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"content": "\u003cp>Starting this week, California renters can use a new online tool to check their eligibility for state and local rent protections based on their ZIP code. The idea is to make it easy to figure out how much your landlord can legally raise your rent each year, since rent caps vary from city to city. No need to read through your local rent control ordinance — now renters can just follow a simple set of prompts at \u003ca href=\"https://tenantprotections.org/\">tenantprotections.org\u003c/a> and get an answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As our state has blossomed with lots of local rent stabilization ordinances, this really provides a one-stop shop where tenants can go to find out what their rent increases can be,” says Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director for the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, or ACCE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Ana, Pomona, Bell Gardens, Pasadena, Richmond, Santa Monica and other cities around the state enacted or strengthened rent control policies this year.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11932419,news_11930792\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The calculator is a collaboration between ACCE and TechEquity Collaborative, and has been in the works since 2020. It allows renters to calculate their maximum allowable rent increase under the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482\">Tenant Protection Act of 2019\u003c/a> and their local rules. It also provides resources for legal aid and tenant advocacy. “Accurate information obviously is the most crucial first step towards enforcement of tenant protections,” Simon-Weisberg says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Antioch, where city leaders recently put in place \u003ca href=\"https://www.antiochca.gov/rent-program/\">a rent control measure that caps rent increases at 3%\u003c/a>, ACCE community organizer Devin Williams says most tenants he works with aren’t aware of the new protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of folks are not informed and the city has not done a good job at that at all,” he says, noting that the ordinance went into effect in November but applies to rent increases on or after August 23. “It’s December and I’ve gotten phone calls from folks and have gotten notices saying that they have to renew their lease by the end of the month or the rent is going to go up 19.6%. People just don’t know what’s right, what’s wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s hoping the online calculator makes it easier for residents to take advantage of the city’s new protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to start door-knocking and passing out literature, but we can only reach so many doors,” he says, adding that he’d like to see the city step up to educate people. But that appears unlikely for now.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director, ACCE\"]‘As our state has blossomed with lots of local rent stabilization ordinances, this really provides a one-stop shop where tenants can go to find out what their rent increases can be.’[/pullquote]“We’ve been very transparent about [the fact] that even if we passed these protections, the infrastructure didn’t necessarily exist to implement any of it,” says Antioch Mayor Lamar Thorpe, who put forward the rent control measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, Thorpe says, the city is contracting outside legal help to address claims made under the ordinance. To boost public awareness, he says the city may enclose information about the rent cap in renters’ water bills and launch a social media campaign. Still, he acknowledges, “a lot of this will be on the renter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more and more cities around California put rent stabilization measures in place, advocates want to empower tenants with the information they need to stand up for their rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have made a lot of significant progress in passing new laws over the last five years that help address the housing crisis, but we haven’t done as good of a job on the implementation side,” says Catherine Bracy, founder and CEO of TechEquity Collaborative. “This tool is an effort to make sure that the policies we pass are easily accessible in people’s lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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Newsom dissed local applicants for seeming too complacent about a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/californias-homelessness-crisis-explained/\">dire California problem\u003c/a>, while the applicants retorted that the Newsom administration sent conflicting signals — and that in any case, state lawmakers had inadvertently given them a financial motive to lowball their goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 local mayors and county officials gathered virtually and in person in a sleek downtown Sacramento government building Friday afternoon to broadly discuss how better to tackle the state’s most pernicious crisis.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘It’s imperfect at the moment, and over the years … I hope we can evolve and consider different strategies. Now what I see is what I see on the streets. And that’s a challenge.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was nice to hear their progress, and it was nice to hear their recognition that we have to get to another level,” Newsom told reporters following the over-two-hour-long private meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a quick reversal some local leaders and advocates saw as a political stunt: The episode gave everyone a chance to air their grievances, but landed on no specific targets, while briefly risking the continuity of services for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you asked me what emerged from the meeting, I don’t know. I did not hear any specific policy changes,” said Sam Liccardo, mayor of San José. But, he added, “Nobody’s going to criticize the state or the governor at a time when it’s critical to get resources to bring people out of the cold. Lives depend on this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other local leaders said they welcomed the prodding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes, you have to provoke,” said Darrell Steinberg, mayor of Sacramento. “And then gather around a table like we did today, and actually talk about what it’s going to take to provide a further jolt to this problem.”[aside postID=\"news_11926519,news_11929283,news_11927968\" label=\"Related Posts\"]The governor sent shock waves through the state two weeks ago, just days before Election Day, when he \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-11-03/column-newsom-rejects-every-local-homeless-plan-in-state-demanding-more-ambition\">summarily rejected every local homeless action plan\u003c/a>. On the line: nearly $1 billion in homelessness funding. The plans, altogether, promised to reduce visible street homelessness by 2% between 2020 and 2024, or 2,000 fewer people statewide — which Newsom had called “simply unacceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His move triggered chaos among many of the 13 largest cities, 58 counties and 44 homeless service providers who went through the process. Many of them thought they had been approved after workshopping the plans with Newsom’s own homelessness agency, only to learn of their rejection en masse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But local governments didn’t have much of an incentive to shoot for the stars in their plans, either, because of the way the governor and Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB140\">wrote the grant\u003c/a>: In the name of accountability, they tied nearly a fifth of the $1 billion to local governments meeting their own targets. With more people falling into homelessness than they can catch, many felt ambition might set them up for failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That criticism came up during the meeting, Newsom told reporters, holding up yellow pages ripped from a notepad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We worked with 120 members of the Legislature to put this forward,” he chuckled. “And now we’re working with 75 jurisdictions on these plans … In fact, literally right here, the recommendations: ‘What specifically do you want to change in terms of these metrics and plans?’ And that’s exactly what this conversation was about going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As soon as applicants sign a pledge to submit more ambitious targets and try harder in their plans for the next $1 billion grant — the final round of flexible local homelessness funding approved in the 2021 budget — the state will start cutting checks for this round, according to Jason Elliott, Newsom’s deputy chief of staff. Those new plans are due Nov. 29. A handful of local governments will have to work with the state to adjust their current plans before seeing the funding, although Elliott declined to name which ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Punishing the emergency room\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>During the pandemic, homelessness only spiked, and experts expect to continue to see its fallout on the streets in the coming years as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/07/california-eviction-protection-lifts/\">rental assistance\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2022-10-04/la-end-covid-eviction-protections-february\">eviction bans end\u003c/a>. Between 2019 and 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">homelessness increased by at least 22,500\u003c/a>, to 173,800 people statewide, according to a CalMatters analysis of local point-in-time counts. Nearly 70% of those people were sleeping outdoors or in vehicles, while the rest stayed in shelters and transitional housing. (These biennial visual head counts on a given night \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homeless/2020/01/homeless-point-in-time-count-california-inaccurate-politicized-fresno/\">often are criticized for their inaccuracies\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet the state asked cities and counties to calculate their 2024 goals based on their lower, pre-pandemic counts of homeless people. At the time the application was due this summer, most localities simply figured they couldn’t promise to make homelessness that much better when it had already grown so much worse, and was on track to keep worsening. And being too ambitious risked failure to meet their targets and losing any shot at the bonus money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom saw what they did and cried foul. He \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article268732512.html?ac_cid=DM726120&ac_bid=1382323104\">called out the Sacramento region\u003c/a> in particular — though not by name — for its lack of ambition: Instead of promising a reduction, the local governments and service providers foresaw a 71% hike in homelessness in their report. Why? That’s exactly how much homelessness had already risen in the capital city this year. It’s also the latest data that would be available by the time communities were evaluated on their progress to qualify for \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB140\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB140\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">$180 million in bonus funding\u003c/a> statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Comparing the relatively current 2022 numbers with the 2024 goals, communities had really signed up for a 4%, or 5,000-person, reduction, according to a CalMatters analysis — which if achieved would be better than the state has done in years. Since 2015, homelessness has only \u003cem>increased\u003c/em> in California, by an average of 7% a year, or about 8,300 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the turmoil of the past couple of weeks, Steinberg said Sacramento has now put forth a new goal, promising a reduction of 15%, or 1,000 fewer unsheltered people, by 2024. How progress might be measured differently remains unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority, which promised a 10% decline, or 4,600 fewer unsheltered people between 2020 and 2024, took a similar approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the [count] alone can mean that we receive 0% of the bonus funding, of course we’re going to approach it conservatively,” said Molly Rysman, the authority’s chief program officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Newsom had a point: Some regions had set targets that would represent more than 30% growth between 2022 and their 2024 goals. Bakersfield, for example, initially promised to lower street homelessness by 1%. But after a big fall in unsheltered homelessness this year, their new goal would represent a hike of 37%, or 266 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/1ab9fe6d-c503-4542-a9ff-6f96a49bff05?src=embed\" width=\"800\" height=\"750\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development — which mandates the homeless count — has often advised against tying it to funding because shooting for a certain number could influence its accuracy. Still, the point-in-time count remains the only uniform way to measure the number of people sleeping on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s imperfect at the moment, and over the years … I hope we can evolve and consider different strategies,” Newsom said, suggesting the count can miss unhoused people who are less visible. “Now what I see is what I see on the streets. And that’s a challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal department instead advises measuring success using the count in conjunction with other outcomes, like higher placements into permanent housing or fewer returns to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I see positive trends in those other areas, and either stagnation or maybe just a slight downturn in the [count], that’s actually probably a positive thing,” a HUD spokesperson who would only speak anonymously told CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, like many other states, has seen a massive jump in homelessness since 2015, “way beyond the great work that many communities are doing to house people,” the spokesperson added. The driver: a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">housing shortage\u003c/a> propelling skyrocketing rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11932908\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11932908\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM-800x526.png\" alt=\"A man sitting down outside leans over a fire.\" width=\"800\" height=\"526\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM-800x526.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM-1020x670.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM-160x105.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM-1536x1009.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM.png 1546w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Muhammad, who declined to provide his last name, warms his hand at a fire near his tent in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom himself promised to abate that shortage when he first ran for governor, vowing to oversee the building of 3.5 million homes. He’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/newsom-california-housing-crisis/\">fallen dramatically short of his goals\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local service providers felt unfairly stung by Newsom’s criticism because they have no control over housing unaffordability and the other system failures that cause homelessness. And while they are getting more state funds than ever before, their resources don’t match demand. Funding the current affordable housing need alone would require \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/roadmaphome2030/\">nearly $18 billion a year\u003c/a>, according to an analysis from Housing California and California Housing Partnership, two affordable housing policy advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would be like the governor saying, ‘I’m going to hold funding to emergency departments because the number of car accidents in your community hasn’t gone down,'” said Anna Laven, executive director of the Bakersfield Kern Regional Homeless Collaborative. The collaborative is one of 44 “continuums of care” in California that oversee the region’s homelessness response and applied for the grants in conjunction with city and county governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘He surprised everyone’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Newsom withheld the funds earlier this month, service providers were aghast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He surprised everyone, up and down the state,” said Stephen Simon, interim executive director of the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority, another continuum of care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laven, from Bakersfield, shared with CalMatters a Sept. 1 email from the California Interagency Council on Homelessness — which ultimately reports to Newsom — saying their application had been “moved forward for final review in preparation for the award and disbursement process.” She thought it had been approved. But when she asked for a contract and check, it never came. Instead, they got additional questions about their application weeks later, which she thought was a mistake. Then came Newsom’s announcement that he was yanking the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were all feeling pretty blindsided and, you know, sort of reeling,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council “conducted intensive technical assistance over a six-month period” with all applicants, grants director Victor Duron reported during a Nov. 10 meeting. The Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority said its own meetings with the council had gone so well, it had already struck contracts, including one to fund more than 1,000 interim housing beds, with its $84 million share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They wanted to see impact as soon as possible, and so we followed that guidance and allocated all of the dollars,” said the authority’s Rysman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state had approved none of the applications before requesting additional information, according to Lourdes Castro Ramírez, secretary of the Business, Consumer Services and Housing Agency, which directly oversees the council. She told CalMatters “there was no conflicting communication” from her agency and the governor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the end of the day we all have the same goal,” said Laven of Bakersfield. “I just wish we were working together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The governor threw communities into disarray two weeks ago by withholding $1 billion in homelessness funding for plans he saw as unambitious. But local officials said the assignment itself discouraged ambition. Now Newsom is yielding.",
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"title": "Newsom Relents, Agrees to Release $1 Billion in Homelessness Funding Despite Lackluster Local Plans | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Two weeks after \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/11/california-homelessness-newsom-mayors/\">withholding $1 billion in homelessness funding\u003c/a> over lackluster local plans, Gov. Gavin Newsom announced Friday that most cities and counties would get the funds as early as next week anyway — as long as in the next round, they commit to more aggressive plans to reduce street homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s been a whiplash-inducing couple of weeks, triggered by a funding process that frustrated both the governor and the locals. Newsom dissed local applicants for seeming too complacent about a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/californias-homelessness-crisis-explained/\">dire California problem\u003c/a>, while the applicants retorted that the Newsom administration sent conflicting signals — and that in any case, state lawmakers had inadvertently given them a financial motive to lowball their goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 local mayors and county officials gathered virtually and in person in a sleek downtown Sacramento government building Friday afternoon to broadly discuss how better to tackle the state’s most pernicious crisis.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was nice to hear their progress, and it was nice to hear their recognition that we have to get to another level,” Newsom told reporters following the over-two-hour-long private meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a quick reversal some local leaders and advocates saw as a political stunt: The episode gave everyone a chance to air their grievances, but landed on no specific targets, while briefly risking the continuity of services for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you asked me what emerged from the meeting, I don’t know. I did not hear any specific policy changes,” said Sam Liccardo, mayor of San José. But, he added, “Nobody’s going to criticize the state or the governor at a time when it’s critical to get resources to bring people out of the cold. Lives depend on this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other local leaders said they welcomed the prodding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes, you have to provoke,” said Darrell Steinberg, mayor of Sacramento. “And then gather around a table like we did today, and actually talk about what it’s going to take to provide a further jolt to this problem.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The governor sent shock waves through the state two weeks ago, just days before Election Day, when he \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-11-03/column-newsom-rejects-every-local-homeless-plan-in-state-demanding-more-ambition\">summarily rejected every local homeless action plan\u003c/a>. On the line: nearly $1 billion in homelessness funding. The plans, altogether, promised to reduce visible street homelessness by 2% between 2020 and 2024, or 2,000 fewer people statewide — which Newsom had called “simply unacceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His move triggered chaos among many of the 13 largest cities, 58 counties and 44 homeless service providers who went through the process. Many of them thought they had been approved after workshopping the plans with Newsom’s own homelessness agency, only to learn of their rejection en masse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But local governments didn’t have much of an incentive to shoot for the stars in their plans, either, because of the way the governor and Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB140\">wrote the grant\u003c/a>: In the name of accountability, they tied nearly a fifth of the $1 billion to local governments meeting their own targets. With more people falling into homelessness than they can catch, many felt ambition might set them up for failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That criticism came up during the meeting, Newsom told reporters, holding up yellow pages ripped from a notepad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We worked with 120 members of the Legislature to put this forward,” he chuckled. “And now we’re working with 75 jurisdictions on these plans … In fact, literally right here, the recommendations: ‘What specifically do you want to change in terms of these metrics and plans?’ And that’s exactly what this conversation was about going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As soon as applicants sign a pledge to submit more ambitious targets and try harder in their plans for the next $1 billion grant — the final round of flexible local homelessness funding approved in the 2021 budget — the state will start cutting checks for this round, according to Jason Elliott, Newsom’s deputy chief of staff. Those new plans are due Nov. 29. A handful of local governments will have to work with the state to adjust their current plans before seeing the funding, although Elliott declined to name which ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Punishing the emergency room\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>During the pandemic, homelessness only spiked, and experts expect to continue to see its fallout on the streets in the coming years as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/07/california-eviction-protection-lifts/\">rental assistance\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2022-10-04/la-end-covid-eviction-protections-february\">eviction bans end\u003c/a>. Between 2019 and 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">homelessness increased by at least 22,500\u003c/a>, to 173,800 people statewide, according to a CalMatters analysis of local point-in-time counts. Nearly 70% of those people were sleeping outdoors or in vehicles, while the rest stayed in shelters and transitional housing. (These biennial visual head counts on a given night \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homeless/2020/01/homeless-point-in-time-count-california-inaccurate-politicized-fresno/\">often are criticized for their inaccuracies\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet the state asked cities and counties to calculate their 2024 goals based on their lower, pre-pandemic counts of homeless people. At the time the application was due this summer, most localities simply figured they couldn’t promise to make homelessness that much better when it had already grown so much worse, and was on track to keep worsening. And being too ambitious risked failure to meet their targets and losing any shot at the bonus money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom saw what they did and cried foul. He \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article268732512.html?ac_cid=DM726120&ac_bid=1382323104\">called out the Sacramento region\u003c/a> in particular — though not by name — for its lack of ambition: Instead of promising a reduction, the local governments and service providers foresaw a 71% hike in homelessness in their report. Why? That’s exactly how much homelessness had already risen in the capital city this year. It’s also the latest data that would be available by the time communities were evaluated on their progress to qualify for \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB140\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB140\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">$180 million in bonus funding\u003c/a> statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Comparing the relatively current 2022 numbers with the 2024 goals, communities had really signed up for a 4%, or 5,000-person, reduction, according to a CalMatters analysis — which if achieved would be better than the state has done in years. Since 2015, homelessness has only \u003cem>increased\u003c/em> in California, by an average of 7% a year, or about 8,300 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the turmoil of the past couple of weeks, Steinberg said Sacramento has now put forth a new goal, promising a reduction of 15%, or 1,000 fewer unsheltered people, by 2024. How progress might be measured differently remains unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority, which promised a 10% decline, or 4,600 fewer unsheltered people between 2020 and 2024, took a similar approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the [count] alone can mean that we receive 0% of the bonus funding, of course we’re going to approach it conservatively,” said Molly Rysman, the authority’s chief program officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Newsom had a point: Some regions had set targets that would represent more than 30% growth between 2022 and their 2024 goals. Bakersfield, for example, initially promised to lower street homelessness by 1%. But after a big fall in unsheltered homelessness this year, their new goal would represent a hike of 37%, or 266 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/1ab9fe6d-c503-4542-a9ff-6f96a49bff05?src=embed\" width=\"800\" height=\"750\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development — which mandates the homeless count — has often advised against tying it to funding because shooting for a certain number could influence its accuracy. Still, the point-in-time count remains the only uniform way to measure the number of people sleeping on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s imperfect at the moment, and over the years … I hope we can evolve and consider different strategies,” Newsom said, suggesting the count can miss unhoused people who are less visible. “Now what I see is what I see on the streets. And that’s a challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal department instead advises measuring success using the count in conjunction with other outcomes, like higher placements into permanent housing or fewer returns to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I see positive trends in those other areas, and either stagnation or maybe just a slight downturn in the [count], that’s actually probably a positive thing,” a HUD spokesperson who would only speak anonymously told CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, like many other states, has seen a massive jump in homelessness since 2015, “way beyond the great work that many communities are doing to house people,” the spokesperson added. The driver: a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">housing shortage\u003c/a> propelling skyrocketing rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11932908\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11932908\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM-800x526.png\" alt=\"A man sitting down outside leans over a fire.\" width=\"800\" height=\"526\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM-800x526.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM-1020x670.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM-160x105.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM-1536x1009.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM.png 1546w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Muhammad, who declined to provide his last name, warms his hand at a fire near his tent in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom himself promised to abate that shortage when he first ran for governor, vowing to oversee the building of 3.5 million homes. He’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/newsom-california-housing-crisis/\">fallen dramatically short of his goals\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local service providers felt unfairly stung by Newsom’s criticism because they have no control over housing unaffordability and the other system failures that cause homelessness. And while they are getting more state funds than ever before, their resources don’t match demand. Funding the current affordable housing need alone would require \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/roadmaphome2030/\">nearly $18 billion a year\u003c/a>, according to an analysis from Housing California and California Housing Partnership, two affordable housing policy advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would be like the governor saying, ‘I’m going to hold funding to emergency departments because the number of car accidents in your community hasn’t gone down,'” said Anna Laven, executive director of the Bakersfield Kern Regional Homeless Collaborative. The collaborative is one of 44 “continuums of care” in California that oversee the region’s homelessness response and applied for the grants in conjunction with city and county governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘He surprised everyone’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Newsom withheld the funds earlier this month, service providers were aghast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He surprised everyone, up and down the state,” said Stephen Simon, interim executive director of the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority, another continuum of care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laven, from Bakersfield, shared with CalMatters a Sept. 1 email from the California Interagency Council on Homelessness — which ultimately reports to Newsom — saying their application had been “moved forward for final review in preparation for the award and disbursement process.” She thought it had been approved. But when she asked for a contract and check, it never came. Instead, they got additional questions about their application weeks later, which she thought was a mistake. Then came Newsom’s announcement that he was yanking the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were all feeling pretty blindsided and, you know, sort of reeling,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council “conducted intensive technical assistance over a six-month period” with all applicants, grants director Victor Duron reported during a Nov. 10 meeting. The Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority said its own meetings with the council had gone so well, it had already struck contracts, including one to fund more than 1,000 interim housing beds, with its $84 million share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They wanted to see impact as soon as possible, and so we followed that guidance and allocated all of the dollars,” said the authority’s Rysman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state had approved none of the applications before requesting additional information, according to Lourdes Castro Ramírez, secretary of the Business, Consumer Services and Housing Agency, which directly oversees the council. She told CalMatters “there was no conflicting communication” from her agency and the governor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the end of the day we all have the same goal,” said Laven of Bakersfield. “I just wish we were working together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Ballot measures to build more affordable housing and protect tenants from soaring rent increases were plentiful and fared well in last week’s midterm elections both in the Bay Area and across the U.S., a sign of growing angst over record-high rents exacerbated by inflation and a dearth of available homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters approved capping rent increases at below inflation in three U.S. cities: Portland, Maine, and Richmond and Santa Monica in California. Another measure was leading in the vote count in Pasadena outside Los Angeles. In Florida, voters in Orange County, which includes Orlando, overwhelmingly passed a rent-stabilization measure, although a court ruling means it’s unlikely to go into force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most states preempt cities and counties from enacting rent stabilization, the result of lobbying by the real estate industry in the 1970s. Still, in cities accustomed to rent regulation, voters approved stronger rent caps and more tenant protections.[aside label='Related Articles' tag='housing']A measure in Richmond to limit how much landlords can raise the rent each year was approved by a 14-point margin: Measure P caps rent increases at 3% annually, or 60% of the local consumer price index (CPI), whichever is lower, building off the city’s existing rent-stabilization ordinance that was passed in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gayle McLaughlin, a City Council member who backed the measure, said soaring inflation and an impending recession made the issue of rent control more salient for Richmond voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our tenant community has a lot of low-income renters, and we need to protect them,” she said. “So this cap on future rent increases … will really give our renters a sense of security, so that they won’t worry about being thrown out on the streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there were also considerable dissenting voices in Richmond, with nearly 43% of voters opposing Measure P. Derek Barnes, CEO of the East Bay Rental Housing Association, said inflation is hurting landlords, too — especially smaller landlords who don’t have deep pockets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Things like this [measure] really do make it difficult for owner-operators to run rental properties,” he said. “The rent increase cap just makes it extremely difficult to run a business, especially when expenses have increased exponentially.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were also dozens of proposals nationwide on the Nov. 8 ballot raising money for and authorizing construction of affordable housing, said Diane Yentel, president and CEO of the National Low Income Housing Coalition. Many passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Housing is a winning campaign issue. It’s one that voters show up for and it’s one that should cause policymakers at all levels to act,” said Yentel, adding that even a loss can be a win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The act of organizing itself builds strength, it builds power, and it builds connections and it builds momentum,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, more than 73% of voters approved and passed Measure U for the issuance of $850 million in general obligation bonds, of which $350 million would be used for the purchase, renovation or construction of affordable housing. Oakland voters also approved Measure V, which expands eviction protections for tenants in RVs and new units and removes failure to execute a new lease as a just cause for eviction, while also prohibiting the eviction of educators and children during the academic school year. That measure passed with a 66% majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not all ballot measures passed in the Bay Area. In Berkeley, Measure L — which would have issued $650 million in general obligation bonds to fund city services, including $200 million for affordable housing — didn’t get the necessary two-thirds vote needed to pass, even though 57% of voters did approve the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calls for more affordable homes and policies to keep tenants housed have been growing as homelessness increases even in places outside coastal urban centers such as San Francisco and Los Angeles. Moreover, teachers, police officers and other public servants say they cannot afford to live in the places where they work, resulting in nightmare commutes and staffing shortages.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Diane Yentel, president and CEO, National Low Income Housing Coalition\"]‘Housing is a winning campaign issue. It’s one that voters show up for and it’s one that should cause policymakers at all levels to act.’[/pullquote]Backers say \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/2022-midterm-elections-florida-san-francisco-pasadena-c5119510b99f75bba8a9530aa8475c96\">rent control policies are needed to curb sharp increases\u003c/a> that put tenants at risk of eviction. They say protections are especially needed now as \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/2022-midterm-elections-california-race-and-ethnicity-san-francisco-529b630af101faf35ff400c674b6e2b1\">more corporations snap up rental housing for profit\u003c/a>. As of 2018, the U.S. Census Bureau found businesses owned nearly half of rental units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The market is out of whack. The government needs to step in and regulate it so there can be stability,” said Leah Simon-Weisberg, a tenants rights attorney and chair of the rent board in Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents nationwide say rent control increases costs for landlords, the majority of whom are mom-and-pop operations with a handful of units each. Restricting rents will spur disinvestment in rental stock and discourage construction of affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Decades of empirical research have shown this policy does not help the underlying cause of the housing shortage that we have now. If anything, it makes the housing challenge more acute,” said Ben Harrold, public policy manager at the National Apartment Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Portland, Maine, 55% of voters approved a measure to slim down an existing rent cap, from 100% of the consumer price index to 70%. The proposal also dictates a host of other tenant protections, such as limiting security deposits to one month’s rent and requiring 90 days’ notice for a rent increase or lease termination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A ballot measure in Pasadena to cap annual rent increases at 75% of the consumer price index had more than 52% of the vote late Tuesday, and the campaign declared victory. The campaign’s finance coordinator, Ryan Bell, said organizers went all-out to reach voters, but also, the timing was right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pandemic really made it clear that people who are renting their housing are insecure by definition. Their housing could be taken away from them in some cities for no cause, and a massive rent increase is functionally an eviction,” he said. “There’s just more and more stories.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the rent cap overwhelmingly approved by voters in Orange County, Florida, is on hold. A court ruled it didn’t meet what it acknowledged was an “extremely high bar” set by a state law that requires a housing emergency be identified before a rent cap can be put in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 60% of voters approved the measure after rents that jumped 25% between 2020 and 2021 and another double-digit increase this year. The Board of County Commissioners in Orange County was scheduled to meet Thursday to decide whether to appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant advocates and landlords do agree on the need for more affordable housing, and cities and counties in Arizona, Maryland, Missouri, North Carolina, Texas and Ohio were among those that approved bond measures for more units, according to the National Low Income Housing Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-colorado-legislature-2bae5eaf93322850ef83af7a01c80e73\">In Colorado, voters approved a sweeping measure to set aside roughly $300 million\u003c/a> a year for programs that curb homelessness and promote affordable housing. But in Denver, where Zillow data shows that median rental prices jumped $600 in two years, 58% of voters rejected a $12 million proposal to expand free legal counsel for all tenants facing eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The eviction fund would have been financed by a $75 annual fee on landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Drew Hamrick, vice president of government affairs for the Apartment Association of Metro Denver, the opposing argument “that resonated the most was that this $12 million tax was going to end up being paid for by the consumer regardless of what political outlook you have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Ballot measures to build more affordable housing and protect tenants from soaring rent increases were plentiful and fared well in last week’s midterm elections both in the Bay Area and across the U.S., a sign of growing angst over record-high rents exacerbated by inflation and a dearth of available homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters approved capping rent increases at below inflation in three U.S. cities: Portland, Maine, and Richmond and Santa Monica in California. Another measure was leading in the vote count in Pasadena outside Los Angeles. In Florida, voters in Orange County, which includes Orlando, overwhelmingly passed a rent-stabilization measure, although a court ruling means it’s unlikely to go into force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most states preempt cities and counties from enacting rent stabilization, the result of lobbying by the real estate industry in the 1970s. Still, in cities accustomed to rent regulation, voters approved stronger rent caps and more tenant protections.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A measure in Richmond to limit how much landlords can raise the rent each year was approved by a 14-point margin: Measure P caps rent increases at 3% annually, or 60% of the local consumer price index (CPI), whichever is lower, building off the city’s existing rent-stabilization ordinance that was passed in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gayle McLaughlin, a City Council member who backed the measure, said soaring inflation and an impending recession made the issue of rent control more salient for Richmond voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our tenant community has a lot of low-income renters, and we need to protect them,” she said. “So this cap on future rent increases … will really give our renters a sense of security, so that they won’t worry about being thrown out on the streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there were also considerable dissenting voices in Richmond, with nearly 43% of voters opposing Measure P. Derek Barnes, CEO of the East Bay Rental Housing Association, said inflation is hurting landlords, too — especially smaller landlords who don’t have deep pockets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Things like this [measure] really do make it difficult for owner-operators to run rental properties,” he said. “The rent increase cap just makes it extremely difficult to run a business, especially when expenses have increased exponentially.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were also dozens of proposals nationwide on the Nov. 8 ballot raising money for and authorizing construction of affordable housing, said Diane Yentel, president and CEO of the National Low Income Housing Coalition. Many passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Housing is a winning campaign issue. It’s one that voters show up for and it’s one that should cause policymakers at all levels to act,” said Yentel, adding that even a loss can be a win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The act of organizing itself builds strength, it builds power, and it builds connections and it builds momentum,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, more than 73% of voters approved and passed Measure U for the issuance of $850 million in general obligation bonds, of which $350 million would be used for the purchase, renovation or construction of affordable housing. Oakland voters also approved Measure V, which expands eviction protections for tenants in RVs and new units and removes failure to execute a new lease as a just cause for eviction, while also prohibiting the eviction of educators and children during the academic school year. That measure passed with a 66% majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not all ballot measures passed in the Bay Area. In Berkeley, Measure L — which would have issued $650 million in general obligation bonds to fund city services, including $200 million for affordable housing — didn’t get the necessary two-thirds vote needed to pass, even though 57% of voters did approve the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calls for more affordable homes and policies to keep tenants housed have been growing as homelessness increases even in places outside coastal urban centers such as San Francisco and Los Angeles. Moreover, teachers, police officers and other public servants say they cannot afford to live in the places where they work, resulting in nightmare commutes and staffing shortages.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Backers say \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/2022-midterm-elections-florida-san-francisco-pasadena-c5119510b99f75bba8a9530aa8475c96\">rent control policies are needed to curb sharp increases\u003c/a> that put tenants at risk of eviction. They say protections are especially needed now as \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/2022-midterm-elections-california-race-and-ethnicity-san-francisco-529b630af101faf35ff400c674b6e2b1\">more corporations snap up rental housing for profit\u003c/a>. As of 2018, the U.S. Census Bureau found businesses owned nearly half of rental units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The market is out of whack. The government needs to step in and regulate it so there can be stability,” said Leah Simon-Weisberg, a tenants rights attorney and chair of the rent board in Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents nationwide say rent control increases costs for landlords, the majority of whom are mom-and-pop operations with a handful of units each. Restricting rents will spur disinvestment in rental stock and discourage construction of affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Decades of empirical research have shown this policy does not help the underlying cause of the housing shortage that we have now. If anything, it makes the housing challenge more acute,” said Ben Harrold, public policy manager at the National Apartment Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Portland, Maine, 55% of voters approved a measure to slim down an existing rent cap, from 100% of the consumer price index to 70%. The proposal also dictates a host of other tenant protections, such as limiting security deposits to one month’s rent and requiring 90 days’ notice for a rent increase or lease termination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A ballot measure in Pasadena to cap annual rent increases at 75% of the consumer price index had more than 52% of the vote late Tuesday, and the campaign declared victory. The campaign’s finance coordinator, Ryan Bell, said organizers went all-out to reach voters, but also, the timing was right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pandemic really made it clear that people who are renting their housing are insecure by definition. Their housing could be taken away from them in some cities for no cause, and a massive rent increase is functionally an eviction,” he said. “There’s just more and more stories.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the rent cap overwhelmingly approved by voters in Orange County, Florida, is on hold. A court ruled it didn’t meet what it acknowledged was an “extremely high bar” set by a state law that requires a housing emergency be identified before a rent cap can be put in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 60% of voters approved the measure after rents that jumped 25% between 2020 and 2021 and another double-digit increase this year. The Board of County Commissioners in Orange County was scheduled to meet Thursday to decide whether to appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant advocates and landlords do agree on the need for more affordable housing, and cities and counties in Arizona, Maryland, Missouri, North Carolina, Texas and Ohio were among those that approved bond measures for more units, according to the National Low Income Housing Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-colorado-legislature-2bae5eaf93322850ef83af7a01c80e73\">In Colorado, voters approved a sweeping measure to set aside roughly $300 million\u003c/a> a year for programs that curb homelessness and promote affordable housing. But in Denver, where Zillow data shows that median rental prices jumped $600 in two years, 58% of voters rejected a $12 million proposal to expand free legal counsel for all tenants facing eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The eviction fund would have been financed by a $75 annual fee on landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Drew Hamrick, vice president of government affairs for the Apartment Association of Metro Denver, the opposing argument “that resonated the most was that this $12 million tax was going to end up being paid for by the consumer regardless of what political outlook you have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Thousands of Dollars in Donations to Veterans, Unhoused People May Be the Latest Victims of Elon Musk's Twitter Takeover",
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"content": "\u003cp>Twitter’s speedy implosion under the leadership of new CEO Elon Musk has affected people across the globe, from investors in \u003ca href=\"https://www.investors.com/news/technology/lly-stock-dives-taking-novo-sanofi-with-it-after-fake-twitter-account-promises-free-insulin/#:~:text=Eli%20Lilly%20Dives%20After%20Fake,Novo%20Nordisk%2C%20Sanofi%20With%20It&text=Elon%20Musk's%20new%20pay%2Dfor,%22insulin%20is%20free%20now.%22\">the plummeting stocks of pharmaceutical companies who have been impersonated on the platform, to the thousands of company staff he laid off\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now one more group can be added to the list: veterans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just two days before Veterans Day, Twitter emailed San Francisco-based nonprofit Swords to Plowshares to tell them they’d no longer be sending a $10,000 donation they’d pledged to give “until the new leadership provides guidance,” KQED has learned.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Colleen Murakami, chief development officer, Swords to Plowshares\"]‘This is a first and it just feels unethical and wrong. And that’s why we wanted to raise the issue, not because we care about the $10,000.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter has “paused indefinitely” all of its donations, according to the email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That could affect as many as 30 organizations, primarily in San Francisco, but also across the Bay Area. One group serving unhoused people is in the dark over whether a $175,000 program to help families learn digital skills will move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the total amount Twitter donates to local nonprofits currently isn’t known, \u003ca href=\"https://blog.twitter.com/en_us/a/2015/our-commitment-to-san-francisco\">a 2015 Twitter blog post projected donations of more than $900,000 annually by 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter has publicly committed to being a good neighbor in San Francisco, concentrating both philanthropy and volunteerism on people who live in, and groups serving, the Tenderloin and South of Market neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colleen Murakami, chief development officer of Swords to Plowshares, said their organization has the financial means to take the $10,000 hit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.globenewswire.com/news-release/2022/11/08/2551246/0/en/Swords-to-Plowshares-Hosts-26th-Annual-Veterans-Day-Concert-Reception.html\">which was intended to help pay for a Veterans Day gala this week\u003c/a>. But, she said, she’s never seen an abrupt cancellation of a sizable donation in her years of nonprofit work — even during the Great Recession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a first and it just feels unethical and wrong. And that’s why we wanted to raise the issue, not because we care about the $10,000,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/PIT-Key-Findings-Briefing-Deck-web.pdf\">605 unhoused veterans in San Francisco (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to the latest annual point-in-time count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/vetshelpingvets/status/1590800711834832896\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murakami said their organization honored Twitter for their donation at a Veterans Day gala on Wednesday. San Francisco Mayor London Breed spoke at the event, and more than $400,000 was raised to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/homeless-veterans-apartments-17575222.php\">further the organization’s efforts to house and comfort veterans, particularly unhoused veterans\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next day, the organization received this email from a member of the Twitter for Good team describing an “indefinite pause”:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"padding-left: 40px\">\u003cem>I hope this email finds you well. I am so glad to hear that yesterday’s event went well. I wish I could have been with you all.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"padding-left: 40px\">\u003cem>I am very sorry to share that all Twitter philanthropic activities are paused indefinitely until the new leadership provides guidance.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"padding-left: 40px\">\u003cem>Unfortunately, this includes the $10K donation we were trying to process prior the official change of hands. I am sorry.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"padding-left: 40px\">\u003cem>Thank you for your understanding and commitment to the community in the work that you and your team do everyday.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"padding-left: 40px\">\u003cem>Wishing you and the team all the best. Happy Veterans Day.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In another email, Twitter referred to the action as a “cancellation notice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter did not return a request for comment, nor did they clarify whether the cessation of the $10,000 donation is temporary or permanent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.theverge.com/2022/11/4/23439790/elon-musk-twitter-layoffs-trust-and-safety-teams-severance\">Twitter has laid off most, if not all, of its communications team\u003c/a>, according to news reports. The philanthropy-focused Twitter for Good team itself may also be gone, save for its lead, according to multiple nonprofit organizations who have spoken to former employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter did not confirm those layoffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/TwitterForGood/status/1578209835350269953\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tesla founder Elon Musk completed his purchase of Twitter in late October to much fanfare and worry. While Musk promised to make Twitter a bastion of free speech, the platform was quickly met with mounting woes: wary advertisers backing away from the company, mass layoffs, and concern from President Joe Biden that Musk’s takeover is “worthy of being looked at” \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/business/musks-twitter-buyout-could-be-looked-at-as-national-security-risk-says-biden/\">as a national security risk\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while Twitter’s new boss has generated international ripples, the epicenter of the disruption is in San Francisco, where it is headquartered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of San Francisco’s most impoverished people live in the proverbial shadow of the Twitter building in the mid-Market neighborhood, and the neighborhoods around it. And now Musk’s new direction for the company may imperil funds meant to help them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizations tackling homelessness to those training marginalized youth in tech-sector skills have all been past recipients of Twitter help. These include Compass Family Services, Glide, Dev/Mission, Catholic Charities, Code Tenderloin, the Bay Area Video Coalition and the San Francisco General Hospital Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/satanjeev/status/997531639327612929?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E997531639327612929%7Ctwgr%5E6c8761003561ed85fc5551c3ac4e13c194d04b26%7Ctwcon%5Es1_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.glide.org%2Fdata-for-good-glide-and-twitter-team-up-on-a-skills-based-volunteering-journey%2F\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swords to Plowshares’ Murakami is worried that other San Francisco groups may see their donations from Twitter evaporate, since the email sent to her organization from Twitter mentioned additional donations being affected, as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I’m concerned about all the other agreements that Twitter has with the community, particularly those in the Tenderloin and, you know, all the housing providers,” Murakami said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Compass Family services is one such group. The mission of the more-than-100-year-old organization is to help unhoused and housing-insecure families, and with Twitter they did so through an annual “Twitter NeighborNest” program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Families have made over 17,000 visits to the program since 2015, according to Compass, learning technology skills like digital literacy in both English and Spanish. Child care was provided, and parents at risk of losing their housing were also taught how to search for much-needed housing online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was also a way for the technology workers of Twitter to reach out and interact with their neighbors, some of whom could use their help, said Madeleine Lemos, a spokesperson for Compass Family Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every Twitter employee that I’ve ever talked to after a volunteer event told me how much they loved getting to meet our families, getting to meet our children and getting to take part in that,” she said. “So in addition to just the actual tangible skills and technology access it gave our family, it really was a place of community for everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On hiatus since the pandemic, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.compass-sf.org/neighbornest\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Twitter NeighborNest\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> was slated to reopen next week. Now, the $175,000 program — not counting Twitter’s in-kind donations of a facility and staff volunteer hours — is in limbo. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Twitter staff who normally communicate with Compass Family Services on the program have apparently been laid off, and no one else has reached out in their place. Lemos said the organization has been grateful to Twitter for its past support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As of now, we aren’t really sure who to have a conversation with about the future of the nest,” Lemos said. “We are really hoping that this program can continue, that it can serve our families as both a space where they can have computer access, workforce development and job training, as well as child care. It’s a really wonderful space for our clients and our families to be able to use. And we’d love to see a good future with Twitter in the space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “As of now, unfortunately, we don’t know what that future is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At least one other recent event was affected: an annual holiday lunch for veterans held in mid-December, which has served the Tenderloin, Mission and South of Market areas for about 40 years. It’s co-hosted by Del Seymour, the noted executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.codetenderloin.org/team\">Code Tenderloin\u003c/a>, in conjunction with Swords to Plowshares.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter was set to pay for catering the event, but now that commitment is in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unfortunate,” Seymour said. “The holiday time is when veterans suffer the most, where all our unhoused people suffer the most. These vets look forward to the event. We do it every year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Not every organization has seen a direct impact to their bottom line yet. Just a week ago, Leo Sosa, founder of Dev/Mission, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/TwitterForGood/status/1585738824830722048\">handed out laptops\u003c/a> to San Francisco families that were donated by Twitter for Good. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But that event was October 27, a week before the staffing layoffs, and subsequent maelstrom, hit Twitter.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11932066\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11932066 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k.jpg\" alt=\"A group of people almost all wearing black stand behind a long counter preparing food to serve. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Twitter employees cater food to veterans at the Edwin M. Lee Apartments with Swords to Plowshares in September this year. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Swords to Plowshares)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Seymour said Tw\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">itter is usually a generous neighbor. Twitter co-founder Jack Dorsey gave Seymour $1 million, which Seymour will use to help buy a building for the organization. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Twitter has been a wonderful community partner,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That track record may end under the recent Musk takeover, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seymour, who is a veteran himself, put Twitter’s lack of follow-through on philanthropic donations this way: “Whether it’s a dollar or a million dollars, I think it’s pretty chickenshit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Twitter’s speedy implosion under the leadership of new CEO Elon Musk has affected people across the globe, from investors in \u003ca href=\"https://www.investors.com/news/technology/lly-stock-dives-taking-novo-sanofi-with-it-after-fake-twitter-account-promises-free-insulin/#:~:text=Eli%20Lilly%20Dives%20After%20Fake,Novo%20Nordisk%2C%20Sanofi%20With%20It&text=Elon%20Musk's%20new%20pay%2Dfor,%22insulin%20is%20free%20now.%22\">the plummeting stocks of pharmaceutical companies who have been impersonated on the platform, to the thousands of company staff he laid off\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now one more group can be added to the list: veterans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just two days before Veterans Day, Twitter emailed San Francisco-based nonprofit Swords to Plowshares to tell them they’d no longer be sending a $10,000 donation they’d pledged to give “until the new leadership provides guidance,” KQED has learned.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter has “paused indefinitely” all of its donations, according to the email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That could affect as many as 30 organizations, primarily in San Francisco, but also across the Bay Area. One group serving unhoused people is in the dark over whether a $175,000 program to help families learn digital skills will move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the total amount Twitter donates to local nonprofits currently isn’t known, \u003ca href=\"https://blog.twitter.com/en_us/a/2015/our-commitment-to-san-francisco\">a 2015 Twitter blog post projected donations of more than $900,000 annually by 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter has publicly committed to being a good neighbor in San Francisco, concentrating both philanthropy and volunteerism on people who live in, and groups serving, the Tenderloin and South of Market neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colleen Murakami, chief development officer of Swords to Plowshares, said their organization has the financial means to take the $10,000 hit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.globenewswire.com/news-release/2022/11/08/2551246/0/en/Swords-to-Plowshares-Hosts-26th-Annual-Veterans-Day-Concert-Reception.html\">which was intended to help pay for a Veterans Day gala this week\u003c/a>. But, she said, she’s never seen an abrupt cancellation of a sizable donation in her years of nonprofit work — even during the Great Recession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a first and it just feels unethical and wrong. And that’s why we wanted to raise the issue, not because we care about the $10,000,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/PIT-Key-Findings-Briefing-Deck-web.pdf\">605 unhoused veterans in San Francisco (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to the latest annual point-in-time count.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Murakami said their organization honored Twitter for their donation at a Veterans Day gala on Wednesday. San Francisco Mayor London Breed spoke at the event, and more than $400,000 was raised to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/homeless-veterans-apartments-17575222.php\">further the organization’s efforts to house and comfort veterans, particularly unhoused veterans\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next day, the organization received this email from a member of the Twitter for Good team describing an “indefinite pause”:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"padding-left: 40px\">\u003cem>I hope this email finds you well. I am so glad to hear that yesterday’s event went well. I wish I could have been with you all.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"padding-left: 40px\">\u003cem>I am very sorry to share that all Twitter philanthropic activities are paused indefinitely until the new leadership provides guidance.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"padding-left: 40px\">\u003cem>Unfortunately, this includes the $10K donation we were trying to process prior the official change of hands. I am sorry.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"padding-left: 40px\">\u003cem>Thank you for your understanding and commitment to the community in the work that you and your team do everyday.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"padding-left: 40px\">\u003cem>Wishing you and the team all the best. Happy Veterans Day.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In another email, Twitter referred to the action as a “cancellation notice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter did not return a request for comment, nor did they clarify whether the cessation of the $10,000 donation is temporary or permanent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.theverge.com/2022/11/4/23439790/elon-musk-twitter-layoffs-trust-and-safety-teams-severance\">Twitter has laid off most, if not all, of its communications team\u003c/a>, according to news reports. The philanthropy-focused Twitter for Good team itself may also be gone, save for its lead, according to multiple nonprofit organizations who have spoken to former employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter did not confirm those layoffs.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Tesla founder Elon Musk completed his purchase of Twitter in late October to much fanfare and worry. While Musk promised to make Twitter a bastion of free speech, the platform was quickly met with mounting woes: wary advertisers backing away from the company, mass layoffs, and concern from President Joe Biden that Musk’s takeover is “worthy of being looked at” \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/business/musks-twitter-buyout-could-be-looked-at-as-national-security-risk-says-biden/\">as a national security risk\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while Twitter’s new boss has generated international ripples, the epicenter of the disruption is in San Francisco, where it is headquartered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of San Francisco’s most impoverished people live in the proverbial shadow of the Twitter building in the mid-Market neighborhood, and the neighborhoods around it. And now Musk’s new direction for the company may imperil funds meant to help them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizations tackling homelessness to those training marginalized youth in tech-sector skills have all been past recipients of Twitter help. These include Compass Family Services, Glide, Dev/Mission, Catholic Charities, Code Tenderloin, the Bay Area Video Coalition and the San Francisco General Hospital Foundation.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Swords to Plowshares’ Murakami is worried that other San Francisco groups may see their donations from Twitter evaporate, since the email sent to her organization from Twitter mentioned additional donations being affected, as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I’m concerned about all the other agreements that Twitter has with the community, particularly those in the Tenderloin and, you know, all the housing providers,” Murakami said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Compass Family services is one such group. The mission of the more-than-100-year-old organization is to help unhoused and housing-insecure families, and with Twitter they did so through an annual “Twitter NeighborNest” program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Families have made over 17,000 visits to the program since 2015, according to Compass, learning technology skills like digital literacy in both English and Spanish. Child care was provided, and parents at risk of losing their housing were also taught how to search for much-needed housing online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was also a way for the technology workers of Twitter to reach out and interact with their neighbors, some of whom could use their help, said Madeleine Lemos, a spokesperson for Compass Family Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every Twitter employee that I’ve ever talked to after a volunteer event told me how much they loved getting to meet our families, getting to meet our children and getting to take part in that,” she said. “So in addition to just the actual tangible skills and technology access it gave our family, it really was a place of community for everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On hiatus since the pandemic, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.compass-sf.org/neighbornest\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Twitter NeighborNest\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> was slated to reopen next week. Now, the $175,000 program — not counting Twitter’s in-kind donations of a facility and staff volunteer hours — is in limbo. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Twitter staff who normally communicate with Compass Family Services on the program have apparently been laid off, and no one else has reached out in their place. Lemos said the organization has been grateful to Twitter for its past support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As of now, we aren’t really sure who to have a conversation with about the future of the nest,” Lemos said. “We are really hoping that this program can continue, that it can serve our families as both a space where they can have computer access, workforce development and job training, as well as child care. It’s a really wonderful space for our clients and our families to be able to use. And we’d love to see a good future with Twitter in the space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “As of now, unfortunately, we don’t know what that future is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At least one other recent event was affected: an annual holiday lunch for veterans held in mid-December, which has served the Tenderloin, Mission and South of Market areas for about 40 years. It’s co-hosted by Del Seymour, the noted executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.codetenderloin.org/team\">Code Tenderloin\u003c/a>, in conjunction with Swords to Plowshares.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter was set to pay for catering the event, but now that commitment is in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unfortunate,” Seymour said. “The holiday time is when veterans suffer the most, where all our unhoused people suffer the most. These vets look forward to the event. We do it every year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Not every organization has seen a direct impact to their bottom line yet. Just a week ago, Leo Sosa, founder of Dev/Mission, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/TwitterForGood/status/1585738824830722048\">handed out laptops\u003c/a> to San Francisco families that were donated by Twitter for Good. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But that event was October 27, a week before the staffing layoffs, and subsequent maelstrom, hit Twitter.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11932066\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11932066 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k.jpg\" alt=\"A group of people almost all wearing black stand behind a long counter preparing food to serve. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Twitter employees cater food to veterans at the Edwin M. Lee Apartments with Swords to Plowshares in September this year. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Swords to Plowshares)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Seymour said Tw\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">itter is usually a generous neighbor. Twitter co-founder Jack Dorsey gave Seymour $1 million, which Seymour will use to help buy a building for the organization. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Twitter has been a wonderful community partner,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That track record may end under the recent Musk takeover, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seymour, who is a veteran himself, put Twitter’s lack of follow-through on philanthropic donations this way: “Whether it’s a dollar or a million dollars, I think it’s pretty chickenshit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Midterm Elections 2022\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We look at the confirmed winners and losers of California’s election results, and what hangs in the balance as the final votes are counted. Plus, one of the top issues across the state was housing. Which measures passed? Which failed? We breakdown what Californians voted for and what it says about the future of housing in the golden state. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cb>Erin Baldassari\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, KQED housing affordability reporter\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cb>Guy Marzorati\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, KQED politics reporter and producer\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in Tech News\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As massive layoffs hit technology companies, and the crypto finance world implodes, we take a look at our economic outlook with MarketWatch senior reporter \u003c/span>\u003cb>Levi Sumagaysay\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Lake Merritt\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">150 years ago Lake Merritt became the nation’s first wildlife refuge. It is also home to large breeding populations of herons, egrets, geese and ducks. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Midterm Elections 2022\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We look at the confirmed winners and losers of California’s election results, and what hangs in the balance as the final votes are counted. Plus, one of the top issues across the state was housing. Which measures passed? Which failed? We breakdown what Californians voted for and what it says about the future of housing in the golden state. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cb>Erin Baldassari\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, KQED housing affordability reporter\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cb>Guy Marzorati\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, KQED politics reporter and producer\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in Tech News\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As massive layoffs hit technology companies, and the crypto finance world implodes, we take a look at our economic outlook with MarketWatch senior reporter \u003c/span>\u003cb>Levi Sumagaysay\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Lake Merritt\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">150 years ago Lake Merritt became the nation’s first wildlife refuge. It is also home to large breeding populations of herons, egrets, geese and ducks. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#anchor\">\u003cb>Editor’s Note: This story has been updated to reflect current vote tallies. Click this link to jump to our table of all housing measures and results.\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voting returns showed strong support for a bevy of housing measures on Bay Area ballots this year — results that could bode well for potential statewide housing measures in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 52 local ballot initiatives across California related to housing, \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/research-and-policy/housing-on-the-ballot-2022/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">21 were in the Bay Area, \u003c/a>according to UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a top priority for voters in communities across the state,” said Amie Fishman, executive director of the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California. “Local communities are saying, ‘We need these solutions.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters were asked to weigh in on a wide range of issues, including measures to tax vacant housing units, strengthen protections for renters, authorize and fund affordable housing, and change how new housing projects get approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tomiquia Moss, founder and CEO of the Bay Area affordable housing policy nonprofit All Home, said the measures were aimed at incremental changes, in part because of progress made over the past half decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, three Bay Area counties — \u003ca href=\"https://osh.sccgov.org/housing-community-development/2016-measure-affordable-housing-bond#:~:text=In%20November%202016%2C%20Santa%20Clara,%24950%20million%20affordable%20housing%20bond.\">Santa Clara\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/information/2016-affordable-housing-general-obligation-bond#:~:text=In%20November%20of%202016%2C%20the,protect%20residents%2C%20and%20stabilize%20communities.\">San Francisco\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Alameda_County,_California,_Affordable_Housing_Bond_Issue,_Measure_A1_(November_2016)#:~:text=An%20affordable%20housing%20bond%20issue,bonds%20for%20affordable%20local%20housing.\">Alameda\u003c/a> — passed affordable housing bonds. Rounds of state and local ballot measures followed in 2018 and 2020. And state lawmakers approved a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ca.gov/archive/gov39/2017/09/29/news19979/index.html\">historic package of housing legislation\u003c/a> in 2017, with more laws enacted every year since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"housing\"]“We’re not starting from scratch,” Moss said. “There have been some really important policy changes that have happened, and now we need to be looking at implementation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last three years, \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.wpenginepowered.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/California-Affordable-Housing-Needs-Report-2022.pdf\">California has more than doubled the amount of affordable housing it funds (PDF)\u003c/a> — from just under 7,200 units in 2019 to around 24,600 in 2020, and 19,000 in 2021 — according to the California Housing Partnership. But, the partnership said the state is still woefully short of the nearly 120,000 annual affordable units it estimates the state would need to build to meet residents’ needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/10/california-homeless-population-covid/\">homelessness continues to grow\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/california-housing-affordability-slides-to-lowest-level-in-nearly-15-years-in-second-quarter-2022-as-home-prices-set-record-highs-and-interest-rates-surge-car-reports-301604141.html\">housing affordability worsens\u003c/a>, residents in disparate communities used this year’s local ballots to put forward additional solutions, said Sarah Karlinsky, senior adviser with SPUR, an urban planning nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of anxiety,” she said. On one hand, homeowners are concerned about changes in their neighborhoods; on the other, tenants “are at the whims of the rental market and are experiencing a lot of destabilization,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are the housing measures Bay Area voters considered:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Vacancy taxes\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Voters in San Francisco and Berkeley supported \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11930303/should-sf-and-berkeley-tax-empty-homes-following-oaklands-lead\">measures to tax property owners who keep their units empty\u003c/a> for extended periods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, more than 54% of voters approved the measure, compared to 63% in \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/rovresults/248/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Berkeley\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two measures are slightly different, but they spoke to the same frustration: Why should homes and apartments sit vacant as homelessness continues to grow and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/10/california-cost-of-living-2/\">rents continue to soar\u003c/a>?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Berkeley Vice Mayor Kate Harrison, who introduced the measure in her city, said she wasn’t surprised, because the measure is aimed at incentivizing landlords to free up more housing and address blighted properties. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“People in Berkeley are tired of seeing vacant properties while they see their own children not being able to afford to live here. And they see people lying on the street homeless,” Harrison said. “And, they understand that high housing prices are creating real deprivation for tenants.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That same message resonated with voters in Oakland in 2018, when \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Oakland,_California,_Measure_W,_Vacant_Property_Tax_(November_2018)\">70% of voters approved a vacancy tax\u003c/a>. That wasn’t the case, however, with a third measure on this year’s ballot in the Bay Area adjacent city of Santa Cruz, where more than 56% percent of voters \u003ca href=\"https://sccounty01.co.santa-cruz.ca.us/ElectionSites/ElectionResults/Results\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">rejected a measure\u003c/a> to tax empty homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Garcia, policy director for UC Berkeley’s Terner Center, said that might be due to the nature of Santa Cruz as a vacation destination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You may have a lot of people who have second homes or are Airbnb hosts and things like that, who view this as maybe restricting what they could do with their property,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Either way, he said the results for this year’s empty home taxes could encourage other cities across the state to try for similar measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’ll be interesting to see how the passage or failure of these vacancy measures will impact housing situations in these three cities and the likelihood that we may see other similar measures in other cities in the future,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tenant protections\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Voters in Oakland and Richmond gave tenants a boost with support for measures that strengthen renter protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Richmond, voters appeared to approve a measure that further \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11930792/richmond-considers-stronger-rent-caps-as-inflation-soars\">limits how much landlords can raise rents each year\u003c/a>. The measure passed with nearly 59% of voters in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aime Ajche, a renter in Richmond, said she was grateful the measure passed, even if it came too late to forestall the rent increase she received in August. The single mom of a 2-year-old son has already given her landlord notice she would be moving out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the rent hadn’t gotten so bad, I would have thought to stay here longer,” she said, adding that she’ll be moving into a studio apartment with her son. “[It’s a] few hundred dollars less and something that I know I can afford.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, voters were asked whether to approve stricter rules dictating when landlords can evict tenants. The measure passed with nearly 67% of the vote in support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Isaiah Toney, deputy director of campaigns for the East Bay Alliance for a Sustainable Economy, said the results show voters recognize cities need more tools to keep renters stably housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely not a ‘fix everything’ kind of measure,” he said. “Our hope is that there will be fewer evictions and that folks are able to stay put and anchor themselves in their neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures come as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918382/starting-friday-thousands-of-california-tenants-still-waiting-on-rent-relief-can-be-evicted#:~:text=California's%20statewide%20moratorium%20on%20evictions,30%2C%202021.\">statewide and federal eviction protections have lapsed\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/10/20/bay-area-sees-eviction-tsunami-as-pandemic-renter-protections-end/\">evictions in the Bay Area are increasing\u003c/a>. Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director for advocacy organization the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, said there’s still a lot more work to be done statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv id=\"1668019272.607699\" class=\"c-virtual_list__item c-virtual_list__item--initial-activeitem\" role=\"listitem\" data-qa=\"virtual-list-item\" data-item-key=\"1668019272.607699\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__background p-message_pane_message__message c-message_kit__message\" role=\"presentation\" data-qa=\"message_container\" data-qa-unprocessed=\"false\" data-qa-placeholder=\"false\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__hover\" role=\"document\" data-qa-hover=\"true\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__actions c-message_kit__actions--default\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__gutter\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__gutter__right\" role=\"presentation\" data-qa=\"message_content\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__blocks c-message_kit__blocks--rich_text\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message__message_blocks c-message__message_blocks--rich_text\" data-qa=\"message-text\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"p-block_kit_renderer\" data-qa=\"block-kit-renderer\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"p-block_kit_renderer__block_wrapper p-block_kit_renderer__block_wrapper--first\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"p-rich_text_block\" dir=\"auto\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"p-rich_text_section\">“We have cities that have no protections, like Fresno,” she said. “We’ve got unincorporated areas that house the most vulnerable parts of our community that have no protections.”\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003ch2>Producing more housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Voters returned mixed results for how they think their cities should approve new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Menlo Park, a ballot measure to require a citywide vote for any changes to what can built in single-family neighborhoods failed by a more than 22-point margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pam Jones, a Menlo Park homeowner opposed to the measure, said it would have only exacerbated racial inequities in the city by \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">redirecting any new development into areas that already allow denser housing\u003c/a>, which tend to be communities of color. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I’m more relieved than excited,” she said, “relieved because this is the Menlo Park that I know we really are.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Brentwood, a ballot measure requiring residents to vote on changes to what can be built at \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/09/08/editorial-smart-brentwood-open-space-ballot-measure-deserves-support/\">parks and on golf courses \u003c/a>did pass. Voters approved of the measure with more than 64% in support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both measures were reactions to proposed housing projects. In Menlo Park, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929505/from-menlo-park-to-laguna-beach-residents-turn-to-ballot-box-to-fight-new-california-housing-mandates\">residents put Measure V on the ballot\u003c/a> after failing to reach consensus on the scale of a 90-unit affordable apartment complex that would give priority to teachers and staff of a neighboring school district. \u003ca href=\"http://brentwoodca.iqm2.com/Citizens/FileOpen.aspx?Type=1&ID=2785&Inline=True\">In Brentwood, Measure Q (PDF)\u003c/a> came after a developer introduced \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2018/07/13/developer-pauses-project-to-combine-brentwood-golf-courses-build-senior-housing/\">a plan to convert a golf course into housing for seniors\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/09/01/business/economy/california-nimbys-housing.html\">state requires cities to build more housing\u003c/a>, these types of reactionary ballot measures to limit growth may become increasingly common, Garcia said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe you’ll see more in the future,” he said, “as it really kind of sinks in to some communities that there is a significant change in the way projects are zoned and approved because of changes in state law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, voters considered two competing ballot measures — D and E — that both sought to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Which-of-two-dueling-S-F-housing-measures-on-the-17536618.php\">streamline approvals\u003c/a> of certain types of affordable housing construction. San Francisco is the slowest city in California when it comes to issuing permits for new housing — a fact that’s prompted state officials to \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/08/09/newsoms-office-targets-san-francisco-in-first-ever-housing-policy-investigation/\">launch an investigation\u003c/a> into the city’s approval process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition D, supported by SPUR and Mayor London Breed, appeared headed toward defeat with 51% of votes opposed. Proposition E, which was supported by a coalition of county supervisors, also failed, with 54% opposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fishman said the similarities between the two measures likely confused voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we confuse voters, when there isn’t a community consensus about what to put on the ballot, and then you have two competing measures, voters don’t like that,” she said. “In some ways they’re saying, ‘Go back and do your job, legislators, and come up with some consensus solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Approving affordable housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Three Bay Area cities — \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/RESO-89244-Article-34-filed-materials_2022-07-30-030818_xvqf.pdf\">Oakland (PDF)\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/Measure%20N%20-%20November%208%2C%202022%20Election.pdf\">Berkeley (PDF)\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.ssf.net/home/showpublisheddocument/27256/637952318238800000\">South San Francisco (PDF)\u003c/a> — all got the green light from voters to build affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures were necessary because of a rule added to the state constitution in 1950, called Article 34. Rooted in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11931068/in-pushing-affordable-housing-measures-local-leaders-ask-voters-to-contend-with-racist-housing-law\">racist fears\u003c/a>, it requires residents to vote to approve the development of any “low-rent” housing in their communities, an obstacle that has hindered lower-income housing construction for decades, said \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Oakland City Councilmember Carroll Fife\u003c/span>. She introduced the measure in Oakland this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Oaklanders want to see more affordable housing developed and more low-rent units developed,” she said, “and want to get rid of this lingering piece of legislation that is blocking affordable housing from being developed.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2024, California voters will have that chance: State lawmakers approved a bill to put a constitutional amendment on the ballot that would repeal Article 34. Fife said the votes this election may be a bellwether for that future ballot measure. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Hopefully, it’s a signal to the rest of California for when this is on the ballot in 2024,” she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Funding affordable housing and homeless services\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Eight cities in the Bay Area asked residents to dip into their pockets to pay for a range of city services, including affordable housing and programs to address homelessness — the results of which could indicate support for more potential ballot measures in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fishman’s organization, along with Moss’ All Home, hope to secure a statewide initiative that would lower the constitutional threshold to approve funding for housing from a two-thirds supermajority to a simple majority. That proposed amendment would likely be tied to some significant regional bond measures across the state, Moss said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/10/24/election-2022-housing-oakland-ballot-measures-evictions-bond/\">Oakland\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2022/10/02/berkeley-election-2022-measure-l-infrastructure-streets-paving-affordable-housing\">Berkeley\u003c/a> this election, there were two general obligation bonds on the ballot — but only Oakland’s measure passed, with nearly 74% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, voters supported the measure 57.5% to 42.5%, but it needed at least 66% of the vote to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results, said Moss, “just amplify the need to really run the state constitutional amendment to lower the voter threshold to a simple majority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the significance of this issue,” she added, “we just need to make it much easier for jurisdictions to generate revenue to pay for affordable housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In six cities — Palo Alto, East Palo Alto, Emeryville, Walnut Creek, Vallejo and Healdsburg — the measures all passed. They levy taxes to feed those cities’ general funds, meaning they aren’t earmarked for any specific purpose and only need a simple majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia said that, historically, cities have tried to get voter approval by promising to use the tax increases to pay for public safety, fill potholes and improve public facilities.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"David Garcia, UC Berkeley's Terner Center for Housing Innovation\"]‘We’ve noticed over the last couple election cycles a huge uptick in language specific to affordable housing and homelessness. So, that really speaks to how ingrained this issue has become to voters.’[/pullquote]“But we’ve noticed over the last couple election cycles a huge uptick in language specific to affordable housing and homelessness,” he said. “So, that really speaks to how ingrained this issue has become to voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heading into the election, Garcia said he thought voters would be fatigued by the constant requests for more additional funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t really seen that; I guess, except for Berkeley,” he said. “In all the other places, the voters continue to support different ways to raise money for affordable housing. So, that’s good news.”\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"anchor\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Erika Kelly, Adhiti Bandlamudi, Vanessa \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rancaño\u003c/span> and Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/11703558/embed\" title=\"Interactive or visual content\" class=\"flourish-embed-iframe\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" style=\"width:100%;height:2000px;\" sandbox=\"allow-same-origin allow-forms allow-scripts allow-downloads allow-popups allow-popups-to-escape-sandbox allow-top-navigation-by-user-activation\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "From vacancy taxes to rent control to housing production, voters in cities throughout the Bay Area weighed in on a spate of significant housing-related issues on the ballot. Here's a complete list of the many measures — and a results scorecard to keep track of them all.",
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"title": "Here's How Every Bay Area Housing Ballot Measure Fared This Election | KQED",
"description": "From vacancy taxes to rent control to housing production, voters in cities throughout the Bay Area weighed in on a spate of significant housing-related issues on the ballot. Here's a complete list of the many measures — and a results scorecard to keep track of them all.",
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"headline": "Here's How Every Bay Area Housing Ballot Measure Fared This Election",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#anchor\">\u003cb>Editor’s Note: This story has been updated to reflect current vote tallies. Click this link to jump to our table of all housing measures and results.\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voting returns showed strong support for a bevy of housing measures on Bay Area ballots this year — results that could bode well for potential statewide housing measures in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 52 local ballot initiatives across California related to housing, \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/research-and-policy/housing-on-the-ballot-2022/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">21 were in the Bay Area, \u003c/a>according to UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a top priority for voters in communities across the state,” said Amie Fishman, executive director of the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California. “Local communities are saying, ‘We need these solutions.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters were asked to weigh in on a wide range of issues, including measures to tax vacant housing units, strengthen protections for renters, authorize and fund affordable housing, and change how new housing projects get approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tomiquia Moss, founder and CEO of the Bay Area affordable housing policy nonprofit All Home, said the measures were aimed at incremental changes, in part because of progress made over the past half decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, three Bay Area counties — \u003ca href=\"https://osh.sccgov.org/housing-community-development/2016-measure-affordable-housing-bond#:~:text=In%20November%202016%2C%20Santa%20Clara,%24950%20million%20affordable%20housing%20bond.\">Santa Clara\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/information/2016-affordable-housing-general-obligation-bond#:~:text=In%20November%20of%202016%2C%20the,protect%20residents%2C%20and%20stabilize%20communities.\">San Francisco\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Alameda_County,_California,_Affordable_Housing_Bond_Issue,_Measure_A1_(November_2016)#:~:text=An%20affordable%20housing%20bond%20issue,bonds%20for%20affordable%20local%20housing.\">Alameda\u003c/a> — passed affordable housing bonds. Rounds of state and local ballot measures followed in 2018 and 2020. And state lawmakers approved a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ca.gov/archive/gov39/2017/09/29/news19979/index.html\">historic package of housing legislation\u003c/a> in 2017, with more laws enacted every year since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We’re not starting from scratch,” Moss said. “There have been some really important policy changes that have happened, and now we need to be looking at implementation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last three years, \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.wpenginepowered.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/California-Affordable-Housing-Needs-Report-2022.pdf\">California has more than doubled the amount of affordable housing it funds (PDF)\u003c/a> — from just under 7,200 units in 2019 to around 24,600 in 2020, and 19,000 in 2021 — according to the California Housing Partnership. But, the partnership said the state is still woefully short of the nearly 120,000 annual affordable units it estimates the state would need to build to meet residents’ needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/10/california-homeless-population-covid/\">homelessness continues to grow\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/california-housing-affordability-slides-to-lowest-level-in-nearly-15-years-in-second-quarter-2022-as-home-prices-set-record-highs-and-interest-rates-surge-car-reports-301604141.html\">housing affordability worsens\u003c/a>, residents in disparate communities used this year’s local ballots to put forward additional solutions, said Sarah Karlinsky, senior adviser with SPUR, an urban planning nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of anxiety,” she said. On one hand, homeowners are concerned about changes in their neighborhoods; on the other, tenants “are at the whims of the rental market and are experiencing a lot of destabilization,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are the housing measures Bay Area voters considered:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Vacancy taxes\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Voters in San Francisco and Berkeley supported \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11930303/should-sf-and-berkeley-tax-empty-homes-following-oaklands-lead\">measures to tax property owners who keep their units empty\u003c/a> for extended periods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, more than 54% of voters approved the measure, compared to 63% in \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/rovresults/248/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Berkeley\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two measures are slightly different, but they spoke to the same frustration: Why should homes and apartments sit vacant as homelessness continues to grow and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/10/california-cost-of-living-2/\">rents continue to soar\u003c/a>?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Berkeley Vice Mayor Kate Harrison, who introduced the measure in her city, said she wasn’t surprised, because the measure is aimed at incentivizing landlords to free up more housing and address blighted properties. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“People in Berkeley are tired of seeing vacant properties while they see their own children not being able to afford to live here. And they see people lying on the street homeless,” Harrison said. “And, they understand that high housing prices are creating real deprivation for tenants.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That same message resonated with voters in Oakland in 2018, when \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Oakland,_California,_Measure_W,_Vacant_Property_Tax_(November_2018)\">70% of voters approved a vacancy tax\u003c/a>. That wasn’t the case, however, with a third measure on this year’s ballot in the Bay Area adjacent city of Santa Cruz, where more than 56% percent of voters \u003ca href=\"https://sccounty01.co.santa-cruz.ca.us/ElectionSites/ElectionResults/Results\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">rejected a measure\u003c/a> to tax empty homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Garcia, policy director for UC Berkeley’s Terner Center, said that might be due to the nature of Santa Cruz as a vacation destination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You may have a lot of people who have second homes or are Airbnb hosts and things like that, who view this as maybe restricting what they could do with their property,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Either way, he said the results for this year’s empty home taxes could encourage other cities across the state to try for similar measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’ll be interesting to see how the passage or failure of these vacancy measures will impact housing situations in these three cities and the likelihood that we may see other similar measures in other cities in the future,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tenant protections\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Voters in Oakland and Richmond gave tenants a boost with support for measures that strengthen renter protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Richmond, voters appeared to approve a measure that further \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11930792/richmond-considers-stronger-rent-caps-as-inflation-soars\">limits how much landlords can raise rents each year\u003c/a>. The measure passed with nearly 59% of voters in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aime Ajche, a renter in Richmond, said she was grateful the measure passed, even if it came too late to forestall the rent increase she received in August. The single mom of a 2-year-old son has already given her landlord notice she would be moving out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the rent hadn’t gotten so bad, I would have thought to stay here longer,” she said, adding that she’ll be moving into a studio apartment with her son. “[It’s a] few hundred dollars less and something that I know I can afford.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, voters were asked whether to approve stricter rules dictating when landlords can evict tenants. The measure passed with nearly 67% of the vote in support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Isaiah Toney, deputy director of campaigns for the East Bay Alliance for a Sustainable Economy, said the results show voters recognize cities need more tools to keep renters stably housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely not a ‘fix everything’ kind of measure,” he said. “Our hope is that there will be fewer evictions and that folks are able to stay put and anchor themselves in their neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures come as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918382/starting-friday-thousands-of-california-tenants-still-waiting-on-rent-relief-can-be-evicted#:~:text=California's%20statewide%20moratorium%20on%20evictions,30%2C%202021.\">statewide and federal eviction protections have lapsed\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/10/20/bay-area-sees-eviction-tsunami-as-pandemic-renter-protections-end/\">evictions in the Bay Area are increasing\u003c/a>. Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director for advocacy organization the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, said there’s still a lot more work to be done statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv id=\"1668019272.607699\" class=\"c-virtual_list__item c-virtual_list__item--initial-activeitem\" role=\"listitem\" data-qa=\"virtual-list-item\" data-item-key=\"1668019272.607699\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__background p-message_pane_message__message c-message_kit__message\" role=\"presentation\" data-qa=\"message_container\" data-qa-unprocessed=\"false\" data-qa-placeholder=\"false\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__hover\" role=\"document\" data-qa-hover=\"true\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__actions c-message_kit__actions--default\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__gutter\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__gutter__right\" role=\"presentation\" data-qa=\"message_content\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__blocks c-message_kit__blocks--rich_text\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message__message_blocks c-message__message_blocks--rich_text\" data-qa=\"message-text\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"p-block_kit_renderer\" data-qa=\"block-kit-renderer\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"p-block_kit_renderer__block_wrapper p-block_kit_renderer__block_wrapper--first\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"p-rich_text_block\" dir=\"auto\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"p-rich_text_section\">“We have cities that have no protections, like Fresno,” she said. “We’ve got unincorporated areas that house the most vulnerable parts of our community that have no protections.”\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003ch2>Producing more housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Voters returned mixed results for how they think their cities should approve new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Menlo Park, a ballot measure to require a citywide vote for any changes to what can built in single-family neighborhoods failed by a more than 22-point margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pam Jones, a Menlo Park homeowner opposed to the measure, said it would have only exacerbated racial inequities in the city by \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">redirecting any new development into areas that already allow denser housing\u003c/a>, which tend to be communities of color. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I’m more relieved than excited,” she said, “relieved because this is the Menlo Park that I know we really are.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Brentwood, a ballot measure requiring residents to vote on changes to what can be built at \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/09/08/editorial-smart-brentwood-open-space-ballot-measure-deserves-support/\">parks and on golf courses \u003c/a>did pass. Voters approved of the measure with more than 64% in support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both measures were reactions to proposed housing projects. In Menlo Park, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929505/from-menlo-park-to-laguna-beach-residents-turn-to-ballot-box-to-fight-new-california-housing-mandates\">residents put Measure V on the ballot\u003c/a> after failing to reach consensus on the scale of a 90-unit affordable apartment complex that would give priority to teachers and staff of a neighboring school district. \u003ca href=\"http://brentwoodca.iqm2.com/Citizens/FileOpen.aspx?Type=1&ID=2785&Inline=True\">In Brentwood, Measure Q (PDF)\u003c/a> came after a developer introduced \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2018/07/13/developer-pauses-project-to-combine-brentwood-golf-courses-build-senior-housing/\">a plan to convert a golf course into housing for seniors\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/09/01/business/economy/california-nimbys-housing.html\">state requires cities to build more housing\u003c/a>, these types of reactionary ballot measures to limit growth may become increasingly common, Garcia said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe you’ll see more in the future,” he said, “as it really kind of sinks in to some communities that there is a significant change in the way projects are zoned and approved because of changes in state law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, voters considered two competing ballot measures — D and E — that both sought to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Which-of-two-dueling-S-F-housing-measures-on-the-17536618.php\">streamline approvals\u003c/a> of certain types of affordable housing construction. San Francisco is the slowest city in California when it comes to issuing permits for new housing — a fact that’s prompted state officials to \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/08/09/newsoms-office-targets-san-francisco-in-first-ever-housing-policy-investigation/\">launch an investigation\u003c/a> into the city’s approval process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition D, supported by SPUR and Mayor London Breed, appeared headed toward defeat with 51% of votes opposed. Proposition E, which was supported by a coalition of county supervisors, also failed, with 54% opposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fishman said the similarities between the two measures likely confused voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we confuse voters, when there isn’t a community consensus about what to put on the ballot, and then you have two competing measures, voters don’t like that,” she said. “In some ways they’re saying, ‘Go back and do your job, legislators, and come up with some consensus solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Approving affordable housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Three Bay Area cities — \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/RESO-89244-Article-34-filed-materials_2022-07-30-030818_xvqf.pdf\">Oakland (PDF)\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/Measure%20N%20-%20November%208%2C%202022%20Election.pdf\">Berkeley (PDF)\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.ssf.net/home/showpublisheddocument/27256/637952318238800000\">South San Francisco (PDF)\u003c/a> — all got the green light from voters to build affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures were necessary because of a rule added to the state constitution in 1950, called Article 34. Rooted in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11931068/in-pushing-affordable-housing-measures-local-leaders-ask-voters-to-contend-with-racist-housing-law\">racist fears\u003c/a>, it requires residents to vote to approve the development of any “low-rent” housing in their communities, an obstacle that has hindered lower-income housing construction for decades, said \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Oakland City Councilmember Carroll Fife\u003c/span>. She introduced the measure in Oakland this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Oaklanders want to see more affordable housing developed and more low-rent units developed,” she said, “and want to get rid of this lingering piece of legislation that is blocking affordable housing from being developed.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2024, California voters will have that chance: State lawmakers approved a bill to put a constitutional amendment on the ballot that would repeal Article 34. Fife said the votes this election may be a bellwether for that future ballot measure. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Hopefully, it’s a signal to the rest of California for when this is on the ballot in 2024,” she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Funding affordable housing and homeless services\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Eight cities in the Bay Area asked residents to dip into their pockets to pay for a range of city services, including affordable housing and programs to address homelessness — the results of which could indicate support for more potential ballot measures in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fishman’s organization, along with Moss’ All Home, hope to secure a statewide initiative that would lower the constitutional threshold to approve funding for housing from a two-thirds supermajority to a simple majority. That proposed amendment would likely be tied to some significant regional bond measures across the state, Moss said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/10/24/election-2022-housing-oakland-ballot-measures-evictions-bond/\">Oakland\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2022/10/02/berkeley-election-2022-measure-l-infrastructure-streets-paving-affordable-housing\">Berkeley\u003c/a> this election, there were two general obligation bonds on the ballot — but only Oakland’s measure passed, with nearly 74% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, voters supported the measure 57.5% to 42.5%, but it needed at least 66% of the vote to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results, said Moss, “just amplify the need to really run the state constitutional amendment to lower the voter threshold to a simple majority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the significance of this issue,” she added, “we just need to make it much easier for jurisdictions to generate revenue to pay for affordable housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In six cities — Palo Alto, East Palo Alto, Emeryville, Walnut Creek, Vallejo and Healdsburg — the measures all passed. They levy taxes to feed those cities’ general funds, meaning they aren’t earmarked for any specific purpose and only need a simple majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia said that, historically, cities have tried to get voter approval by promising to use the tax increases to pay for public safety, fill potholes and improve public facilities.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We’ve noticed over the last couple election cycles a huge uptick in language specific to affordable housing and homelessness. So, that really speaks to how ingrained this issue has become to voters.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“But we’ve noticed over the last couple election cycles a huge uptick in language specific to affordable housing and homelessness,” he said. “So, that really speaks to how ingrained this issue has become to voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heading into the election, Garcia said he thought voters would be fatigued by the constant requests for more additional funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t really seen that; I guess, except for Berkeley,” he said. “In all the other places, the voters continue to support different ways to raise money for affordable housing. So, that’s good news.”\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"anchor\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Erika Kelly, Adhiti Bandlamudi, Vanessa \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rancaño\u003c/span> and Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/11703558/embed\" title=\"Interactive or visual content\" class=\"flourish-embed-iframe\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" style=\"width:100%;height:2000px;\" sandbox=\"allow-same-origin allow-forms allow-scripts allow-downloads allow-popups allow-popups-to-escape-sandbox allow-top-navigation-by-user-activation\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "In Pushing Affordable Housing Measures, Local Leaders Ask Voters to Contend With Racist Housing Law",
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"content": "\u003cp>Oakland City Councilmember Carroll Fife wants you to know what Article 34 is. She wants you to face it, in all its historical ugliness, and do something about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule, embedded in the state constitution, requires local governments to turn to their voters for approval if they want to build public housing. Californians voted to add it to the constitution in 1950 and it’s been making it harder to build affordable housing since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s still people who don’t know that Article 34 was a direct result of white backlash to civil rights victories and the attempt of President Truman to desegregate housing,” Fife said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s why she put \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/RESO-89244-Article-34-filed-materials_2022-07-30-030818_xvqf.pdf\">Measure Q (PDF)\u003c/a> on the ballot this year. On its face, it’s a wonky bit of housing policy that would grant the city permission under Article 34 to add up to 13,000 low-rent units in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wants voters to approve that housing, but she wants more than that from the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted people to know how our racist past in California impacts all of us today,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2j08r197\">Oakland’s past is bound up with Article 34’s.\u003c/a> A battle that began in 1949 over a public housing project in the city birthed a juggernaut of real estate and property owners that called itself the Oakland Committee for Home Protection, which went on to play a key role in getting Article 34 on the ballot. The group joined forces with other real estate interests in California, and argued that taxpayers should have greater control over how public money is spent in their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign for Article 34 appealed to racist fears about integrating neighborhoods and Cold War anxieties about encroaching communism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Article 34 was intended to keep neighborhoods segregated,” said Amie Fishman, executive director of the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California, which represents affordable housing developers. She says the rule slowed lower-income home construction for decades.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11907336,news_11922784,news_11825550\"]“No other type of housing development asks nor requires voter approval in this kind of capacity,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2j08r197\">Article 34 votes blocked public housing proposals throughout the ’50s and ’60s\u003c/a>, according to a report published by UC Berkeley’s Othering and Belonging Institute. Among them was a 1968 San José project and two 1966 proposals in San Mateo County, where there was no public housing at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule further stymied lower-income housing by keeping local officials from ever bringing forward new proposals, the report finds, because they understood voters would likely shoot them down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, the courts \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.law.scu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1634&context=lawreview\">stripped Article 34 of some of its power (PDF)\u003c/a>, and local lawmakers and developers found ways around it, but it remains a hurdle today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every time we build affordable housing, we have to ensure that something meets Article 34 authorization or that there is a workaround,” Fishman said. “And that adds cost, it adds time, it adds burden.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Momentum to scrap Article 34 is building at a time when affordable housing is seen as a primary antidote to rising homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers recently voted to put a constitutional amendment on the 2024 ballot that would repeal it. The California Association of Realtors, the group originally behind Article 34, is now a major proponent of the effort. \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/aboutus/mediacenter/newsreleases/2022releases/apology\">The group recently apologized\u003c/a> for its role in passing the regulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this election, Article 34 is the reason voters in Oakland and two other Bay Area cities are being asked to decide the future of thousands of affordable housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/Measure%20N%20-%20November%208%2C%202022%20Election.pdf\">Berkeley’s Measure N (PDF)\u003c/a> would authorize 3,000 units of affordable housing units for residents with lower incomes, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.ssf.net/home/showpublisheddocument/27256/637952318238800000\">South San Francisco’s Measure AA (PDF)\u003c/a> would give the go-ahead for roughly 2,000 units over eight years — up to 1% of the total number of existing units in the city each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cities are planning for that lower-income housing as they face pressure to meet state-mandated targets over the next eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would be completely new to the city of South San Francisco,” said City Councilmember James Coleman, who’s behind Measure AA. In the past that city has turned to private developers or nonprofits to build affordable housing, he said, and this would allow the city to fund and control more of the process themselves. He argues that would expedite things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, this kind of authorization isn’t new. Voters have approved similar measures for decades, but Mayor Jesse Arreguín says the stakes are always high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that this could, if it doesn’t pass, put a stop to the work that we’re doing in Berkeley to build more affordable housing is unacceptable,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, he says, the initiative is facing greater opposition than in years past. In all three cities, resistance centers on the cost to taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Explore KQED's Full 2022 Voter Guide\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59253_Early_Voting_013-qut-1020x681.jpg\"]Arreguín is hoping California voters will repeal Article 34 when they get the chance in a couple years. “We should have done it a long time ago,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://shou.senate.ca.gov/sites/shou.senate.ca.gov/files/3.%20SCA%202%20%28Allen%29%20-%20analysis.pdf\">Three past attempts to repeal or change Article 34 have failed (PDF)\u003c/a>, the last time in 1993. And if this one is going to succeed, it will require a major voter-education push.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people don’t have any idea about Article 34,” said state Senator Ben Allen (D-Los Angeles), who’s behind the legislative drive to take the amendment to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once they get it, most people are actually very interested in repealing the article,” he said. “But until then, folks just don’t have enough information to get behind something like this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland’s Carroll Fife is hoping to change that by putting Measure Q on the ballot this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I have anything to do with it, then repealing Article 34 will have reverberative effects for what is developed in the state of California and especially in Oakland,” she said, “where we desperately, desperately need to build units that people can afford.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Article 34 is not the biggest barrier to building affordable housing today — political will, limited land and massive construction costs top most experts’ lists. Nor is Article 34 the only way communities can exercise local control — think zoning laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But scrapping it would mean one less obstacle on a path that’s crowded with them, said Gloria Bruce, executive director of East Bay Housing Organizations. For her, successfully convincing the public Article 34 should go would also represent a foundational change in how Californians think about housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would mean that we’ve found a way to message that creating more homes for our neighbors is way more important than some abstract fear about local control,” she said. “It’s that value shift that’s at the bottom of all of these difficulties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Oakland City Councilmember Carroll Fife wants you to know what Article 34 is. She wants you to face it, in all its historical ugliness, and do something about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule, embedded in the state constitution, requires local governments to turn to their voters for approval if they want to build public housing. Californians voted to add it to the constitution in 1950 and it’s been making it harder to build affordable housing since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s still people who don’t know that Article 34 was a direct result of white backlash to civil rights victories and the attempt of President Truman to desegregate housing,” Fife said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s why she put \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/RESO-89244-Article-34-filed-materials_2022-07-30-030818_xvqf.pdf\">Measure Q (PDF)\u003c/a> on the ballot this year. On its face, it’s a wonky bit of housing policy that would grant the city permission under Article 34 to add up to 13,000 low-rent units in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wants voters to approve that housing, but she wants more than that from the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted people to know how our racist past in California impacts all of us today,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2j08r197\">Oakland’s past is bound up with Article 34’s.\u003c/a> A battle that began in 1949 over a public housing project in the city birthed a juggernaut of real estate and property owners that called itself the Oakland Committee for Home Protection, which went on to play a key role in getting Article 34 on the ballot. The group joined forces with other real estate interests in California, and argued that taxpayers should have greater control over how public money is spent in their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign for Article 34 appealed to racist fears about integrating neighborhoods and Cold War anxieties about encroaching communism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Article 34 was intended to keep neighborhoods segregated,” said Amie Fishman, executive director of the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California, which represents affordable housing developers. She says the rule slowed lower-income home construction for decades.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“No other type of housing development asks nor requires voter approval in this kind of capacity,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2j08r197\">Article 34 votes blocked public housing proposals throughout the ’50s and ’60s\u003c/a>, according to a report published by UC Berkeley’s Othering and Belonging Institute. Among them was a 1968 San José project and two 1966 proposals in San Mateo County, where there was no public housing at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule further stymied lower-income housing by keeping local officials from ever bringing forward new proposals, the report finds, because they understood voters would likely shoot them down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, the courts \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.law.scu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1634&context=lawreview\">stripped Article 34 of some of its power (PDF)\u003c/a>, and local lawmakers and developers found ways around it, but it remains a hurdle today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every time we build affordable housing, we have to ensure that something meets Article 34 authorization or that there is a workaround,” Fishman said. “And that adds cost, it adds time, it adds burden.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Momentum to scrap Article 34 is building at a time when affordable housing is seen as a primary antidote to rising homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers recently voted to put a constitutional amendment on the 2024 ballot that would repeal it. The California Association of Realtors, the group originally behind Article 34, is now a major proponent of the effort. \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/aboutus/mediacenter/newsreleases/2022releases/apology\">The group recently apologized\u003c/a> for its role in passing the regulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this election, Article 34 is the reason voters in Oakland and two other Bay Area cities are being asked to decide the future of thousands of affordable housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/Measure%20N%20-%20November%208%2C%202022%20Election.pdf\">Berkeley’s Measure N (PDF)\u003c/a> would authorize 3,000 units of affordable housing units for residents with lower incomes, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.ssf.net/home/showpublisheddocument/27256/637952318238800000\">South San Francisco’s Measure AA (PDF)\u003c/a> would give the go-ahead for roughly 2,000 units over eight years — up to 1% of the total number of existing units in the city each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cities are planning for that lower-income housing as they face pressure to meet state-mandated targets over the next eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would be completely new to the city of South San Francisco,” said City Councilmember James Coleman, who’s behind Measure AA. In the past that city has turned to private developers or nonprofits to build affordable housing, he said, and this would allow the city to fund and control more of the process themselves. He argues that would expedite things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, this kind of authorization isn’t new. Voters have approved similar measures for decades, but Mayor Jesse Arreguín says the stakes are always high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that this could, if it doesn’t pass, put a stop to the work that we’re doing in Berkeley to build more affordable housing is unacceptable,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, he says, the initiative is facing greater opposition than in years past. In all three cities, resistance centers on the cost to taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Arreguín is hoping California voters will repeal Article 34 when they get the chance in a couple years. “We should have done it a long time ago,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://shou.senate.ca.gov/sites/shou.senate.ca.gov/files/3.%20SCA%202%20%28Allen%29%20-%20analysis.pdf\">Three past attempts to repeal or change Article 34 have failed (PDF)\u003c/a>, the last time in 1993. And if this one is going to succeed, it will require a major voter-education push.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people don’t have any idea about Article 34,” said state Senator Ben Allen (D-Los Angeles), who’s behind the legislative drive to take the amendment to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once they get it, most people are actually very interested in repealing the article,” he said. “But until then, folks just don’t have enough information to get behind something like this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland’s Carroll Fife is hoping to change that by putting Measure Q on the ballot this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I have anything to do with it, then repealing Article 34 will have reverberative effects for what is developed in the state of California and especially in Oakland,” she said, “where we desperately, desperately need to build units that people can afford.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Article 34 is not the biggest barrier to building affordable housing today — political will, limited land and massive construction costs top most experts’ lists. Nor is Article 34 the only way communities can exercise local control — think zoning laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But scrapping it would mean one less obstacle on a path that’s crowded with them, said Gloria Bruce, executive director of East Bay Housing Organizations. For her, successfully convincing the public Article 34 should go would also represent a foundational change in how Californians think about housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would mean that we’ve found a way to message that creating more homes for our neighbors is way more important than some abstract fear about local control,” she said. “It’s that value shift that’s at the bottom of all of these difficulties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Emily Ross and her partner moved to Richmond together a decade ago. She was working in Napa, her partner was working in San Francisco and they couldn’t find an affordable place to live in either city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We looked all over the Bay and we wound up getting offered a place in Richmond,” Ross said. “We’d been looking for so long and it was the perfect halfway point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ross, 36, fell in love with Richmond as she got involved with local activism centered around racial justice and tenants rights. She worked for an education nonprofit in West Contra Costa County and Oakland schools, but when the pandemic hit, her position was eliminated. Her income dropped as she became an independent contractor, managing political campaigns. Then she and her partner split up, and she had to get her own place. Money got even tighter.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"forum_2010101889929,education_535942,forum_2010101890989\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rent is my No. 1 concern when I think about my personal finances. Every time I need a car repair or some unexpected expense comes up, it’s a stressor, you know,” she said. “It’s one of those weird things where I recognize how close I am to the brink of economic disaster.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, she received an email from her landlord saying that her rent would increase by 5% to $1472 a month. Ross lives in a rent-controlled apartment, but under Richmond’s existing \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.richmond.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/41144/Richmond-Fair-Rent-Just-Cause-for-Eviction-and-Homeowner-Protection-Ordinance\">rent stabilization ordinance (PDF)\u003c/a>, landlords can increase their rents along with the Consumer Price Index, or roughly the rate of inflation. But in years like this one, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/cea/written-materials/2021/07/06/historical-parallels-to-todays-inflationary-episode/\">inflation is soaring to historic levels\u003c/a>, some rents are, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On this year’s ballot, Richmond voters will get a chance to change that. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.richmond.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/62288/MEASURE-P---RENT-CONTROL---NOVEMBER-2022-ELECTION?bidId=\">Measure P (PDF)\u003c/a> would limit the rent increases landlords can charge tenants to 3% a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be scary if the measure doesn’t pass,” Ross said. “I think, within a couple years, I would either need a significantly different line of work or I would need to live in a different city and I don’t love any of those options, so I’m going to hope it passes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930801\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930801\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a woman with short hair and glasses stands drinking from a mug by the sink in her apartment kitchen\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Because her rent has increased, Ross forgoes doctor’s appointments and car repairs so she doesn’t get behind on rent. She has built a community here and doesn’t want to get pushed out by the high cost of living. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Richmond’s years-old fight over rent control\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>About half of Richmond’s 118,000 residents rent their homes, according to figures from the Richmond Rent Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m all for homeownership, but some residents are going to rent their whole lives,” said City Councilmember Gayle McLaughlin, who has been fighting for tenants’ rights since joining the council. “I see myself as likely being one of those renters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon after getting elected to Richmond’s City Council in 2005, she introduced the idea of rent control, but was the only vote in favor of it. A decade later, things had changed and the council approved a renter protection measure that included a rent cap and a just-cause eviction ordinance that set rules on when landlords can evict their tenants. Despite opposition from the California Apartment Association and other property owners, Richmond voters approved the measure in 2016. Measure P promises to amend that ordinance to deal with inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I consider Measure P a way to avoid displacement, a way to prevent homelessness, and a way to help our struggling families in Richmond stay in their homes,” said McLaughlin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Daniels and his wife are among those who have been priced out of Richmond by rising rents. They had been living in a senior living community in Richmond since 2005 and were paying $950 for a two-bedroom apartment. By the time they left Richmond this year, their rent had risen to $1,435.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Gayle McLaughlin, Richmond City Councilmember \"]‘I consider Measure P a way to avoid displacement, a way to prevent homelessness, and a way to help our struggling families in Richmond stay in their homes.’[/pullquote]“The only people that can afford to pay rent there are people who are still working,” said Daniels. “If you’re in retirement and you’re not getting much money from Social Security, you can’t afford to pay it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They searched for another rental in Richmond, but couldn’t find anything within their price range. So Daniels and his wife joined a waitlist for an apartment in Pinole. When they were finally accepted after four years of waiting, they jumped at the opportunity. Now they pay $993 a month for their two-bedroom apartment, which is bigger than their place in Richmond was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We love [our apartment in Pinole] — it’s quiet, the people are friendly,” Daniels said. “My wife already adopted some pets, and a lot of birds and butterflies come around here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that some of his friends from Richmond have asked him for an application to live in his apartment complex in Pinole.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Landlords affected by inflation, too\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mike Vasilas owns two buildings in Richmond, one with four units and another with three. His father immigrated from Greece in the early 1970s and worked as a contractor, building homes throughout Richmond. Seventeen years ago, Vasilas inherited the business from his father and also works as a general contractor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really hands-on, especially for the small guy, small-business style,” said Vasilas. “If someone calls you in the middle of the night, [saying] the water heater blew up, you’re the one going down there and taking care of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many small landlords, Vasilas, 40, tries to do most of the upkeep for his buildings himself, but the cost of maintenance has risen. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nahb.org/blog/2022/04/building-materials-prices-start-2022-with-8-percent-increase\">National Association of Home Builders\u003c/a>, one of the largest trade associations for contractors and developers, the price of building materials has increased by 33% since the start of the pandemic. Vasilas doesn’t have access to the same resources that large corporate landlords do and worries that more rent restrictions could put smaller landlords out of business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The market has gone through the roof for construction,” he said. “You can’t get materials, you can’t get a contractor to come out. It costs — all that has just gone through the roof.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vasilas opposes Measure P because he feels it pinches small landlords the hardest. He’s in favor of capping the rent for a couple years while inflation is high, but he believes landlords should eventually be able to charge their tenants rates that align with inflation so they can make a reasonable profit from their properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The costs [to maintain a building] are going to continue to go up, whether or not we have high [inflation],” he said. “The costs are going up but [the amount that] you’re allowed to increase the rent is basically nothing. It makes you feel hopeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Renter protections gain momentum across the state\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Richmond is one of many cities throughout the state to consider renter protections this year. \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/06/01/oakland-rent-control-increases-3/\">Oakland passed a similar rent cap\u003c/a> earlier this year, and this November, voters there \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/rov_app/measures\">will decide whether to set stricter rules\u003c/a> on why a landlord can evict their tenants. Fairfax, \u003ca href=\"https://www.petaluma360.com/article/news/petaluma-approves-just-cause-ordinance-with-4-2-vote-amid-split-support/\">Petaluma\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/09/28/antioch-approves-rent-stabilization-with-rollback-date-new-tenant-protections/\">Antioch\u003c/a> all passed renter protection measures through their city councils. \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/housing-homelessness/rent-control-pasadena-measure-h-november-2022-election-pomona-bell-gardens-california-housing-landlords-tenants-ab1482\">Residents in Pasadena\u003c/a> are getting ready to vote on their own rent control measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930813\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930813\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-800x549.jpg\" alt=\"a woman in a striped shirt speaks at a rally while a person holds a sign that says 'no rent hikes'\" width=\"800\" height=\"549\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leah Simon-Weisberg, now legal director for tenants rights group the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, speaks during a rally in Oakland in 2017. \u003ccite>(Anda Chu/Bay Area News Group/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Everyone feels anxiety about housing, whether you’re wealthy or not, because your kids can’t move back to your community even if you’re upper-middle-class and your teachers don’t have housing,” said Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director for the tenants’ rights group the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simon-Weisberg said this movement has been gaining momentum since the Great Recession and the pandemic made things worse for most renters. Now as tenants face steep rent hikes along with inflation, they are starting to push back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the ways you push back is you have to regulate the market, and so rent control, just-cause ordinances and anti-harassment ordinances, those are all ways of basically fighting back,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "With Bay Area tenants facing astronomical rent increases, housing advocates are pushing for more protections to help struggling renters — but landlords say they're struggling, too. Here's how the fight is playing out in one East Bay city.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Emily Ross and her partner moved to Richmond together a decade ago. She was working in Napa, her partner was working in San Francisco and they couldn’t find an affordable place to live in either city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We looked all over the Bay and we wound up getting offered a place in Richmond,” Ross said. “We’d been looking for so long and it was the perfect halfway point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ross, 36, fell in love with Richmond as she got involved with local activism centered around racial justice and tenants rights. She worked for an education nonprofit in West Contra Costa County and Oakland schools, but when the pandemic hit, her position was eliminated. Her income dropped as she became an independent contractor, managing political campaigns. Then she and her partner split up, and she had to get her own place. Money got even tighter.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rent is my No. 1 concern when I think about my personal finances. Every time I need a car repair or some unexpected expense comes up, it’s a stressor, you know,” she said. “It’s one of those weird things where I recognize how close I am to the brink of economic disaster.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, she received an email from her landlord saying that her rent would increase by 5% to $1472 a month. Ross lives in a rent-controlled apartment, but under Richmond’s existing \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.richmond.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/41144/Richmond-Fair-Rent-Just-Cause-for-Eviction-and-Homeowner-Protection-Ordinance\">rent stabilization ordinance (PDF)\u003c/a>, landlords can increase their rents along with the Consumer Price Index, or roughly the rate of inflation. But in years like this one, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/cea/written-materials/2021/07/06/historical-parallels-to-todays-inflationary-episode/\">inflation is soaring to historic levels\u003c/a>, some rents are, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On this year’s ballot, Richmond voters will get a chance to change that. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.richmond.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/62288/MEASURE-P---RENT-CONTROL---NOVEMBER-2022-ELECTION?bidId=\">Measure P (PDF)\u003c/a> would limit the rent increases landlords can charge tenants to 3% a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be scary if the measure doesn’t pass,” Ross said. “I think, within a couple years, I would either need a significantly different line of work or I would need to live in a different city and I don’t love any of those options, so I’m going to hope it passes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930801\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930801\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a woman with short hair and glasses stands drinking from a mug by the sink in her apartment kitchen\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Because her rent has increased, Ross forgoes doctor’s appointments and car repairs so she doesn’t get behind on rent. She has built a community here and doesn’t want to get pushed out by the high cost of living. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Richmond’s years-old fight over rent control\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>About half of Richmond’s 118,000 residents rent their homes, according to figures from the Richmond Rent Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m all for homeownership, but some residents are going to rent their whole lives,” said City Councilmember Gayle McLaughlin, who has been fighting for tenants’ rights since joining the council. “I see myself as likely being one of those renters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon after getting elected to Richmond’s City Council in 2005, she introduced the idea of rent control, but was the only vote in favor of it. A decade later, things had changed and the council approved a renter protection measure that included a rent cap and a just-cause eviction ordinance that set rules on when landlords can evict their tenants. Despite opposition from the California Apartment Association and other property owners, Richmond voters approved the measure in 2016. Measure P promises to amend that ordinance to deal with inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I consider Measure P a way to avoid displacement, a way to prevent homelessness, and a way to help our struggling families in Richmond stay in their homes,” said McLaughlin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Daniels and his wife are among those who have been priced out of Richmond by rising rents. They had been living in a senior living community in Richmond since 2005 and were paying $950 for a two-bedroom apartment. By the time they left Richmond this year, their rent had risen to $1,435.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I consider Measure P a way to avoid displacement, a way to prevent homelessness, and a way to help our struggling families in Richmond stay in their homes.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The only people that can afford to pay rent there are people who are still working,” said Daniels. “If you’re in retirement and you’re not getting much money from Social Security, you can’t afford to pay it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They searched for another rental in Richmond, but couldn’t find anything within their price range. So Daniels and his wife joined a waitlist for an apartment in Pinole. When they were finally accepted after four years of waiting, they jumped at the opportunity. Now they pay $993 a month for their two-bedroom apartment, which is bigger than their place in Richmond was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We love [our apartment in Pinole] — it’s quiet, the people are friendly,” Daniels said. “My wife already adopted some pets, and a lot of birds and butterflies come around here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that some of his friends from Richmond have asked him for an application to live in his apartment complex in Pinole.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Landlords affected by inflation, too\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mike Vasilas owns two buildings in Richmond, one with four units and another with three. His father immigrated from Greece in the early 1970s and worked as a contractor, building homes throughout Richmond. Seventeen years ago, Vasilas inherited the business from his father and also works as a general contractor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really hands-on, especially for the small guy, small-business style,” said Vasilas. “If someone calls you in the middle of the night, [saying] the water heater blew up, you’re the one going down there and taking care of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many small landlords, Vasilas, 40, tries to do most of the upkeep for his buildings himself, but the cost of maintenance has risen. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nahb.org/blog/2022/04/building-materials-prices-start-2022-with-8-percent-increase\">National Association of Home Builders\u003c/a>, one of the largest trade associations for contractors and developers, the price of building materials has increased by 33% since the start of the pandemic. Vasilas doesn’t have access to the same resources that large corporate landlords do and worries that more rent restrictions could put smaller landlords out of business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The market has gone through the roof for construction,” he said. “You can’t get materials, you can’t get a contractor to come out. It costs — all that has just gone through the roof.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vasilas opposes Measure P because he feels it pinches small landlords the hardest. He’s in favor of capping the rent for a couple years while inflation is high, but he believes landlords should eventually be able to charge their tenants rates that align with inflation so they can make a reasonable profit from their properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The costs [to maintain a building] are going to continue to go up, whether or not we have high [inflation],” he said. “The costs are going up but [the amount that] you’re allowed to increase the rent is basically nothing. It makes you feel hopeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Renter protections gain momentum across the state\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Richmond is one of many cities throughout the state to consider renter protections this year. \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/06/01/oakland-rent-control-increases-3/\">Oakland passed a similar rent cap\u003c/a> earlier this year, and this November, voters there \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/rov_app/measures\">will decide whether to set stricter rules\u003c/a> on why a landlord can evict their tenants. Fairfax, \u003ca href=\"https://www.petaluma360.com/article/news/petaluma-approves-just-cause-ordinance-with-4-2-vote-amid-split-support/\">Petaluma\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/09/28/antioch-approves-rent-stabilization-with-rollback-date-new-tenant-protections/\">Antioch\u003c/a> all passed renter protection measures through their city councils. \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/housing-homelessness/rent-control-pasadena-measure-h-november-2022-election-pomona-bell-gardens-california-housing-landlords-tenants-ab1482\">Residents in Pasadena\u003c/a> are getting ready to vote on their own rent control measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930813\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930813\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-800x549.jpg\" alt=\"a woman in a striped shirt speaks at a rally while a person holds a sign that says 'no rent hikes'\" width=\"800\" height=\"549\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leah Simon-Weisberg, now legal director for tenants rights group the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, speaks during a rally in Oakland in 2017. \u003ccite>(Anda Chu/Bay Area News Group/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Everyone feels anxiety about housing, whether you’re wealthy or not, because your kids can’t move back to your community even if you’re upper-middle-class and your teachers don’t have housing,” said Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director for the tenants’ rights group the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simon-Weisberg said this movement has been gaining momentum since the Great Recession and the pandemic made things worse for most renters. Now as tenants face steep rent hikes along with inflation, they are starting to push back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the ways you push back is you have to regulate the market, and so rent control, just-cause ordinances and anti-harassment ordinances, those are all ways of basically fighting back,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Newsom Campaigned on Building 3.5 Million Homes. He Hasn't Gotten Even Close",
"title": "Newsom Campaigned on Building 3.5 Million Homes. He Hasn't Gotten Even Close",
"headTitle": "CALmatters | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>It’s difficult for housing advocates to criticize Gov. Gavin Newsom because he’s done more to boost production than any other governor in recent memory — but that’s mostly because the bar is so low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measured against the goal he set for himself, Newsom’s record is less impressive. Just 13% of the 3.5 million homes he campaigned on building have been permitted, let alone built. He’s walked back the goal many times, settling on a new target earlier this year: Cities need to have planned a combined 2.5 million homes by 2030. So, a million fewer homes planned for, not built, and over a longer time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom can point to some accomplishments: He signed bills that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2019/09/big-rent-hikes-illegal-in-california-heres-what-to-know/\">capped big rent hikes statewide\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/09/california-housing-crisis-newsom-signs-bills/\">legalized duplexes and fourplexes\u003c/a> on most developable land and unlocked millions of potential \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/09/california-housing-podcast-ab-2011/\">apartments on empty strip malls\u003c/a>. He \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">sheltered tens of thousands of people experiencing homelessness\u003c/a> amid a pandemic and dedicated more dollars to housing and homelessness than ever before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as he finalizes his first term and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/election-2022/2022/10/gavin-newsom-campaign-president/\">coasts into the second\u003c/a>, Newsom finds himself mired in an even deeper housing and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">homelessness crisis\u003c/a> than the one he inherited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Running for governor in 2017, then-Lt. Gov. Newsom pledged to spur a never-before-seen tsunami of homebuilding in California to bridge the gap between the growing population and shrinking stock of housing driving the affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As Governor, I will lead the effort to develop the 3.5 million new housing units we need by 2025 because our solutions must be as bold as the problem is big,” Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@GavinNewsom/the-california-dream-starts-at-home-9dbb38c51cae\">wrote on Medium\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal was true to character: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2018/10/gavin-newsom-profile-california-governor-election/\">big, hairy and audacious\u003c/a>. It would have required building an average of 500,000 homes a year in a state that has only surpassed the 300,000 mark \u003ca href=\"https://la.curbed.com/2018/11/8/18073066/california-governor-election-gavin-newsom-housing-plan\">twice in more than 50 years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom didn’t get even close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the nearly four years since he took office, California cities are projected to have permitted a total of about 452,000 homes — fewer than Newsom pledged he’d build in one year alone, according to local data collected by the Construction Industry Research Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/_/Re1mI4JBl1bUtlSDHcnI?src=embed\" title=\"2022 Housing production in California\" width=\"800\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about his shortcomings at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JSy2VOGkBF8&t=1s\">recent press conference\u003c/a>, Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-10-21/newsom-gavin-affordable-housing-homeless-q-a\">wrote off his original goal\u003c/a> as he has many times before, by paraphrasing Michelangelo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The biggest risk in life, however one defines risk, is not that we aim too high and miss it. It’s that we aim too low and reach it,” Newsom said. “It was always a stretch goal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing advocates acknowledge that policy change is by nature slow and incremental, and like many other proposals, long-term housing goals took a back seat to the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the reality on the ground — that there aren’t enough houses for everyone and the ones that exist are hideously expensive — continues to exasperate \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-may-2022/\">Californians who repeatedly rank housing and homelessness among their top concerns\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Brian Dahle, the \u003ca href=\"https://briandahle.com/homelessness/\">Republican candidate for governor\u003c/a>, and other state Republicans have routinely attacked Newsom’s record on housing, including \u003ca href=\"https://republicans.senate.ca.gov/content/legislative-republicans-call-special-session-combat-homeless-crisis-immediately\">calling for a special session\u003c/a> on homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need government to treat this the way we treat a natural disaster, because that’s how it’s impacting people’s lives,” said Chione Lucina Muñoz Flegal, executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.housingca.org/\">Housing California\u003c/a>, a housing advocacy organization. “And that’s not what we see happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-a-marshall-plan-for-housing\">A Marshall Plan for housing?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing policy advocates described Newsom’s stated goal of 3.5 million new homes in four years the same way he has: aspirational. They say that’s because the state doesn’t build housing in California — private developers do, with the approval of local governments. So what really grabbed advocates’ attention was the “Marshall Plan for affordable housing” Newsom pledged to launch during his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/01/gavin-newsom-california-inauguration-speech-policy-highlights/\">inaugural speech\u003c/a>, recalling the multibillion-dollar program to rebuild Western Europe following World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As much as the number was important, the idea of building a streamlined process of building, that was amazing, because that’s really the challenge of California,” said Dan Dunmoyer, president of the California Building Industry Association. He said that dream remains elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has some of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">highest housing costs\u003c/a> in the nation because of how little “marshaling” there is, Dunmoyer said. Land costs are prohibitive, and zoning rules limit much of what can be built. Housing must get approved at the local level, which has ample opportunity for community input. Those communities can then block unpopular projects, such as multifamily or affordable housing. Another culprit: impact fees cities charge to fund infrastructure that can \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/residential-impact-fees/\">exceed $150,000 a home\u003c/a>, some of the highest in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Louis Mirante, vice president of public policy, Bay Area Council\"]'To stop a project, you only need one red light. But to make a project go, you need at least 100 green lights. A lot of the legislation the governor has been signing has been those green lights.'[/pullquote]The closest Newsom may have gotten to bulldozing those barriers is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/11/newsom-pandemic-beat-homelessness/\">Project Homekey\u003c/a>. After COVID-19 hit, the administration scrambled to turn 94 hotels and motels into more than 6,000 shelter units for people experiencing homelessness, which would later become permanent homes, within record-setting months. The projects \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2021/11/04/main-recoverylab-cities-la-sros-518602\">bypassed local land use rules and a marquee environmental law\u003c/a> often blamed for slowing or killing controversial projects. The state has since expanded the $800 million project with more than $2.75 billion in new funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed more than a dozen bills allowing housing types that met certain conditions to skip lengthy approval processes at the local level. Two are expected to have the biggest impact: one that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/08/california-housing-crisis-zoning-bill/\">legalized duplexes and fourplexes\u003c/a> on the two-thirds of developable land in California \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/SB-9-Brief-July-2021-Final.pdf\">previously zoned for single-family homes\u003c/a>, and another that \u003ca href=\"https://urbanfootprint.com/ab2011-analysis/\">allows apartments\u003c/a> on land previously allotted for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-crisis-unions/\">retail centers, parking lots and offices along arterial roads\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a zoning change doesn’t build housing, it’s a first step to making it legal. Combined, the two laws could open up previously blocked space for more than 2 million housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The effect of legislation is often hard to prove, because it’s only one factor of many in the development process,” said Louis Mirante, vice president of public policy at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareacouncil.org/\">Bay Area Council\u003c/a>. “To stop a project, you only need one red light. But to make a project go, you need at least 100 green lights. A lot of the legislation the governor has been signing has been those green lights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But yellow and red lights abound, including rising interest rates and prohibitive material costs. While it took political courage to sign a controversial measure like the one streamlining duplex and fourplex construction, Newsom remained largely quiet on those bills until they reached the finish line, and hasn’t championed a more sweeping production policy proposal on his own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He can step in and resolve the problems if he really wanted to prioritize the issue,” said Chris Martin, policy director at Housing California. “He has the power to do it, but politically, it’s challenging. He’s going to have to make some uncomfortable decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-moving-the-goalposts\">Moving the goalposts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Newsom has repeatedly called the 3.5 million goal taken from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/mckinsey/industries/public%20and%20social%20sector/our%20insights/closing%20californias%20housing%20gap/closing-californias-housing-gap-full-report.pdf\">2016 McKinsey study\u003c/a> a moon shot, he has put his weight behind another number: 2.5 million. That’s how many homes the Legislature has mandated California cities to plan for by 2030, and Newsom’s team is making sure they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before we can reach our stretch goals, before you can reach the moon, you’ve got to get off the launch pad,” said Jason Elliott, Newsom’s senior counselor on housing and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Housing Coverage' tag='housing']The planning law has been on the books for decades, but it wasn’t until 2017 that the state Legislature gave the process teeth by creating standards and penalties cities must abide by. The \u003cem>plans\u003c/em> for the housing that those standards and penalties apply to weren’t even due for most cities until this year. And the deadlines are different for different regions. It’s a slow process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities now have to zone for more than double the housing they did in previous years, and it has to be on sites where housing could actually be built. And if they don’t do it, they risk \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/03/california-housing-goals/\">losing affordable housing dollars\u003c/a> or even \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/10/california-housing-crisis-nimby/\">forgoing housing approval decisions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But having laws on the books — even if they feature new penalties — doesn’t mean anything unless someone is there to enforce them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To that end, Newsom staffed up a $4.65 million \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/04/california-duplex-housing/\">accountability and enforcement unit\u003c/a> within the housing department, with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-podcast-rob-bonta-housing-enforcement/\">reinforcements at the state’s Justice Department\u003c/a>. Cities seem to be paying heed, but it’s all fun and games until actual homes get built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many years in California, the Regional Housing Needs [Allocation] process was an afterthought at best,” Elliott said. “It was not taken seriously because there were largely no consequences for local governments failing to meet their responsibilities. And that’s not ancient history, but through a very concerted effort by this governor and the administration in partnership with the Legislature, RHNA is now very serious. And I think communities are taking it seriously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, planning isn’t building, and a recurring complaint about the process from cities is that while it requires a lot of affordable housing to be planned for — 1 million of the 2.5 million units must be affordable to the lowest earners — the state doesn’t provide nearly enough tax credits and other subsidies to build it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re funding a quarter of that, at best,” said Paavo Monkkonen, associate professor of urban planning at UCLA’s Luskin School of Public Affairs. “So that’s an interesting conundrum, where their own goal is unattainable. And there’s not really a Manhattan Project to make that happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/9c485c33-4c31-4f78-ae36-07dc50a75dc3?src=embed\" title=\"Affordable housing production\" width=\"800\" height=\"850\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the Legislature, Newsom has dedicated unprecedented dollars to affordable housing, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/07/19/governor-newsom-signs-historic-housing-and-homelessness-funding-package-as-part-of-100-billion-california-comeback-plan/\">$10.3 billion in 2021\u003c/a>. Funding the current affordable housing need alone, however, would require \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/roadmaphome2030/\">nearly $18 billion a year over a decade\u003c/a>, according to a recent estimate from Housing California and California Housing Partnership. And there is no long-term source of funding for housing in California. As budget projections for next year sour, affordable housing advocates worry those funds might dry up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In these years of good budget outlook, the administration has done a really good job,” said Marina Wiant, vice president of government affairs at the \u003ca href=\"https://calhsng.org/\">California Housing Consortium\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan housing advocacy organization. “It’s going to be interesting to see what they do when they have to make tough budget choices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Gavin Newsom campaigned on housing production, an issue important to many Californians. But despite some accomplishments, the housing crisis is worse now than when he took office.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s difficult for housing advocates to criticize Gov. Gavin Newsom because he’s done more to boost production than any other governor in recent memory — but that’s mostly because the bar is so low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measured against the goal he set for himself, Newsom’s record is less impressive. Just 13% of the 3.5 million homes he campaigned on building have been permitted, let alone built. He’s walked back the goal many times, settling on a new target earlier this year: Cities need to have planned a combined 2.5 million homes by 2030. So, a million fewer homes planned for, not built, and over a longer time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom can point to some accomplishments: He signed bills that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2019/09/big-rent-hikes-illegal-in-california-heres-what-to-know/\">capped big rent hikes statewide\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/09/california-housing-crisis-newsom-signs-bills/\">legalized duplexes and fourplexes\u003c/a> on most developable land and unlocked millions of potential \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/09/california-housing-podcast-ab-2011/\">apartments on empty strip malls\u003c/a>. He \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">sheltered tens of thousands of people experiencing homelessness\u003c/a> amid a pandemic and dedicated more dollars to housing and homelessness than ever before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as he finalizes his first term and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/election-2022/2022/10/gavin-newsom-campaign-president/\">coasts into the second\u003c/a>, Newsom finds himself mired in an even deeper housing and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">homelessness crisis\u003c/a> than the one he inherited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Running for governor in 2017, then-Lt. Gov. Newsom pledged to spur a never-before-seen tsunami of homebuilding in California to bridge the gap between the growing population and shrinking stock of housing driving the affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As Governor, I will lead the effort to develop the 3.5 million new housing units we need by 2025 because our solutions must be as bold as the problem is big,” Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@GavinNewsom/the-california-dream-starts-at-home-9dbb38c51cae\">wrote on Medium\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal was true to character: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2018/10/gavin-newsom-profile-california-governor-election/\">big, hairy and audacious\u003c/a>. It would have required building an average of 500,000 homes a year in a state that has only surpassed the 300,000 mark \u003ca href=\"https://la.curbed.com/2018/11/8/18073066/california-governor-election-gavin-newsom-housing-plan\">twice in more than 50 years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom didn’t get even close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the nearly four years since he took office, California cities are projected to have permitted a total of about 452,000 homes — fewer than Newsom pledged he’d build in one year alone, according to local data collected by the Construction Industry Research Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/_/Re1mI4JBl1bUtlSDHcnI?src=embed\" title=\"2022 Housing production in California\" width=\"800\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about his shortcomings at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JSy2VOGkBF8&t=1s\">recent press conference\u003c/a>, Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-10-21/newsom-gavin-affordable-housing-homeless-q-a\">wrote off his original goal\u003c/a> as he has many times before, by paraphrasing Michelangelo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The biggest risk in life, however one defines risk, is not that we aim too high and miss it. It’s that we aim too low and reach it,” Newsom said. “It was always a stretch goal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing advocates acknowledge that policy change is by nature slow and incremental, and like many other proposals, long-term housing goals took a back seat to the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the reality on the ground — that there aren’t enough houses for everyone and the ones that exist are hideously expensive — continues to exasperate \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-may-2022/\">Californians who repeatedly rank housing and homelessness among their top concerns\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Brian Dahle, the \u003ca href=\"https://briandahle.com/homelessness/\">Republican candidate for governor\u003c/a>, and other state Republicans have routinely attacked Newsom’s record on housing, including \u003ca href=\"https://republicans.senate.ca.gov/content/legislative-republicans-call-special-session-combat-homeless-crisis-immediately\">calling for a special session\u003c/a> on homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need government to treat this the way we treat a natural disaster, because that’s how it’s impacting people’s lives,” said Chione Lucina Muñoz Flegal, executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.housingca.org/\">Housing California\u003c/a>, a housing advocacy organization. “And that’s not what we see happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-a-marshall-plan-for-housing\">A Marshall Plan for housing?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing policy advocates described Newsom’s stated goal of 3.5 million new homes in four years the same way he has: aspirational. They say that’s because the state doesn’t build housing in California — private developers do, with the approval of local governments. So what really grabbed advocates’ attention was the “Marshall Plan for affordable housing” Newsom pledged to launch during his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/01/gavin-newsom-california-inauguration-speech-policy-highlights/\">inaugural speech\u003c/a>, recalling the multibillion-dollar program to rebuild Western Europe following World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As much as the number was important, the idea of building a streamlined process of building, that was amazing, because that’s really the challenge of California,” said Dan Dunmoyer, president of the California Building Industry Association. He said that dream remains elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has some of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">highest housing costs\u003c/a> in the nation because of how little “marshaling” there is, Dunmoyer said. Land costs are prohibitive, and zoning rules limit much of what can be built. Housing must get approved at the local level, which has ample opportunity for community input. Those communities can then block unpopular projects, such as multifamily or affordable housing. Another culprit: impact fees cities charge to fund infrastructure that can \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/residential-impact-fees/\">exceed $150,000 a home\u003c/a>, some of the highest in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'To stop a project, you only need one red light. But to make a project go, you need at least 100 green lights. A lot of the legislation the governor has been signing has been those green lights.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The closest Newsom may have gotten to bulldozing those barriers is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/11/newsom-pandemic-beat-homelessness/\">Project Homekey\u003c/a>. After COVID-19 hit, the administration scrambled to turn 94 hotels and motels into more than 6,000 shelter units for people experiencing homelessness, which would later become permanent homes, within record-setting months. The projects \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2021/11/04/main-recoverylab-cities-la-sros-518602\">bypassed local land use rules and a marquee environmental law\u003c/a> often blamed for slowing or killing controversial projects. The state has since expanded the $800 million project with more than $2.75 billion in new funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed more than a dozen bills allowing housing types that met certain conditions to skip lengthy approval processes at the local level. Two are expected to have the biggest impact: one that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/08/california-housing-crisis-zoning-bill/\">legalized duplexes and fourplexes\u003c/a> on the two-thirds of developable land in California \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/SB-9-Brief-July-2021-Final.pdf\">previously zoned for single-family homes\u003c/a>, and another that \u003ca href=\"https://urbanfootprint.com/ab2011-analysis/\">allows apartments\u003c/a> on land previously allotted for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-crisis-unions/\">retail centers, parking lots and offices along arterial roads\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a zoning change doesn’t build housing, it’s a first step to making it legal. Combined, the two laws could open up previously blocked space for more than 2 million housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The effect of legislation is often hard to prove, because it’s only one factor of many in the development process,” said Louis Mirante, vice president of public policy at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareacouncil.org/\">Bay Area Council\u003c/a>. “To stop a project, you only need one red light. But to make a project go, you need at least 100 green lights. A lot of the legislation the governor has been signing has been those green lights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But yellow and red lights abound, including rising interest rates and prohibitive material costs. While it took political courage to sign a controversial measure like the one streamlining duplex and fourplex construction, Newsom remained largely quiet on those bills until they reached the finish line, and hasn’t championed a more sweeping production policy proposal on his own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He can step in and resolve the problems if he really wanted to prioritize the issue,” said Chris Martin, policy director at Housing California. “He has the power to do it, but politically, it’s challenging. He’s going to have to make some uncomfortable decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-moving-the-goalposts\">Moving the goalposts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Newsom has repeatedly called the 3.5 million goal taken from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/mckinsey/industries/public%20and%20social%20sector/our%20insights/closing%20californias%20housing%20gap/closing-californias-housing-gap-full-report.pdf\">2016 McKinsey study\u003c/a> a moon shot, he has put his weight behind another number: 2.5 million. That’s how many homes the Legislature has mandated California cities to plan for by 2030, and Newsom’s team is making sure they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before we can reach our stretch goals, before you can reach the moon, you’ve got to get off the launch pad,” said Jason Elliott, Newsom’s senior counselor on housing and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The planning law has been on the books for decades, but it wasn’t until 2017 that the state Legislature gave the process teeth by creating standards and penalties cities must abide by. The \u003cem>plans\u003c/em> for the housing that those standards and penalties apply to weren’t even due for most cities until this year. And the deadlines are different for different regions. It’s a slow process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities now have to zone for more than double the housing they did in previous years, and it has to be on sites where housing could actually be built. And if they don’t do it, they risk \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/03/california-housing-goals/\">losing affordable housing dollars\u003c/a> or even \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/10/california-housing-crisis-nimby/\">forgoing housing approval decisions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But having laws on the books — even if they feature new penalties — doesn’t mean anything unless someone is there to enforce them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To that end, Newsom staffed up a $4.65 million \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/04/california-duplex-housing/\">accountability and enforcement unit\u003c/a> within the housing department, with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-podcast-rob-bonta-housing-enforcement/\">reinforcements at the state’s Justice Department\u003c/a>. Cities seem to be paying heed, but it’s all fun and games until actual homes get built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many years in California, the Regional Housing Needs [Allocation] process was an afterthought at best,” Elliott said. “It was not taken seriously because there were largely no consequences for local governments failing to meet their responsibilities. And that’s not ancient history, but through a very concerted effort by this governor and the administration in partnership with the Legislature, RHNA is now very serious. And I think communities are taking it seriously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, planning isn’t building, and a recurring complaint about the process from cities is that while it requires a lot of affordable housing to be planned for — 1 million of the 2.5 million units must be affordable to the lowest earners — the state doesn’t provide nearly enough tax credits and other subsidies to build it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re funding a quarter of that, at best,” said Paavo Monkkonen, associate professor of urban planning at UCLA’s Luskin School of Public Affairs. “So that’s an interesting conundrum, where their own goal is unattainable. And there’s not really a Manhattan Project to make that happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/9c485c33-4c31-4f78-ae36-07dc50a75dc3?src=embed\" title=\"Affordable housing production\" width=\"800\" height=\"850\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the Legislature, Newsom has dedicated unprecedented dollars to affordable housing, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/07/19/governor-newsom-signs-historic-housing-and-homelessness-funding-package-as-part-of-100-billion-california-comeback-plan/\">$10.3 billion in 2021\u003c/a>. Funding the current affordable housing need alone, however, would require \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/roadmaphome2030/\">nearly $18 billion a year over a decade\u003c/a>, according to a recent estimate from Housing California and California Housing Partnership. And there is no long-term source of funding for housing in California. As budget projections for next year sour, affordable housing advocates worry those funds might dry up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In these years of good budget outlook, the administration has done a really good job,” said Marina Wiant, vice president of government affairs at the \u003ca href=\"https://calhsng.org/\">California Housing Consortium\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan housing advocacy organization. “It’s going to be interesting to see what they do when they have to make tough budget choices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Housing remains a central issue on Bay Area ballots this year as local governments continue to grapple with the ongoing affordability crisis. In San Francisco and Berkeley, voters will get the chance to weigh in on measures that would tax vacant homes. They’re pitched as tools to help alleviate the housing shortage by incentivizing landlords to rent unoccupied units while raising money for housing programs and other city services. Opponents question whether they’ll have their intended effect and argue they could hurt small landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco and Berkeley are following on the heels of other cities, including Washington, D.C.; Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada; and, locally, Oakland, which adopted the strategy in 2018 and is starting to see some of the results.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org/measures\">Proposition M\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s Proposition M, called the Empty Homes Tax Ordinance, would apply to residential buildings of at least three units with vacancies of more than about six months. Revenue would fund rental subsidies and affordable housing. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"San Francisco Supervisor Dean Preston\"]‘The dramatic increase in two years shows really the dire need for policy intervention to do whatever we can to turn these empty units into places where people can live.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The phenomenon of empty homes has got to be part of our discussion of our city’s housing crisis,” said Supervisor Dean Preston at a recent Board of Supervisors meeting. The primary goal of the measure is to prioritize housing people over investment income. “It is a moral issue to have people living unhoused on the streets of our city and then have tens of thousands of units sitting empty,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston points to a report he commissioned from the Budget and Legislative Analyst that found the number of\u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=11348168&GUID=2FE62B48-AB73-4992-A3D9-EB3B6F9C095A\"> vacancies in the city shot up 52% percent since 2019\u003c/a>, to over 60,000 empty units. At 15% percent, San Francisco’s vacancy rate was the highest of any major city in the analysts’ comparison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The dramatic increase in two years shows really the dire need for policy intervention to do whatever we can to turn these empty units into places where people can live,” Preston said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The BLA made clear that many of those 60,000 vacant units are not immediately available for rental. They might be uninhabitable, for instance, under renovation, or rented before tenants have moved in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents say that, for that reason, the numbers in the report can mislead voters about the impact of the tax. They point to another \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/RVT_economic_impact_final.pdf\">analysis from the city controller (PDF)\u003c/a> just last month that estimates only about 4,000 vacant units would actually be subject to the tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Apartment Association opposes the measure, arguing it would disproportionately hurt small landlords. Charley Goss, the association’s government and community affairs manager, said half of SFAA’s members own between one and four units. “People aren’t intentionally leaving their units vacant,” he said. “There are real market conditions due to COVID and other reasons why a unit might be vacant for a period of time.”[aside postID='news_11925690,news_11927941' label='Related Posts']Goss argues landlords will pass on the burden of the tax to renters. “We have a fear that this will increase living costs in San Francisco in a time where everything’s really expensive already,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters like tenant organizer Shanti Singh hope the tax will curb real estate speculation, and what she calls “speculative evictions,” referring to the displacement of tenants through the Ellis Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Housing is being flipped and it’s sitting vacant in the meantime, which is really just adding insult to injury,” said Singh, a member of the San Francisco chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America, which championed the legislation. “That was a huge driving concern for a lot of the tenant organizations who have mobilized around this measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax would go into effect in 2024 and range from $2,500 to $5,000 per unit, depending on size. Over time, the maximum tax would reach $20,000 annually for owners who keep the same unit vacant for a third consecutive year. The city controller’s best estimate finds that \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/RVT_economic_impact_final.pdf\">by 2026 the tax would bring in around $15 million annually (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would create a Housing Activation Fund, which would provide rental subsidies for lower-income renters and people over 60 and fund the acquisition, rehabilitation and operation of multiunit buildings for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ordinance exempts vacant single-family homes and duplexes, a decision that could increase support from homeowners but has also drawn criticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local urban planning think tank SPUR is encouraging a vote against the measure in part because of its exemptions. Senior policy adviser Sarah Karlinsky said leaving out single-family homes and duplexes weakens the policy. “There are going to be one- and two-unit owners that hold their units off the market,” she said. “From my perspective, there’s no difference between that and larger buildings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Karlinsky also questions why the measure would fund rental subsidies for all people over 60, regardless of income.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Berkeley \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/Measure%20M%20-%20November%208%2C%202022%20Election.pdf\">Measure M (PDF)\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Like San Francisco’s measure, Berkeley’s Empty Homes Tax Ordinance would tax property owners who keep a residential unit vacant more than about six months in a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 10-year tax put forward by Vice Mayor Kate Harrison is designed to incentivize landlords to rent empty units and is projected to raise between $4 million and $6 million a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do not have enough housing, and housing prices are unbelievably high and yet we have these units that are perpetually vacant,” Harrison said. “Our No. 1 goal here is to get units back on the market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harrison estimates about 700 vacant units in the city will be subject to the tax. She’s particularly worried about whole buildings that are sitting empty, which can become derelict and require city-funded maintenance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Krista Gulbransen, executive director of the Berkeley Property Owners Association, which opposes the measure, agrees owners who keep entire large buildings empty should be pressured to bring them to market. “If you have a multiunit building and all the units are vacant, something’s wrong there,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930306\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930306\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing glasses and a dark blue/red checkered jacket stands in a doorway.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Krista Gulbransen, executive director of the Berkeley Property Owners Association, poses for a portrait at the organization’s offices in Berkeley on Oct. 25, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gulbransen opposes the tax because she fears it could hurt small landlords, though the measure includes exemptions designed to protect them. The measure does not apply to owner-occupied properties that are four units or fewer. It would be suspended as long as the COVID moratorium is in place and make exemptions during certain periods, like when permit applications are pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Gulbransen sees the measure as “a solution looking for a problem.” She said it’s coming at a time of great frustration for property owners, given they’re still bound by the eviction moratorium. “We’re seeing this shift of people just getting really fed up with the increased regulations,” she said. “The sentiment against government officials is pretty bad in housing right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gulbransen said BPOA surveyed its members and 75% of respondents indicated they would take their unit off the rental market if the measure passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax starts at $3,000 a year if an owner has a single vacant property, and $6,000 for any additional vacant units they own. If the property stays vacant for two or more years, the rates double.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930310\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930310\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"One woman wearing a red jacket on the left and a woman wearing glasses and blue dress with pumpkins, ghosts and cats look towards a fence.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Berkeley Vice Mayor Kate Harrison speaks with Rent Board Commissioner Paola Laverde in front of a vacant apartment building in Berkeley on Oct. 26, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As in San Francisco, opponents argue landlords will pass the increased costs on to tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also take issue with the fact that, unlike San Francisco’s proposed tax, revenue from Berkeley’s would not be set aside in a special fund for housing. Instead it would go to the city’s general fund, because Harrison wants it to be available to mitigate any costs associated with vacant properties, like blight.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Oakland’s experience\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2018, Oakland created \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/topics/vacantpropertytax\">a similar policy\u003c/a>. “We were the first city in California to contemplate such a thing,” said Oakland City Councilmember Rebecca Kaplan, who brought forward the plan. “The goal of the vacant property tax is to address homelessness from both ends,” she said, referring to the dual aim of opening up more housing while raising money for homelessness services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When all funds are collected, the city expects to bring in a total of nearly $6.5 million the first year of the tax and a little over $8 million the following year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaplan says so far the city has used the money to buy dorms and hotels to house unhoused residents, as well as to build some tiny-home villages and fund staff and support services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Implementing the tax hasn’t always gone smoothly. After property owners flooded city council meetings to air grievances, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2019/11/11/most-oakland-vacant-parcel-owners-get-a-tax-break/\">council temporarily slashed the tax\u003c/a> in half for most owners and added a slate of new exemptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike the San Francisco and Berkeley policies, Oakland’s tax applies to both residential and commercial properties and empty lots. It ranges from $3,000 to $6,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of units taxed dropped from about 1,700 in 2019 to about 1,300 in 2021. Rogers Agaba, Oakland’s revenue and tax administrator, attributes that to a number of factors, including owners putting properties into use, becoming newly eligible for exemptions, or selling or donating their land to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaplan sees the downward trend as a sign the tax is having its intended effect. “That means those properties are in use serving the community,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Housing remains a central issue on Bay Area ballots this year as local governments continue to grapple with the ongoing affordability crisis. In San Francisco and Berkeley, voters will get the chance to weigh in on measures that would tax vacant homes.",
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"title": "Should SF and Berkeley Tax Empty Homes, Following Oakland's Lead? | KQED",
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"headline": "Should SF and Berkeley Tax Empty Homes, Following Oakland's Lead?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Housing remains a central issue on Bay Area ballots this year as local governments continue to grapple with the ongoing affordability crisis. In San Francisco and Berkeley, voters will get the chance to weigh in on measures that would tax vacant homes. They’re pitched as tools to help alleviate the housing shortage by incentivizing landlords to rent unoccupied units while raising money for housing programs and other city services. Opponents question whether they’ll have their intended effect and argue they could hurt small landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco and Berkeley are following on the heels of other cities, including Washington, D.C.; Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada; and, locally, Oakland, which adopted the strategy in 2018 and is starting to see some of the results.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org/measures\">Proposition M\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s Proposition M, called the Empty Homes Tax Ordinance, would apply to residential buildings of at least three units with vacancies of more than about six months. Revenue would fund rental subsidies and affordable housing. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The dramatic increase in two years shows really the dire need for policy intervention to do whatever we can to turn these empty units into places where people can live.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The phenomenon of empty homes has got to be part of our discussion of our city’s housing crisis,” said Supervisor Dean Preston at a recent Board of Supervisors meeting. The primary goal of the measure is to prioritize housing people over investment income. “It is a moral issue to have people living unhoused on the streets of our city and then have tens of thousands of units sitting empty,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston points to a report he commissioned from the Budget and Legislative Analyst that found the number of\u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=11348168&GUID=2FE62B48-AB73-4992-A3D9-EB3B6F9C095A\"> vacancies in the city shot up 52% percent since 2019\u003c/a>, to over 60,000 empty units. At 15% percent, San Francisco’s vacancy rate was the highest of any major city in the analysts’ comparison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The dramatic increase in two years shows really the dire need for policy intervention to do whatever we can to turn these empty units into places where people can live,” Preston said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The BLA made clear that many of those 60,000 vacant units are not immediately available for rental. They might be uninhabitable, for instance, under renovation, or rented before tenants have moved in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents say that, for that reason, the numbers in the report can mislead voters about the impact of the tax. They point to another \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/RVT_economic_impact_final.pdf\">analysis from the city controller (PDF)\u003c/a> just last month that estimates only about 4,000 vacant units would actually be subject to the tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Apartment Association opposes the measure, arguing it would disproportionately hurt small landlords. Charley Goss, the association’s government and community affairs manager, said half of SFAA’s members own between one and four units. “People aren’t intentionally leaving their units vacant,” he said. “There are real market conditions due to COVID and other reasons why a unit might be vacant for a period of time.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Goss argues landlords will pass on the burden of the tax to renters. “We have a fear that this will increase living costs in San Francisco in a time where everything’s really expensive already,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters like tenant organizer Shanti Singh hope the tax will curb real estate speculation, and what she calls “speculative evictions,” referring to the displacement of tenants through the Ellis Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Housing is being flipped and it’s sitting vacant in the meantime, which is really just adding insult to injury,” said Singh, a member of the San Francisco chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America, which championed the legislation. “That was a huge driving concern for a lot of the tenant organizations who have mobilized around this measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax would go into effect in 2024 and range from $2,500 to $5,000 per unit, depending on size. Over time, the maximum tax would reach $20,000 annually for owners who keep the same unit vacant for a third consecutive year. The city controller’s best estimate finds that \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/RVT_economic_impact_final.pdf\">by 2026 the tax would bring in around $15 million annually (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would create a Housing Activation Fund, which would provide rental subsidies for lower-income renters and people over 60 and fund the acquisition, rehabilitation and operation of multiunit buildings for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ordinance exempts vacant single-family homes and duplexes, a decision that could increase support from homeowners but has also drawn criticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local urban planning think tank SPUR is encouraging a vote against the measure in part because of its exemptions. Senior policy adviser Sarah Karlinsky said leaving out single-family homes and duplexes weakens the policy. “There are going to be one- and two-unit owners that hold their units off the market,” she said. “From my perspective, there’s no difference between that and larger buildings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Karlinsky also questions why the measure would fund rental subsidies for all people over 60, regardless of income.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Berkeley \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/Measure%20M%20-%20November%208%2C%202022%20Election.pdf\">Measure M (PDF)\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Like San Francisco’s measure, Berkeley’s Empty Homes Tax Ordinance would tax property owners who keep a residential unit vacant more than about six months in a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 10-year tax put forward by Vice Mayor Kate Harrison is designed to incentivize landlords to rent empty units and is projected to raise between $4 million and $6 million a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do not have enough housing, and housing prices are unbelievably high and yet we have these units that are perpetually vacant,” Harrison said. “Our No. 1 goal here is to get units back on the market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harrison estimates about 700 vacant units in the city will be subject to the tax. She’s particularly worried about whole buildings that are sitting empty, which can become derelict and require city-funded maintenance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Krista Gulbransen, executive director of the Berkeley Property Owners Association, which opposes the measure, agrees owners who keep entire large buildings empty should be pressured to bring them to market. “If you have a multiunit building and all the units are vacant, something’s wrong there,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930306\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930306\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing glasses and a dark blue/red checkered jacket stands in a doorway.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Krista Gulbransen, executive director of the Berkeley Property Owners Association, poses for a portrait at the organization’s offices in Berkeley on Oct. 25, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gulbransen opposes the tax because she fears it could hurt small landlords, though the measure includes exemptions designed to protect them. The measure does not apply to owner-occupied properties that are four units or fewer. It would be suspended as long as the COVID moratorium is in place and make exemptions during certain periods, like when permit applications are pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Gulbransen sees the measure as “a solution looking for a problem.” She said it’s coming at a time of great frustration for property owners, given they’re still bound by the eviction moratorium. “We’re seeing this shift of people just getting really fed up with the increased regulations,” she said. “The sentiment against government officials is pretty bad in housing right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gulbransen said BPOA surveyed its members and 75% of respondents indicated they would take their unit off the rental market if the measure passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax starts at $3,000 a year if an owner has a single vacant property, and $6,000 for any additional vacant units they own. If the property stays vacant for two or more years, the rates double.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930310\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930310\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"One woman wearing a red jacket on the left and a woman wearing glasses and blue dress with pumpkins, ghosts and cats look towards a fence.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Berkeley Vice Mayor Kate Harrison speaks with Rent Board Commissioner Paola Laverde in front of a vacant apartment building in Berkeley on Oct. 26, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As in San Francisco, opponents argue landlords will pass the increased costs on to tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also take issue with the fact that, unlike San Francisco’s proposed tax, revenue from Berkeley’s would not be set aside in a special fund for housing. Instead it would go to the city’s general fund, because Harrison wants it to be available to mitigate any costs associated with vacant properties, like blight.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Oakland’s experience\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2018, Oakland created \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/topics/vacantpropertytax\">a similar policy\u003c/a>. “We were the first city in California to contemplate such a thing,” said Oakland City Councilmember Rebecca Kaplan, who brought forward the plan. “The goal of the vacant property tax is to address homelessness from both ends,” she said, referring to the dual aim of opening up more housing while raising money for homelessness services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When all funds are collected, the city expects to bring in a total of nearly $6.5 million the first year of the tax and a little over $8 million the following year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaplan says so far the city has used the money to buy dorms and hotels to house unhoused residents, as well as to build some tiny-home villages and fund staff and support services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Implementing the tax hasn’t always gone smoothly. After property owners flooded city council meetings to air grievances, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2019/11/11/most-oakland-vacant-parcel-owners-get-a-tax-break/\">council temporarily slashed the tax\u003c/a> in half for most owners and added a slate of new exemptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike the San Francisco and Berkeley policies, Oakland’s tax applies to both residential and commercial properties and empty lots. It ranges from $3,000 to $6,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of units taxed dropped from about 1,700 in 2019 to about 1,300 in 2021. Rogers Agaba, Oakland’s revenue and tax administrator, attributes that to a number of factors, including owners putting properties into use, becoming newly eligible for exemptions, or selling or donating their land to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaplan sees the downward trend as a sign the tax is having its intended effect. “That means those properties are in use serving the community,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "newsom-dahle-spar-over-abortion-gas-tax-and-crime-in-california-governor-debate",
"title": "Newsom, Dahle Spar Over Abortion, Gas Tax and Crime in California Governor Debate",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mx_n3PPEKcw\">Watch the debate here.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gubernatorial candidates Gov. Gavin Newsom and Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber) sparred over homelessness, abortion access, soaring gas prices and addressing climate change at the first and likely only debate between the two candidates this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage Sunday at KQED headquarters in San Francisco, Newsom and Dahle answered questions from KQED’s Senior Editor for Politics and Government Scott Shafer and Politics Correspondent Marisa Lagos. While Newsom and Dahle at times dug deep into policy disagreements, they also often retreated to more widely held positions by both political parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#prop1\">Jump to: Proposition 1: Reproductive rights\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#gas\">Jump to: Soaring gas prices\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#homeless\">Jump to: Homelessness\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#crime\">Jump to: Crime\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#common\">Jump to: Cutting remarks, finding common ground\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He does not support reproductive freedom, does not support reproductive choice, regardless of rape, regardless of incest,” Newsom said of his opponent, Dahle, taking aim at a topic \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-08-24/abortion-california-voters-2022-california-election-poll\">top of mind for Californians\u003c/a> at the opening of the debate. “I work[ed] with legislative leaders to get Proposition 1 on the ballot. It’s foundational to the core values to the state of California and is something that I enthusiastically support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle retorted with a jab at rumors Newsom is mulling a run for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to start out by thanking the governor for taking time out of his going forward on his dream of being president of the United States and actually coming to California and having a debate,” Dahle said. “I don’t know if he’s been out on the street or if you’ve been on the street talking to people who can’t afford to live in California. People are fleeing California because they can’t afford to live here. He’s driving up the cost of everything in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair traded barbs on California’s cost of living and Newsom’s record in helping Californians conserve water. Dahle also said Newsom could do more to ease high gas prices for people statewide. Newsom attacked Dahle’s opposition to funding to expand preschool and his stance against abortion access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929902\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929902\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Gov. Gavin Newsom and Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle participate in a gubernatorial debate at KQED with Senior Editor for Politics and Government Scott Shafer and Politics Correspondent Marisa Lagos in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(KQED/Beth LaBerge)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Three hundred companies have left California under his watch — in the last three years. These are worldwide companies. Tesla, Oracle, HP, have left California under his watch,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom responded, “Let me unpack, just on the issue of the economy. California has no peers. The state of California grew at 7.8% GDP last year — outperformed the United States, which was at 5.7%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preelection polls — along with voters’ solid rejection of a Newsom recall last year — suggest the outcome is a foregone conclusion. According to \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0456d0gt\">a Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies survey\u003c/a> released earlier this month, 53% of voters support Newsom while 32% support Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle’s biggest problem, however, might be simple name recognition. The same poll showed that about 52% of likely voters were “unfamiliar” with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s huge advantage in polls and fundraising have allowed him to nearly ignore his opponent, using his campaign cash to air commercials on other ballot topics, supporting Proposition 1 on abortion rights and opposing Proposition 30, which would raise taxes on the wealthy to fund climate goals and fight wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also raised eyebrows with strategic ad buys in Texas and Florida — highlighting his political differences with two Republican governors who are thought to be weighing a run for president in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom tried to put that matter to rest on Sunday. On stage, Lagos asked Newsom, “I want to ask very clearly, you’re asking voters for four more years. Do you commit to serving all four?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom answered, “Yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair then moved on to California-specific issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"prop1\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Proposition 1: Reproductive rights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In its June decision on Dobbs v. Jackson, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, letting states decide whether to allow abortions. Following those weakened protections, California lawmakers approved placing Proposition 1 on the ballot, which would amend the state constitution to leave no doubt that abortion is a legal right in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929900\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929900\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a business suit rests his hand on a desk.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom participates in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the debate, Newsom highlighted Dahle’s opposition to the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>We’re not embarrassed and we don’t apologize for having the back of women and girls all across this country that are fleeing persecution. And fleeing the kind of, well, extreme policies you are promoting,” Newsom said, referencing Dahle. “What my opponent believes is some\u003cem> \u003c/em>10-year-old that’s raped by her father should be forced to bear her brother or sister. His position is extreme. And that is something I hope the people of the state of California consider\u003ci>.”\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle shot back that Proposition 1 didn’t allow a statewide debate on how abortion access should be navigated in California, if at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, he talks about extreme. Extreme is not ever having a conversation,” Dahle said. “It’s just all or nothing. That’s what’s going to happen under this Prop. 1.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle calls himself “pro-life” and voted against putting Proposition 1 before voters to make abortion a constitutional right in California, which Newsom has championed. Throughout his campaign, however, Dahle has not exactly been vocal about his position on abortion — perhaps an acknowledgment of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/where-do-californians-stand-on-abortion/\">overwhelming approval of abortion rights\u003c/a>. When asked about \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/california-candidates-opposing-abortion-17263279.php\">his position on abortion rights\u003c/a> by The San Francisco Chronicle earlier this year, Dahle deferred to his voting record instead of answering directly.[aside postID=\"news_11926844,news_11925876,news_11916134\" label=\"Related Post\"]Although he opposes abortion rights, Dahle \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-2022-midterm-elections-california-presidential-24979cc4ce5404bcbcb536b13cced595\">voted for a 2021 bill that would have made contraceptives — including the morning-after pill — much cheaper\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"gas\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Soaring gas prices\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gas prices soared across the nation this summer because of high inflation, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and ongoing disruptions in the global supply chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while gas prices have recovered somewhat nationwide, they have continued to spike in California, hitting an average of $6.39 per gallon earlier this month — $2.58 higher than the national average, according to AAA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage at KQED, Shafer asked Dahle, “How do you propose the state bring down the gas price in a meaningful way for consumers?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929901\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a business suit makes a gesture with his hand.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle participates in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dahle said California needs to grant permits to 1,200 oil wells sitting on the desk of the governor right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He prefers not to get those permits out,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle said a gas tax holiday is “the fastest way you can actually help drive down inflation.” His experience with his own trucking business has made the gas pain all too personal, he said, seeing him pay $4,000 monthly for diesel fuel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That drives up the cost of a gallon of milk, a dozen eggs for every hardworking Californian,” Dahle said. “So if you lower that gas tax across the board, it lowers [the cost of] your food, not only the gas you put in your tank.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has the second-highest gas tax in the country and other environmental rules that increase the cost of fuel in the nation’s most populous state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Shafer pressed Dahle, “How do you guarantee that if the tax goes away, that it’s actually going to go to consumers and not just the oil companies?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, we make sure that they do it,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mx_n3PPEKcw\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch the debate in the YouTube video above. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said other states have moved forward with gas tax reductions — some of which include Maryland, New York and Georgia — and “we haven’t seen the commensurate reduction” in gas prices because “there is no guarantee.” He added that leading economists have said it’s “nothing more than a gimmick.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These companies are ripping you off and ripping us off. That’s why I want to move forward with a price-gouging penalty to address this abuse,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"Component-root-0-2-63 p Component-p-0-2-54\">The state Legislature briefly considered a proposal earlier this year that would have imposed a “windfall profits tax” on oil companies’ gross receipts when the price of a gallon of gasoline was “abnormally high compared to the price of a barrel of oil.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"Component-root-0-2-63 p Component-p-0-2-54\">That proposal would have required state regulators to determine the tax rate, making sure it recovered any oil company profit margins that exceeded $0.30 per gallon. The money from the tax would then have been returned to taxpayers via rebates. It’s unclear how closely Newsom’s final proposal will resemble this earlier effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"homeless\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Dahle frequently says California spends too much money on homelessness with little to show for it. He has said that, if elected to office, he would declare homelessness a “public health crisis” and “stop the state’s misguided attempt to throw money” at the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage, Dahle said he would declare a state of emergency over fentanyl in California. Lagos asked what a state of emergency would do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would focus on the fact that fentanyl is an issue in California. People on the streets are addicted, to get them off of drugs. That’s the first thing you do to get them on the projection out is get them off of drugs. You fund the counties with the mental health programs that they need and the clinicians, and then drive down the cost of housing in California are the three things that would need to happen for to take care of homelessness,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, however, said Dahle’s proposal had no meat to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Somehow, a ‘state of emergency’ [will be enacted], and we’re going to magically solve fentanyl. That’s what my opponent just said, somehow, [fentanyl] magically will disappear on the basis of a state of emergency,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has also taken aim at homeless spending in his career. During his time as San Francisco mayor, he said there was nothing “liberal or compassionate” about letting people sleep on the streets, and championed a program called Care Not Cash to end cash subsidies to unhoused people in favor of services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s taking that proposal to a statewide scale, saying California will hold local governments accountable. Lagos asked Newsom to respond to Californians who are concerned about the growing number of people living on the state’s streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re right. This is an outrage,” Newsom said. “We’re not going to hand out money any longer if local governments can’t produce results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed a budget this year that would spend $10 billion on affordable housing and \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/07/19/governor-newsom-signs-historic-housing-and-homelessness-funding-package-as-part-of-100-billion-california-comeback-plan/\">more than $12 billion — over two years — on the homelessness crisis\u003c/a>. That includes funding toward 42,000 housing units under Homekey, a program to convert motels, hotels and other buildings into housing to address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Newsom signed his controversial new program, CARE Court, into law. The Community Assistance, Recovery and Empowerment Act would compel some people with schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders to either accept treatment plans or, if they refuse, be placed under conservatorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, my opponent opposed the funding for CARE Court,” Newsom said. “When I got here, there was no homeless strategy, no plan, no resources of any merit. Today, there’s $15.3 billion and there’s a real strategy, real plan, and there’s accountability for the first time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11927968/california-unhoused-population-grew-by-more-than-22000-since-start-of-pandemic\">Californians without homes grew by at least 22,500 over the last three years\u003c/a>, according to a CalMatters analysis of the federal government’s last point-in-time count. California enacted a number of safeguards against homelessness during the pandemic, from rental assistance to a moratorium on evictions. The rate of homelessness among Californians grew 15% over the last year, on par with steady growth in homelessness from 2015 to today.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"crime\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Crime\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In television interviews and on social media, Dahle has echoed Republican criticism of Democrats for being what they call “soft on crime.” Dahle has advocated increasing\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/04/brian-dahle-california-governor/\"> funding to local law enforcement\u003c/a>, according to CalMatters, and weakening Proposition 47, which reduced punishments for some property and drug crimes. Conservatives have long pointed to Proposition 47 as a turning point that lowered consequences and led to rising crime, though \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/the-impact-of-proposition-47-on-crime-and-recidivism/#:~:text=Did%20Proposition%2047%20increase%20crime,in%20crime%20reporting%20after%202014.\">research has not backed up that claim\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This issue remains a vexing issue, but Proposition 47 is not the culprit. It’s not the reason why we have seen an increase in crime in the state and or in this country,” Newsom said Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/crime-trends-in-california/\">Crime statewide is lower now than it has been since at least 1992\u003c/a>, according to crime data analyzed by the Public Policy Institute of California. Violent crime and property crime rates did marginally increase between 2020 and 2021, but remain historically low, and even somewhat lower than in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The narratives don’t fit the facts,” Newsom said, saying California is “average” for felony rates in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is a uniquely large state, however, and different regions experience crime rates differently: The San Joaquin Valley saw large upticks in violent crime, while the highest rate of property crime in California last year was in the San Francisco Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Viral videos of smash-and-grab-style burglaries and brazen attacks against Asian and Asian American people have led to fear and outrage in some California cities, including San Francisco. Dahle referenced those disparities in the crimes Californians are seeing rise as a way for Newsom to obscure ugly truths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Murders went up 40% in the last two years in California,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/crime-trends-in-california/\">Homicides are up in California since 2019\u003c/a>, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe in commonsense criminal justice reform. The reality is, (Dahle) also opposed our crime reduction plan, a $758 million investment,” Newsom said, which included 1,000 new California Highway Patrol officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And eight of the top 10 states with the highest murder rates are Republican-led, Newsom claimed. Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2022/10/19/murder-rates-red-states-myth/\">have pushed back on that frequent Democratic talking point\u003c/a>, saying the crime rate is high in Democratic-led urban areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an issue that has no political jurisdiction,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeking to protect Californians from gun violence, Newsom signed a bevy of bills this legislative session to \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/07/21/governor-newsom-signs-new-measures-to-protect-californians-from-gun-violence/\">toughen gun-safety laws\u003c/a>. Among them are new laws to conduct inspections of gun dealers, reducing the number of guns a person can manufacture, restricting ghost-gun and prohibiting the sale of firearms on state property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle \u003ca href=\"https://justfacts.votesmart.org/candidate/key-votes/82387/brian-dahle/37/guns\">voted against a slew of firearm-related bills\u003c/a> in the state Senate this session, including AB 1594, a controversial proposal by Newsom to allow people harmed by gun violence to file civil lawsuits against gun manufacturers. Still, Dahle did vote in favor of some gun-reform measures, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/local/2022/07/22/bill-law-decade-ban-gun-ownership-child-elder-abuse\">a bill that would ban anyone convicted of child or elder abuse from possessing firearms for a decade\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"common\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cutting remarks, finding common ground\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout the debate, Dahle and Newsom took potshots at the other’s policies, frequently relying on party talking points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re in a constant state of crisis under your leadership. Your leadership has not solved one problem. We have fires that you haven’t solved. We have water storage you haven’t solved. We have electricity you haven’t solved. All those things you talk about, but what are the results? Zero,” Dahle said, of Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">“\u003c/b>With respect, you’re not pro-life. You’re pro-government-mandated birth. If you were pro-life, you would support our efforts to provide support for child care and preschool and prenatal programs. You’ve consistently opposed those programs,” Newsom said, of Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929904\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929904\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"Two men wearing business suits shake hands on stage.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle and Gov. Gavin Newsom shake hands after participating in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But near the end of the debate, Shafer and Lagos asked each candidate to talk about a time in life when they learned they were wrong, and how they remedied that mistake, a question that set them down the road toward common ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom spoke about iterating in his life, and about overcoming a significant learning disability and taking speech therapy as a kid. As a result, he said, “I don’t like bullies, I don’t like cruelty, I don’t like people that humiliate other people.” And as a younger person, he said, he did “not learn quickly enough that all of us are unique.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle said he learned a lot about environmentalism earlier on in his political career in a way that “helped me expand on my ability to be able to be very sensitive to the environment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair even found agreement on one issue: reparations. Dahle supported the study to explore paying back Black Californians for injustices of the past and present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>I think it’s a step in the right [direction] for those people, to those people who were wronged,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lagos voiced her surprise, saying, “We found one thing you two agree on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>The Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Homelessness, soaring gas prices and addressing climate change were among the topics gubernatorial candidates Gov. Gavin Newsom and Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber) sparred over at the debate between the two candidates before this year's gubernatorial election.",
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"title": "Newsom, Dahle Spar Over Abortion, Gas Tax and Crime in California Governor Debate | KQED",
"description": "Homelessness, soaring gas prices and addressing climate change were among the topics gubernatorial candidates Gov. Gavin Newsom and Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber) sparred over at the debate between the two candidates before this year's gubernatorial election.",
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"headline": "Newsom, Dahle Spar Over Abortion, Gas Tax and Crime in California Governor Debate",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mx_n3PPEKcw\">Watch the debate here.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gubernatorial candidates Gov. Gavin Newsom and Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber) sparred over homelessness, abortion access, soaring gas prices and addressing climate change at the first and likely only debate between the two candidates this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage Sunday at KQED headquarters in San Francisco, Newsom and Dahle answered questions from KQED’s Senior Editor for Politics and Government Scott Shafer and Politics Correspondent Marisa Lagos. While Newsom and Dahle at times dug deep into policy disagreements, they also often retreated to more widely held positions by both political parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#prop1\">Jump to: Proposition 1: Reproductive rights\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#gas\">Jump to: Soaring gas prices\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#homeless\">Jump to: Homelessness\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#crime\">Jump to: Crime\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#common\">Jump to: Cutting remarks, finding common ground\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He does not support reproductive freedom, does not support reproductive choice, regardless of rape, regardless of incest,” Newsom said of his opponent, Dahle, taking aim at a topic \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-08-24/abortion-california-voters-2022-california-election-poll\">top of mind for Californians\u003c/a> at the opening of the debate. “I work[ed] with legislative leaders to get Proposition 1 on the ballot. It’s foundational to the core values to the state of California and is something that I enthusiastically support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle retorted with a jab at rumors Newsom is mulling a run for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to start out by thanking the governor for taking time out of his going forward on his dream of being president of the United States and actually coming to California and having a debate,” Dahle said. “I don’t know if he’s been out on the street or if you’ve been on the street talking to people who can’t afford to live in California. People are fleeing California because they can’t afford to live here. He’s driving up the cost of everything in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair traded barbs on California’s cost of living and Newsom’s record in helping Californians conserve water. Dahle also said Newsom could do more to ease high gas prices for people statewide. Newsom attacked Dahle’s opposition to funding to expand preschool and his stance against abortion access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929902\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929902\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Gov. Gavin Newsom and Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle participate in a gubernatorial debate at KQED with Senior Editor for Politics and Government Scott Shafer and Politics Correspondent Marisa Lagos in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(KQED/Beth LaBerge)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Three hundred companies have left California under his watch — in the last three years. These are worldwide companies. Tesla, Oracle, HP, have left California under his watch,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom responded, “Let me unpack, just on the issue of the economy. California has no peers. The state of California grew at 7.8% GDP last year — outperformed the United States, which was at 5.7%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preelection polls — along with voters’ solid rejection of a Newsom recall last year — suggest the outcome is a foregone conclusion. According to \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0456d0gt\">a Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies survey\u003c/a> released earlier this month, 53% of voters support Newsom while 32% support Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle’s biggest problem, however, might be simple name recognition. The same poll showed that about 52% of likely voters were “unfamiliar” with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s huge advantage in polls and fundraising have allowed him to nearly ignore his opponent, using his campaign cash to air commercials on other ballot topics, supporting Proposition 1 on abortion rights and opposing Proposition 30, which would raise taxes on the wealthy to fund climate goals and fight wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also raised eyebrows with strategic ad buys in Texas and Florida — highlighting his political differences with two Republican governors who are thought to be weighing a run for president in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom tried to put that matter to rest on Sunday. On stage, Lagos asked Newsom, “I want to ask very clearly, you’re asking voters for four more years. Do you commit to serving all four?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom answered, “Yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair then moved on to California-specific issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"prop1\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Proposition 1: Reproductive rights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In its June decision on Dobbs v. Jackson, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, letting states decide whether to allow abortions. Following those weakened protections, California lawmakers approved placing Proposition 1 on the ballot, which would amend the state constitution to leave no doubt that abortion is a legal right in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929900\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929900\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a business suit rests his hand on a desk.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom participates in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the debate, Newsom highlighted Dahle’s opposition to the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>We’re not embarrassed and we don’t apologize for having the back of women and girls all across this country that are fleeing persecution. And fleeing the kind of, well, extreme policies you are promoting,” Newsom said, referencing Dahle. “What my opponent believes is some\u003cem> \u003c/em>10-year-old that’s raped by her father should be forced to bear her brother or sister. His position is extreme. And that is something I hope the people of the state of California consider\u003ci>.”\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle shot back that Proposition 1 didn’t allow a statewide debate on how abortion access should be navigated in California, if at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, he talks about extreme. Extreme is not ever having a conversation,” Dahle said. “It’s just all or nothing. That’s what’s going to happen under this Prop. 1.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle calls himself “pro-life” and voted against putting Proposition 1 before voters to make abortion a constitutional right in California, which Newsom has championed. Throughout his campaign, however, Dahle has not exactly been vocal about his position on abortion — perhaps an acknowledgment of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/where-do-californians-stand-on-abortion/\">overwhelming approval of abortion rights\u003c/a>. When asked about \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/california-candidates-opposing-abortion-17263279.php\">his position on abortion rights\u003c/a> by The San Francisco Chronicle earlier this year, Dahle deferred to his voting record instead of answering directly.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Although he opposes abortion rights, Dahle \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-2022-midterm-elections-california-presidential-24979cc4ce5404bcbcb536b13cced595\">voted for a 2021 bill that would have made contraceptives — including the morning-after pill — much cheaper\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"gas\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Soaring gas prices\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gas prices soared across the nation this summer because of high inflation, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and ongoing disruptions in the global supply chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while gas prices have recovered somewhat nationwide, they have continued to spike in California, hitting an average of $6.39 per gallon earlier this month — $2.58 higher than the national average, according to AAA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage at KQED, Shafer asked Dahle, “How do you propose the state bring down the gas price in a meaningful way for consumers?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929901\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a business suit makes a gesture with his hand.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle participates in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dahle said California needs to grant permits to 1,200 oil wells sitting on the desk of the governor right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He prefers not to get those permits out,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle said a gas tax holiday is “the fastest way you can actually help drive down inflation.” His experience with his own trucking business has made the gas pain all too personal, he said, seeing him pay $4,000 monthly for diesel fuel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That drives up the cost of a gallon of milk, a dozen eggs for every hardworking Californian,” Dahle said. “So if you lower that gas tax across the board, it lowers [the cost of] your food, not only the gas you put in your tank.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has the second-highest gas tax in the country and other environmental rules that increase the cost of fuel in the nation’s most populous state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Shafer pressed Dahle, “How do you guarantee that if the tax goes away, that it’s actually going to go to consumers and not just the oil companies?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, we make sure that they do it,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/mx_n3PPEKcw'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/mx_n3PPEKcw'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch the debate in the YouTube video above. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said other states have moved forward with gas tax reductions — some of which include Maryland, New York and Georgia — and “we haven’t seen the commensurate reduction” in gas prices because “there is no guarantee.” He added that leading economists have said it’s “nothing more than a gimmick.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These companies are ripping you off and ripping us off. That’s why I want to move forward with a price-gouging penalty to address this abuse,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"Component-root-0-2-63 p Component-p-0-2-54\">The state Legislature briefly considered a proposal earlier this year that would have imposed a “windfall profits tax” on oil companies’ gross receipts when the price of a gallon of gasoline was “abnormally high compared to the price of a barrel of oil.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"Component-root-0-2-63 p Component-p-0-2-54\">That proposal would have required state regulators to determine the tax rate, making sure it recovered any oil company profit margins that exceeded $0.30 per gallon. The money from the tax would then have been returned to taxpayers via rebates. It’s unclear how closely Newsom’s final proposal will resemble this earlier effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"homeless\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Dahle frequently says California spends too much money on homelessness with little to show for it. He has said that, if elected to office, he would declare homelessness a “public health crisis” and “stop the state’s misguided attempt to throw money” at the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage, Dahle said he would declare a state of emergency over fentanyl in California. Lagos asked what a state of emergency would do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would focus on the fact that fentanyl is an issue in California. People on the streets are addicted, to get them off of drugs. That’s the first thing you do to get them on the projection out is get them off of drugs. You fund the counties with the mental health programs that they need and the clinicians, and then drive down the cost of housing in California are the three things that would need to happen for to take care of homelessness,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, however, said Dahle’s proposal had no meat to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Somehow, a ‘state of emergency’ [will be enacted], and we’re going to magically solve fentanyl. That’s what my opponent just said, somehow, [fentanyl] magically will disappear on the basis of a state of emergency,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has also taken aim at homeless spending in his career. During his time as San Francisco mayor, he said there was nothing “liberal or compassionate” about letting people sleep on the streets, and championed a program called Care Not Cash to end cash subsidies to unhoused people in favor of services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s taking that proposal to a statewide scale, saying California will hold local governments accountable. Lagos asked Newsom to respond to Californians who are concerned about the growing number of people living on the state’s streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re right. This is an outrage,” Newsom said. “We’re not going to hand out money any longer if local governments can’t produce results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed a budget this year that would spend $10 billion on affordable housing and \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/07/19/governor-newsom-signs-historic-housing-and-homelessness-funding-package-as-part-of-100-billion-california-comeback-plan/\">more than $12 billion — over two years — on the homelessness crisis\u003c/a>. That includes funding toward 42,000 housing units under Homekey, a program to convert motels, hotels and other buildings into housing to address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Newsom signed his controversial new program, CARE Court, into law. The Community Assistance, Recovery and Empowerment Act would compel some people with schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders to either accept treatment plans or, if they refuse, be placed under conservatorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, my opponent opposed the funding for CARE Court,” Newsom said. “When I got here, there was no homeless strategy, no plan, no resources of any merit. Today, there’s $15.3 billion and there’s a real strategy, real plan, and there’s accountability for the first time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11927968/california-unhoused-population-grew-by-more-than-22000-since-start-of-pandemic\">Californians without homes grew by at least 22,500 over the last three years\u003c/a>, according to a CalMatters analysis of the federal government’s last point-in-time count. California enacted a number of safeguards against homelessness during the pandemic, from rental assistance to a moratorium on evictions. The rate of homelessness among Californians grew 15% over the last year, on par with steady growth in homelessness from 2015 to today.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"crime\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Crime\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In television interviews and on social media, Dahle has echoed Republican criticism of Democrats for being what they call “soft on crime.” Dahle has advocated increasing\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/04/brian-dahle-california-governor/\"> funding to local law enforcement\u003c/a>, according to CalMatters, and weakening Proposition 47, which reduced punishments for some property and drug crimes. Conservatives have long pointed to Proposition 47 as a turning point that lowered consequences and led to rising crime, though \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/the-impact-of-proposition-47-on-crime-and-recidivism/#:~:text=Did%20Proposition%2047%20increase%20crime,in%20crime%20reporting%20after%202014.\">research has not backed up that claim\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This issue remains a vexing issue, but Proposition 47 is not the culprit. It’s not the reason why we have seen an increase in crime in the state and or in this country,” Newsom said Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/crime-trends-in-california/\">Crime statewide is lower now than it has been since at least 1992\u003c/a>, according to crime data analyzed by the Public Policy Institute of California. Violent crime and property crime rates did marginally increase between 2020 and 2021, but remain historically low, and even somewhat lower than in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The narratives don’t fit the facts,” Newsom said, saying California is “average” for felony rates in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is a uniquely large state, however, and different regions experience crime rates differently: The San Joaquin Valley saw large upticks in violent crime, while the highest rate of property crime in California last year was in the San Francisco Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Viral videos of smash-and-grab-style burglaries and brazen attacks against Asian and Asian American people have led to fear and outrage in some California cities, including San Francisco. Dahle referenced those disparities in the crimes Californians are seeing rise as a way for Newsom to obscure ugly truths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Murders went up 40% in the last two years in California,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/crime-trends-in-california/\">Homicides are up in California since 2019\u003c/a>, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe in commonsense criminal justice reform. The reality is, (Dahle) also opposed our crime reduction plan, a $758 million investment,” Newsom said, which included 1,000 new California Highway Patrol officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And eight of the top 10 states with the highest murder rates are Republican-led, Newsom claimed. Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2022/10/19/murder-rates-red-states-myth/\">have pushed back on that frequent Democratic talking point\u003c/a>, saying the crime rate is high in Democratic-led urban areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an issue that has no political jurisdiction,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeking to protect Californians from gun violence, Newsom signed a bevy of bills this legislative session to \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/07/21/governor-newsom-signs-new-measures-to-protect-californians-from-gun-violence/\">toughen gun-safety laws\u003c/a>. Among them are new laws to conduct inspections of gun dealers, reducing the number of guns a person can manufacture, restricting ghost-gun and prohibiting the sale of firearms on state property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle \u003ca href=\"https://justfacts.votesmart.org/candidate/key-votes/82387/brian-dahle/37/guns\">voted against a slew of firearm-related bills\u003c/a> in the state Senate this session, including AB 1594, a controversial proposal by Newsom to allow people harmed by gun violence to file civil lawsuits against gun manufacturers. Still, Dahle did vote in favor of some gun-reform measures, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/local/2022/07/22/bill-law-decade-ban-gun-ownership-child-elder-abuse\">a bill that would ban anyone convicted of child or elder abuse from possessing firearms for a decade\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"common\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cutting remarks, finding common ground\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout the debate, Dahle and Newsom took potshots at the other’s policies, frequently relying on party talking points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re in a constant state of crisis under your leadership. Your leadership has not solved one problem. We have fires that you haven’t solved. We have water storage you haven’t solved. We have electricity you haven’t solved. All those things you talk about, but what are the results? Zero,” Dahle said, of Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">“\u003c/b>With respect, you’re not pro-life. You’re pro-government-mandated birth. If you were pro-life, you would support our efforts to provide support for child care and preschool and prenatal programs. You’ve consistently opposed those programs,” Newsom said, of Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929904\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929904\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"Two men wearing business suits shake hands on stage.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle and Gov. Gavin Newsom shake hands after participating in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But near the end of the debate, Shafer and Lagos asked each candidate to talk about a time in life when they learned they were wrong, and how they remedied that mistake, a question that set them down the road toward common ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom spoke about iterating in his life, and about overcoming a significant learning disability and taking speech therapy as a kid. As a result, he said, “I don’t like bullies, I don’t like cruelty, I don’t like people that humiliate other people.” And as a younger person, he said, he did “not learn quickly enough that all of us are unique.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle said he learned a lot about environmentalism earlier on in his political career in a way that “helped me expand on my ability to be able to be very sensitive to the environment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair even found agreement on one issue: reparations. Dahle supported the study to explore paying back Black Californians for injustices of the past and present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>I think it’s a step in the right [direction] for those people, to those people who were wronged,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lagos voiced her surprise, saying, “We found one thing you two agree on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>The Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
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"id": "code-switch-life-kit",
"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
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"meta": {
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"source": "WNYC"
},
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
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"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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