-housing-lab-offices-on-ravenswood-land\">an exclusive negotiating agreement\u003c/a> with a developer. And it was around that time that Chessari and her neighbors caught wind of the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we heard that they wanted to build new housing on [the site], we were actually very excited about that,” she said. “But then we heard the volume, and were like, ‘Whoa, that’s going to transform the neighborhood into a thoroughfare and totally change it and make it unsafe for our kids.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929535\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929535 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut.jpg\" alt=\"An outside view stowing a road, trees and house in the distance.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The site of the former James Flood Elementary School in Menlo Park on Thursday, Sept., 29, 2022. which the Ravenswood City School District has proposed to repurpose as affordable teacher housing, but a proposed ballot initiative, called Measure V, may delay or even potentially block the project. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The former school property is flanked on two sides by Suburban Park and rows of single-family homes. To the east is Highway 101, and to the west is Flood Park, a green space with a baseball diamond and picnic tables.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the school was open, traffic flowed through the park. But in early discussions about housing on the site, the district contemplated routing traffic through the neighborhood instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What followed was several months of negotiations among some Suburban Park residents, district staff and city council members. Chessari said neighbors opposed to the district’s plans ultimately had three demands: reduce the number of housing units from 90 to 60; guarantee — as opposed to prioritize — 50% of the units would be used for Ravenswood staff; and provide a second egress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and some residents met with four of the city’s five council members but failed to reach an agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the council didn’t have her and her supporters’ interests in mind, then Chessari thought residents should be able to voice their concerns directly. So, she started gathering signatures for a ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That way, she said, anytime developers propose projects in single-family neighborhoods across Menlo Park, residents would be able to weigh in. Nearly \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">80% of the city’s residential land\u003c/a> is zoned for single-family housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After seeing what happened in our [neighborhood], it was kind of a case study,” Chessari said. “This can and will happen citywide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will it work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since the 1970s, citizen-initiated ballot measures have been a favorite tool to thwart development in California. According to a 2004 doctoral dissertation by Mai Thi Nguyen at UC Irvine, there were more than \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/2004-Mai-Thi-Nguyen-dissertation.pdf\">140 such measures to control growth approved between 1986 and 1999 (PDF)\u003c/a>, though not all of them were aimed specifically at housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those measures, however, have become increasingly at odds with changes to state law, said Chris Elmendorf, law professor at UC Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ten years ago, this strategy … would have seemed pretty clever,” he said. “But I don’t think it’s necessarily so clever or effective now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every eight years, cities produce housing element reports showing how they will rezone areas to meet state-mandated housing goals and — new for this cycle — reduce residential segregation. Local leaders have long written these reports only later to ignore them without consequence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s changed as state leaders have become more willing to hold cities accountable, Elmendorf said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state housing agency is no longer treating housing element approvals as a one-and-done proposition,” he said. “It is instead treating the housing elements as an eight-year contract between the state and the city over things the city will do, including rezoning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929534\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929534 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a light tank top shirt and blue jeans sits in a chair outside.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Suburban Park homeowner Nicole Chessari poses for a portrait at her home on Thursday, Sept. 29, 2022. Chessari is co-leading the Yes on Measure V campaign, a ballot initiative that would require a citywide vote to add apartments in single-family neighborhoods throughout Menlo Park. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Menlo Park, city leaders included plans to rezone the Flood school to allow for 90 affordable housing units in its \u003ca href=\"https://beta.menlopark.org/files/sharedassets/public/community-development/documents/projects/housing-element-update/menlo-park-2023-2031-housing-element-primary-hcd-review-draft.pdf\">draft housing element\u003c/a>. Once a property is rezoned, new state laws prohibit the city from reducing the number of allowed housing units or requiring onerous conditions, like a second road, that might make the project financially infeasible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, Chessari said, “It’s out of everybody’s hands. The city has very, very limited ability to control the project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are also real consequences now for cities that fail to present housing plans that meet the state’s requirements. When that happens, they may lose control over what gets built there altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such is the case in Redondo Beach, where a developer in August proposed a \u003ca href=\"https://reason.com/2022/09/09/this-renegade-california-developer-wants-to-build-a-2300-unit-megaproject-in-a-nimby-stronghold/\">massive, 2,300-unit housing project\u003c/a> at the site of a defunct power plant, while the city was out of compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as that housing element is not compliant, people can come in and build some pretty dense housing,” said Michael Manville, associate professor of urban planning at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, some cities have been ignoring their own voters’ ballot measures if they limit the amount of housing needed to satisfy the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Alameda, for instance, residents voted in 1973 to prohibit apartment buildings across the island town. A second measure in 1991 capped densities to one home for every 2,000-square-foot lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing a mandate for 5,353 new housing units, city officials are \u003ca href=\"https://alamedapost.com/news/general-plan-and-draft-housing-element-update-debated/\">overriding those initiatives\u003c/a>, which state officials have called “\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/community-development/housing-element/docs/alaalamedacity-ta-112921.pdf\">preempted and unenforceable\u003c/a>,” in their draft housing element.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929536\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929536 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-scaled.jpg\" alt='An outdoor view with a green lawn sign and a large brown sign that reads \"Suburban Park.\"' width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A lawn sign supporting Measure V stands in front of the entrance to Suburban Park on Thursday, Sept. 29, 2022. The ballot initiative would require a citywide vote to add apartments in single-family neighborhoods throughout Menlo Park. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Southern California city of Encinitas, voters need to approve any major changes to what can be built there. City leaders have twice put the entire housing element to a vote only to have residents reject it. So, a judge allowed local leaders to ignore the voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf said the lesson there is that while voter initiatives can clog up — or at least delay — the process for cities to rezone for more housing, they can’t override state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no authority of the voters of Encinitas or Menlo Park or any other city to do through direct democracy something that the city council cannot do,” Elmendorf said. “Voters can’t exempt themselves from that law by passing a ballot measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question in Menlo Park is whether Measure V will prevent the city from meeting new obligations under the housing element to \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/community-development/affh/docs/affh_document_final_4-27-2021.pdf\">undo racial segregation\u003c/a> by requiring cities to site affordable housing in more affluent neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Who are we really?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For many of the opponents of Menlo Park’s Measure V, the ballot initiative is not simply about limiting apartments in single-family neighborhoods: It’s also about whether the city will continue policies that have disproportionately harmed residents of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929520\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 160px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929520 size-thumbnail\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone-160x349.jpg\" alt=\"A black and white image of an old news article.\" width=\"160\" height=\"349\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone-160x349.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone.jpg 372w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 160px) 100vw, 160px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An excerpt from the Daily Palo Alto Times describing ‘blockbusting’ in Belle Haven, a real estate practice to scare white homeowners into selling their properties to encourage segregation, on Aug. 10, 1955. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Pam Jones)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Suburban Park was first established in the 1920s and grew during the post-WWII housing boom. In 1949, Menlo Park annexed it, along with the Belle Haven neighborhood directly to its east. At the time, both were mostly white neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Margarita-Mendez-Deed.jpg\">Suburban Park was subject to racial covenants that barred Black residents\u003c/a> and other people of color from living there, Belle Haven became a predominantly Black neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Real estate agents \u003ca href=\"https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015018404650&view=1up&seq=510&q1=%22Menlo%20Park%22\">actively recruited\u003c/a> Black homeowners to Belle Haven in a process known as racial steering, and then tried to \u003ca href=\"https://www.menlotogether.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/MPCSD-Slides-Color-of-Law.pdf\">scare white homeowners\u003c/a> into selling their properties, a practice called blockbusting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Belle Haven is separated from Suburban Park and the rest of the city by the Bayshore Highway, which was widened in 1956 to \u003ca href=\"http://libraryarchives.metro.net/DPGTL/Californiahighways/chpw_1959_marapr.pdf#page=8\">become Highway 101\u003c/a>. Pam Jones, a longtime Belle Haven resident who grew up in the area, remembers how the highway widening disconnected Belle Haven from the rest of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It changes everything, and it isolates you,” she said. “There was just this sense of being unwelcomed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929538\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929538 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a green turtleneck sweater stands outside.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Longtime Menlo Park resident Pam Jones opposes a ballot measure that would rewrite zoning laws to limit housing developments in the city. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both neighborhoods were originally part of the Ravenswood district, but Suburban Park seceded in 1975, joining the Menlo Park City School District instead. A 1976 lawsuit challenged the racial isolation of students of color at Ravenswood, ultimately resulting in a settlement agreement 10 years later. But Ravenswood continues to serve \u003ca href=\"http://www.ravenswoodschools.org/Choose-Ravenswood/index.html\">almost exclusively students of color\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the four elementary school districts in Menlo Park, Ravenswood is one of the \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">least well-resourced\u003c/a> with the \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1r9lNoWauD6f341SPcJIHM3Q-Lupw9UU7/view\">lowest average teacher salaries\u003c/a>. Eger said the proposed housing project would generate roughly $500,000 for the district annually — money that would go to staff salaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s big money for us,” he said. “We know this is a huge need for our staff, and it’s a huge need for our families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929521\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 416px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929521 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955.jpg\" alt='A black and white maps that reads \"Ravenswood Attendance Areas Set.\"' width=\"416\" height=\"339\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955.jpg 416w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955-160x130.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 416px) 100vw, 416px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The original Ravenswood City School District included Suburban Park and many other Menlo Park neighborhoods that ultimately seceded from the district, with the exception of Belle Haven. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Pam Jones)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The disparities between the two neighborhoods transcend educational outcomes, though, and also manifest in the city’s development patterns. Suburban Park has remained relatively unchanged in the past 20 years, but Belle Haven and the adjacent, formerly industrial area now known as the Bayfront, have seen rapid growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/blogs/technology-blog/story/2011-02-08/facebook-moving-headquarters-from-palo-alto-to-former-sun-microsystems-campus-in-menlo-park#:~:text=Facebook%20is%20moving%20its%20headquarters,Sun%20Microsystems%20in%20Menlo%20Park.&text=David%20Ebersman%2C%20Facebook's%20chief%20financial,57%2Dacre%20Menlo%20Park%20property.\">Meta, Facebook’s parent company, moved its headquarters there\u003c/a> in 2011. Since then, the city has seen a staggering \u003ca href=\"https://beta.menlopark.org/files/sharedassets/public/community-development/documents/projects/housing-element-update/menlo-park-2023-2031-housing-element-primary-hcd-review-draft.pdf\">2,000% increase in tech jobs\u003c/a>, much of it centered in the Bayfront. And in 2016, \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">the city placed nearly all new development there\u003c/a>, including 4.1 million square feet of commercial development and 5,500 new housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a recent tour, construction cranes loomed in the sky as steel clanked and drills buzzed. Jones said the constant din has made it hard to live there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pollution and the traffic are the other big things, and then a sense of, well, ‘You don’t have anyplace else to put it, so you’re dumping it on us,’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Jones said, Measure V could mean more of the same. By requiring a popular vote to add denser housing in single-family neighborhoods, city staff concluded \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">the measure would effectively redirect any new development into areas that are already zoned for denser housing\u003c/a>, which — with the exception of the city’s downtown area — are Belle Haven and Bayfront.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ballot measure can then be seen to continue the same cycle of putting the highest densities and most affordable units in the area of the community that is predominantly lower income, marginalized, and communities of color,” the \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">report\u003c/a> reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929539\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929539 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A closeup view of a woman wearing a green turtleneck sweater stands outside.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Longtime Menlo Park resident Pam Jones opposes a ballot measure that would rewrite zoning laws to limit housing developments in the city. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Jones, the intent of Measure V is clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really about racism. It’s about classism,” she said. “Whenever you say, ‘You’re going to change my neighborhood, you’re going to blight my neighborhood,’ you are talking about people of color that don’t look like you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chessari recoiled at that suggestion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, that argument is very offensive to me,” she said. The city could choose to site increased development downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones and Chessari do agree on one point, though: Measure V is about the future of Menlo Park and who gets the last word on what can be built, and where.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who are we really?” Jones wondered. “How do we really want to live? How do we want to treat our neighbors?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We’ll know when all of the ballots are counted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Local ballot measures to block housing are nothing new in California. It just might not work anymore.",
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"title": "From Menlo Park to Laguna Beach, Residents Turn to Ballot Box to Fight New California Housing Mandates | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Suburban Park lives up to its bucolic name. The trees are leafy. The lawns are manicured. School-age children glide by on push scooters and bounce basketballs on sun-dappled sidewalks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s here, amid the nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.redfin.com/neighborhood/9706/CA/Menlo-Park/Suburban-Park-Lorelei-Manr-Flood-Park-Triangle/housing-market\">$2 million single-family homes\u003c/a> in this Menlo Park neighborhood, that a new battleground has emerged in the fight to preserve what some still consider an American ideal: one home for every lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside every fifth house or so are green lawn signs proclaiming “Yes on V,” in support of a \u003ca href=\"https://beta.menlopark.org/Government/Departments/City-Managers-Office/City-Clerk/Elections/November-8-2022-General-Election/Measure-V\">ballot measure\u003c/a> that would make it harder to build apartments throughout the city. The measure would require a vote for any changes to what can be built — but only in single-family neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The state housing agency is no longer treating housing element approvals as a one-and-done proposition.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have no choice,” said Nicole Chessari, a Suburban Park homeowner who is co-leading the Yes on Measure V campaign. “No one was listening to us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians opposed to new development in their neighborhoods have long had local elected leaders on their side. But their power to say no is waning. Faced with a massive housing shortage, state leaders over the past half-dozen years have approved a bevy of new laws to override opposition to new housing and have become more willing to take recalcitrant cities to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are new laws to permit backyard apartments, allow duplexes on single-family lots, convert offices and big-box stores to housing and prohibit parking requirements near transit. Central to these changes are new mandates for cities to not only plan for more housing but to do so in a way that reverses racial segregation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, residents in some California cities are firing back. From Menlo Park to \u003ca href=\"https://www.votescount.us/Home/Elections/November2022CaliforniaGeneralElection/LocalMeasuresNovember2022/S-WATFuture.aspx\">Watsonville\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.lagunabeachindy.com/laguna-residents-form-new-pac-against-measure-q/\">Laguna Beach\u003c/a>, they’re hoping to rely on another time-tested tradition: using the ballot box to restrict growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A case study\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Menlo Park’s Measure V arose to contest one specific project: ninety units of affordable housing with priority for teachers and staff of the Ravenswood City School District in Suburban Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The concrete lot is now overrun with weeds. But it was once home to the James Flood Elementary School, which closed in 2011 due to dwindling enrollment. Ravenswood district staff have been searching for a way to reuse the parcel — and generate income for the district — ever since, said William Eger, chief business officer for the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I arrived a couple years ago, the district was in the process of analyzing our overall district footprint, thinking about, ‘How do we address some of these funding inequities?’” Eger said. “How can we use some of the assets we have, including our physical assets, the land that we own, in order to provide for our staff to afford to live in the area?”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In January, the district’s board took a step toward building teacher housing on the former school site, when it voted unanimously to enter into \u003ca href=\"https://paloaltoonline.com/news/2022/01/24/developers-propose-affordable-housing-lab-offices-on-ravenswood-land\">an exclusive negotiating agreement\u003c/a> with a developer. And it was around that time that Chessari and her neighbors caught wind of the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we heard that they wanted to build new housing on [the site], we were actually very excited about that,” she said. “But then we heard the volume, and were like, ‘Whoa, that’s going to transform the neighborhood into a thoroughfare and totally change it and make it unsafe for our kids.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929535\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929535 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut.jpg\" alt=\"An outside view stowing a road, trees and house in the distance.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The site of the former James Flood Elementary School in Menlo Park on Thursday, Sept., 29, 2022. which the Ravenswood City School District has proposed to repurpose as affordable teacher housing, but a proposed ballot initiative, called Measure V, may delay or even potentially block the project. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The former school property is flanked on two sides by Suburban Park and rows of single-family homes. To the east is Highway 101, and to the west is Flood Park, a green space with a baseball diamond and picnic tables.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the school was open, traffic flowed through the park. But in early discussions about housing on the site, the district contemplated routing traffic through the neighborhood instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What followed was several months of negotiations among some Suburban Park residents, district staff and city council members. Chessari said neighbors opposed to the district’s plans ultimately had three demands: reduce the number of housing units from 90 to 60; guarantee — as opposed to prioritize — 50% of the units would be used for Ravenswood staff; and provide a second egress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and some residents met with four of the city’s five council members but failed to reach an agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the council didn’t have her and her supporters’ interests in mind, then Chessari thought residents should be able to voice their concerns directly. So, she started gathering signatures for a ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That way, she said, anytime developers propose projects in single-family neighborhoods across Menlo Park, residents would be able to weigh in. Nearly \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">80% of the city’s residential land\u003c/a> is zoned for single-family housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After seeing what happened in our [neighborhood], it was kind of a case study,” Chessari said. “This can and will happen citywide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will it work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since the 1970s, citizen-initiated ballot measures have been a favorite tool to thwart development in California. According to a 2004 doctoral dissertation by Mai Thi Nguyen at UC Irvine, there were more than \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/2004-Mai-Thi-Nguyen-dissertation.pdf\">140 such measures to control growth approved between 1986 and 1999 (PDF)\u003c/a>, though not all of them were aimed specifically at housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those measures, however, have become increasingly at odds with changes to state law, said Chris Elmendorf, law professor at UC Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ten years ago, this strategy … would have seemed pretty clever,” he said. “But I don’t think it’s necessarily so clever or effective now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every eight years, cities produce housing element reports showing how they will rezone areas to meet state-mandated housing goals and — new for this cycle — reduce residential segregation. Local leaders have long written these reports only later to ignore them without consequence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s changed as state leaders have become more willing to hold cities accountable, Elmendorf said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state housing agency is no longer treating housing element approvals as a one-and-done proposition,” he said. “It is instead treating the housing elements as an eight-year contract between the state and the city over things the city will do, including rezoning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929534\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929534 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a light tank top shirt and blue jeans sits in a chair outside.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Suburban Park homeowner Nicole Chessari poses for a portrait at her home on Thursday, Sept. 29, 2022. Chessari is co-leading the Yes on Measure V campaign, a ballot initiative that would require a citywide vote to add apartments in single-family neighborhoods throughout Menlo Park. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Menlo Park, city leaders included plans to rezone the Flood school to allow for 90 affordable housing units in its \u003ca href=\"https://beta.menlopark.org/files/sharedassets/public/community-development/documents/projects/housing-element-update/menlo-park-2023-2031-housing-element-primary-hcd-review-draft.pdf\">draft housing element\u003c/a>. Once a property is rezoned, new state laws prohibit the city from reducing the number of allowed housing units or requiring onerous conditions, like a second road, that might make the project financially infeasible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, Chessari said, “It’s out of everybody’s hands. The city has very, very limited ability to control the project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are also real consequences now for cities that fail to present housing plans that meet the state’s requirements. When that happens, they may lose control over what gets built there altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such is the case in Redondo Beach, where a developer in August proposed a \u003ca href=\"https://reason.com/2022/09/09/this-renegade-california-developer-wants-to-build-a-2300-unit-megaproject-in-a-nimby-stronghold/\">massive, 2,300-unit housing project\u003c/a> at the site of a defunct power plant, while the city was out of compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as that housing element is not compliant, people can come in and build some pretty dense housing,” said Michael Manville, associate professor of urban planning at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, some cities have been ignoring their own voters’ ballot measures if they limit the amount of housing needed to satisfy the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Alameda, for instance, residents voted in 1973 to prohibit apartment buildings across the island town. A second measure in 1991 capped densities to one home for every 2,000-square-foot lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing a mandate for 5,353 new housing units, city officials are \u003ca href=\"https://alamedapost.com/news/general-plan-and-draft-housing-element-update-debated/\">overriding those initiatives\u003c/a>, which state officials have called “\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/community-development/housing-element/docs/alaalamedacity-ta-112921.pdf\">preempted and unenforceable\u003c/a>,” in their draft housing element.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929536\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929536 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-scaled.jpg\" alt='An outdoor view with a green lawn sign and a large brown sign that reads \"Suburban Park.\"' width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A lawn sign supporting Measure V stands in front of the entrance to Suburban Park on Thursday, Sept. 29, 2022. The ballot initiative would require a citywide vote to add apartments in single-family neighborhoods throughout Menlo Park. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Southern California city of Encinitas, voters need to approve any major changes to what can be built there. City leaders have twice put the entire housing element to a vote only to have residents reject it. So, a judge allowed local leaders to ignore the voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf said the lesson there is that while voter initiatives can clog up — or at least delay — the process for cities to rezone for more housing, they can’t override state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no authority of the voters of Encinitas or Menlo Park or any other city to do through direct democracy something that the city council cannot do,” Elmendorf said. “Voters can’t exempt themselves from that law by passing a ballot measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question in Menlo Park is whether Measure V will prevent the city from meeting new obligations under the housing element to \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/community-development/affh/docs/affh_document_final_4-27-2021.pdf\">undo racial segregation\u003c/a> by requiring cities to site affordable housing in more affluent neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Who are we really?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For many of the opponents of Menlo Park’s Measure V, the ballot initiative is not simply about limiting apartments in single-family neighborhoods: It’s also about whether the city will continue policies that have disproportionately harmed residents of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929520\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 160px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929520 size-thumbnail\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone-160x349.jpg\" alt=\"A black and white image of an old news article.\" width=\"160\" height=\"349\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone-160x349.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone.jpg 372w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 160px) 100vw, 160px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An excerpt from the Daily Palo Alto Times describing ‘blockbusting’ in Belle Haven, a real estate practice to scare white homeowners into selling their properties to encourage segregation, on Aug. 10, 1955. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Pam Jones)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Suburban Park was first established in the 1920s and grew during the post-WWII housing boom. In 1949, Menlo Park annexed it, along with the Belle Haven neighborhood directly to its east. At the time, both were mostly white neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Margarita-Mendez-Deed.jpg\">Suburban Park was subject to racial covenants that barred Black residents\u003c/a> and other people of color from living there, Belle Haven became a predominantly Black neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Real estate agents \u003ca href=\"https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015018404650&view=1up&seq=510&q1=%22Menlo%20Park%22\">actively recruited\u003c/a> Black homeowners to Belle Haven in a process known as racial steering, and then tried to \u003ca href=\"https://www.menlotogether.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/MPCSD-Slides-Color-of-Law.pdf\">scare white homeowners\u003c/a> into selling their properties, a practice called blockbusting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Belle Haven is separated from Suburban Park and the rest of the city by the Bayshore Highway, which was widened in 1956 to \u003ca href=\"http://libraryarchives.metro.net/DPGTL/Californiahighways/chpw_1959_marapr.pdf#page=8\">become Highway 101\u003c/a>. Pam Jones, a longtime Belle Haven resident who grew up in the area, remembers how the highway widening disconnected Belle Haven from the rest of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It changes everything, and it isolates you,” she said. “There was just this sense of being unwelcomed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929538\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929538 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a green turtleneck sweater stands outside.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Longtime Menlo Park resident Pam Jones opposes a ballot measure that would rewrite zoning laws to limit housing developments in the city. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both neighborhoods were originally part of the Ravenswood district, but Suburban Park seceded in 1975, joining the Menlo Park City School District instead. A 1976 lawsuit challenged the racial isolation of students of color at Ravenswood, ultimately resulting in a settlement agreement 10 years later. But Ravenswood continues to serve \u003ca href=\"http://www.ravenswoodschools.org/Choose-Ravenswood/index.html\">almost exclusively students of color\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the four elementary school districts in Menlo Park, Ravenswood is one of the \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">least well-resourced\u003c/a> with the \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1r9lNoWauD6f341SPcJIHM3Q-Lupw9UU7/view\">lowest average teacher salaries\u003c/a>. Eger said the proposed housing project would generate roughly $500,000 for the district annually — money that would go to staff salaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s big money for us,” he said. “We know this is a huge need for our staff, and it’s a huge need for our families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929521\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 416px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929521 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955.jpg\" alt='A black and white maps that reads \"Ravenswood Attendance Areas Set.\"' width=\"416\" height=\"339\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955.jpg 416w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955-160x130.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 416px) 100vw, 416px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The original Ravenswood City School District included Suburban Park and many other Menlo Park neighborhoods that ultimately seceded from the district, with the exception of Belle Haven. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Pam Jones)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The disparities between the two neighborhoods transcend educational outcomes, though, and also manifest in the city’s development patterns. Suburban Park has remained relatively unchanged in the past 20 years, but Belle Haven and the adjacent, formerly industrial area now known as the Bayfront, have seen rapid growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/blogs/technology-blog/story/2011-02-08/facebook-moving-headquarters-from-palo-alto-to-former-sun-microsystems-campus-in-menlo-park#:~:text=Facebook%20is%20moving%20its%20headquarters,Sun%20Microsystems%20in%20Menlo%20Park.&text=David%20Ebersman%2C%20Facebook's%20chief%20financial,57%2Dacre%20Menlo%20Park%20property.\">Meta, Facebook’s parent company, moved its headquarters there\u003c/a> in 2011. Since then, the city has seen a staggering \u003ca href=\"https://beta.menlopark.org/files/sharedassets/public/community-development/documents/projects/housing-element-update/menlo-park-2023-2031-housing-element-primary-hcd-review-draft.pdf\">2,000% increase in tech jobs\u003c/a>, much of it centered in the Bayfront. And in 2016, \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">the city placed nearly all new development there\u003c/a>, including 4.1 million square feet of commercial development and 5,500 new housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a recent tour, construction cranes loomed in the sky as steel clanked and drills buzzed. Jones said the constant din has made it hard to live there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pollution and the traffic are the other big things, and then a sense of, well, ‘You don’t have anyplace else to put it, so you’re dumping it on us,’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Jones said, Measure V could mean more of the same. By requiring a popular vote to add denser housing in single-family neighborhoods, city staff concluded \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">the measure would effectively redirect any new development into areas that are already zoned for denser housing\u003c/a>, which — with the exception of the city’s downtown area — are Belle Haven and Bayfront.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ballot measure can then be seen to continue the same cycle of putting the highest densities and most affordable units in the area of the community that is predominantly lower income, marginalized, and communities of color,” the \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">report\u003c/a> reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929539\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929539 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A closeup view of a woman wearing a green turtleneck sweater stands outside.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Longtime Menlo Park resident Pam Jones opposes a ballot measure that would rewrite zoning laws to limit housing developments in the city. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Jones, the intent of Measure V is clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really about racism. It’s about classism,” she said. “Whenever you say, ‘You’re going to change my neighborhood, you’re going to blight my neighborhood,’ you are talking about people of color that don’t look like you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chessari recoiled at that suggestion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, that argument is very offensive to me,” she said. The city could choose to site increased development downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones and Chessari do agree on one point, though: Measure V is about the future of Menlo Park and who gets the last word on what can be built, and where.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who are we really?” Jones wondered. “How do we really want to live? How do we want to treat our neighbors?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We’ll know when all of the ballots are counted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "whats-driving-the-spike-in-homelessness-for-latinos-in-san-francisco",
"title": "What's Driving the Spike in Homelessness for Latinos in San Francisco?",
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"headTitle": "What’s Driving the Spike in Homelessness for Latinos in San Francisco? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Every Tuesday as the sun comes up, dozens of RV residents who call Winston Drive home prepare for a weekly ritual — avoiding the street sweeper. They dislodge their wheel chocks and rumble into the parking lot of a nearby shopping mall to wait out the parking control officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the sweeper descends the sloped street, along the northern edge of the San Francisco State University campus, a line of RVs trails behind. One at a time, they lurch back into their designated spots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“See, everyone has their place. We’re a community,” said resident Jose Luis Diaz, 40, in Spanish. With the weekly move done, he stands outside his RV, waiting for his kids to finish getting ready for school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s got the spot with the tree because he was the first one out here, he says, about a month into the pandemic.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Miriam Mora, San Francisco resident\"]‘If we can contribute to the economy but we can’t have a safe place to live, it’s not a fair trade.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz lost his job as a sous-chef in March of 2020. Within a few weeks, he’d moved into the RV with his wife and kids, who are 17 and 12. Later, he says, other families from the apartment building where they were living in Daly City came to scope out their new living arrangement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now they’re neighbors again out here. They’re among the growing ranks of Latinos living on San Francisco’s streets, or in RVs, cars or city shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just a lot of ways that our community is very vulnerable,” said Laura Valdéz, executive director of Dolores Street Community Services, an organization that works with the Latino community in the Mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was clear from the early days of the pandemic that its economic costs weren’t being felt equally, with Latinos being especially hit hard. The service industry jobs available to many Latinos — in the hotel industry, housekeeping or restaurants — were gutted, Valdez says.[aside postID=\"news_11922869,news_11914346,news_11927968\" label=\"Related Posts\"]“So when COVID happened and every single person in the household is losing their job, that really created a very dire situation,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now the ripple effects are showing up as more people are becoming homeless. Despite measures meant to protect renters, homelessness among Latino residents has spiked around California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/get-involved/2022-pit-count/#:~:text=Since%20the%202019%20PIT%20Count,in%20housing%20and%20shelter%20resources.\">homelessness among Latino residents is up 55%\u003c/a> since 2019, according to the latest point-in-time count, despite an overall drop in the homeless population. In Alameda County, Latino homelessness rose 73% during the same time period, according to the nonprofit EveryOneHome, which conducts the county’s tally. It \u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/documents?id=6545-2022-greater-los-angeles-homeless-count-deck\">jumped by 26%\u003c/a> in Los Angeles County and \u003ca href=\"https://bkrhc.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/2022-PIT-Report_2022_0426_Final.docx.pdf\">by 19%\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://bkrhc.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/2020-PIT-Count-Report.pdf\">Kern County\u003c/a>, since they did their last counts in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recent counts also show that Black people continue to be \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2019/10/black-people-disproportionately-homeless-in-california/\">overrepresented on California’s streets\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surveying his RV neighborhood, Jose Diaz offers one explanation for why more Latinos are becoming homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Remember, Americans get unemployment,” he said. “Most people here, they might be immigrants, they might not have papers, so there’s no help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just undocumented Latinos, though. Diaz has a \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/victims-of-human-trafficking-and-other-crimes/victims-of-criminal-activity-u-nonimmigrant-status\">U visa\u003c/a> (for victims of crime who work with law enforcement on investigations) that allows him to work legally. But he didn’t apply for rent relief or unemployment because he worried it could hurt his pending application for permanent residency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, UCLA researchers found \u003ca href=\"https://latino.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/Renters-Report.pdf\">Latinos in California were about half as likely as whites to have applied for and received rent relief\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our community is not accessing the homelessness response system,” Valdez said, including rent relief and legal aid. She attributes that in part to fears like Diaz’s, to language and cultural barriers and to the silencing effect of xenophobic political rhetoric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz is now working as a truck driver. He plans to stay in the RV, save money and move away from the city, because he doesn’t see a future here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the pandemic, with Diaz and his wife working, he says they’d be left with $150 at the end of the month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who can survive on that? Nobody,” he said. “Everyone who ended up out here is just trying to survive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos now make up 30% of the unhoused people in San Francisco, though they’re only 16% of the overall population, according to the city’s most recent count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As bad as those new numbers are, they don’t account for the homelessness that’s harder to see — the kind Miriam Mora is living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 32-year-old has been moving place to place for the past few weeks with her three kids, who are 14, 9 and 6 months old. After staying in her car for a stint, they moved into her sister’s living room. Now they’re living at her brother’s Tenderloin studio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929297\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929297\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A woman standing next to a girl pushes a stroller with a baby wrapped in a yellow blanket past a person lying down on the sidewalk.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miriam Mora walks to visit her sister with her daughters Miriam (then 5 months) and Julissa (9), in the Tenderloin neighborhood in San Francisco on Wednesday, Oct. 12, 2022. Mora lost her job during the pandemic and has been struggling to find affordable housing. Right now she is staying with her brother, who already has several roommates in his studio apartment. Latinos now make up 30% of the unhoused people in San Francisco, though they’re only 16% of the overall population, according to the city’s most recent count. Mora said she would prefer to live in a different neighborhood where there are fewer people on the street and less drug use. \u003ccite>(Marlena Sloss/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He already had five roommates, so it’s 10 of them in one room, sharing bunk beds. Mora says she left her last home, which she shared with roommates in the Excelsior, after her landlord raised the rent, intimidated her and threatened to evict her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We paid the rent, but the landlord still harassed us,” she said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These kinds of self-evictions aren’t officially tracked, but tenant advocates say they have been on the rise since the start of the pandemic, especially among Latino renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got people who tell us their landlords tell them verbally to leave their units every day,” said Lucia Leal, a tenant counselor with Causa Justa/Just Cause. “They don’t want to deal with the harassment,” so they leave, even if they have the right to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos are also overrepresented in formal eviction data in San Francisco, even with eviction moratoriums in place during the pandemic. According to data collected by the Eviction Defense Collaborative, 20% of eviction filings between March of 2020 and March of 2022 were against Latino tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When tenants don’t know their rights, don’t speak English, have an informal living arrangement without a lease or don’t have legal status, it gives landlords a lot of power, Leal says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mora lost her job doing hourly gig work at the start of the pandemic, but says her landlord demanded the rent no matter what. “He said, ‘Come rain or thunder, whatever happens, I want my rent on the first of the month,’” Mora said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929296\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a black t-shirt with the Playstation logo descends the stairs holding a stroller.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miriam Mora walks down the stairs with her daughter, Miriam (then 5 months) at her brother’s apartment in the Tenderloin neighborhood in San Francisco on Wednesday, Oct. 12, 2022. \u003ccite>(Marlena Sloss/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mora applied for COVID rent relief, but got denied. She says her landlord wouldn’t cooperate with the application process. So she used her savings and borrowed money from a family member to cover her rent. She’s $21,000 in debt now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After she moved out, Mora says, she tried to get into a family shelter, but was put on a waiting list. She went to Compass Family Services, one of the \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/services/the-homelessness-response-system/coordinated-entry/family-coordinated-entry/\">access points for the city’s coordinated entry system\u003c/a>.\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the coordinated entry system, which is required by the federal government, people who are unhoused must go to an access point, meet with a case manager and answer a series of questions about their experiences. They are then ranked according to their level of need, and may or may not get placed in a shelter or other housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that system creates its own barriers for Latinos, says Valdez. “If you just look at coordinated entry systems anywhere, not just here in San Francisco, they create structural disparities,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2022 city-commissioned report on the coordinated entry system found that \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/get-involved/coordinated-entry-evaluation-report/\">Latinos were less likely to be prioritized for housing\u003c/a> than other groups and were underrepresented in the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the Latino Task Force’s Street Needs Assessment Committee \u003ca href=\"https://www.ltfrespuestalatina.com/_files/ugd/bbc25b_99f10a84713449bd9e24e1ec89bb1c0c.pdf\">surveyed more than 100 unhoused residents\u003c/a> in the Mission earlier this year and found that almost a quarter became homeless during the pandemic, and 83% were not in the coordinated entry system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Larisa Pedroncelli, co-chair of the committee, attributes this to a number of factors: distrust, especially among undocumented immigrants, the lack of access points in the Mission, and a dearth of linguistically and culturally competent service providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You are being assessed by somebody you’ve never met and you’re asked to share some of your deepest traumas,” she said, noting that many people feel uncomfortable sharing those experiences, and that’s why they don’t get connected with the housing and services they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee’s report calls for empowering Mission-based organizations to facilitate coordinated entry access. “Because the relationships are there, they know the folks on the street, so it’s much easier for them to share their traumas and to be able to be properly assessed,” Pedroncelli said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emily Cohen, spokesperson for the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, says the department is ramping up work in the Mission, in part by increasing partnerships with nonprofits that serve the Latino community and opening a new coordinated entry access point in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mora is also looking for more permanent housing. Every week, she goes to the Mission Economic Development Agency to \u003ca href=\"https://housing.sfgov.org/\">apply for one of the city’s few open affordable apartments\u003c/a>, but her chances of landing a spot are slim. On a visit in September, she’s one of 814 people who’ve applied for a single apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929304\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929304\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a black t-shirt holding on to a stroller is next to a girl wearing a black hoodie. To the left of them is a man wearing a colorful tshirt and gray hat. To the right isa man wearing a black jacket and pants.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miriam Mora leaves her brother’s apartment building with her daughters Miriam (then 5 months) and Julissa (9) as two men who were sitting on the steps move aside in the Tenderloin neighborhood in San Francisco on Wednesday, Oct. 12, 2022. \u003ccite>(Marlena Sloss/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, the Latino Task Force says the city needs to focus more on building affordable housing,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are calling for policy changes, like curbing market rate housing development in neighborhoods where residents are \u003ca href=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/maps/california-estimated-displacement-risk-model/\">most vulnerable to displacement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valdez, who works with the task force, wants to see more efforts to prevent evictions and greater investments in affordable housing. Without them, she says, as the \u003ca href=\"https://medasf.org/what-does-displacement-look-like-part-1-census-2020-and-latinos-in-the-mission/\">Latino population in the city continues to grow\u003c/a>, “We’re just going to see larger and larger numbers of unhoused community members.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mora has worked service industry jobs since she came to this country alone as a teenager. She was doing gig work when the pandemic started, and when that dried up the state denied her unemployment claim. She says she feels exploited because she’s worked hard and paid taxes and she can’t afford to live here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we can contribute to the economy but we can’t have a safe place to live, it’s not a fair trade,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, after 15 years in San Francisco, she’s considering going back to her hometown of Puebla in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In San Francisco, homelessness among Latino residents is up 55% since 2019, according to the latest point-in-time count, despite an overall drop in the unhoused population.",
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"title": "What's Driving the Spike in Homelessness for Latinos in San Francisco? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Every Tuesday as the sun comes up, dozens of RV residents who call Winston Drive home prepare for a weekly ritual — avoiding the street sweeper. They dislodge their wheel chocks and rumble into the parking lot of a nearby shopping mall to wait out the parking control officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the sweeper descends the sloped street, along the northern edge of the San Francisco State University campus, a line of RVs trails behind. One at a time, they lurch back into their designated spots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“See, everyone has their place. We’re a community,” said resident Jose Luis Diaz, 40, in Spanish. With the weekly move done, he stands outside his RV, waiting for his kids to finish getting ready for school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s got the spot with the tree because he was the first one out here, he says, about a month into the pandemic.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘If we can contribute to the economy but we can’t have a safe place to live, it’s not a fair trade.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz lost his job as a sous-chef in March of 2020. Within a few weeks, he’d moved into the RV with his wife and kids, who are 17 and 12. Later, he says, other families from the apartment building where they were living in Daly City came to scope out their new living arrangement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now they’re neighbors again out here. They’re among the growing ranks of Latinos living on San Francisco’s streets, or in RVs, cars or city shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just a lot of ways that our community is very vulnerable,” said Laura Valdéz, executive director of Dolores Street Community Services, an organization that works with the Latino community in the Mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was clear from the early days of the pandemic that its economic costs weren’t being felt equally, with Latinos being especially hit hard. The service industry jobs available to many Latinos — in the hotel industry, housekeeping or restaurants — were gutted, Valdez says.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“So when COVID happened and every single person in the household is losing their job, that really created a very dire situation,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now the ripple effects are showing up as more people are becoming homeless. Despite measures meant to protect renters, homelessness among Latino residents has spiked around California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/get-involved/2022-pit-count/#:~:text=Since%20the%202019%20PIT%20Count,in%20housing%20and%20shelter%20resources.\">homelessness among Latino residents is up 55%\u003c/a> since 2019, according to the latest point-in-time count, despite an overall drop in the homeless population. In Alameda County, Latino homelessness rose 73% during the same time period, according to the nonprofit EveryOneHome, which conducts the county’s tally. It \u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/documents?id=6545-2022-greater-los-angeles-homeless-count-deck\">jumped by 26%\u003c/a> in Los Angeles County and \u003ca href=\"https://bkrhc.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/2022-PIT-Report_2022_0426_Final.docx.pdf\">by 19%\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://bkrhc.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/2020-PIT-Count-Report.pdf\">Kern County\u003c/a>, since they did their last counts in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recent counts also show that Black people continue to be \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2019/10/black-people-disproportionately-homeless-in-california/\">overrepresented on California’s streets\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surveying his RV neighborhood, Jose Diaz offers one explanation for why more Latinos are becoming homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Remember, Americans get unemployment,” he said. “Most people here, they might be immigrants, they might not have papers, so there’s no help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just undocumented Latinos, though. Diaz has a \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/victims-of-human-trafficking-and-other-crimes/victims-of-criminal-activity-u-nonimmigrant-status\">U visa\u003c/a> (for victims of crime who work with law enforcement on investigations) that allows him to work legally. But he didn’t apply for rent relief or unemployment because he worried it could hurt his pending application for permanent residency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, UCLA researchers found \u003ca href=\"https://latino.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/Renters-Report.pdf\">Latinos in California were about half as likely as whites to have applied for and received rent relief\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our community is not accessing the homelessness response system,” Valdez said, including rent relief and legal aid. She attributes that in part to fears like Diaz’s, to language and cultural barriers and to the silencing effect of xenophobic political rhetoric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz is now working as a truck driver. He plans to stay in the RV, save money and move away from the city, because he doesn’t see a future here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the pandemic, with Diaz and his wife working, he says they’d be left with $150 at the end of the month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who can survive on that? Nobody,” he said. “Everyone who ended up out here is just trying to survive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos now make up 30% of the unhoused people in San Francisco, though they’re only 16% of the overall population, according to the city’s most recent count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As bad as those new numbers are, they don’t account for the homelessness that’s harder to see — the kind Miriam Mora is living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 32-year-old has been moving place to place for the past few weeks with her three kids, who are 14, 9 and 6 months old. After staying in her car for a stint, they moved into her sister’s living room. Now they’re living at her brother’s Tenderloin studio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929297\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929297\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A woman standing next to a girl pushes a stroller with a baby wrapped in a yellow blanket past a person lying down on the sidewalk.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miriam Mora walks to visit her sister with her daughters Miriam (then 5 months) and Julissa (9), in the Tenderloin neighborhood in San Francisco on Wednesday, Oct. 12, 2022. Mora lost her job during the pandemic and has been struggling to find affordable housing. Right now she is staying with her brother, who already has several roommates in his studio apartment. Latinos now make up 30% of the unhoused people in San Francisco, though they’re only 16% of the overall population, according to the city’s most recent count. Mora said she would prefer to live in a different neighborhood where there are fewer people on the street and less drug use. \u003ccite>(Marlena Sloss/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He already had five roommates, so it’s 10 of them in one room, sharing bunk beds. Mora says she left her last home, which she shared with roommates in the Excelsior, after her landlord raised the rent, intimidated her and threatened to evict her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We paid the rent, but the landlord still harassed us,” she said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These kinds of self-evictions aren’t officially tracked, but tenant advocates say they have been on the rise since the start of the pandemic, especially among Latino renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got people who tell us their landlords tell them verbally to leave their units every day,” said Lucia Leal, a tenant counselor with Causa Justa/Just Cause. “They don’t want to deal with the harassment,” so they leave, even if they have the right to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos are also overrepresented in formal eviction data in San Francisco, even with eviction moratoriums in place during the pandemic. According to data collected by the Eviction Defense Collaborative, 20% of eviction filings between March of 2020 and March of 2022 were against Latino tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When tenants don’t know their rights, don’t speak English, have an informal living arrangement without a lease or don’t have legal status, it gives landlords a lot of power, Leal says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mora lost her job doing hourly gig work at the start of the pandemic, but says her landlord demanded the rent no matter what. “He said, ‘Come rain or thunder, whatever happens, I want my rent on the first of the month,’” Mora said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929296\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a black t-shirt with the Playstation logo descends the stairs holding a stroller.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miriam Mora walks down the stairs with her daughter, Miriam (then 5 months) at her brother’s apartment in the Tenderloin neighborhood in San Francisco on Wednesday, Oct. 12, 2022. \u003ccite>(Marlena Sloss/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mora applied for COVID rent relief, but got denied. She says her landlord wouldn’t cooperate with the application process. So she used her savings and borrowed money from a family member to cover her rent. She’s $21,000 in debt now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After she moved out, Mora says, she tried to get into a family shelter, but was put on a waiting list. She went to Compass Family Services, one of the \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/services/the-homelessness-response-system/coordinated-entry/family-coordinated-entry/\">access points for the city’s coordinated entry system\u003c/a>.\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the coordinated entry system, which is required by the federal government, people who are unhoused must go to an access point, meet with a case manager and answer a series of questions about their experiences. They are then ranked according to their level of need, and may or may not get placed in a shelter or other housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that system creates its own barriers for Latinos, says Valdez. “If you just look at coordinated entry systems anywhere, not just here in San Francisco, they create structural disparities,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2022 city-commissioned report on the coordinated entry system found that \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/get-involved/coordinated-entry-evaluation-report/\">Latinos were less likely to be prioritized for housing\u003c/a> than other groups and were underrepresented in the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the Latino Task Force’s Street Needs Assessment Committee \u003ca href=\"https://www.ltfrespuestalatina.com/_files/ugd/bbc25b_99f10a84713449bd9e24e1ec89bb1c0c.pdf\">surveyed more than 100 unhoused residents\u003c/a> in the Mission earlier this year and found that almost a quarter became homeless during the pandemic, and 83% were not in the coordinated entry system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Larisa Pedroncelli, co-chair of the committee, attributes this to a number of factors: distrust, especially among undocumented immigrants, the lack of access points in the Mission, and a dearth of linguistically and culturally competent service providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You are being assessed by somebody you’ve never met and you’re asked to share some of your deepest traumas,” she said, noting that many people feel uncomfortable sharing those experiences, and that’s why they don’t get connected with the housing and services they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee’s report calls for empowering Mission-based organizations to facilitate coordinated entry access. “Because the relationships are there, they know the folks on the street, so it’s much easier for them to share their traumas and to be able to be properly assessed,” Pedroncelli said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emily Cohen, spokesperson for the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, says the department is ramping up work in the Mission, in part by increasing partnerships with nonprofits that serve the Latino community and opening a new coordinated entry access point in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mora is also looking for more permanent housing. Every week, she goes to the Mission Economic Development Agency to \u003ca href=\"https://housing.sfgov.org/\">apply for one of the city’s few open affordable apartments\u003c/a>, but her chances of landing a spot are slim. On a visit in September, she’s one of 814 people who’ve applied for a single apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929304\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929304\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a black t-shirt holding on to a stroller is next to a girl wearing a black hoodie. To the left of them is a man wearing a colorful tshirt and gray hat. To the right isa man wearing a black jacket and pants.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miriam Mora leaves her brother’s apartment building with her daughters Miriam (then 5 months) and Julissa (9) as two men who were sitting on the steps move aside in the Tenderloin neighborhood in San Francisco on Wednesday, Oct. 12, 2022. \u003ccite>(Marlena Sloss/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, the Latino Task Force says the city needs to focus more on building affordable housing,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are calling for policy changes, like curbing market rate housing development in neighborhoods where residents are \u003ca href=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/maps/california-estimated-displacement-risk-model/\">most vulnerable to displacement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valdez, who works with the task force, wants to see more efforts to prevent evictions and greater investments in affordable housing. Without them, she says, as the \u003ca href=\"https://medasf.org/what-does-displacement-look-like-part-1-census-2020-and-latinos-in-the-mission/\">Latino population in the city continues to grow\u003c/a>, “We’re just going to see larger and larger numbers of unhoused community members.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mora has worked service industry jobs since she came to this country alone as a teenager. She was doing gig work when the pandemic started, and when that dried up the state denied her unemployment claim. She says she feels exploited because she’s worked hard and paid taxes and she can’t afford to live here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we can contribute to the economy but we can’t have a safe place to live, it’s not a fair trade,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, after 15 years in San Francisco, she’s considering going back to her hometown of Puebla in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s COVID-19 emergency will officially end in February as Gov. Gavin Newsom said the state has enough resources and plans to manage the pandemic without the need for a formal declaration that gives the governor the power to suspend or change laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His office made the announcement Monday, touting the state’s relatively low transmission and hospitalization rates, and saying the delay until next year will give the state’s health care system any flexibility it still needs for a possible winter surge in cases and hospitalizations, and give everyone enough time to prepare for the phaseout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Throughout the pandemic, we’ve been guided by the science and data – moving quickly and strategically to save lives. The State of Emergency was an effective and necessary tool that we utilized to protect our state, and we wouldn’t have gotten to this point without it,” Newsom said in a statement. “With the operational preparedness that we’ve built up and the measures that we’ll continue to employ moving forward, California is ready to phase out this tool.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11890715,news_11876747\"]Newsom declared a state of emergency for the coronavirus on March 4, 2020, shortly after an older adult was the first confirmed death from the disease in California — the first of nearly 95,000 deaths in the state to date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Newsom has used his authority under the emergency declaration to issue 596 orders. Some were small, like delaying deadlines for filing taxes or renewing driver’s licenses. But others were life-changing, including issuing a statewide stay-at-home order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the threat of this virus is still real, our preparedness and collective work have helped turn this once crisis emergency into a manageable situation,” California Health and Human Services Secretary Mark Ghaly said in the statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the state of emergency is officially over at the end of February, Newsom’s pandemic-related executive orders will no longer be in effect. But this will largely be a symbolic marker for most residents, as the majority of those orders either have already expired or been lifted. As of October, just 27 of Newsom’s orders remain in place, according to the governor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The formal end of the emergency will also not affect public health orders, which are issued and enforced by state and local public health officers. That includes a statewide mandate that schoolchildren be vaccinated against the coronavirus — a requirement that has been delayed until next summer at the earliest.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How ripple effects could affect Bay Area renters and landlords\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Still, Newsom’s decision could result in very tangible effects for some Bay Area renters and landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California’s statewide eviction moratorium expired at the beginning of September, renter protections remain in place in some cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/information/covid-19-emergency-tenant-protections#:~:text=AB%2D2179%20permanently%20prohibits%20evictions,rent%20that%20is%20still%20unpaid\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/cda/hcd/documents/EvictionMoratoriumOrdinanceSummaryFAQ8.11.20.pdf\">Alameda County\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/FAQ-Sheet_Emergency-Moratorium_EN_6.9.22_Final_2022-08-16-215127_pkib.pdf#:~:text=California's%20Eviction%20Moratorium%20expired%20on,Council%20lifts%20the%20local%20emergency\">Oakland\u003c/a>, those protections are tied to local states of emergency. If local leaders follow the governor’s cue and lift those orders, renters in those cities and counties will once again be subject to eviction for nonpayment of rent related to COVID financial hardships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the \u003ca href=\"https://abc7.com/los-angeles-city-council-covid-eviction-moratorium-la-rent-controlled-apartments-landlord-rights/12294767/\">Los Angeles City Council voted to lift its eviction moratorium starting on February 1\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Oakland and Alameda County’s eviction moratoriums are facing a court challenge from property owners. A federal judge is expected to determine in the coming weeks whether the lawsuit will move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom says he will ask the state Legislature to put two of his other orders into law, making them permanent. One would continue to allow nurses to order and dispense certain COVID-19 medications, and another would allow laboratory workers to continue processing COVID-19 tests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The emergency orders issued by Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/health-california-coronavirus-pandemic-7c43d6bbe95927266342fa1ca94662e6\">survived a legal challenge\u003c/a> from key state Republican leaders. The California Supreme Court last year left in place a lower court’s ruling that the governor acted within his authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting by Adam Beam of The Associated Press and KQED’s Erika Kelly.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s COVID-19 emergency will officially end in February as Gov. Gavin Newsom said the state has enough resources and plans to manage the pandemic without the need for a formal declaration that gives the governor the power to suspend or change laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His office made the announcement Monday, touting the state’s relatively low transmission and hospitalization rates, and saying the delay until next year will give the state’s health care system any flexibility it still needs for a possible winter surge in cases and hospitalizations, and give everyone enough time to prepare for the phaseout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Throughout the pandemic, we’ve been guided by the science and data – moving quickly and strategically to save lives. The State of Emergency was an effective and necessary tool that we utilized to protect our state, and we wouldn’t have gotten to this point without it,” Newsom said in a statement. “With the operational preparedness that we’ve built up and the measures that we’ll continue to employ moving forward, California is ready to phase out this tool.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Newsom declared a state of emergency for the coronavirus on March 4, 2020, shortly after an older adult was the first confirmed death from the disease in California — the first of nearly 95,000 deaths in the state to date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Newsom has used his authority under the emergency declaration to issue 596 orders. Some were small, like delaying deadlines for filing taxes or renewing driver’s licenses. But others were life-changing, including issuing a statewide stay-at-home order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the threat of this virus is still real, our preparedness and collective work have helped turn this once crisis emergency into a manageable situation,” California Health and Human Services Secretary Mark Ghaly said in the statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the state of emergency is officially over at the end of February, Newsom’s pandemic-related executive orders will no longer be in effect. But this will largely be a symbolic marker for most residents, as the majority of those orders either have already expired or been lifted. As of October, just 27 of Newsom’s orders remain in place, according to the governor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The formal end of the emergency will also not affect public health orders, which are issued and enforced by state and local public health officers. That includes a statewide mandate that schoolchildren be vaccinated against the coronavirus — a requirement that has been delayed until next summer at the earliest.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How ripple effects could affect Bay Area renters and landlords\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Still, Newsom’s decision could result in very tangible effects for some Bay Area renters and landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California’s statewide eviction moratorium expired at the beginning of September, renter protections remain in place in some cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/information/covid-19-emergency-tenant-protections#:~:text=AB%2D2179%20permanently%20prohibits%20evictions,rent%20that%20is%20still%20unpaid\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/cda/hcd/documents/EvictionMoratoriumOrdinanceSummaryFAQ8.11.20.pdf\">Alameda County\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/FAQ-Sheet_Emergency-Moratorium_EN_6.9.22_Final_2022-08-16-215127_pkib.pdf#:~:text=California's%20Eviction%20Moratorium%20expired%20on,Council%20lifts%20the%20local%20emergency\">Oakland\u003c/a>, those protections are tied to local states of emergency. If local leaders follow the governor’s cue and lift those orders, renters in those cities and counties will once again be subject to eviction for nonpayment of rent related to COVID financial hardships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the \u003ca href=\"https://abc7.com/los-angeles-city-council-covid-eviction-moratorium-la-rent-controlled-apartments-landlord-rights/12294767/\">Los Angeles City Council voted to lift its eviction moratorium starting on February 1\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Oakland and Alameda County’s eviction moratoriums are facing a court challenge from property owners. A federal judge is expected to determine in the coming weeks whether the lawsuit will move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom says he will ask the state Legislature to put two of his other orders into law, making them permanent. One would continue to allow nurses to order and dispense certain COVID-19 medications, and another would allow laboratory workers to continue processing COVID-19 tests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The emergency orders issued by Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/health-california-coronavirus-pandemic-7c43d6bbe95927266342fa1ca94662e6\">survived a legal challenge\u003c/a> from key state Republican leaders. The California Supreme Court last year left in place a lower court’s ruling that the governor acted within his authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting by Adam Beam of The Associated Press and KQED’s Erika Kelly.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>What Does the State Controller Do?\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The state controller acts as an independent financial watchdog over California’s finances. The controller pays the state’s bills and has the power to audit state agencies. The controller also helps administer the state’s pension funds and sits on more than 70 state boards and commissions.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Democratic Candidate Malia Cohen\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Democrat Malia Cohen got her start in public office as a member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, where she served for eight years representing Bayview-Hunters Point, Potrero Hill and other neighborhoods on the city’s east side. She currently chairs the State Board of Equalization, an obscure but powerful office that deals with issues related to property taxes and other financial matters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Republican Candidate Lanhee Chen\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Republican Lanhee Chen is a public policy analyst and fellow at Stanford’s Hoover Institution. This is his first run for office, but in the past he’s advised several presidential candidates, including Mitt Romney and Marco Rubio. He also served in the Obama administration on the bipartisan Social Security Advisory Board. Chen is hoping to do something no Republican has done since 2006: win a statewide election in California.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>What Does the State Controller Do?\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The state controller acts as an independent financial watchdog over California’s finances. The controller pays the state’s bills and has the power to audit state agencies. The controller also helps administer the state’s pension funds and sits on more than 70 state boards and commissions.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Democratic Candidate Malia Cohen\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Democrat Malia Cohen got her start in public office as a member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, where she served for eight years representing Bayview-Hunters Point, Potrero Hill and other neighborhoods on the city’s east side. She currently chairs the State Board of Equalization, an obscure but powerful office that deals with issues related to property taxes and other financial matters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Republican Candidate Lanhee Chen\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Republican Lanhee Chen is a public policy analyst and fellow at Stanford’s Hoover Institution. This is his first run for office, but in the past he’s advised several presidential candidates, including Mitt Romney and Marco Rubio. He also served in the Obama administration on the bipartisan Social Security Advisory Board. Chen is hoping to do something no Republican has done since 2006: win a statewide election in California.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A growing number of Bay Area nonprofit workers have gone on strike or joined unions in recent months — a surge of labor organizing by the people who serve some of the region’s most marginalized residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff at Glide Foundation last week submitted a letter of intent to management stating that they planned to form a union, becoming the latest in a string of nonprofit employee groups to organize to ensure worker protections and a living wage. In doing so, workers at the nonprofit, which serves San Francisco’s unhoused community, joined their counterparts at Hamilton Families, Impact Justice and Episcopal Community Services, all Bay Area nonprofits that unionized with the Office and Professional Employees International Union (OPEIU) Local 29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11920638,news_11927383,news_11926218\"]Last month, employees of the Tenderloin Housing Clinic — already members of Service Employees International Union (SEIU) Local 1021 — ratified a new contract that included an average 22% pay raise following nine months of bargaining and a first-of-its-kind, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11920638/tenderloin-housing-clinic-workers-strike-in-demand-for-higher-wages\">24-hour strike\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jane Bosio, union representative with OPEIU Local 29, said nonprofit workers have long been underpaid. That’s not only compared with employees in the private sector, she said, but also with city employees with whom these workers often collaborate to serve unhoused and otherwise marginalized populations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current movement, Bosio said, is a result of nonprofit staff taking a stand against being treated like “second-class employees,” and demanding their employers — and the cities they contract with — pay more attention to the welfare of workers who are providing vital services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Workers are coming to realize that they’re in this work because they care about it, they care about the community … but they can’t live just on their desire to serve others,” she said. “They have to pay rent. They have to feed their kids. They have to be able to pay for gas and transit to get to work. And so they understand that they need a living wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff at Glide and other nonprofits have reached out to workers at the San Francisco-Marin Food Bank — who joined OPEIU Local 29 in 2019 — for guidance as they jump-start their own organizing efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emily Citraro, a veteran employee of the food bank who now serves as a union steward, said staff there began to organize following a growing consensus that the organization’s institutional problems were being ignored by management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were just burnt out. There was tremendous turnover. It’s one thing when people leave, and it’s another thing when people just sit there and cry,” she said. “It was just such an unstable, unsustainable situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928374\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11928374\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a volunteer sorts donated food for the SF Marin food bank\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteers sort donated apples at the San Francisco-Marin Food Bank. The organization’s workers voted to unionize in 2020, winning raises and worker protections, following a growing sense among employees that management was ignoring institutional problems. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since workers at the food bank ratified their contract, “people are really seeing that they have the ability to bring [an issue] to one of the stewards, and the stewards will escalate it and then they have the full force of the union behind them,” Citraro said. “And you just didn’t have any protection if you tried to do that before. There was always the chance that you would just be retaliated against.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, San Francisco approved a budget that includes $27 million in discretionary general fund money to be used for a cost-of-living adjustment for nonprofit workers — including caseworkers, property managers and maintenance workers — and to lower case manager-to-client ratios.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Amy Huntley, case manager, Compass Family Services\"]‘Our workers aren’t getting paid enough … Basically anybody that works at this organization could end up in the situation that our clients end up in.’[/pullquote]But some nonprofit workers said the city’s efforts barely scratch the surface of their needs. Sam Meredith, a social worker with the Tenderloin Housing Clinic, said in July that the raise ranges presented by the city “still don’t really address what we’re fighting for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said it took the strike to get the city’s attention and their demands met. The contract that THC workers ratified in September included an average raise of 22%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at Compass Family Services, another nonprofit that helps San Francisco residents find stable housing and economic stability, will vote in November on whether to form a union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our workers aren’t getting paid enough [and don’t have] good enough health benefits, child care and all that kind of stuff,” said Amy Huntley, a case manager at the organization. “Basically anybody that works [at] this organization could end up in the situation that our clients end up in.” She added that management has been discouraging workers from voting to unionize, arguing that a union would add an extra layer to the organization and drastically change how the organization works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saba Mwine, managing director at USC’s Homelessness Policy Research Institute, said many of the people who work in social service nonprofits also have experienced homelessness themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks working in this field are already going above and beyond. Just the fact that conditions are such that folks are needing to also organize on top of the work they’re doing is unfortunate for us as a society,” said Mwine. “We ideally would really support their work robustly, because without that community of workers, there’s no way that we’re going to be able to end or even meaningfully address our homelessness crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928380\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11928380\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A worker in a yellow jacket looks on at an unhoused person sleeping in a cardboard box on the street\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Glide employee tries to speak with a man who fell asleep on the street while waiting in line for a bed at the organization’s shelter in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>People working on the front lines of the homelessness crisis can experience “secondary trauma” from the stories they hear and situations they witness, she added. Many workers also have valid concerns about their own physical safety and “a lack of training, professional development and advancement,” said Mwine, pointing to \u003ca href=\"https://homeforgoodla.org/app/uploads/2022/09/UW-Current-State-Assessment_-Deliverable-2_8.26.22.pdf\">a recent report about conditions and retention issues\u003c/a> at organizations that serve the unhoused population in Los Angeles. “I think there’s a sort of psychic weight, because you feel the weight of the fact that homelessness is increasing despite your everyday efforts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Locally, nonprofit workers’ efforts align with several recent organized labor actions in the private sector. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11928188/mass-janitor-layoffs-at-meta-offices-trigger-open-ended-strike\">J\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11928188/mass-janitor-layoffs-at-meta-offices-trigger-open-ended-strike\">anitors at Meta went on strike\u003c/a> last week in response to mass layoffs, while restaurant employees at San Francisco International Airport successfully won a $5 raise and family health care following their \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11927383/pressure-from-sf-supes-helped-striking-sfo-restaurant-workers-win-a-deal\">three-day strike in September\u003c/a>. At Kaiser Permanente, some mental health care workers are entering Week 9 of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925882/one-month-into-grinding-strike-negotiations-break-down-between-kaiser-permanente-and-mental-health-workers\">an open-ended strike\u003c/a> over what union representatives call an unsustainable workload and unsafe therapist-to-client ratios.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those actions are in line with a resurgence of labor organizing nationwide, including high-profile efforts at major corporations like Amazon and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/10/02/1124680518/starbucks-union-busting-howard-schultz-nlrb\">Starbucks\u003c/a>. The National Labor Relations Board reported that workers filed more than 2,500 new union representation petitions in 2022 — a 53% spike from the 1,638 petitions filed by workers in 2021 and the highest number since 2016. And a recent Gallup poll found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/08/31/1120111276/labor-union-support-in-us\">support for unions in the U.S. is at a 57-year high\u003c/a>, with 71% of Americans stating they support labor unions, up from 64% in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last month, employees of the Tenderloin Housing Clinic — already members of Service Employees International Union (SEIU) Local 1021 — ratified a new contract that included an average 22% pay raise following nine months of bargaining and a first-of-its-kind, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11920638/tenderloin-housing-clinic-workers-strike-in-demand-for-higher-wages\">24-hour strike\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jane Bosio, union representative with OPEIU Local 29, said nonprofit workers have long been underpaid. That’s not only compared with employees in the private sector, she said, but also with city employees with whom these workers often collaborate to serve unhoused and otherwise marginalized populations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current movement, Bosio said, is a result of nonprofit staff taking a stand against being treated like “second-class employees,” and demanding their employers — and the cities they contract with — pay more attention to the welfare of workers who are providing vital services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Workers are coming to realize that they’re in this work because they care about it, they care about the community … but they can’t live just on their desire to serve others,” she said. “They have to pay rent. They have to feed their kids. They have to be able to pay for gas and transit to get to work. And so they understand that they need a living wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff at Glide and other nonprofits have reached out to workers at the San Francisco-Marin Food Bank — who joined OPEIU Local 29 in 2019 — for guidance as they jump-start their own organizing efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emily Citraro, a veteran employee of the food bank who now serves as a union steward, said staff there began to organize following a growing consensus that the organization’s institutional problems were being ignored by management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were just burnt out. There was tremendous turnover. It’s one thing when people leave, and it’s another thing when people just sit there and cry,” she said. “It was just such an unstable, unsustainable situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928374\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11928374\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a volunteer sorts donated food for the SF Marin food bank\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteers sort donated apples at the San Francisco-Marin Food Bank. The organization’s workers voted to unionize in 2020, winning raises and worker protections, following a growing sense among employees that management was ignoring institutional problems. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since workers at the food bank ratified their contract, “people are really seeing that they have the ability to bring [an issue] to one of the stewards, and the stewards will escalate it and then they have the full force of the union behind them,” Citraro said. “And you just didn’t have any protection if you tried to do that before. There was always the chance that you would just be retaliated against.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, San Francisco approved a budget that includes $27 million in discretionary general fund money to be used for a cost-of-living adjustment for nonprofit workers — including caseworkers, property managers and maintenance workers — and to lower case manager-to-client ratios.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Our workers aren’t getting paid enough … Basically anybody that works at this organization could end up in the situation that our clients end up in.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But some nonprofit workers said the city’s efforts barely scratch the surface of their needs. Sam Meredith, a social worker with the Tenderloin Housing Clinic, said in July that the raise ranges presented by the city “still don’t really address what we’re fighting for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said it took the strike to get the city’s attention and their demands met. The contract that THC workers ratified in September included an average raise of 22%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at Compass Family Services, another nonprofit that helps San Francisco residents find stable housing and economic stability, will vote in November on whether to form a union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our workers aren’t getting paid enough [and don’t have] good enough health benefits, child care and all that kind of stuff,” said Amy Huntley, a case manager at the organization. “Basically anybody that works [at] this organization could end up in the situation that our clients end up in.” She added that management has been discouraging workers from voting to unionize, arguing that a union would add an extra layer to the organization and drastically change how the organization works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saba Mwine, managing director at USC’s Homelessness Policy Research Institute, said many of the people who work in social service nonprofits also have experienced homelessness themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks working in this field are already going above and beyond. Just the fact that conditions are such that folks are needing to also organize on top of the work they’re doing is unfortunate for us as a society,” said Mwine. “We ideally would really support their work robustly, because without that community of workers, there’s no way that we’re going to be able to end or even meaningfully address our homelessness crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928380\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11928380\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A worker in a yellow jacket looks on at an unhoused person sleeping in a cardboard box on the street\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Glide employee tries to speak with a man who fell asleep on the street while waiting in line for a bed at the organization’s shelter in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>People working on the front lines of the homelessness crisis can experience “secondary trauma” from the stories they hear and situations they witness, she added. Many workers also have valid concerns about their own physical safety and “a lack of training, professional development and advancement,” said Mwine, pointing to \u003ca href=\"https://homeforgoodla.org/app/uploads/2022/09/UW-Current-State-Assessment_-Deliverable-2_8.26.22.pdf\">a recent report about conditions and retention issues\u003c/a> at organizations that serve the unhoused population in Los Angeles. “I think there’s a sort of psychic weight, because you feel the weight of the fact that homelessness is increasing despite your everyday efforts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Locally, nonprofit workers’ efforts align with several recent organized labor actions in the private sector. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11928188/mass-janitor-layoffs-at-meta-offices-trigger-open-ended-strike\">J\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11928188/mass-janitor-layoffs-at-meta-offices-trigger-open-ended-strike\">anitors at Meta went on strike\u003c/a> last week in response to mass layoffs, while restaurant employees at San Francisco International Airport successfully won a $5 raise and family health care following their \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11927383/pressure-from-sf-supes-helped-striking-sfo-restaurant-workers-win-a-deal\">three-day strike in September\u003c/a>. At Kaiser Permanente, some mental health care workers are entering Week 9 of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925882/one-month-into-grinding-strike-negotiations-break-down-between-kaiser-permanente-and-mental-health-workers\">an open-ended strike\u003c/a> over what union representatives call an unsustainable workload and unsafe therapist-to-client ratios.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those actions are in line with a resurgence of labor organizing nationwide, including high-profile efforts at major corporations like Amazon and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/10/02/1124680518/starbucks-union-busting-howard-schultz-nlrb\">Starbucks\u003c/a>. The National Labor Relations Board reported that workers filed more than 2,500 new union representation petitions in 2022 — a 53% spike from the 1,638 petitions filed by workers in 2021 and the highest number since 2016. And a recent Gallup poll found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/08/31/1120111276/labor-union-support-in-us\">support for unions in the U.S. is at a 57-year high\u003c/a>, with 71% of Americans stating they support labor unions, up from 64% in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 5 p.m. Wednesday:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nOn Wednesday, California Highway Patrol officers escorted more than a dozen unhoused people off of a vacant Caltrans lot in West Oakland, just days after they had occupied it. Four activists trying to block officers from entering the lot were arrested and later released. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Spokespeople for Caltrans \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">and the city of Oakland said they are in talks about using other Caltrans properties as shelter sites, but did not provide specific details.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original story, 11 a.m. Tuesday:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nMore than a dozen unhoused residents this weekend moved to a vacant lot in West Oakland following recent evictions from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925169/residents-activists-decry-evictions-at-oaklands-largest-homeless-encampment\">the Wood Street encampment\u003c/a> — which was, until recently, the city’s largest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The residents are hoping the city of Oakland will lease the lot — at 34th Street and Mandela Parkway — from Caltrans to relieve overcrowding on city streets, where residents have moved following the evictions. But it’s still unclear whether that will happen. On Monday, California Highway Patrol officers informed residents they would have one week to leave the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re pushing us to nowhere,” said Wood Street resident LaMonte Ford from behind a chain-link fence protecting the site, which residents had locked to bar the officers from entering. “We have nowhere to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At its height, the former Wood Street encampment stretched the length of more than 15 city blocks underneath the I-880 overpass in West Oakland, along the Union Pacific and BNSF Railway, on land owned by Caltrans, the city of Oakland, BNSF and private parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early September, Caltrans began evicting the estimated 300 people who lived there. The move came after a nearly month-long delay, prompted by a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919941/closure-of-oaklands-largest-homeless-encampment-put-on-hold-for-now\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">lawsuit residents filed\u003c/a> against the transportation agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"wood-street\"]A federal judge ultimately lifted the temporary restraining order, citing safety concerns, and ordered Caltrans to work with the city of Oakland and Alameda County to offer alternative housing options to Wood Street residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Monday, 241 people had been offered lodging at Oakland’s community cabin “tuff shed” sites, congregate shelters, transitional housing and RV parking programs, according to Jerri Randrup, spokesperson for the county’s Health Care Services Agency. But only 90 have accepted those offers, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of those who did not, many have relocated elsewhere in the immediate vicinity — either to adjacent side streets or other vacant lots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925205\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925205\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man puts some items onto a truck\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ben Murawski fills a truck with his belongings in an attempt to remove the items from an area being cleared by Caltrans at the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ben Murawski, 47, who lived in an RV at Wood Street for the past two years, was one of the first to be evicted. He moved a few blocks down the road, before relocating this weekend to the lot at 34th Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ford said the idea to move there came from conversations with local city officials. He said he received a handshake agreement from Oakland City Administrator Ed Reiskin, allowing former Wood Street residents to move in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At maximum capacity, Ford said the site could accommodate about 20 to 25 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were already discussing this lot as a possibility for us,” Ford said, adding, “With no place to go and [us] spilling into the streets, we kind of just expedited things, if you will.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the city did not respond to a request for comment to confirm that agreement. Janis Mara, a spokesperson for Caltrans, said the agency was in talks with the city “regarding leasing available land for people experiencing homelessness,” but she declined to say whether that available land included the lot in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928426\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2048px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11928426\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2048\" height=\"1536\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2048px) 100vw, 2048px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">More than a dozen unhoused residents from the former Wood Street encampment moved to a vacant lot in West Oakland, Monday, Oct. 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some neighbors, however, appeared caught off guard by the move. Kathy Kuhner, who lives in the area and owns an adjacent lot, said she was concerned about the possibilities of fires, noise and trash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a really terrible homeless problem here in Oakland,” she said. “But the solution isn’t to have the homeless people break into other people’s properties. That can’t be the solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland City Council last week directed staff to pursue the option of using 8 acres at the former Oakland Army Base to house up to 300 people, including many of those displaced from the Wood Street encampment. Reiskin is expected to report back to the Council by October 18 on how to clear regulatory hurdles that would enable the city to allow people to live there, despite toxic soil and groundwater conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Ford and other residents say they don’t have the luxury of waiting for the city to make those decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not trying to step on anyone’s toes,” Ford said. “But we are trying to stay safe.”\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>KQED’s Vanessa Rancaño contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/i>\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 5 p.m. Wednesday:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nOn Wednesday, California Highway Patrol officers escorted more than a dozen unhoused people off of a vacant Caltrans lot in West Oakland, just days after they had occupied it. Four activists trying to block officers from entering the lot were arrested and later released. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Spokespeople for Caltrans \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">and the city of Oakland said they are in talks about using other Caltrans properties as shelter sites, but did not provide specific details.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original story, 11 a.m. Tuesday:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nMore than a dozen unhoused residents this weekend moved to a vacant lot in West Oakland following recent evictions from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925169/residents-activists-decry-evictions-at-oaklands-largest-homeless-encampment\">the Wood Street encampment\u003c/a> — which was, until recently, the city’s largest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The residents are hoping the city of Oakland will lease the lot — at 34th Street and Mandela Parkway — from Caltrans to relieve overcrowding on city streets, where residents have moved following the evictions. But it’s still unclear whether that will happen. On Monday, California Highway Patrol officers informed residents they would have one week to leave the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re pushing us to nowhere,” said Wood Street resident LaMonte Ford from behind a chain-link fence protecting the site, which residents had locked to bar the officers from entering. “We have nowhere to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At its height, the former Wood Street encampment stretched the length of more than 15 city blocks underneath the I-880 overpass in West Oakland, along the Union Pacific and BNSF Railway, on land owned by Caltrans, the city of Oakland, BNSF and private parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early September, Caltrans began evicting the estimated 300 people who lived there. The move came after a nearly month-long delay, prompted by a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919941/closure-of-oaklands-largest-homeless-encampment-put-on-hold-for-now\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">lawsuit residents filed\u003c/a> against the transportation agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A federal judge ultimately lifted the temporary restraining order, citing safety concerns, and ordered Caltrans to work with the city of Oakland and Alameda County to offer alternative housing options to Wood Street residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Monday, 241 people had been offered lodging at Oakland’s community cabin “tuff shed” sites, congregate shelters, transitional housing and RV parking programs, according to Jerri Randrup, spokesperson for the county’s Health Care Services Agency. But only 90 have accepted those offers, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of those who did not, many have relocated elsewhere in the immediate vicinity — either to adjacent side streets or other vacant lots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925205\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925205\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man puts some items onto a truck\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ben Murawski fills a truck with his belongings in an attempt to remove the items from an area being cleared by Caltrans at the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ben Murawski, 47, who lived in an RV at Wood Street for the past two years, was one of the first to be evicted. He moved a few blocks down the road, before relocating this weekend to the lot at 34th Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ford said the idea to move there came from conversations with local city officials. He said he received a handshake agreement from Oakland City Administrator Ed Reiskin, allowing former Wood Street residents to move in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At maximum capacity, Ford said the site could accommodate about 20 to 25 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were already discussing this lot as a possibility for us,” Ford said, adding, “With no place to go and [us] spilling into the streets, we kind of just expedited things, if you will.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the city did not respond to a request for comment to confirm that agreement. Janis Mara, a spokesperson for Caltrans, said the agency was in talks with the city “regarding leasing available land for people experiencing homelessness,” but she declined to say whether that available land included the lot in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928426\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2048px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11928426\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2048\" height=\"1536\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2048px) 100vw, 2048px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">More than a dozen unhoused residents from the former Wood Street encampment moved to a vacant lot in West Oakland, Monday, Oct. 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some neighbors, however, appeared caught off guard by the move. Kathy Kuhner, who lives in the area and owns an adjacent lot, said she was concerned about the possibilities of fires, noise and trash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a really terrible homeless problem here in Oakland,” she said. “But the solution isn’t to have the homeless people break into other people’s properties. That can’t be the solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland City Council last week directed staff to pursue the option of using 8 acres at the former Oakland Army Base to house up to 300 people, including many of those displaced from the Wood Street encampment. Reiskin is expected to report back to the Council by October 18 on how to clear regulatory hurdles that would enable the city to allow people to live there, despite toxic soil and groundwater conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Ford and other residents say they don’t have the luxury of waiting for the city to make those decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not trying to step on anyone’s toes,” Ford said. “But we are trying to stay safe.”\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>KQED’s Vanessa Rancaño contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/i>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Oakland Writers Ayodele Nzinga and Leila Mottley\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week, we welcome two contemporary Oakland authors: Leila Mottley and Dr. Ayodele Nzinga. Mottley is an Oakland Youth Poet Laureate, who at just 19 years old published “Nightcrawling” — an immersive novel and an Oprah’s Book Club selection — based on local events. She’s joined by Oakland’s inaugural Poet Laureate, Dr. Ayodele Nzinga, who shines not only as an author but also as a director, actor and educator. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Leila Mottley, “Nightcrawling” author\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ayodele Nzinga, Oakland Poet Laureate\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed, together with San Francisco Police Chief Bill Scott and San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, announced a renewed push to prosecute drug dealers while also helping people dealing with substance use disorder. We talk with \u003c/span>\u003cb>Scott Shafer,\u003c/b> \u003cb>KQED politics and government senior editor\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, who spoke with Mayor Breed this week.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: West Oakland Mural Project\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The West Oakland Mural Project highlights the vital role women played in the revolutionary Black Panther Party.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Oakland Writers Ayodele Nzinga and Leila Mottley\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week, we welcome two contemporary Oakland authors: Leila Mottley and Dr. Ayodele Nzinga. Mottley is an Oakland Youth Poet Laureate, who at just 19 years old published “Nightcrawling” — an immersive novel and an Oprah’s Book Club selection — based on local events. She’s joined by Oakland’s inaugural Poet Laureate, Dr. Ayodele Nzinga, who shines not only as an author but also as a director, actor and educator. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Leila Mottley, “Nightcrawling” author\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ayodele Nzinga, Oakland Poet Laureate\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed, together with San Francisco Police Chief Bill Scott and San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, announced a renewed push to prosecute drug dealers while also helping people dealing with substance use disorder. We talk with \u003c/span>\u003cb>Scott Shafer,\u003c/b> \u003cb>KQED politics and government senior editor\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, who spoke with Mayor Breed this week.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: West Oakland Mural Project\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The West Oakland Mural Project highlights the vital role women played in the revolutionary Black Panther Party.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-unhoused-population-grew-by-more-than-22000-since-start-of-pandemic",
"title": "California Unhoused Population Grew by More Than 22,000 Since Start of Pandemic",
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"content": "\u003cp>The first statewide snapshot of California’s homelessness crisis since the pandemic hit reveals that the number of people without a stable place to call home increased by at least 22,500 over the past three years, to 173,800.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s based on a CalMatters analysis of the federal government’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homeless/2020/01/homeless-point-in-time-count-california-inaccurate-politicized-fresno/\">point-in-time count\u003c/a>, a biennial headcount of people sleeping on the streets and in shelters \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homeless/2022/03/california-homeless-count/\">tallied by California cities and counties earlier this year\u003c/a> for the first time since 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Christopher Weare, president, Center for Homeless Inquiries\"]‘Most people, most politicians, when they talk about homelessness, it’s, ‘We’re going to build X number of shelters.’ It’s shelter, shelter, shelter. Well, all of this construction of shelters doesn’t really change the scope of the problem.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness experts mostly attribute the rise to precipitous drops in earnings during the pandemic among Californians already teetering on the edge. They also point to a worsening \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">housing affordability crisis\u003c/a> that is decades in the making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to solve this rotting core in the center of California, which is that we are a million units short of housing for extremely low-income workers,” said Margot Kushel, director of the \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/\">UCSF Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While homelessness grew by 15%, roughly the same pace as in recent years — something experts credit to pandemic-era safety nets like \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/09/california-eviction-moratorium-rent-relief/\">rental assistance\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/07/california-eviction-moratorium-tenants/\">eviction moratoria\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/07/look-up-california-stimulus-golden-state/\">stimulus checks\u003c/a> — the data also indicates the problem has gotten worse for the state’s Latino population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/1ab9fe6d-c503-4542-a9ff-6f96a49bff05?src=embed\" title=\"California homelessness through 2022\" width=\"800\" height=\"750\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics are quick to point out \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/06/california-budget-deal-2/\">the state is spending more than $14 billion on homelessness\u003c/a>. But advocates say its response is just now beginning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The price tag is bigger now,” said Tomiquia Moss, founder and chief executive of All Home, a San Francisco-based homeless policy organization. “Meanwhile, the inflow is killing us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The numbers show the state’s investment in shelters is bearing fruit. California created more than 14,000 shelter beds between 2019 and 2021, federal data shows. And local organizations reported this year the number of people staying in emergency and longer-stay shelters ballooned by nearly the same amount, from 42,800 to 57,200 people — a 33% increase since 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there still isn’t nearly enough permanent, affordable housing to bring people indoors for good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people, most politicians, when they talk about homelessness, it’s, ‘We’re going to build X number of shelters.’ It’s shelter, shelter, shelter,” said Christopher Weare, president of the \u003ca href=\"http://homelessinquiries.org/\">Center for Homeless Inquiries\u003c/a>. “Well, all of this construction of shelters doesn’t really change the scope of the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the unsheltered count, or the number of people staying in tents, tarps, cars and other spaces unfit for human habitation, grew by about 7% between 2019 and 2022, to 116,600 people. That’s a bump, but perhaps not reflective of the growing palpability of the crisis that dominates local headlines, political debates and neighborhood discussions.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Can we trust the numbers?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Not completely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unsheltered numbers are collected by volunteers every other year on a given winter’s night, and depend largely on their untrained eyes. That means people who are couch surfing, crouched in less visible spots, or staying in cars without telltale signs of habitation go undetected. The sheltered counts, collected by service providers, are more accurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The accuracy of the tallies depends largely on how many people show up to count. When local agencies rallied volunteers in the early months of the year, the omicron variant was still tearing through the state. Technical glitches in apps used to count people also threw things off: The unsheltered count in Venice, a postcard example of homelessness in Los Angeles, inexplicably \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-09-24/doubts-raised-over-the-los-angeles-homeless-count-is-it-time-for-a-new-way\">dropped from 509 people in 2019 to 0\u003c/a> amid reports of user errors and poor internet connection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was surprised that the increase wasn’t larger across the state,” said Arturo Baiocchi, assistant professor of social work at California State University, Sacramento. “Communities reported many more vehicles that are being used for shelter, and larger encampments, and that didn’t necessarily correlate with a larger unsheltered count. For me, I’m going to wait until 2023 before I feel pretty confident about what’s going on across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baiocchi, who helped conduct Sacramento’s point-in-time count, documented a \u003ca href=\"https://sacramentostepsforward.org/continuum-of-care-point-in-time-pit-count/2022-pit-count/\">startling 67% jump\u003c/a>, or an additional 3,700 people experiencing homelessness in the city and county since 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While far from perfect, the count offers the only statewide look at unsheltered homelessness in California, particularly among people who aren’t enrolled in services and therefore overlooked by their \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/californias-homelessness-crisis-explained/#1ad2adb0-b393-417a-8a20-b581f38e8b50\">tracking metrics\u003c/a>. The federal government also takes it seriously: The numbers help determine how much funding flows where.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The feds expect to release their report on the national tally to Congress in early- to mid-December, which gives them time to iron out the kinks presented by the mishmash of local methodologies. The Department of Housing and Urban Development and the state housing department declined to comment on the data, citing pending final results.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Latino homelessness on the rise\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>More detailed local reports reveal a troubling trend: While \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2019/10/black-people-disproportionately-homeless-in-california/\">Black people continue to be overrepresented\u003c/a> on the street, more and more Latinos are falling into homelessness.[aside postID=\"news_11914346,news_11926519,news_11926891\" label=\"Related Posts\"]The city and county of Los Angeles, for example, saw its total unhoused population rise by 4% from 2020 to 69,000 people, an increase of 2,700 people. But its unhoused Latino population \u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/documents?id=6545-2022-greater-los-angeles-homeless-count-deck\">spiked by 26%\u003c/a>, or nearly 6,000 folks. Los Angeles is home to 40% of the state’s unhoused population and is seen by experts as a bellwether for homelessness in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos were long on the economic brink before being disproportionately sickened, killed and economically devastated by the pandemic, said Melissa Chinchilla, health services specialist and associate investigator at the UCLA Latino Policy and Politics Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think for a long time, the Latino advocates in homeless services felt that the numbers were actually not reflective of how bad the situation was or how high the need was,” Chinchilla said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When state and local governments implemented pandemic programs to help people stay afloat, many Latinos were shut out, she said. Some people who were paid under the table, like house cleaners or field-workers, may have struggled to qualify for unemployment insurance, while others with informal leases or language barriers ran up against similar problems with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/10/california-rent-relief-immigrants-barriers/\">rental assistance\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while California had laws to guard against eviction during the pandemic, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/07/california-eviction-moratorium-tenants/\">undocumented immigrants were less likely to use them\u003c/a> because of their precarious legal status. Plus, thousands of people \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/08/californians-evicted-coronavirus-pandemic/\">got evicted during the pandemic anyway\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As those \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/07/california-eviction-protection-lifts/\">safety nets dissolve\u003c/a>, experts worry the trend could play out at scale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is (the rise in Latino homelessness) a harbinger of what increases could look like in the broader population, as some of these pandemic relief measures fade away? As eviction restrictions are rolled back?” said Alex Visotzky, senior California policy fellow at the National Alliance to End Homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos might be especially leery of turning to the government for help, too, said Juana Velasquez, a single mother of three born to Mexican parents in San José, California. She asked to be identified by her birth name to protect her family’s identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hispanic families, my family for example, they’re like stuck in the past,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasquez said she was furloughed by her retail job when the pandemic hit and could no longer afford to pay for the room she had been renting following a divorce. She and her three young kids bounced from their car to relatives’ couches and motels for about a year, making them the type of unhoused family most likely to go unnoticed by official metrics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11927995\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11927995\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM-800x528.png\" alt=\"A row of small, white homes.\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM-800x528.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM-1020x673.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM-160x106.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM-1536x1013.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM.png 1546w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A tiny home village in Sacramento on Sep. 29, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last summer, they landed a spot in a gated community of \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/09/25/tiny-homes-and-homelessness-what-the-data-shows/\">tiny homes\u003c/a> funded by the city of San José. The spot is not permanent, but instead defined as transitional housing, a form of shelter. Velasquez recognizes that the two-bedroom, 235-square-foot tiny home is not a long-term solution, but calls it a stepping stone as she lingers on multiple waitlists for lower-income apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My unit is nice and clean, it’s colored white,” she said. “It makes it relaxing. My daughter keeps her room clean and she thinks she owns the room for ever and ever. It’s not even like a (full) room, but it’s her side, you know?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She peppers descriptions of the tiny home with words like “safety,” “security,” “doors” and “locks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody can walk into my house, just barge in and kind of hurt us,” Velasquez said. “I come from a divorce. That left me a lot of black holes. But somehow I patched them up and now we have security.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘The housing doesn’t exist’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Experts attribute the impressive bump in shelter capacity to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/06/motel-conversion-homeless-housing-california/\">Project Roomkey\u003c/a>, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s signature program to shelter people most vulnerable to the virus in underutilized hotel and motel rooms during the pandemic. The state secured more than 16,000 rooms at the program’s height in August 2020, which has dwindled to about \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/views/COVID-19HomelessImpactDashboard/HomelessImpact?:embed=y&:showVizHome=no\">5,000 beds\u003c/a>, according to the state Department of Social Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor deserves a lot of credit,” said Weare, from the Center for Homeless Inquiries. “They mobilized. The problem is that that’s over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Project Homekey, Newsom’s longer-term initiative to convert hotels, motels and office buildings, is expected to create \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/08/24/in-los-angeles-governor-newsom-announces-694-million-in-homekey-awards-to-create-more-than-2500-new-homeless-housing-units-statewide/\">more than 12,000 interim and permanent homeless housing units\u003c/a> in the next few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11927996\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11927996\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM-800x533.png\" alt=\"An outside view of a building.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM-800x533.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM-1020x680.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM-160x107.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM-1536x1024.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM.png 1542w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Vagabond Inn in Sacramento on Sep. 29, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shana Funderburk, who goes by her middle name, Sunshine, stayed in a Project Roomkey unit in Sacramento when the count was carried out in February. But after they \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/local/article258230933.html\">shut down her motel\u003c/a> this spring, the 52-year-old woman who has been unhoused for more than 11 years went back to the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The protocol is to get us into a shelter and then I guess somebody picks up the ball from there, and then they help you get housing, or something,” she said. “It just seems like we’re being thrown into shelters and then forgotten.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a fifth, or 12,000 of more than 55,000 people who left Project Roomkey, graduated to permanent housing, while about 9,000 people returned to the street, according to the state Department of Social Services. The majority of participants moved to either congregate shelter, temporary housing, institutions or unknown destinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funderburk is now staying in what the city refers to as safe grounds, city-sanctioned camps where people get meals, security and services, like mental health counseling. Her tent is lined up against a chain-link fence, which makes her feel like a zoo exhibit as she brushes her teeth in the morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure it’s not good for the folks that have to drive by and see that, and it’s not exactly comforting for us either,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/labor/2022/01/california-homeless-worker-shortage/\">caseworkers\u003c/a> — her “Jiminy Crickets” — keep her motivated to treat her PTSD and other health issues and search for housing. Funderburk hopes she can eventually move into an apartment, mainly so she can help other people get indoors. That dream remains elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s multiple-year waitlists. It’s having a voucher and you can’t find a place and you have to file extensions,” said Kaylee Hrisoulas, a local social worker who works with Funderburk. “It’s deposits that are just so high. The housing doesn’t exist. That prolongs how long people have to be out here.”\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The latest point-in-time count of California's unhoused population shows that it increased at roughly the same pace as previous years, although it appears to have disproportionately affected Latinos.",
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"title": "California Unhoused Population Grew by More Than 22,000 Since Start of Pandemic | KQED",
"description": "The latest point-in-time count of California's unhoused population shows that it increased at roughly the same pace as previous years, although it appears to have disproportionately affected Latinos.",
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"headline": "California Unhoused Population Grew by More Than 22,000 Since Start of Pandemic",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The first statewide snapshot of California’s homelessness crisis since the pandemic hit reveals that the number of people without a stable place to call home increased by at least 22,500 over the past three years, to 173,800.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s based on a CalMatters analysis of the federal government’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homeless/2020/01/homeless-point-in-time-count-california-inaccurate-politicized-fresno/\">point-in-time count\u003c/a>, a biennial headcount of people sleeping on the streets and in shelters \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homeless/2022/03/california-homeless-count/\">tallied by California cities and counties earlier this year\u003c/a> for the first time since 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Most people, most politicians, when they talk about homelessness, it’s, ‘We’re going to build X number of shelters.’ It’s shelter, shelter, shelter. Well, all of this construction of shelters doesn’t really change the scope of the problem.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness experts mostly attribute the rise to precipitous drops in earnings during the pandemic among Californians already teetering on the edge. They also point to a worsening \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">housing affordability crisis\u003c/a> that is decades in the making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to solve this rotting core in the center of California, which is that we are a million units short of housing for extremely low-income workers,” said Margot Kushel, director of the \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/\">UCSF Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While homelessness grew by 15%, roughly the same pace as in recent years — something experts credit to pandemic-era safety nets like \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/09/california-eviction-moratorium-rent-relief/\">rental assistance\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/07/california-eviction-moratorium-tenants/\">eviction moratoria\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/07/look-up-california-stimulus-golden-state/\">stimulus checks\u003c/a> — the data also indicates the problem has gotten worse for the state’s Latino population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/1ab9fe6d-c503-4542-a9ff-6f96a49bff05?src=embed\" title=\"California homelessness through 2022\" width=\"800\" height=\"750\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics are quick to point out \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/06/california-budget-deal-2/\">the state is spending more than $14 billion on homelessness\u003c/a>. But advocates say its response is just now beginning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The price tag is bigger now,” said Tomiquia Moss, founder and chief executive of All Home, a San Francisco-based homeless policy organization. “Meanwhile, the inflow is killing us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The numbers show the state’s investment in shelters is bearing fruit. California created more than 14,000 shelter beds between 2019 and 2021, federal data shows. And local organizations reported this year the number of people staying in emergency and longer-stay shelters ballooned by nearly the same amount, from 42,800 to 57,200 people — a 33% increase since 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there still isn’t nearly enough permanent, affordable housing to bring people indoors for good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people, most politicians, when they talk about homelessness, it’s, ‘We’re going to build X number of shelters.’ It’s shelter, shelter, shelter,” said Christopher Weare, president of the \u003ca href=\"http://homelessinquiries.org/\">Center for Homeless Inquiries\u003c/a>. “Well, all of this construction of shelters doesn’t really change the scope of the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the unsheltered count, or the number of people staying in tents, tarps, cars and other spaces unfit for human habitation, grew by about 7% between 2019 and 2022, to 116,600 people. That’s a bump, but perhaps not reflective of the growing palpability of the crisis that dominates local headlines, political debates and neighborhood discussions.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Can we trust the numbers?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Not completely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unsheltered numbers are collected by volunteers every other year on a given winter’s night, and depend largely on their untrained eyes. That means people who are couch surfing, crouched in less visible spots, or staying in cars without telltale signs of habitation go undetected. The sheltered counts, collected by service providers, are more accurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The accuracy of the tallies depends largely on how many people show up to count. When local agencies rallied volunteers in the early months of the year, the omicron variant was still tearing through the state. Technical glitches in apps used to count people also threw things off: The unsheltered count in Venice, a postcard example of homelessness in Los Angeles, inexplicably \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-09-24/doubts-raised-over-the-los-angeles-homeless-count-is-it-time-for-a-new-way\">dropped from 509 people in 2019 to 0\u003c/a> amid reports of user errors and poor internet connection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was surprised that the increase wasn’t larger across the state,” said Arturo Baiocchi, assistant professor of social work at California State University, Sacramento. “Communities reported many more vehicles that are being used for shelter, and larger encampments, and that didn’t necessarily correlate with a larger unsheltered count. For me, I’m going to wait until 2023 before I feel pretty confident about what’s going on across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baiocchi, who helped conduct Sacramento’s point-in-time count, documented a \u003ca href=\"https://sacramentostepsforward.org/continuum-of-care-point-in-time-pit-count/2022-pit-count/\">startling 67% jump\u003c/a>, or an additional 3,700 people experiencing homelessness in the city and county since 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While far from perfect, the count offers the only statewide look at unsheltered homelessness in California, particularly among people who aren’t enrolled in services and therefore overlooked by their \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/californias-homelessness-crisis-explained/#1ad2adb0-b393-417a-8a20-b581f38e8b50\">tracking metrics\u003c/a>. The federal government also takes it seriously: The numbers help determine how much funding flows where.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The feds expect to release their report on the national tally to Congress in early- to mid-December, which gives them time to iron out the kinks presented by the mishmash of local methodologies. The Department of Housing and Urban Development and the state housing department declined to comment on the data, citing pending final results.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Latino homelessness on the rise\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>More detailed local reports reveal a troubling trend: While \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2019/10/black-people-disproportionately-homeless-in-california/\">Black people continue to be overrepresented\u003c/a> on the street, more and more Latinos are falling into homelessness.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The city and county of Los Angeles, for example, saw its total unhoused population rise by 4% from 2020 to 69,000 people, an increase of 2,700 people. But its unhoused Latino population \u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/documents?id=6545-2022-greater-los-angeles-homeless-count-deck\">spiked by 26%\u003c/a>, or nearly 6,000 folks. Los Angeles is home to 40% of the state’s unhoused population and is seen by experts as a bellwether for homelessness in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos were long on the economic brink before being disproportionately sickened, killed and economically devastated by the pandemic, said Melissa Chinchilla, health services specialist and associate investigator at the UCLA Latino Policy and Politics Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think for a long time, the Latino advocates in homeless services felt that the numbers were actually not reflective of how bad the situation was or how high the need was,” Chinchilla said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When state and local governments implemented pandemic programs to help people stay afloat, many Latinos were shut out, she said. Some people who were paid under the table, like house cleaners or field-workers, may have struggled to qualify for unemployment insurance, while others with informal leases or language barriers ran up against similar problems with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/10/california-rent-relief-immigrants-barriers/\">rental assistance\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while California had laws to guard against eviction during the pandemic, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/07/california-eviction-moratorium-tenants/\">undocumented immigrants were less likely to use them\u003c/a> because of their precarious legal status. Plus, thousands of people \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/08/californians-evicted-coronavirus-pandemic/\">got evicted during the pandemic anyway\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As those \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/07/california-eviction-protection-lifts/\">safety nets dissolve\u003c/a>, experts worry the trend could play out at scale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is (the rise in Latino homelessness) a harbinger of what increases could look like in the broader population, as some of these pandemic relief measures fade away? As eviction restrictions are rolled back?” said Alex Visotzky, senior California policy fellow at the National Alliance to End Homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos might be especially leery of turning to the government for help, too, said Juana Velasquez, a single mother of three born to Mexican parents in San José, California. She asked to be identified by her birth name to protect her family’s identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hispanic families, my family for example, they’re like stuck in the past,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasquez said she was furloughed by her retail job when the pandemic hit and could no longer afford to pay for the room she had been renting following a divorce. She and her three young kids bounced from their car to relatives’ couches and motels for about a year, making them the type of unhoused family most likely to go unnoticed by official metrics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11927995\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11927995\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM-800x528.png\" alt=\"A row of small, white homes.\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM-800x528.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM-1020x673.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM-160x106.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM-1536x1013.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM.png 1546w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A tiny home village in Sacramento on Sep. 29, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last summer, they landed a spot in a gated community of \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/09/25/tiny-homes-and-homelessness-what-the-data-shows/\">tiny homes\u003c/a> funded by the city of San José. The spot is not permanent, but instead defined as transitional housing, a form of shelter. Velasquez recognizes that the two-bedroom, 235-square-foot tiny home is not a long-term solution, but calls it a stepping stone as she lingers on multiple waitlists for lower-income apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My unit is nice and clean, it’s colored white,” she said. “It makes it relaxing. My daughter keeps her room clean and she thinks she owns the room for ever and ever. It’s not even like a (full) room, but it’s her side, you know?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She peppers descriptions of the tiny home with words like “safety,” “security,” “doors” and “locks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody can walk into my house, just barge in and kind of hurt us,” Velasquez said. “I come from a divorce. That left me a lot of black holes. But somehow I patched them up and now we have security.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘The housing doesn’t exist’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Experts attribute the impressive bump in shelter capacity to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/06/motel-conversion-homeless-housing-california/\">Project Roomkey\u003c/a>, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s signature program to shelter people most vulnerable to the virus in underutilized hotel and motel rooms during the pandemic. The state secured more than 16,000 rooms at the program’s height in August 2020, which has dwindled to about \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/views/COVID-19HomelessImpactDashboard/HomelessImpact?:embed=y&:showVizHome=no\">5,000 beds\u003c/a>, according to the state Department of Social Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor deserves a lot of credit,” said Weare, from the Center for Homeless Inquiries. “They mobilized. The problem is that that’s over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Project Homekey, Newsom’s longer-term initiative to convert hotels, motels and office buildings, is expected to create \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/08/24/in-los-angeles-governor-newsom-announces-694-million-in-homekey-awards-to-create-more-than-2500-new-homeless-housing-units-statewide/\">more than 12,000 interim and permanent homeless housing units\u003c/a> in the next few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11927996\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11927996\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM-800x533.png\" alt=\"An outside view of a building.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM-800x533.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM-1020x680.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM-160x107.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM-1536x1024.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM.png 1542w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Vagabond Inn in Sacramento on Sep. 29, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shana Funderburk, who goes by her middle name, Sunshine, stayed in a Project Roomkey unit in Sacramento when the count was carried out in February. But after they \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/local/article258230933.html\">shut down her motel\u003c/a> this spring, the 52-year-old woman who has been unhoused for more than 11 years went back to the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The protocol is to get us into a shelter and then I guess somebody picks up the ball from there, and then they help you get housing, or something,” she said. “It just seems like we’re being thrown into shelters and then forgotten.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a fifth, or 12,000 of more than 55,000 people who left Project Roomkey, graduated to permanent housing, while about 9,000 people returned to the street, according to the state Department of Social Services. The majority of participants moved to either congregate shelter, temporary housing, institutions or unknown destinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funderburk is now staying in what the city refers to as safe grounds, city-sanctioned camps where people get meals, security and services, like mental health counseling. Her tent is lined up against a chain-link fence, which makes her feel like a zoo exhibit as she brushes her teeth in the morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure it’s not good for the folks that have to drive by and see that, and it’s not exactly comforting for us either,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/labor/2022/01/california-homeless-worker-shortage/\">caseworkers\u003c/a> — her “Jiminy Crickets” — keep her motivated to treat her PTSD and other health issues and search for housing. Funderburk hopes she can eventually move into an apartment, mainly so she can help other people get indoors. That dream remains elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s multiple-year waitlists. It’s having a voucher and you can’t find a place and you have to file extensions,” said Kaylee Hrisoulas, a local social worker who works with Funderburk. “It’s deposits that are just so high. The housing doesn’t exist. That prolongs how long people have to be out here.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Newly signed legislation loosening zoning requirements will soon make it easier for California school districts to build affordable housing for their teachers and other staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is the latest in a series of bills passed by lawmakers over the last seven years to remove hurdles around building teacher housing. The new legislation, part of a suite of 41 housing bills signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom last week, will allow staff housing to be built on any property owned by a school district without requiring the district to request zoning changes from city or county officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It will be in effect from Jan. 1, 2024, to Jan. 1, 2033.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Teachers and staff are leaving because the skyrocketing cost of living and stagnant salaries make it almost impossible to afford living in the communities where they teach,” said Assemblymember Richard Bloom, D-Santa Monica, author of the legislation. “We are hemorrhaging talented teachers, which ultimately negatively impacts the quality of a public education for our kids. We can do better. AB 2295 gives school districts an essential tool in addressing staffing challenges by utilizing properties they already own.”[aside postID=news_11927544 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1239458034-1020x658.jpg']A 2021 joint study by the Center for Cities and Schools and the Terner Center for Housing Innovation, both at UC Berkeley, along with CityLab at UCLA, found that \u003ca href=\"https://csba.org/workforcehousing\">the state’s school districts own more than 150,000 acres of land and that 75,000 acres could be developed into affordable housing\u003c/a>. At 30 units per acre, there could be 2.3 million units of housing, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2019/in-need-of-teacher-housing-more-california-school-districts-building-their-own/611220\">workforce housing developments\u003c/a> in Santa Clara, Los Angeles and \u003ca href=\"https://www.juhsd.net/site/handlers/filedownload.ashx?moduleinstanceid=2482&dataid=2526&FileName=Employee%20Housing%20for%20Staff%20Updated%20Jan2020.pdf\">Daly City\u003c/a>, but more than 40 other districts are considering similar projects, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf announced the city would contribute $5 million of state funding for a public-private partnership program called Teachers Rooted in Oakland — or TRIO — that supports teacher recruitment and retention and provides stipends and subsidized housing for trainees and teachers of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Geometry teacher Anthony Ochoa lives in one of these TRIO-subsidized apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Due to the high prices in the Bay Area, I wasn’t going to continue into my credential program after graduating,” said Ochoa. “But once I was accepted into the program and I saw the benefits and how they could help me still live out here, I was able to continue and go into the credential program out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>TRIO also launched an online housing platform Thursday that connects teachers to property owners offering below-market-rate rents.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Assemblymember Richard Bloom, D-Santa Monica\"]‘We are hemorrhaging talented teachers, which ultimately negatively impacts the quality of a public education for our kids. We can do better. AB 2295 gives school districts an essential tool in addressing staffing challenges by utilizing properties they already own.’[/pullquote]But the added flexibility on zoning requirements comes with restrictions. Housing projects must have at least 10 housing units and be on a vacant parcel in an area that is already largely developed. It also must be adjacent to a parcel that is zoned residential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These housing projects also will be exempt from some federal and state requirements governing the construction and sale of school property, although local building requirements and design standards will still apply as long as they don’t conflict with the housing density and 30-foot height permitted by the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law is meant to keep city and county governments from putting up roadblocks to new projects by adding restrictions over and above the standard zoning, said Troy Flint, spokesperson for the California School Boards Association, which co-sponsored the legislation. Newsom signed the bill on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am thrilled that Gov. Newsom has signed AB 2295 and demonstrated his support for education workforce housing,” said Vernon M. Billy, executive director of CSBA. “Our members across the state have expressed a strong and growing interest in creative efforts to address the teacher shortage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>High rent and house prices have long made it difficult for teachers, especially those at the bottom of the pay scale, to find affordable homes. \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/topic/californias-teacher-housing-crunch\">Even teachers earning average or the highest salaries faced struggles paying the rent\u003c/a>, especially in the high-cost coastal and metro areas, according to a 2019 EdSource analysis of the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address this problem, the bill requires that a majority of the units on the property be affordable to tenants with moderate incomes and at least 30% be affordable to lower-income households. Unrented units can be made available to employees of adjacent school districts and then to public employees living within district boundaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2295\">Assembly analysis\u003c/a> of the bill says moderate incomes are generally no more than 120% of the area median income, and lower incomes are less than 80% of the area median income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 2295 is the latest legislation to make it more affordable for teachers to live in California. The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB1413\">Teacher Housing Act of 2016\u003c/a> paved the way for district-provided teacher housing by allowing school districts to provide affordable housing specifically for district employees and their families. Previous state law required that homes or apartments be open to anyone who meets the lower-income requirement if they used state and federal lower-income housing funds or tax credits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1157\">Assembly Bill 1157\u003c/a>, approved by Gov. Jerry Brown in 2017, exempted school districts from some requirements related to the sale or lease of property if it will be used for employee housing. Districts no longer have had to convene an advisory committee when they want to sell, lease or rent surplus property because of this piece of legislation. The bill also exempts the district from property tax on the complex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years eight school districts have attempted to pass school bonds or other local propositions to fund housing for school employees. Six passed, according to the Assembly analysis of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Districts see offering housing as a way to give them a competitive edge when competing for teachers and other staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“School districts are eager to address these issues by converting unused or underutilized property to affordable housing for school staff but are slowed or stymied by current regulations,” according to a statement from the California School Boards Association. “Under existing law, development of surplus school property into education workforce housing can often take seven years to complete. By removing administrative barriers, while still allowing for a robust community engagement process, AB 2295 would shorten that timeline in most cases, making it easier for local educational agencies to build housing on their property.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/newly-signed-bill-will-make-it-easier-for-california-school-districts-to-build-staff-housing/679095\">The original version of this story was published by EdSource\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s E Okobi contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Newly signed legislation loosening zoning requirements will soon make it easier for California school districts to build affordable housing for their teachers and other staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is the latest in a series of bills passed by lawmakers over the last seven years to remove hurdles around building teacher housing. The new legislation, part of a suite of 41 housing bills signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom last week, will allow staff housing to be built on any property owned by a school district without requiring the district to request zoning changes from city or county officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It will be in effect from Jan. 1, 2024, to Jan. 1, 2033.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Teachers and staff are leaving because the skyrocketing cost of living and stagnant salaries make it almost impossible to afford living in the communities where they teach,” said Assemblymember Richard Bloom, D-Santa Monica, author of the legislation. “We are hemorrhaging talented teachers, which ultimately negatively impacts the quality of a public education for our kids. We can do better. AB 2295 gives school districts an essential tool in addressing staffing challenges by utilizing properties they already own.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A 2021 joint study by the Center for Cities and Schools and the Terner Center for Housing Innovation, both at UC Berkeley, along with CityLab at UCLA, found that \u003ca href=\"https://csba.org/workforcehousing\">the state’s school districts own more than 150,000 acres of land and that 75,000 acres could be developed into affordable housing\u003c/a>. At 30 units per acre, there could be 2.3 million units of housing, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2019/in-need-of-teacher-housing-more-california-school-districts-building-their-own/611220\">workforce housing developments\u003c/a> in Santa Clara, Los Angeles and \u003ca href=\"https://www.juhsd.net/site/handlers/filedownload.ashx?moduleinstanceid=2482&dataid=2526&FileName=Employee%20Housing%20for%20Staff%20Updated%20Jan2020.pdf\">Daly City\u003c/a>, but more than 40 other districts are considering similar projects, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf announced the city would contribute $5 million of state funding for a public-private partnership program called Teachers Rooted in Oakland — or TRIO — that supports teacher recruitment and retention and provides stipends and subsidized housing for trainees and teachers of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Geometry teacher Anthony Ochoa lives in one of these TRIO-subsidized apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Due to the high prices in the Bay Area, I wasn’t going to continue into my credential program after graduating,” said Ochoa. “But once I was accepted into the program and I saw the benefits and how they could help me still live out here, I was able to continue and go into the credential program out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>TRIO also launched an online housing platform Thursday that connects teachers to property owners offering below-market-rate rents.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But the added flexibility on zoning requirements comes with restrictions. Housing projects must have at least 10 housing units and be on a vacant parcel in an area that is already largely developed. It also must be adjacent to a parcel that is zoned residential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These housing projects also will be exempt from some federal and state requirements governing the construction and sale of school property, although local building requirements and design standards will still apply as long as they don’t conflict with the housing density and 30-foot height permitted by the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law is meant to keep city and county governments from putting up roadblocks to new projects by adding restrictions over and above the standard zoning, said Troy Flint, spokesperson for the California School Boards Association, which co-sponsored the legislation. Newsom signed the bill on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am thrilled that Gov. Newsom has signed AB 2295 and demonstrated his support for education workforce housing,” said Vernon M. Billy, executive director of CSBA. “Our members across the state have expressed a strong and growing interest in creative efforts to address the teacher shortage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>High rent and house prices have long made it difficult for teachers, especially those at the bottom of the pay scale, to find affordable homes. \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/topic/californias-teacher-housing-crunch\">Even teachers earning average or the highest salaries faced struggles paying the rent\u003c/a>, especially in the high-cost coastal and metro areas, according to a 2019 EdSource analysis of the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address this problem, the bill requires that a majority of the units on the property be affordable to tenants with moderate incomes and at least 30% be affordable to lower-income households. Unrented units can be made available to employees of adjacent school districts and then to public employees living within district boundaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2295\">Assembly analysis\u003c/a> of the bill says moderate incomes are generally no more than 120% of the area median income, and lower incomes are less than 80% of the area median income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 2295 is the latest legislation to make it more affordable for teachers to live in California. The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB1413\">Teacher Housing Act of 2016\u003c/a> paved the way for district-provided teacher housing by allowing school districts to provide affordable housing specifically for district employees and their families. Previous state law required that homes or apartments be open to anyone who meets the lower-income requirement if they used state and federal lower-income housing funds or tax credits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1157\">Assembly Bill 1157\u003c/a>, approved by Gov. Jerry Brown in 2017, exempted school districts from some requirements related to the sale or lease of property if it will be used for employee housing. Districts no longer have had to convene an advisory committee when they want to sell, lease or rent surplus property because of this piece of legislation. The bill also exempts the district from property tax on the complex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years eight school districts have attempted to pass school bonds or other local propositions to fund housing for school employees. Six passed, according to the Assembly analysis of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Districts see offering housing as a way to give them a competitive edge when competing for teachers and other staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“School districts are eager to address these issues by converting unused or underutilized property to affordable housing for school staff but are slowed or stymied by current regulations,” according to a statement from the California School Boards Association. “Under existing law, development of surplus school property into education workforce housing can often take seven years to complete. By removing administrative barriers, while still allowing for a robust community engagement process, AB 2295 would shorten that timeline in most cases, making it easier for local educational agencies to build housing on their property.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/newly-signed-bill-will-make-it-easier-for-california-school-districts-to-build-staff-housing/679095\">The original version of this story was published by EdSource\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s E Okobi contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "from-fixing-homelessness-to-arresting-fentanyl-dealers-sf-mayor-breed-bemoans-city-halls-red-tape-this-bureaucracy-has-really-tested-my-patience",
"title": "From Fixing Homelessness to Arresting Fentanyl Dealers, SF Mayor Breed Bemoans City Hall Red Tape",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco needs the ability to more easily place residents with mental illness in restrictive conservatorships, with less red tape, to ease its homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according to San Francisco Mayor London Breed, who joined KQED Political Breakdown hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos at a KQED Live event Wednesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the night, Breed answered wide-ranging questions covering new policies against drug dealers announced by her district attorney appointee, her own accomplishments on tackling city homelessness, and her much-maligned use of prewritten resignation letters for her city commission appointees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Summing up her time as mayor, Breed said, “This bureaucracy has really tested my patience for getting results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed also dismissed the critiques that requiring her commission appointees to write undated letters of resignation allowed her undue influence over them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>‘“This is a real insider political thing,” she said. “The people who care about this are the people who, in most cases, just want to mess with me over something.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Board of Supervisors are planning \u003ca href=\"https://sfbos.org/sites/default/files/gao101122_agenda.pdf\">a hearing on those letters next Tuesday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Breed isn’t on this year’s ballot in San Francisco, her appointees certainly are up for election: District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, for instance, and District 6 Supervisor Matt Dorsey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So while San Francisco voters won’t weigh in on Breed directly, they’ll certainly vote on her policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On Gov. Gavin Newsom’s CARE Court\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On stage at KQED’s venue, The Commons, Lagos and Shafer pressed Breed on her view of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s new CARE Court program. The governor signed the Community Assistance, Recovery and Empowerment (CARE) Act into law last month, creating a program of court-ordered treatment plans for people deemed to be suffering from severe mental illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People with mental disorders who decline those plans could be placed under a conservatorship and ordered to comply. But Breed said that doesn’t go far enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that the challenge is, we need more and I think we need to be bold,” Breed said. “And we need to have an honest conversation about people, some people who can get help and maybe be stabilized and be better and get OK. And there are others who need to be in a locked mental health facility who sometimes are violent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said that the complaints about old-style mental health facilities miss that modern society now has more evidence-based treatment of mental illnesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j_yS_grDCMc\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch the full interview with Mayor London Breed and KQED Political Breakdown hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos on YouTube. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also bemoaned \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11742865/should-s-f-be-able-to-compel-mentally-ill-homeless-people-into-treatment\">a conservatorship law authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener\u003c/a>, which was approved in 2018, as being too onerous. It requires eight psychiatric holds before a person can be conserved by the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That threshold needs to be lowered,” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Changing the city’s approach may even be more useful than the $1 billion annually the city now spends on homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not about the money,” Breed said (though she did defend the city’s record on homelessness, saying San Francisco saw a 15% reduction in unsheltered homelessness in the past year, and a reduction in homelessness by 3.5%, even as other Bay Area cities saw no reduction).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She framed her view in personal terms: A man she knew who was kind to his community, who gave flowers to women he knew and lived in a senior home, began to develop dementia and “get violent,” Breed said. She tried to get him stabilized, to take his medication but, ultimately, could not legally force him to. He’s now homeless on the streets of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So why is that OK to say that he has rights to say ‘I don’t want help’?” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know he has dementia. We know he’s never been this kind of person before. So he needs to be cared for, differently.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Breed on prewritten resignation letters for her appointees\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Breed has come under fire recently \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/politics/mayor-breed-to-end-practice-of-making-appointees-sign-undated-resignation-letters-in-face-of-legislative-action/\">after the San Francisco Standard revealed she required prewritten resignation letters\u003c/a> from many of her appointees to city commissions, like the police commission or San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since those commissioners are supposed to exercise their independent judgment and expertise, the City Attorney’s Office advised Breed to end the practice, saying the prewritten resignation letters could threaten appointees’ independence and show “undue influence.” The appointees often vote on controversial issues, like the election of a police commission president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Onstage at KQED, Shafer began to introduce the letters situation, when Breed interrupted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You gonna talk about my letters?” Breed asked Shafer playfully. “Why are we focused on that when there are so many important things to be focused on?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said the practice of having prewritten resignation letters was inspired by a port commissioner, Mel Murphy, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/matier-ross/article/S-F-Port-Commissioner-Mel-Murphy-pressured-to-6180332.php\">who would not resign when Mayor Ed Lee asked him to\u003c/a>, which affected port commission business. That’s happened to her, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s “part of why we did what we did, and I take full responsibility for it, because it was my decision. It was not an illegal thing to do. But it was necessary if I ever needed to use it,” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed then turned things around on Shafer and asked him, “Why do you think it’s so important?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shafer, reflecting the advice from the City Attorney’s Office, said, “Because it implies that you want to have a level of control, when their job is to oversee these departments and be independent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said, “I do want to have a level of control. That’s not even a question, because I’m held accountable for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She later added, “Commissioners aren’t even elected. The buck stops with me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Breed on fentanyl dealers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Former DA Chesa Boudin was recalled, in part, for his more progressive approach to prosecutions, sometimes sending those arrested for drug dealing to diversion courts. Still, critics have taken Breed, and new DA Jenkins, to task for \u003ca href=\"https://48hills.org/2022/08/sf-da-seeks-return-to-the-failed-approach-of-the-war-on-drugs/\">their more hard-line approach to drug dealers and drug users\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking to that, Breed told Shafer and Lagos that her lived experience lets her easily shake off critics. She grew up in housing projects in the Fillmore neighborhood, where drug addiction and death touched her family. Other would-be “saviors,” she said, don’t know that life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of my experiences of who I am shaped my policy. But also how unapologetic I am,” she said. “It’s why I’m not afraid to stand up for what I believe in even if it’s controversial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December last year, Breed notoriously complained about the “bullshit that has destroyed our city,” when announcing \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/A-month-after-S-F-Mayor-Breed-s-tough-talk-on-16771411.php\">a police crackdown in the Tenderloin, which, debatably, may never have materialized\u003c/a>. Shafer asked Breed about the motivation behind those comments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that came about because I was angry. I was frustrated,” Breed said. She said she made the comments after speaking with immigrant families in the Tenderloin, who told her about violent encounters in the neighborhood through tears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why do people who deal drugs have more rights than people who try to get up and go to work every day and take their children to school?” Breed asked. The crowd at KQED applauded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shafer pushed back and asked, “Do they, though? Have more rights?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said she wanted to talk about “the reality of the situation,” and that there are many people who come from Honduras dealing drugs. The San Francisco Public Defender’s Office, in turn, has argued \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/criminal-justice/sf-police-chief-defends-officer-accused-of-targeting-latinos-in-tenderloin-drug-busts/\">police are racially profiling by arresting mostly Latino drug dealers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/FitzTheReporter/status/1577843894443642880\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s nothing racial profile about this, we all know it, it’s the reality, it’s what you see, it’s what’s out there,” she said. “So we have people advocating for folks who are selling fentanyl that’s killing people. But what about the kid that got ahold of some fentanyl by accident and died? What about the families?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So for me, we can’t just, you know, throw our hands up and say, ‘People have rights,’” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Breed on SFPD arrest rates\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Stories abound in local media about San Francisco Police Department officers \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/S-F-supervisor-questions-police-chief-about-16921936.php\">failing to make arrests\u003c/a>. That phenomenon has been blamed on dwindling police staff (which led to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/S-F-Mayor-Breed-s-14-billion-budget-would-17212579.php\">raises for police in San Francisco’s recent budget\u003c/a>), and low morale under former DA Chesa Boudin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some critics of the SFPD \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/bayarea/heatherknight/article/SF-police-crime-16931399.php\">alleged officers were on an unofficial work stoppage\u003c/a> to undermine Boudin and his progressive policies, which police often criticized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Onstage at KQED, Lagos asked Breed, “Do you think the police purposefully undermined the former DA?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, I’m not going to guess what someone did or didn’t do,” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Boudin sometimes disagreed with the mayor and the police department on prosecution policy, she said, it shouldn’t stop officers from fulfilling their oath.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You swear to serve and protect,” she said, “and if you do that, you can’t deliberately try to undermine someone because you don’t like who that person is. You have to do your responsibility based on the oath that you take. And I think, if that were the case, it’s really unfortunate. And in some cases, some of those people should not be wearing the uniform.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, she said, the police department needs support as it’s short more than 500 officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Building up this department is going to take some time,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco needs the ability to more easily place residents with mental illness in restrictive conservatorships, with less red tape, to ease its homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according to San Francisco Mayor London Breed, who joined KQED Political Breakdown hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos at a KQED Live event Wednesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the night, Breed answered wide-ranging questions covering new policies against drug dealers announced by her district attorney appointee, her own accomplishments on tackling city homelessness, and her much-maligned use of prewritten resignation letters for her city commission appointees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Summing up her time as mayor, Breed said, “This bureaucracy has really tested my patience for getting results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed also dismissed the critiques that requiring her commission appointees to write undated letters of resignation allowed her undue influence over them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>‘“This is a real insider political thing,” she said. “The people who care about this are the people who, in most cases, just want to mess with me over something.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Board of Supervisors are planning \u003ca href=\"https://sfbos.org/sites/default/files/gao101122_agenda.pdf\">a hearing on those letters next Tuesday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Breed isn’t on this year’s ballot in San Francisco, her appointees certainly are up for election: District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, for instance, and District 6 Supervisor Matt Dorsey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So while San Francisco voters won’t weigh in on Breed directly, they’ll certainly vote on her policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On Gov. Gavin Newsom’s CARE Court\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On stage at KQED’s venue, The Commons, Lagos and Shafer pressed Breed on her view of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s new CARE Court program. The governor signed the Community Assistance, Recovery and Empowerment (CARE) Act into law last month, creating a program of court-ordered treatment plans for people deemed to be suffering from severe mental illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People with mental disorders who decline those plans could be placed under a conservatorship and ordered to comply. But Breed said that doesn’t go far enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that the challenge is, we need more and I think we need to be bold,” Breed said. “And we need to have an honest conversation about people, some people who can get help and maybe be stabilized and be better and get OK. And there are others who need to be in a locked mental health facility who sometimes are violent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said that the complaints about old-style mental health facilities miss that modern society now has more evidence-based treatment of mental illnesses.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/j_yS_grDCMc'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/j_yS_grDCMc'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch the full interview with Mayor London Breed and KQED Political Breakdown hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos on YouTube. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also bemoaned \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11742865/should-s-f-be-able-to-compel-mentally-ill-homeless-people-into-treatment\">a conservatorship law authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener\u003c/a>, which was approved in 2018, as being too onerous. It requires eight psychiatric holds before a person can be conserved by the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That threshold needs to be lowered,” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Changing the city’s approach may even be more useful than the $1 billion annually the city now spends on homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not about the money,” Breed said (though she did defend the city’s record on homelessness, saying San Francisco saw a 15% reduction in unsheltered homelessness in the past year, and a reduction in homelessness by 3.5%, even as other Bay Area cities saw no reduction).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She framed her view in personal terms: A man she knew who was kind to his community, who gave flowers to women he knew and lived in a senior home, began to develop dementia and “get violent,” Breed said. She tried to get him stabilized, to take his medication but, ultimately, could not legally force him to. He’s now homeless on the streets of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So why is that OK to say that he has rights to say ‘I don’t want help’?” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know he has dementia. We know he’s never been this kind of person before. So he needs to be cared for, differently.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Breed on prewritten resignation letters for her appointees\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Breed has come under fire recently \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/politics/mayor-breed-to-end-practice-of-making-appointees-sign-undated-resignation-letters-in-face-of-legislative-action/\">after the San Francisco Standard revealed she required prewritten resignation letters\u003c/a> from many of her appointees to city commissions, like the police commission or San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since those commissioners are supposed to exercise their independent judgment and expertise, the City Attorney’s Office advised Breed to end the practice, saying the prewritten resignation letters could threaten appointees’ independence and show “undue influence.” The appointees often vote on controversial issues, like the election of a police commission president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Onstage at KQED, Shafer began to introduce the letters situation, when Breed interrupted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You gonna talk about my letters?” Breed asked Shafer playfully. “Why are we focused on that when there are so many important things to be focused on?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said the practice of having prewritten resignation letters was inspired by a port commissioner, Mel Murphy, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/matier-ross/article/S-F-Port-Commissioner-Mel-Murphy-pressured-to-6180332.php\">who would not resign when Mayor Ed Lee asked him to\u003c/a>, which affected port commission business. That’s happened to her, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s “part of why we did what we did, and I take full responsibility for it, because it was my decision. It was not an illegal thing to do. But it was necessary if I ever needed to use it,” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed then turned things around on Shafer and asked him, “Why do you think it’s so important?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shafer, reflecting the advice from the City Attorney’s Office, said, “Because it implies that you want to have a level of control, when their job is to oversee these departments and be independent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said, “I do want to have a level of control. That’s not even a question, because I’m held accountable for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She later added, “Commissioners aren’t even elected. The buck stops with me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Breed on fentanyl dealers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Former DA Chesa Boudin was recalled, in part, for his more progressive approach to prosecutions, sometimes sending those arrested for drug dealing to diversion courts. Still, critics have taken Breed, and new DA Jenkins, to task for \u003ca href=\"https://48hills.org/2022/08/sf-da-seeks-return-to-the-failed-approach-of-the-war-on-drugs/\">their more hard-line approach to drug dealers and drug users\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking to that, Breed told Shafer and Lagos that her lived experience lets her easily shake off critics. She grew up in housing projects in the Fillmore neighborhood, where drug addiction and death touched her family. Other would-be “saviors,” she said, don’t know that life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of my experiences of who I am shaped my policy. But also how unapologetic I am,” she said. “It’s why I’m not afraid to stand up for what I believe in even if it’s controversial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December last year, Breed notoriously complained about the “bullshit that has destroyed our city,” when announcing \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/A-month-after-S-F-Mayor-Breed-s-tough-talk-on-16771411.php\">a police crackdown in the Tenderloin, which, debatably, may never have materialized\u003c/a>. Shafer asked Breed about the motivation behind those comments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that came about because I was angry. I was frustrated,” Breed said. She said she made the comments after speaking with immigrant families in the Tenderloin, who told her about violent encounters in the neighborhood through tears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why do people who deal drugs have more rights than people who try to get up and go to work every day and take their children to school?” Breed asked. The crowd at KQED applauded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shafer pushed back and asked, “Do they, though? Have more rights?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said she wanted to talk about “the reality of the situation,” and that there are many people who come from Honduras dealing drugs. The San Francisco Public Defender’s Office, in turn, has argued \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/criminal-justice/sf-police-chief-defends-officer-accused-of-targeting-latinos-in-tenderloin-drug-busts/\">police are racially profiling by arresting mostly Latino drug dealers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>“It’s nothing racial profile about this, we all know it, it’s the reality, it’s what you see, it’s what’s out there,” she said. “So we have people advocating for folks who are selling fentanyl that’s killing people. But what about the kid that got ahold of some fentanyl by accident and died? What about the families?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So for me, we can’t just, you know, throw our hands up and say, ‘People have rights,’” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Breed on SFPD arrest rates\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Stories abound in local media about San Francisco Police Department officers \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/S-F-supervisor-questions-police-chief-about-16921936.php\">failing to make arrests\u003c/a>. That phenomenon has been blamed on dwindling police staff (which led to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/S-F-Mayor-Breed-s-14-billion-budget-would-17212579.php\">raises for police in San Francisco’s recent budget\u003c/a>), and low morale under former DA Chesa Boudin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some critics of the SFPD \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/bayarea/heatherknight/article/SF-police-crime-16931399.php\">alleged officers were on an unofficial work stoppage\u003c/a> to undermine Boudin and his progressive policies, which police often criticized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Onstage at KQED, Lagos asked Breed, “Do you think the police purposefully undermined the former DA?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, I’m not going to guess what someone did or didn’t do,” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Boudin sometimes disagreed with the mayor and the police department on prosecution policy, she said, it shouldn’t stop officers from fulfilling their oath.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You swear to serve and protect,” she said, “and if you do that, you can’t deliberately try to undermine someone because you don’t like who that person is. You have to do your responsibility based on the oath that you take. And I think, if that were the case, it’s really unfortunate. And in some cases, some of those people should not be wearing the uniform.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, she said, the police department needs support as it’s short more than 500 officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Oakland’s Wood Street Encampment\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to The San Francisco Chronicle, the largest tent city in Northern California is the Wood Street encampment in Oakland, stretching more than 25 city blocks. Caltrans is in the process of \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925169/residents-activists-decry-evictions-at-oaklands-largest-homeless-encampment\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">clearing the site\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, which was home to an estimated 200 residents when evictions began this summer.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Out of all the states in the nation, California has the highest concentration of people who don’t have a home. The latest count, from two years ago, indicated that 161,000 people in the state were unhoused. The problem is — in part — a serious lack of housing across the state. We talk with \u003c/span>\u003cb>Oakland City Councilmember Carroll Fife (District 3)\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Midterm Election 2022 Preview\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">New legislation lives and dies this week by a stroke of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s pen. Which bills will he sign into law, and which are getting tossed aside? We talk with KQED’s politics and government team about the important races and ballot measures in the coming midterm election. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Scott Shafer, KQED politics and government senior editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marisa Lagos, KQED politics and government correspondent\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guy Marzorati, KQED politics and government reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Chabot Space and Science Center\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For over a century, Californians have peered into the universe from the telescopes of the Chabot Space and Science Center. After three years, Chabot has reopened its doors to field trips, welcoming the next generation of astronomers, astronauts and dreamers.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Oakland’s Wood Street Encampment\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to The San Francisco Chronicle, the largest tent city in Northern California is the Wood Street encampment in Oakland, stretching more than 25 city blocks. Caltrans is in the process of \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925169/residents-activists-decry-evictions-at-oaklands-largest-homeless-encampment\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">clearing the site\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, which was home to an estimated 200 residents when evictions began this summer.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Out of all the states in the nation, California has the highest concentration of people who don’t have a home. The latest count, from two years ago, indicated that 161,000 people in the state were unhoused. The problem is — in part — a serious lack of housing across the state. We talk with \u003c/span>\u003cb>Oakland City Councilmember Carroll Fife (District 3)\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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},
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"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"order": 10
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},
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
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"order": 1
},
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "WNYC"
},
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
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"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
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