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"content": "\u003cp>President Trump’s refusal to concede defeat in last week’s election has cast a harsh spotlight on the law firm Jones Day, which is representing the Pennsylvania GOP in a fight over mail-in ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unwelcome attention has been fueled in large part by the social media-savvy band of ‘never Trump’ Republicans known as the Lincoln Project. The group launched a campaign against Jones Day this week, and also plans to target some of the firm’s clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the nature of these firms’ on behalf of Donald Trump and his allies, specifically that they know these suits to be frivolous and damaging to our democratic system, folks should be made aware of the people they’re in business with,” Lincoln Project co-founder Reed Galen told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But UC Hastings Law Professor David Levine said shaming law firms for the clients they represent can be a slippery slope. Unpopular — even notorious — clients have the right to access the nation’s justice system, he said, citing a concept that’s commonly applied to criminal cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the long run, that’s bad for the legal system. That’s bad for much less powerful lawyers,” Levine said. “It’s much less powerful clients that will be hurt down the line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, critics of PG&E hope the scrutiny will extend to Jones Day’s involvement in the company’s recent bankruptcy case, in which the firm played a quieter but critical role. When PG&E filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/01/29/689591066/california-power-provider-pg-e-files-for-bankruptcy-in-wake-of-fire-lawsuits\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">it cited mounting liabilities\u003c/a> from wildfires caused by its equipment. Jones Day represented Wall Street hedge funds who had amassed significant holdings of PG&E stock in the run-up to the filing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The shareholders, in my view, were instrumental in cheating fire victims,” said Tom Tosdal, who represents more than a thousand PG&E fire survivors, one of whom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11808826/fire-survivor-resigns-in-protest-from-pge-bankruptcy-committee\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">resigned\u003c/a> from a key bankruptcy committee in March so he could speak out against PG&E’s multibillion dollar deal with fire victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones Day’s hedge fund clients used their collective stake \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/three-hedge-funds-win-big-in-pg-es-complex-restructuring-11555438398\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">to influence company leadership and board picks \u003c/a>while in court, Jones Day lawyers also \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/business/article/This-is-not-a-chess-game-Tension-escalates-14464990.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">downplayed wildfire claims\u003c/a> on their behalf. But even while taking PG&E’s side against fire victims, court filings show some of the shareholders were also buying up claims against the company, notably insurance claims. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In theory, those shareholders would have been at the back of the line — behind fire victims — in the bankruptcy pecking order. Instead, critics charge, they ended up shaping the outcome of the case.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say the $11 billion cash settlement between PG&E and insurance claims holders left far less cash in the pot for fire victims. Ultimately, in a deal fire survivors agreed to, PG&E funded a victims trust initially billed as worth $13.5 billion, half in cash and half in PG&E stock. Fluctuations in PG&E stock have left the currently value of the trust at about $2 billion less. [aside label='Related Coverage' tag='pge']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For law firms playing in that world of bankruptcy, that’s how they play: make a deal that pretends that the company will come out healthy. It doesn’t matter who profits, who loses,” Tosdal said. “Fairness to the fire victims and all the human suffering is so secondary, it’s almost irrelevant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones Day had no comment on questions about its role in the bankruptcy, and the outcome for fire survivors. Throughout the case, the firm filed publicly-available reports of its clients’ equity and claims holdings with the bankruptcy court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For its part, PG&E has touted the multibillion dollar settlement with fire victims as fair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, the Lincoln Project’s pressure campaign appears to be working. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, critics of PG&E hope the scrutiny will extend to Jones Day’s involvement in the company’s recent bankruptcy case, in which the firm played a quieter but critical role. When PG&E filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/01/29/689591066/california-power-provider-pg-e-files-for-bankruptcy-in-wake-of-fire-lawsuits\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">it cited mounting liabilities\u003c/a> from wildfires caused by its equipment. Jones Day represented Wall Street hedge funds who had amassed significant holdings of PG&E stock in the run-up to the filing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The shareholders, in my view, were instrumental in cheating fire victims,” said Tom Tosdal, who represents more than a thousand PG&E fire survivors, one of whom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11808826/fire-survivor-resigns-in-protest-from-pge-bankruptcy-committee\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">resigned\u003c/a> from a key bankruptcy committee in March so he could speak out against PG&E’s multibillion dollar deal with fire victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones Day’s hedge fund clients used their collective stake \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/three-hedge-funds-win-big-in-pg-es-complex-restructuring-11555438398\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">to influence company leadership and board picks \u003c/a>while in court, Jones Day lawyers also \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/business/article/This-is-not-a-chess-game-Tension-escalates-14464990.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">downplayed wildfire claims\u003c/a> on their behalf. But even while taking PG&E’s side against fire victims, court filings show some of the shareholders were also buying up claims against the company, notably insurance claims. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In theory, those shareholders would have been at the back of the line — behind fire victims — in the bankruptcy pecking order. Instead, critics charge, they ended up shaping the outcome of the case.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say the $11 billion cash settlement between PG&E and insurance claims holders left far less cash in the pot for fire victims. Ultimately, in a deal fire survivors agreed to, PG&E funded a victims trust initially billed as worth $13.5 billion, half in cash and half in PG&E stock. Fluctuations in PG&E stock have left the currently value of the trust at about $2 billion less. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Golden Gate Bridge, Highway and Transportation District's board voted to \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/fioreggbridgedistrictcrisis\">lay off 88 bus drivers and 21 ferry deckhands\u003c/a> amid a deepening fiscal crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Transit agencies all around the Bay Area have been hit hard by the COVID-19 pandemic, with the agency that runs the Golden Gate Bridge and Golden Gate Transit facing a $48 million deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union representatives point out that the bridge district is sitting on a $220 million capital reserve fund and should use that to avoid layoffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since it doesn't sound like tapping the reserve fund is in the cards, I sure hope some miracle (or federal relief) happens to keep this vital transit link from being decimated by the effects of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 10:35 p.m., Tuesday: \u003c/strong>San Francisco's Board of Supervisors voted unanimously to pass the commercial eviction ordinance. The sponsors of the legislation are: Supervisors Aaron Peskin, Dean Preston, Gordon Mar, Shamann Walton, Ahsha Safaí, Hillary Ronen, Rafael Mandelman, Matt Haney, Sandra Lee Fewer and Norman Yee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post: \u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nOn Tuesday, San Francisco’s Board of Supervisors will vote on an ordinance that would extend the city’s existing commercial eviction moratorium through March 31, 2021, and provide a pathway for rent repayment negotiations between landlords and struggling business owners who continue to face tremendous revenue losses and growing debt during the coronavirus pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed ordinance would be the city’s most robust lifeline yet for small business owners across the city, providing long-term tenant protections for retail businesses, including legacy mom-and-pop shops that community members say are the heartbeat of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11837511/whats-lost-in-bay-area-asian-culture-when-sf-eviction-moratorium-ends\">San Francisco’s beloved Asian cultural districts and neighborhoods\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Supervisor Aaron Peskin\"]'We as lawmakers have an imperative ... to make this a matter of law, to allow these businesses that are the backbone of our economy to make it through the pandemic.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote comes on the heels of high anxieties for some San Francisco communities of color, in particular in Japantown where the fate of dozens of beloved businesses inside the Japan Center mall are in the hands of only two corporate landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11837511/whats-lost-in-bay-area-asian-culture-when-sf-eviction-moratorium-ends\">As KQED reported in September\u003c/a>, attempts by business owners to negotiate a rent repayment structure with the landlords — including for the months when businesses were inoperable during the COVID-19 shutdown — have gone unanswered. Additionally, the landlords have \u003ca href=\"https://sf.eater.com/21524071/japantown-japan-center-restaurants-sf-rent-negotiations-takara-kui-shin-bo\">started to demand full and immediate repayment\u003c/a> from tenants, heightening eviction concerns that have galvanized community members, including generations of Bay Area Japanese Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=8907760&GUID=3F229F31-6F83-4709-85DD-BCCAF6CC3D6E\">ordinance\u003c/a>, sponsored by Supervisors Aaron Peskin, Dean Preston and Ahsha Safaí, would match the timing of the state’s current commercial eviction moratorium. Gov. Gavin Newsom has extended that statewide moratorium, which allows local jurisdictions to continue banning evictions of commercial tenants affected by the pandemic, until March 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11837511 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44728_006_KQED_Chinatown_Businesses_09022020-qut-1020x680.jpg']The city’s \u003ca href=\"https://oewd.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Guidance%20Temporary%20Moratorium%20on%20Commercial%20Evictions_v10.29.2020%20expires%2011.30.20.pdf\">current moratorium\u003c/a>, which has been extended by a series of monthly mayoral executive orders since the start of COVID-19-related shutdowns, is set to expire on Nov. 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Chin, owner of \u003ca href=\"https://www.matchacafe-maiko.com/eng/store/index.html?country=usa®ion=ca&target=ca-sanfran\">Matcha Cafe Maiko\u003c/a>, is hoping the ordinance will pass so that he knows how to chart the territory ahead. He has three store locations in San Francisco, including in Chinatown and Japantown, and has had to lay off about 75% of his full-time employees. The popular cafe, which serves authentic Japanese desserts and treats, has suffered a 70% drop in business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now it's really helped that we haven't paid any rent yet, but I know it's all gonna come down,” Chin said. He says it’s been a slow climb back as the city has gradually progressed in reopening, but the months of unpaid rent loom. “We're going to have to pay it all back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11846799\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11846799\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44780_063_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44780_063_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44780_063_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44780_063_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44780_063_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44780_063_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44780_063_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Japantown Peace Plaza outside of Japan Center mall, which houses specialty Japanese shops, including legacy businesses that have been around for decades. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The new ordinance pays particular attention to the hardships of San Francisco’s most vulnerable small businesses that have annual gross receipts that are equal to or less than $25 million based on 2019 figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation has a tiered repayment approach: of top priority are commercial tenants that employ fewer than 10 full-time employees. If eligible, these \"Tier 1\" tenants would have up to 24 months after the statewide eviction moratorium’s end to pay back any unpaid rent, without facing the threat of eviction. They would also have the opportunity to terminate their leases early without penalty. Businesses that have between 10 and 24 employees would have 18 months to pay back unpaid rent, those that have between 25 and 49 employees would have one year and those that employ 50 or more would have until the moratorium’s expiration date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Peskin, during a Land Use and Transportation Committee meeting on Monday, said that about 80% of businesses in San Francisco employ fewer than 10 people, making this proposed ordinance broadly impactful across the city. He added that an estimated 164,000 people in San Francisco are employed by small businesses, according to his office’s calculations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We as lawmakers have an imperative, actually, to make this a matter of law, to allow these businesses that are the backbone of our economy to make it through the pandemic,” Peskin said during the meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Excluded from the ordinance’s protections are for-profit tenants in office spaces; the legislation is engineered to help retail businesses that don’t have the benefit of being able to operate remotely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Real estate attorney Allan Low of San Francisco-based law firm Perkins Coie is helping to represent the 41 tenants inside Japan Center Mall. He also helped advise the legislation, and said that \u003ca href=\"https://oewd.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Guidance%20Temporary%20Moratorium%20on%20Commercial%20Evictions_v10.29.2020%20expires%2011.30.20.pdf\">the current moratorium\u003c/a> hasn’t addressed the issue of mounting unpaid rent, which is why the new ordinance’s proposed repayment structure is especially significant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The mayor's order really relied on the good faith of the two parties to work out their deals, or to resolve their disputes,” said Low, who emphasized that hasn’t been largely the case. To address this, the ordinance functions “kind of like the guard rails on either side of the road, where hopefully you could meet somewhere in the middle of the road.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low said many commercial landlords across the city are not coming to the negotiating table at all, which has left business owners — like Chin of Matcha Cafe Maiko — riddled with the anxiety of enormous debt, a burden that becomes heavier with each passing month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I'm not asking to not pay at all,” Chin said. “I don't know what's happening. The landlord is not really saying anything to us and we're just kinda hanging in the air right now ... they just send us the bills that say, ‘OK, this is how much you owe now, so make payments.’ OK, but how are we going to work this out?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11846801\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11846801\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44774_057_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Naoya Morishita, the store manager, works at the Kinokuniya Book Store in the Japan Center West Mall on Sep. 2, 2020.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44774_057_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44774_057_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44774_057_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44774_057_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44774_057_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Naoya Morishita, the store manager, works at the Kinokuniya Book Store in the Japan Center West Mall on Sep. 2, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Peskin adds that the ordinance addresses this problem head-on by providing a starting point for negotiations between landlords and tenants, in particular by giving leverage to small businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Community members say leverage is desperately needed in Japantown’s Japan Center mall. Dozens of public comments were submitted in hearings ahead of Tuesday’s vote, as well as many emails, from generations of Bay Area residents who expressed their treasured memories of San Francisco’s Japantown and the cultural significance it plays in their lives. The neighborhood is one of only three remaining Japantowns in the entire country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To date, conversations with Japan Center’s two corporate landlords — Kinokuniya Bookstores of America and 3D Investments — have mostly stalled or been ignored: monthly invoices continue to be delivered to tenants and attempts by legal representation to negotiate rent repayment have gone unanswered. And now, demands for full and immediate repayment of all outstanding rent and charges have started, according to \u003ca href=\"https://sf.eater.com/21524071/japantown-japan-center-restaurants-sf-rent-negotiations-takara-kui-shin-bo\">a recent report from Eater SF\u003c/a>. Requests for comment from both Kinokuniya Bookstores of America and 3D Investments have not yet been returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low said business slowdown has resulted in his clients losing massive amounts of money each month, ranging from $5,000 to $20,000 per month. A particular point of contention are high common area maintenance (CAM) fees that have skyrocketed exponentially for many of the tenants over the years, and are included in the monthly outstanding invoices. According to Low, 3D Investments has already begun efforts to try to evict one Japan Center tenant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low acknowledged that many landlords are hurting during the pandemic as well. He noted that the ordinance also offers protections for some commercial property owners: those who own less than 25,000 square feet in San Francisco, for example, can apply for a waiver demonstrating significant financial hardship and move forward with eviction for non-payment by tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He hopes, though, that the ordinance will highlight the necessity of keeping tenants in place, especially for larger landlords like Kinokuniya and 3D Investments. The survival of San Francisco’s Japantown, which was established centuries ago, depends on it: “It should incentivize landlords to realize that there’s not a line of tenants that are lined up to take the space,” he said, noting the deep uncertainty of economic recovery ahead without additional federal aid yet in sight. “Let’s try to work with the people that are already there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 10:35 p.m., Tuesday: \u003c/strong>San Francisco's Board of Supervisors voted unanimously to pass the commercial eviction ordinance. The sponsors of the legislation are: Supervisors Aaron Peskin, Dean Preston, Gordon Mar, Shamann Walton, Ahsha Safaí, Hillary Ronen, Rafael Mandelman, Matt Haney, Sandra Lee Fewer and Norman Yee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post: \u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nOn Tuesday, San Francisco’s Board of Supervisors will vote on an ordinance that would extend the city’s existing commercial eviction moratorium through March 31, 2021, and provide a pathway for rent repayment negotiations between landlords and struggling business owners who continue to face tremendous revenue losses and growing debt during the coronavirus pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed ordinance would be the city’s most robust lifeline yet for small business owners across the city, providing long-term tenant protections for retail businesses, including legacy mom-and-pop shops that community members say are the heartbeat of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11837511/whats-lost-in-bay-area-asian-culture-when-sf-eviction-moratorium-ends\">San Francisco’s beloved Asian cultural districts and neighborhoods\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'We as lawmakers have an imperative ... to make this a matter of law, to allow these businesses that are the backbone of our economy to make it through the pandemic.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote comes on the heels of high anxieties for some San Francisco communities of color, in particular in Japantown where the fate of dozens of beloved businesses inside the Japan Center mall are in the hands of only two corporate landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11837511/whats-lost-in-bay-area-asian-culture-when-sf-eviction-moratorium-ends\">As KQED reported in September\u003c/a>, attempts by business owners to negotiate a rent repayment structure with the landlords — including for the months when businesses were inoperable during the COVID-19 shutdown — have gone unanswered. Additionally, the landlords have \u003ca href=\"https://sf.eater.com/21524071/japantown-japan-center-restaurants-sf-rent-negotiations-takara-kui-shin-bo\">started to demand full and immediate repayment\u003c/a> from tenants, heightening eviction concerns that have galvanized community members, including generations of Bay Area Japanese Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=8907760&GUID=3F229F31-6F83-4709-85DD-BCCAF6CC3D6E\">ordinance\u003c/a>, sponsored by Supervisors Aaron Peskin, Dean Preston and Ahsha Safaí, would match the timing of the state’s current commercial eviction moratorium. Gov. Gavin Newsom has extended that statewide moratorium, which allows local jurisdictions to continue banning evictions of commercial tenants affected by the pandemic, until March 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The city’s \u003ca href=\"https://oewd.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Guidance%20Temporary%20Moratorium%20on%20Commercial%20Evictions_v10.29.2020%20expires%2011.30.20.pdf\">current moratorium\u003c/a>, which has been extended by a series of monthly mayoral executive orders since the start of COVID-19-related shutdowns, is set to expire on Nov. 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Chin, owner of \u003ca href=\"https://www.matchacafe-maiko.com/eng/store/index.html?country=usa®ion=ca&target=ca-sanfran\">Matcha Cafe Maiko\u003c/a>, is hoping the ordinance will pass so that he knows how to chart the territory ahead. He has three store locations in San Francisco, including in Chinatown and Japantown, and has had to lay off about 75% of his full-time employees. The popular cafe, which serves authentic Japanese desserts and treats, has suffered a 70% drop in business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now it's really helped that we haven't paid any rent yet, but I know it's all gonna come down,” Chin said. He says it’s been a slow climb back as the city has gradually progressed in reopening, but the months of unpaid rent loom. “We're going to have to pay it all back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11846799\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11846799\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44780_063_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44780_063_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44780_063_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44780_063_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44780_063_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44780_063_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44780_063_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Japantown Peace Plaza outside of Japan Center mall, which houses specialty Japanese shops, including legacy businesses that have been around for decades. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The new ordinance pays particular attention to the hardships of San Francisco’s most vulnerable small businesses that have annual gross receipts that are equal to or less than $25 million based on 2019 figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation has a tiered repayment approach: of top priority are commercial tenants that employ fewer than 10 full-time employees. If eligible, these \"Tier 1\" tenants would have up to 24 months after the statewide eviction moratorium’s end to pay back any unpaid rent, without facing the threat of eviction. They would also have the opportunity to terminate their leases early without penalty. Businesses that have between 10 and 24 employees would have 18 months to pay back unpaid rent, those that have between 25 and 49 employees would have one year and those that employ 50 or more would have until the moratorium’s expiration date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Peskin, during a Land Use and Transportation Committee meeting on Monday, said that about 80% of businesses in San Francisco employ fewer than 10 people, making this proposed ordinance broadly impactful across the city. He added that an estimated 164,000 people in San Francisco are employed by small businesses, according to his office’s calculations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We as lawmakers have an imperative, actually, to make this a matter of law, to allow these businesses that are the backbone of our economy to make it through the pandemic,” Peskin said during the meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Excluded from the ordinance’s protections are for-profit tenants in office spaces; the legislation is engineered to help retail businesses that don’t have the benefit of being able to operate remotely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Real estate attorney Allan Low of San Francisco-based law firm Perkins Coie is helping to represent the 41 tenants inside Japan Center Mall. He also helped advise the legislation, and said that \u003ca href=\"https://oewd.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Guidance%20Temporary%20Moratorium%20on%20Commercial%20Evictions_v10.29.2020%20expires%2011.30.20.pdf\">the current moratorium\u003c/a> hasn’t addressed the issue of mounting unpaid rent, which is why the new ordinance’s proposed repayment structure is especially significant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The mayor's order really relied on the good faith of the two parties to work out their deals, or to resolve their disputes,” said Low, who emphasized that hasn’t been largely the case. To address this, the ordinance functions “kind of like the guard rails on either side of the road, where hopefully you could meet somewhere in the middle of the road.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low said many commercial landlords across the city are not coming to the negotiating table at all, which has left business owners — like Chin of Matcha Cafe Maiko — riddled with the anxiety of enormous debt, a burden that becomes heavier with each passing month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I'm not asking to not pay at all,” Chin said. “I don't know what's happening. The landlord is not really saying anything to us and we're just kinda hanging in the air right now ... they just send us the bills that say, ‘OK, this is how much you owe now, so make payments.’ OK, but how are we going to work this out?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11846801\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11846801\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44774_057_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Naoya Morishita, the store manager, works at the Kinokuniya Book Store in the Japan Center West Mall on Sep. 2, 2020.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44774_057_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44774_057_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44774_057_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44774_057_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS44774_057_KQED_Japantown_Businesses_09022020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Naoya Morishita, the store manager, works at the Kinokuniya Book Store in the Japan Center West Mall on Sep. 2, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Peskin adds that the ordinance addresses this problem head-on by providing a starting point for negotiations between landlords and tenants, in particular by giving leverage to small businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Community members say leverage is desperately needed in Japantown’s Japan Center mall. Dozens of public comments were submitted in hearings ahead of Tuesday’s vote, as well as many emails, from generations of Bay Area residents who expressed their treasured memories of San Francisco’s Japantown and the cultural significance it plays in their lives. The neighborhood is one of only three remaining Japantowns in the entire country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To date, conversations with Japan Center’s two corporate landlords — Kinokuniya Bookstores of America and 3D Investments — have mostly stalled or been ignored: monthly invoices continue to be delivered to tenants and attempts by legal representation to negotiate rent repayment have gone unanswered. And now, demands for full and immediate repayment of all outstanding rent and charges have started, according to \u003ca href=\"https://sf.eater.com/21524071/japantown-japan-center-restaurants-sf-rent-negotiations-takara-kui-shin-bo\">a recent report from Eater SF\u003c/a>. Requests for comment from both Kinokuniya Bookstores of America and 3D Investments have not yet been returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low said business slowdown has resulted in his clients losing massive amounts of money each month, ranging from $5,000 to $20,000 per month. A particular point of contention are high common area maintenance (CAM) fees that have skyrocketed exponentially for many of the tenants over the years, and are included in the monthly outstanding invoices. According to Low, 3D Investments has already begun efforts to try to evict one Japan Center tenant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low acknowledged that many landlords are hurting during the pandemic as well. He noted that the ordinance also offers protections for some commercial property owners: those who own less than 25,000 square feet in San Francisco, for example, can apply for a waiver demonstrating significant financial hardship and move forward with eviction for non-payment by tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He hopes, though, that the ordinance will highlight the necessity of keeping tenants in place, especially for larger landlords like Kinokuniya and 3D Investments. The survival of San Francisco’s Japantown, which was established centuries ago, depends on it: “It should incentivize landlords to realize that there’s not a line of tenants that are lined up to take the space,” he said, noting the deep uncertainty of economic recovery ahead without additional federal aid yet in sight. “Let’s try to work with the people that are already there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Tourism Trickles Back as SF Recommends (But Doesn't Require) a Quarantine for Holiday Season Travelers",
"title": "Tourism Trickles Back as SF Recommends (But Doesn't Require) a Quarantine for Holiday Season Travelers",
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"content": "\u003cp>One of the most obvious signs of tourism’s potential comeback to San Francisco ought to be the sight of the massive \u003ca href=\"https://www.skystarwheel.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">SkyStar Observation Wheel\u003c/a>, creating countless Instagram moments as it gently rotates above the tree tops of Golden Gate Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Or so you’d think.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a sunny weekday afternoon, dozens of people wait in line to take the 10-minute to 12-minute ride on the Ferris wheel-style attraction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those riders generally aren't visitors to the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're mainly seeing San Francisco locals and people from surrounding counties,\" said SkyStar greeter David Saffold as he checked people's temperatures at the ride's entrance and directed them to the line. Saffold said he’s yet to meet a single real tourist since the wheel finally opened for business on Oct. 21 — an opening that had been delayed for many months because of COVID-19 shelter-in-place orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845985\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11845985 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45677_david-safford-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"SkyStar Observation Wheel greeter David Saffold says most of the people riding the new Ferris wheel-style attraction in Golden Gate Park are Bay Area locals.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45677_david-safford-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45677_david-safford-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45677_david-safford-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45677_david-safford-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45677_david-safford-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45677_david-safford-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45677_david-safford-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45677_david-safford-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45677_david-safford-qut-536x402.jpg 536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45677_david-safford-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">SkyStar Observation Wheel greeter David Saffold says most of the people riding the new Ferris wheel-style attraction in Golden Gate Park are Bay Area locals. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But he said people from San Francisco and surrounding counties have been showing up in droves, despite the $18-per-adult ticket price. (Kids and seniors pay $12 to ride.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is great for the locals,\" said Saffold. \"It gives people something to do, something to enjoy during these mad times.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tourism is San Francisco’s largest industry. It supports more than 80,000 jobs and contributed nearly $800 million in tax revenue to the city last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of those jobs and dollars disappeared during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sftravel.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco Travel Association\u003c/a> (SF Travel), which promotes the city by the bay as a destination for business and leisure travel around the country and the world, \u003ca href=\"https://sftravel.ent.box.com/s/88i61maeqrxlqa1l93mhtx8rpsidimn0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">visitor numbers are down more than 53% compared to last year and tourist spending has plunged by 67%\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845988\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11845988 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45675_the-wheel-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45675_the-wheel-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45675_the-wheel-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45675_the-wheel-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45675_the-wheel-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45675_the-wheel-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45675_the-wheel-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45675_the-wheel-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45675_the-wheel-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45675_the-wheel-qut-536x402.jpg 536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45675_the-wheel-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco's newest attraction, the SkyStar Observation Wheel. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>So while Bay Area residents have been making the most of touristy attractions they might normally avoid, SF Travel has started vigorously marketing the city to \u003cem>actual\u003c/em> tourists once again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since San Francisco officials softened restrictions on hotels, restaurants and attractions in line with health guidelines in mid-September, SF Travel has launched campaigns in collaboration with \u003ca href=\"https://news.airbnb.com/airbnb-and-sftravel/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Airbnb\u003c/a> and the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://www.visitcalifornia.com/places-to-visit/san-francisco/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Visit California.\u003c/a> There's also a series of YouTube videos promoting San Francisco featuring local celebrities like filmmaker Francis Ford Coppola, Mayor London Breed and former San Francisco Giants’ player Hunter Pence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RhUw6H0dFwg&t=2s\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SF Travel has also instituted the \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.sftravel.com/article/take-san-francisco-safe-travel-pledge\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco Safe Travel Pledge\u003c/a>\", asking potential visitors to fill out an online form agreeing to adhere to 10 health and safety requirements, such as wearing a face covering when in public spaces and maintaining physical distance from others while exploring the city. At the time of writing, 869 people had taken the pledge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Josephine Santos, tourist\"]'There's less people around, so you can kind of enjoy San Francisco almost like a local. It's a little bit refreshing, actually.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Howard Pickett, SF Travel’s executive vice president and chief marketing officer, said he’s cautiously optimistic about tourism’s return to San Francisco, though it could be a long time before the most lucrative segment, international travelers, sees an upswing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's coming back very, very slowly,\" Pickett said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The numbers are nowhere near what they were last year, of course. Yet SF Travel data shows hotel occupancy has risen from just over 15% to around 35% since April. And the number of passengers flying into San Francisco International Airport has almost doubled over the past four months, according to SFO's \u003ca href=\"https://www.flysfo.com/media/facts-statistics/air-traffic-statistics/2020\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">monthly traffic statistics\u003c/a>. Steep hotel and flight price reductions in recent months may have something to do with the recent growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845966\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 691px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11845966\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/monthly-occupancy.png\" alt=\"Hotel monthly occupancy data from SF Travel.\" width=\"691\" height=\"335\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/monthly-occupancy.png 691w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/monthly-occupancy-160x78.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 691px) 100vw, 691px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hotel monthly occupancy data from SF Travel. \u003ccite>(Courtesy SF Travel)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"covid-19\" label=\"related coverage\"]But because the \u003ca href=\"https://www.iatatravelcentre.com/world.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">U.S. currently restricts many international travelers from entering the country\u003c/a>, and lots of people are \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/travel/tips/drive-fly-safe-covid/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">still feeling jittery\u003c/a> about boarding even domestic flights, Pickett said his target audience for now is mostly Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"While the recovery is starting now, it's really focused on domestic visitors, and frankly, even just in-state and regional visitors,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent visit to San Francisco’s main tourist hot spot, \u003ca href=\"https://www.visitfishermanswharf.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Fisherman’s Wharf\u003c/a>, bears this out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I do see some tourists,\" said Mia Harriman, general manager of \u003ca href=\"http://cioppinos.letseat.at/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Cioppino’s,\u003c/a> a longtime seafood restaurant with a big, umbrella’d outdoor patio right there on the main drag. \"We had people from Texas the other day. They said that they flew out and that was fine, except for the fact there was no bar on the plane. That was their biggest complaint.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845989\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11845989 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45676_mia-harriman-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45676_mia-harriman-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45676_mia-harriman-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45676_mia-harriman-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45676_mia-harriman-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45676_mia-harriman-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45676_mia-harriman-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45676_mia-harriman-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45676_mia-harriman-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45676_mia-harriman-qut-536x402.jpg 536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45676_mia-harriman-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mia Harriman, general manager of Cioppino’s, a longtime seafood restaurant on Fisherman's Wharf. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Harriman said the overwhelming majority of customers she's met haven’t traveled nearly as far to sample Cioppino’s signature seafood stew and cocktails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've seen quite a few from San Diego and Los Angeles,\" Harriman said. \"So it seems like a lot of people are coming from Southern California. And they are driving up.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same thing goes for \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/alca/index.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alcatraz Island\u003c/a>, another of the city's major tourist destinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Recent visitors to Alcatraz are mostly from Northern and Southern California,\" wrote a spokesman for ferry operator \u003ca href=\"https://www.alcatrazcruises.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alcatraz Cruises\u003c/a>, in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But an intrepid few are flying in from out of state, like Josephine Santos and Tito Arcos of Jersey City, New Jersey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845991\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11845991 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45679_josephine-and-tito-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45679_josephine-and-tito-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45679_josephine-and-tito-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45679_josephine-and-tito-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45679_josephine-and-tito-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45679_josephine-and-tito-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45679_josephine-and-tito-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45679_josephine-and-tito-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45679_josephine-and-tito-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45679_josephine-and-tito-qut-536x402.jpg 536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45679_josephine-and-tito-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Josephine Santos and Tito Arcos are on vacation in San Francisco from New Jersey. It's the couple's third visit to the city. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"There's less people around, so you can kind of enjoy San Francisco almost like a local,\" said Santos, standing in line for the Alcatraz ferry on her third visit to the city. \"It's a little bit refreshing, actually.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The couple is slightly disappointed that some of the infamous prison's inside spaces, including the cell block, are off-limits right now for COVID-19 distancing safety reasons and a long-awaited seismic retrofit construction project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Arcos and Santos are relieved San Francisco is taking visitors’ well-being so seriously. Boats to Alcatraz are operating at reduced capacity, only a maximum of 750 people are allowed on the island per day (down from roughly 5,000 before the pandemic), and there are multiple hand sanitizing stations on the dock, on the ferry and on the island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845993\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11845993 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45680_alcatraz-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45680_alcatraz-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45680_alcatraz-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45680_alcatraz-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45680_alcatraz-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45680_alcatraz-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45680_alcatraz-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45680_alcatraz-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45680_alcatraz-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45680_alcatraz-qut-536x402.jpg 536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45680_alcatraz-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of Alcatraz Island. The famous tourist destination reopened to visitors in August. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"It's good to see how many people are wearing masks, socially distancing and following all the rules,\" said Santos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm glad that San Francisco is taking the proper precautions, because this is a really big city,\" Arcos added. \"They're handling it well.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Current city guidelines recommend that people quarantine themselves for two weeks after arriving (or returning) to San Francisco. While self-quarantining isn't required, city officials are considering emphasizing its role in preventing a possible travel-related spike in COVID-19 cases during the holiday season.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Some data show that hotel occupancy has risen from about 15% to around 35% since April, while the number of people flying into San Francisco International Airport has almost doubled over the past four months. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>One of the most obvious signs of tourism’s potential comeback to San Francisco ought to be the sight of the massive \u003ca href=\"https://www.skystarwheel.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">SkyStar Observation Wheel\u003c/a>, creating countless Instagram moments as it gently rotates above the tree tops of Golden Gate Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Or so you’d think.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a sunny weekday afternoon, dozens of people wait in line to take the 10-minute to 12-minute ride on the Ferris wheel-style attraction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those riders generally aren't visitors to the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're mainly seeing San Francisco locals and people from surrounding counties,\" said SkyStar greeter David Saffold as he checked people's temperatures at the ride's entrance and directed them to the line. Saffold said he’s yet to meet a single real tourist since the wheel finally opened for business on Oct. 21 — an opening that had been delayed for many months because of COVID-19 shelter-in-place orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845985\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11845985 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45677_david-safford-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"SkyStar Observation Wheel greeter David Saffold says most of the people riding the new Ferris wheel-style attraction in Golden Gate Park are Bay Area locals.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45677_david-safford-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45677_david-safford-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45677_david-safford-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45677_david-safford-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45677_david-safford-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45677_david-safford-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45677_david-safford-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45677_david-safford-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45677_david-safford-qut-536x402.jpg 536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45677_david-safford-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">SkyStar Observation Wheel greeter David Saffold says most of the people riding the new Ferris wheel-style attraction in Golden Gate Park are Bay Area locals. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But he said people from San Francisco and surrounding counties have been showing up in droves, despite the $18-per-adult ticket price. (Kids and seniors pay $12 to ride.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is great for the locals,\" said Saffold. \"It gives people something to do, something to enjoy during these mad times.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tourism is San Francisco’s largest industry. It supports more than 80,000 jobs and contributed nearly $800 million in tax revenue to the city last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of those jobs and dollars disappeared during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sftravel.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco Travel Association\u003c/a> (SF Travel), which promotes the city by the bay as a destination for business and leisure travel around the country and the world, \u003ca href=\"https://sftravel.ent.box.com/s/88i61maeqrxlqa1l93mhtx8rpsidimn0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">visitor numbers are down more than 53% compared to last year and tourist spending has plunged by 67%\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845988\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11845988 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45675_the-wheel-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45675_the-wheel-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45675_the-wheel-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45675_the-wheel-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45675_the-wheel-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45675_the-wheel-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45675_the-wheel-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45675_the-wheel-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45675_the-wheel-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45675_the-wheel-qut-536x402.jpg 536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45675_the-wheel-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco's newest attraction, the SkyStar Observation Wheel. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>So while Bay Area residents have been making the most of touristy attractions they might normally avoid, SF Travel has started vigorously marketing the city to \u003cem>actual\u003c/em> tourists once again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since San Francisco officials softened restrictions on hotels, restaurants and attractions in line with health guidelines in mid-September, SF Travel has launched campaigns in collaboration with \u003ca href=\"https://news.airbnb.com/airbnb-and-sftravel/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Airbnb\u003c/a> and the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://www.visitcalifornia.com/places-to-visit/san-francisco/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Visit California.\u003c/a> There's also a series of YouTube videos promoting San Francisco featuring local celebrities like filmmaker Francis Ford Coppola, Mayor London Breed and former San Francisco Giants’ player Hunter Pence.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/RhUw6H0dFwg'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/RhUw6H0dFwg'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>SF Travel has also instituted the \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.sftravel.com/article/take-san-francisco-safe-travel-pledge\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco Safe Travel Pledge\u003c/a>\", asking potential visitors to fill out an online form agreeing to adhere to 10 health and safety requirements, such as wearing a face covering when in public spaces and maintaining physical distance from others while exploring the city. At the time of writing, 869 people had taken the pledge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'There's less people around, so you can kind of enjoy San Francisco almost like a local. It's a little bit refreshing, actually.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Howard Pickett, SF Travel’s executive vice president and chief marketing officer, said he’s cautiously optimistic about tourism’s return to San Francisco, though it could be a long time before the most lucrative segment, international travelers, sees an upswing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's coming back very, very slowly,\" Pickett said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The numbers are nowhere near what they were last year, of course. Yet SF Travel data shows hotel occupancy has risen from just over 15% to around 35% since April. And the number of passengers flying into San Francisco International Airport has almost doubled over the past four months, according to SFO's \u003ca href=\"https://www.flysfo.com/media/facts-statistics/air-traffic-statistics/2020\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">monthly traffic statistics\u003c/a>. Steep hotel and flight price reductions in recent months may have something to do with the recent growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845966\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 691px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11845966\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/monthly-occupancy.png\" alt=\"Hotel monthly occupancy data from SF Travel.\" width=\"691\" height=\"335\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/monthly-occupancy.png 691w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/monthly-occupancy-160x78.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 691px) 100vw, 691px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hotel monthly occupancy data from SF Travel. \u003ccite>(Courtesy SF Travel)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But because the \u003ca href=\"https://www.iatatravelcentre.com/world.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">U.S. currently restricts many international travelers from entering the country\u003c/a>, and lots of people are \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/travel/tips/drive-fly-safe-covid/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">still feeling jittery\u003c/a> about boarding even domestic flights, Pickett said his target audience for now is mostly Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"While the recovery is starting now, it's really focused on domestic visitors, and frankly, even just in-state and regional visitors,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent visit to San Francisco’s main tourist hot spot, \u003ca href=\"https://www.visitfishermanswharf.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Fisherman’s Wharf\u003c/a>, bears this out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I do see some tourists,\" said Mia Harriman, general manager of \u003ca href=\"http://cioppinos.letseat.at/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Cioppino’s,\u003c/a> a longtime seafood restaurant with a big, umbrella’d outdoor patio right there on the main drag. \"We had people from Texas the other day. They said that they flew out and that was fine, except for the fact there was no bar on the plane. That was their biggest complaint.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845989\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11845989 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45676_mia-harriman-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45676_mia-harriman-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45676_mia-harriman-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45676_mia-harriman-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45676_mia-harriman-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45676_mia-harriman-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45676_mia-harriman-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45676_mia-harriman-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45676_mia-harriman-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45676_mia-harriman-qut-536x402.jpg 536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45676_mia-harriman-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mia Harriman, general manager of Cioppino’s, a longtime seafood restaurant on Fisherman's Wharf. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Harriman said the overwhelming majority of customers she's met haven’t traveled nearly as far to sample Cioppino’s signature seafood stew and cocktails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've seen quite a few from San Diego and Los Angeles,\" Harriman said. \"So it seems like a lot of people are coming from Southern California. And they are driving up.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same thing goes for \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/alca/index.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alcatraz Island\u003c/a>, another of the city's major tourist destinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Recent visitors to Alcatraz are mostly from Northern and Southern California,\" wrote a spokesman for ferry operator \u003ca href=\"https://www.alcatrazcruises.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alcatraz Cruises\u003c/a>, in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But an intrepid few are flying in from out of state, like Josephine Santos and Tito Arcos of Jersey City, New Jersey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845991\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11845991 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45679_josephine-and-tito-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45679_josephine-and-tito-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45679_josephine-and-tito-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45679_josephine-and-tito-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45679_josephine-and-tito-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45679_josephine-and-tito-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45679_josephine-and-tito-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45679_josephine-and-tito-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45679_josephine-and-tito-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45679_josephine-and-tito-qut-536x402.jpg 536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45679_josephine-and-tito-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Josephine Santos and Tito Arcos are on vacation in San Francisco from New Jersey. It's the couple's third visit to the city. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"There's less people around, so you can kind of enjoy San Francisco almost like a local,\" said Santos, standing in line for the Alcatraz ferry on her third visit to the city. \"It's a little bit refreshing, actually.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The couple is slightly disappointed that some of the infamous prison's inside spaces, including the cell block, are off-limits right now for COVID-19 distancing safety reasons and a long-awaited seismic retrofit construction project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Arcos and Santos are relieved San Francisco is taking visitors’ well-being so seriously. Boats to Alcatraz are operating at reduced capacity, only a maximum of 750 people are allowed on the island per day (down from roughly 5,000 before the pandemic), and there are multiple hand sanitizing stations on the dock, on the ferry and on the island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845993\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11845993 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45680_alcatraz-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45680_alcatraz-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45680_alcatraz-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45680_alcatraz-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45680_alcatraz-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45680_alcatraz-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45680_alcatraz-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45680_alcatraz-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45680_alcatraz-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45680_alcatraz-qut-536x402.jpg 536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45680_alcatraz-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of Alcatraz Island. The famous tourist destination reopened to visitors in August. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"It's good to see how many people are wearing masks, socially distancing and following all the rules,\" said Santos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm glad that San Francisco is taking the proper precautions, because this is a really big city,\" Arcos added. \"They're handling it well.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Current city guidelines recommend that people quarantine themselves for two weeks after arriving (or returning) to San Francisco. While self-quarantining isn't required, city officials are considering emphasizing its role in preventing a possible travel-related spike in COVID-19 cases during the holiday season.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Californians Say Yes to Expanding Nation's Toughest Data Privacy Law",
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"content": "\u003cp>Californians approved a ballot measure to expand the state’s landmark Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA) of 2018. The measure was passing with 56% of the vote on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 24 – also known as the California Privacy Rights and Enforcement Act of 2020 – will create a new state agency to enforce the CCPA. It will also create different tiers of data, levying stiffer fines on the misuse of “sensitive” data, like location or race. However, only companies that buy and sell the data from at least 100,000 customers a year would have to comply.\u003cbr>\n[aside label=\"More on Proposition 24\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/proposition-24-data-privacy,Proposition 24: Should California change its data privacy law?' link2='https://www.kqed.org/elections/results#californiapropositions,Proposition 24: Live Election Results' hero=https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2020/10/KQED-Election-2020-Aside-Prop-24.png]\u003cbr>\n“We are at the beginning of a journey that will profoundly shape the fabric of our society by redefining who is in control of our most personal information and putting consumers back in charge of their own data,” said Alastair Mactaggart, chair of Californians for Consumer Privacy and Proposition 24’s sponsor. “I’m looking forward to the work ahead and the next steps in implementing this law, including setting up a commission that is dedicated to protecting consumers online.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CCPA, which took effect in January of this year, requires companies to disclose what data they are collecting while allowing consumers to limit or stop collection. Under the legislation, however, consumers can sue companies only if negligence led to the exposure of their data. Otherwise, the option to litigate remains with the state attorney general’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The general outlines of the CCPA owe much to what was originally a ballot proposition also backed Mactaggart, a Bay Area real estate developer, in 2018. He agreed to drop the ballot measure in exchange for more easily amendable legislation – but unhappy with the amendments that followed, he decided to finance another ballot measure, Proposition 24, framing it as his preferred set of “fixes” to the CCPA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mactaggart spent more than $6.5 million on Proposition 24, dwarfing the amount donated by any other supporter, and the $52,000 raised by the campaign against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unexpectedly close, which affirms that Californians’ privacy rights are not for sale. Thankfully, groups like ACLU and EFF will fight for truly strong privacy legislation to give all Americans control over their personal information,” said Mary Ross, erstwhile ally of Mactaggart who led the No on 24 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Data privacy advocates split on Proposition 24\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Its complexity – the ballot measure ran over 50 pages – was also an impediment to widespread enthusiasm and debate. Many privacy watchers say California voters like data privacy as a general concept and were willing to presume the best about Proposition 24.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Only about \u003ca href=\"https://www.mediapro.com/blog/2019-eye-on-privacy-report-mediapro/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">half\u003c/a> of U.S.-based workers are aware of the CCPA, though those numbers are likely higher in California,” wrote Maureen Mahoney, a policy analyst with Consumer Reports. “However, many companies haven’t made a good-faith effort to comply with the CCPA — companies including Google, Facebook, Amazon and Spotify claim that the opt-out doesn’t apply to their data practices, and consumers who tried to stop this data sharing were likely frustrated. Prop. 24 will help close up loopholes that companies have exploited to avoid complying with the CCPA, which will help ensure that consumers will be able to effectively exercise the privacy rights that they value.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters “have no idea that the CCPA already gives them most of the rights in [Proposition 24],” said Santa Clara University law professor Eric Goldman, who co-directs the school’s High Tech Law Institute. “Thus, many voters voted yes … because they mistakenly think it’s necessary to get any privacy rights at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://consumerreports.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Consumer Reports\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.commonsensemedia.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Common Sense\u003c/a> were in the “yes” camp, along with \u003ca href=\"https://www.yang2020.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Andrew Yang\u003c/a>, a former presidential candidate who was one of the foremost techies on the early campaign trail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the “no” side were the \u003ca href=\"https://consumercal.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Consumer Federation of California\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://media-alliance.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Media Alliance\u003c/a> and a couple chapters of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">American Civil Liberties Union\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before Proposition 24’s big win, California was leading the nation on consumer data privacy, given the absence of comprehensive federal legislation. Does that mean California’s new law will serve as a model for future federal legislation? That remains an open question, but Proposition 24’s backers have high hopes. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will sweep the country and I’m grateful to Californians for setting a new higher standard for how our data is treated,” Yang wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Californians approved a ballot measure to expand the state’s landmark Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA) of 2018. The measure was passing with 56% of the vote on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 24 – also known as the California Privacy Rights and Enforcement Act of 2020 – will create a new state agency to enforce the CCPA. It will also create different tiers of data, levying stiffer fines on the misuse of “sensitive” data, like location or race. However, only companies that buy and sell the data from at least 100,000 customers a year would have to comply.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n“We are at the beginning of a journey that will profoundly shape the fabric of our society by redefining who is in control of our most personal information and putting consumers back in charge of their own data,” said Alastair Mactaggart, chair of Californians for Consumer Privacy and Proposition 24’s sponsor. “I’m looking forward to the work ahead and the next steps in implementing this law, including setting up a commission that is dedicated to protecting consumers online.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CCPA, which took effect in January of this year, requires companies to disclose what data they are collecting while allowing consumers to limit or stop collection. Under the legislation, however, consumers can sue companies only if negligence led to the exposure of their data. Otherwise, the option to litigate remains with the state attorney general’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The general outlines of the CCPA owe much to what was originally a ballot proposition also backed Mactaggart, a Bay Area real estate developer, in 2018. He agreed to drop the ballot measure in exchange for more easily amendable legislation – but unhappy with the amendments that followed, he decided to finance another ballot measure, Proposition 24, framing it as his preferred set of “fixes” to the CCPA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mactaggart spent more than $6.5 million on Proposition 24, dwarfing the amount donated by any other supporter, and the $52,000 raised by the campaign against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unexpectedly close, which affirms that Californians’ privacy rights are not for sale. Thankfully, groups like ACLU and EFF will fight for truly strong privacy legislation to give all Americans control over their personal information,” said Mary Ross, erstwhile ally of Mactaggart who led the No on 24 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Data privacy advocates split on Proposition 24\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Its complexity – the ballot measure ran over 50 pages – was also an impediment to widespread enthusiasm and debate. Many privacy watchers say California voters like data privacy as a general concept and were willing to presume the best about Proposition 24.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Only about \u003ca href=\"https://www.mediapro.com/blog/2019-eye-on-privacy-report-mediapro/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">half\u003c/a> of U.S.-based workers are aware of the CCPA, though those numbers are likely higher in California,” wrote Maureen Mahoney, a policy analyst with Consumer Reports. “However, many companies haven’t made a good-faith effort to comply with the CCPA — companies including Google, Facebook, Amazon and Spotify claim that the opt-out doesn’t apply to their data practices, and consumers who tried to stop this data sharing were likely frustrated. Prop. 24 will help close up loopholes that companies have exploited to avoid complying with the CCPA, which will help ensure that consumers will be able to effectively exercise the privacy rights that they value.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters “have no idea that the CCPA already gives them most of the rights in [Proposition 24],” said Santa Clara University law professor Eric Goldman, who co-directs the school’s High Tech Law Institute. “Thus, many voters voted yes … because they mistakenly think it’s necessary to get any privacy rights at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://consumerreports.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Consumer Reports\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.commonsensemedia.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Common Sense\u003c/a> were in the “yes” camp, along with \u003ca href=\"https://www.yang2020.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Andrew Yang\u003c/a>, a former presidential candidate who was one of the foremost techies on the early campaign trail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the “no” side were the \u003ca href=\"https://consumercal.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Consumer Federation of California\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://media-alliance.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Media Alliance\u003c/a> and a couple chapters of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">American Civil Liberties Union\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before Proposition 24’s big win, California was leading the nation on consumer data privacy, given the absence of comprehensive federal legislation. Does that mean California’s new law will serve as a model for future federal legislation? That remains an open question, but Proposition 24’s backers have high hopes. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will sweep the country and I’m grateful to Californians for setting a new higher standard for how our data is treated,” Yang wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>With gig companies turning Proposition 22 into the \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreprop22\">most expensive ballot measure in California history\u003c/a>, polling shows its passage is anything but certain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The well-funded proposition essentially carves out a new category of gig worker that would not include the usual employee protections mandated in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842964/gig-companies-are-making-their-workers-promote-prop-22\">particularly aggressive\u003c/a> in enlisting its workers to advocate for the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Watching multibillion-dollar companies pouring millions into a ballot measure so they can reap the rewards of an app that connects drivers and riders ... sure makes the days of taxi cabs seem simpler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With gig companies turning Proposition 22 into the \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreprop22\">most expensive ballot measure in California history\u003c/a>, polling shows its passage is anything but certain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The well-funded proposition essentially carves out a new category of gig worker that would not include the usual employee protections mandated in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842964/gig-companies-are-making-their-workers-promote-prop-22\">particularly aggressive\u003c/a> in enlisting its workers to advocate for the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Watching multibillion-dollar companies pouring millions into a ballot measure so they can reap the rewards of an app that connects drivers and riders ... sure makes the days of taxi cabs seem simpler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Valero-Funded PAC Pours More Than $250,000 Into Benicia Mayor's Race",
"title": "Valero-Funded PAC Pours More Than $250,000 Into Benicia Mayor's Race",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>A political action committee funded mainly by the Valero Energy company has raised more than a quarter-million dollars to convince Benicia residents to vote for its preferred candidate in the city's mayoral race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Antonio-based oil giant runs the Benicia refinery, one of California's largest, which is located in the small Solano County city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Christina Strawbridge, Benicia city councilwoman and mayoral candidate\"]'Once again, Valero has gone after my opponent with negative ads. That does not work in Benicia.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contributions to the Working Families for a Strong Benicia PAC represent four times the total combined amount raised from individual donations by the city's three mayoral candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the mayor's race, Valero and one of its allied unions are supporting \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.benicia.ca.us/vertical/sites/%7BF991A639-AAED-4E1A-9735-86EA195E2C8D%7D/uploads/Christina_Strawbridge_Candidate_Statement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Christina Strawbridge\u003c/a>, a councilwoman and vice mayor, against Councilman \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.benicia.ca.us/vertical/sites/%7BF991A639-AAED-4E1A-9735-86EA195E2C8D%7D/uploads/Steve_Young_Candidate_Statement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Steve Young\u003c/a> — both Democrats — funding phone polls, digital ads and mailers and reigniting a debate over the city's future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2019, Valero has donated $240,000 to the committee. The donations come two years after the Valero-funded PAC spent thousands to help Strawbridge and Lionel Largaespada \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11704576/valero-backed-candidates-win-benicia-city-council-election\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">win seats\u003c/a> on the Benicia City Council and defeat Kari Birdseye, an environmentalist candidate who supported tighter regulation of the refinery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The PAC also received a $25,000 contribution from the International Brotherhood of Boilermakers Lodge 549 in what the union calls an effort to stop \"coastal politicians\" from killing manufacturing jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Steve Young wants Benicia to be a town where tech professionals buy a latte and telecommute. Christina Strawbridge wants it to be a place where our members who live in Benicia, who come home from work dirty and tired, can continue to raise their families, too,\" said Timothy Jefferies, the union's business manager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elizabeth Patterson, Benicia's current mayor and one of Valero's leading critics, is leaving office after serving in that position for 13 years and on the City Council for 17 years prior to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The election arrives as Valero and other oil companies that produce and process petroleum in California face declining sales because of the coronavirus pandemic and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841676/behind-the-battle-for-the-future-of-californias-oil\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">increasing calls\u003c/a> for the state to move away from fossil fuels as it battles climate change-driven wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839077/strong-california-gas-demand-unlikely-to-return-as-even-refineries-go-renewable\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">gasoline demand dropping\u003c/a>, two of the Bay Area's refineries, the Marathon plant in Martinez and Phillips 66 in Rodeo, are shifting to producing renewable fuels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last Thursday, Valero announced a \u003ca href=\"https://investorvalero.com/news/news-details/2020/Valero-Energy-Reports-Third-Quarter-2020-Results/default.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">loss of $464 million in the third quarter\u003c/a> of this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two worst refinery accidents in the Bay Area in the last three years took place at Valero's Benicia refinery. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A May 2017 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11681218/cpuc-probe-says-pge-mistakes-led-to-benicia-refinery-outage\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">power outage at the refinery\u003c/a> led to a major release of toxic sulfur, prompting city leaders to call for an industrial safety ordinance. In March 2019, the plant had a series of malfunctions that led to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11737076/valeros-pollution-release-exposes-weaknesses-in-benicias-air-monitoring-system\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">another significant pollution release\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patterson and Young have since pushed for the city to have more regulatory control over the refinery. Attacks from the Valero PAC followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Steve Young doesn't need a job because he is supported by the taxpayers of California. He has no reason to protect Benicia's jobs and tax base,\" states one of the recent mailers from the Valero PAC that was widely distributed to Benicia voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Christina is a local business owner and knows how important it is to keep Benicia working. Now, more than ever, we need leaders like Christina Strawbridge,\" it states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benicia residents have also received several rounds of calls paid for by the Valero-funded PAC, aimed at convincing voters to back Strawbridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Young: 'Leave it to Benicia Voters'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Young says he's not against the refinery, noting that it's a major part of Benicia's economy and that Valero frequently contributes to \"worthy local causes.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the PAC is targeting him because he led a Planning Commission vote several years ago that ultimately led to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.benicia.ca.us/index.asp?SEC=B7EDC93A-FFF0-4A14-9B1A-1C8563BC256A\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">rejection of Valero's crude-by-rail application\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Their ongoing attempts to influence the makeup of the City Council go far beyond normal corporate interest in local affairs,\" Young said in an email. \"Leave it to Benicia voters to elect their own representatives.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young says he wants the company to be more transparent about problems and accidents at the refinery and to send out immediate alerts to Benicia residents when accidents occur. He also says the city should have stronger air quality monitoring systems in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The relationship between Valero and the community is strained,\" Young said, adding that city officials and refinery executives can change that by holding monthly meetings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young says he's a stronger candidate than Strawbridge because of his career working in local government and his better understanding of how to address problems facing the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Strawbridge: 'Heal the Divide'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Strawbridge says that since she was elected to the City Council in 2018, relations between Benicia and the refinery have improved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She notes that while the city did not put in place the more stringent regulations that Young and Patterson wanted, Benicia reached an agreement with Valero that includes the addition of portable air monitors, notifications during hazardous material incidents and increased disclosure on incident investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"valero\"]But she also acknowledges that the campaign work by the company's PAC is not helping the two sides get along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The relationship needs to improve and may have had a setback with this election cycle and Valero's formation of a PAC,\" Strawbridge said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There is now a continued lack of trust within the community about the methods used during the election that were similar to 2018,\" she added. \"Once again, Valero has gone after my opponent with negative ads. That does not work in Benicia.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strawbridge believes the pushback from Valero's critics has also gone too far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There has been a concerted effort to discredit me on social media and the local paper by supporters of my opponent,\" Strawbridge said. \"As mayor of Benicia, I plan to heal the divide our city has experienced for many years.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strawbridge touts her experience promoting nonprofits, preserving historic buildings and advocating for parks and local tourism. She says her background in small business will help guide the city through the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A third mayoral candidate, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.benicia.ca.us/vertical/sites/%7BF991A639-AAED-4E1A-9735-86EA195E2C8D%7D/uploads/Jason_Diavatis_Candidate_Statement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Jason Diavatis\u003c/a>, who has not been supported or opposed by the Valero PAC, did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Influence in California\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Valero's donations to the PAC represent just one place the oil company has made campaign contributions to influence California races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The oil giant and its various political action committees have contributed at least $14.1 million to California groups and congressional candidates in the state since 2015, according to a review of state and federal campaign finance data by \u003ca href=\"https://maplight.org/data/\">MapLight\u003c/a>, a Berkeley-based nonprofit that follows money in politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jason Kaune, the Benicia PAC's treasurer and head of political law at Nielsen Merksamer, a Sacramento-based lobbying firm, declined to comment. A Valero spokeswoman also did not return a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700855/valero-backed-group-spends-heavily-to-sway-benicia-city-council-election\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">work of a similar PAC in the 2018 election\u003c/a> led to a significant divide in Benicia, pitting environmentalists against refinery workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During that election, the city filed a complaint with state campaign finance regulators, alleging that Valero sponsored a so-called push poll intended to negatively characterize Birdseye, the environmental candidate. The state's Fair Political Practices Commission, though, declined to investigate the calls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dispute led the City Council to approve stronger disclosure rules for political committees involved in local elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A political action committee funded mainly by the Valero Energy company has raised more than a quarter-million dollars to convince Benicia residents to vote for its preferred candidate in the city's mayoral race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Antonio-based oil giant runs the Benicia refinery, one of California's largest, which is located in the small Solano County city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contributions to the Working Families for a Strong Benicia PAC represent four times the total combined amount raised from individual donations by the city's three mayoral candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the mayor's race, Valero and one of its allied unions are supporting \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.benicia.ca.us/vertical/sites/%7BF991A639-AAED-4E1A-9735-86EA195E2C8D%7D/uploads/Christina_Strawbridge_Candidate_Statement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Christina Strawbridge\u003c/a>, a councilwoman and vice mayor, against Councilman \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.benicia.ca.us/vertical/sites/%7BF991A639-AAED-4E1A-9735-86EA195E2C8D%7D/uploads/Steve_Young_Candidate_Statement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Steve Young\u003c/a> — both Democrats — funding phone polls, digital ads and mailers and reigniting a debate over the city's future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2019, Valero has donated $240,000 to the committee. The donations come two years after the Valero-funded PAC spent thousands to help Strawbridge and Lionel Largaespada \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11704576/valero-backed-candidates-win-benicia-city-council-election\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">win seats\u003c/a> on the Benicia City Council and defeat Kari Birdseye, an environmentalist candidate who supported tighter regulation of the refinery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The PAC also received a $25,000 contribution from the International Brotherhood of Boilermakers Lodge 549 in what the union calls an effort to stop \"coastal politicians\" from killing manufacturing jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Steve Young wants Benicia to be a town where tech professionals buy a latte and telecommute. Christina Strawbridge wants it to be a place where our members who live in Benicia, who come home from work dirty and tired, can continue to raise their families, too,\" said Timothy Jefferies, the union's business manager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elizabeth Patterson, Benicia's current mayor and one of Valero's leading critics, is leaving office after serving in that position for 13 years and on the City Council for 17 years prior to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The election arrives as Valero and other oil companies that produce and process petroleum in California face declining sales because of the coronavirus pandemic and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841676/behind-the-battle-for-the-future-of-californias-oil\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">increasing calls\u003c/a> for the state to move away from fossil fuels as it battles climate change-driven wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839077/strong-california-gas-demand-unlikely-to-return-as-even-refineries-go-renewable\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">gasoline demand dropping\u003c/a>, two of the Bay Area's refineries, the Marathon plant in Martinez and Phillips 66 in Rodeo, are shifting to producing renewable fuels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last Thursday, Valero announced a \u003ca href=\"https://investorvalero.com/news/news-details/2020/Valero-Energy-Reports-Third-Quarter-2020-Results/default.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">loss of $464 million in the third quarter\u003c/a> of this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two worst refinery accidents in the Bay Area in the last three years took place at Valero's Benicia refinery. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A May 2017 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11681218/cpuc-probe-says-pge-mistakes-led-to-benicia-refinery-outage\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">power outage at the refinery\u003c/a> led to a major release of toxic sulfur, prompting city leaders to call for an industrial safety ordinance. In March 2019, the plant had a series of malfunctions that led to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11737076/valeros-pollution-release-exposes-weaknesses-in-benicias-air-monitoring-system\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">another significant pollution release\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patterson and Young have since pushed for the city to have more regulatory control over the refinery. Attacks from the Valero PAC followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Steve Young doesn't need a job because he is supported by the taxpayers of California. He has no reason to protect Benicia's jobs and tax base,\" states one of the recent mailers from the Valero PAC that was widely distributed to Benicia voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Christina is a local business owner and knows how important it is to keep Benicia working. Now, more than ever, we need leaders like Christina Strawbridge,\" it states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benicia residents have also received several rounds of calls paid for by the Valero-funded PAC, aimed at convincing voters to back Strawbridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Young: 'Leave it to Benicia Voters'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Young says he's not against the refinery, noting that it's a major part of Benicia's economy and that Valero frequently contributes to \"worthy local causes.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the PAC is targeting him because he led a Planning Commission vote several years ago that ultimately led to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.benicia.ca.us/index.asp?SEC=B7EDC93A-FFF0-4A14-9B1A-1C8563BC256A\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">rejection of Valero's crude-by-rail application\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Their ongoing attempts to influence the makeup of the City Council go far beyond normal corporate interest in local affairs,\" Young said in an email. \"Leave it to Benicia voters to elect their own representatives.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young says he wants the company to be more transparent about problems and accidents at the refinery and to send out immediate alerts to Benicia residents when accidents occur. He also says the city should have stronger air quality monitoring systems in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The relationship between Valero and the community is strained,\" Young said, adding that city officials and refinery executives can change that by holding monthly meetings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young says he's a stronger candidate than Strawbridge because of his career working in local government and his better understanding of how to address problems facing the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Strawbridge: 'Heal the Divide'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Strawbridge says that since she was elected to the City Council in 2018, relations between Benicia and the refinery have improved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She notes that while the city did not put in place the more stringent regulations that Young and Patterson wanted, Benicia reached an agreement with Valero that includes the addition of portable air monitors, notifications during hazardous material incidents and increased disclosure on incident investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But she also acknowledges that the campaign work by the company's PAC is not helping the two sides get along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The relationship needs to improve and may have had a setback with this election cycle and Valero's formation of a PAC,\" Strawbridge said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There is now a continued lack of trust within the community about the methods used during the election that were similar to 2018,\" she added. \"Once again, Valero has gone after my opponent with negative ads. That does not work in Benicia.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strawbridge believes the pushback from Valero's critics has also gone too far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There has been a concerted effort to discredit me on social media and the local paper by supporters of my opponent,\" Strawbridge said. \"As mayor of Benicia, I plan to heal the divide our city has experienced for many years.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strawbridge touts her experience promoting nonprofits, preserving historic buildings and advocating for parks and local tourism. She says her background in small business will help guide the city through the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A third mayoral candidate, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.benicia.ca.us/vertical/sites/%7BF991A639-AAED-4E1A-9735-86EA195E2C8D%7D/uploads/Jason_Diavatis_Candidate_Statement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Jason Diavatis\u003c/a>, who has not been supported or opposed by the Valero PAC, did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Influence in California\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Valero's donations to the PAC represent just one place the oil company has made campaign contributions to influence California races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The oil giant and its various political action committees have contributed at least $14.1 million to California groups and congressional candidates in the state since 2015, according to a review of state and federal campaign finance data by \u003ca href=\"https://maplight.org/data/\">MapLight\u003c/a>, a Berkeley-based nonprofit that follows money in politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jason Kaune, the Benicia PAC's treasurer and head of political law at Nielsen Merksamer, a Sacramento-based lobbying firm, declined to comment. A Valero spokeswoman also did not return a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700855/valero-backed-group-spends-heavily-to-sway-benicia-city-council-election\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">work of a similar PAC in the 2018 election\u003c/a> led to a significant divide in Benicia, pitting environmentalists against refinery workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During that election, the city filed a complaint with state campaign finance regulators, alleging that Valero sponsored a so-called push poll intended to negatively characterize Birdseye, the environmental candidate. The state's Fair Political Practices Commission, though, declined to investigate the calls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dispute led the City Council to approve stronger disclosure rules for political committees involved in local elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "prop-22-explained-why-gig-companies-are-spending-huge-money-on-an-unprecedented-measure",
"title": "Prop. 22 Explained: Why Gig Companies Are Spending Huge Money on an Unprecedented Measure",
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"headTitle": "Prop. 22 Explained: Why Gig Companies Are Spending Huge Money on an Unprecedented Measure | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">This story was updated Wednesday, Nov. 4 at 12:40pm\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">UPDATE: Proposition 22 was approved by California voters Tuesday, Nov. 3. \u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">\u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Read the full details here\u003c/a>\u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">.\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">Original story:\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision California voters face on Proposition 22 boils down to this: should a handful of companies be allowed to create a new gig contractor category for their workers that doesn’t include employee protections and benefits, like unemployment insurance and workers compensation? Or should companies like Uber, Lyft and DoorDash have to follow state labor law and classify their drivers as employees, which could mean directing more revenue to workers, higher prices for consumers and increased requirements for more casual drivers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the choice on the ballot. But there’s so much more going on with this unprecedented and far-reaching proposition — a proposition that recent polling indicates will come down to Californians who are still undecided. As of Oct. 26, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843691/poll-measure-pushed-by-uber-lyft-falling-just-short-of-passage-many-voters-still-undecided\">polling of likely voters\u003c/a> shows 46% in favor, 42% opposed and 12% undecided. Here’s everything you’d need to know about the proposition and its backstory before you vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Skip to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#backstory\">The Backstory\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: How companies like Lyft, Uber and DoorDash have avoided employee classification for eight years despite pressure from workers, labor groups and every branch of state government\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#written\">What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: An explanation of the limited worker benefits and why the “7/8ths provision” would make it nearly impossible to change this law in the future\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#money\">Unprecedented Money\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Gig companies are spending record amounts of cash to market Prop. 22 — and it’s being framed as a social justice issue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#surveys\">Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: What do drivers want? Surveys used to market Prop. 22 are often flawed and don’t tell the full story\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Millions of apps in millions of pockets, workers asked to deliver political ads and pop ups galore — win or lose, a new election playbook is being written\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#ramifications\">The Ramifications\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: If Prop. 22 passes, what will it mean for gig work, labor protections, election campaigning and local governance?\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"backstory\">\u003c/a>The Backstory\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843145\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843145\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg\" alt=\"Lyft car with mustache\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1536x1000.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft driver with one of the early fuzzy pink mustaches drives in downtown San Francisco in January, 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It all began in 2012 with a fuzzy pink mustache and a fist bump. It was Lyft, not Uber, that first started paying drivers to use their own cars to do taxi work. Both companies cast themselves not as taxi companies, but platforms to connect riders to drivers, and tech journalists helped propel this image. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3668606\">Here’s the even deeper backstory on how that all went down\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using the platform argument, the gig companies classified their workers as contractors, which shielded them from liability and allowed them to avoid paying for protections like overtime and unemployment insurance. Regulators and the government at the state and federal levels did not stop Uber and Lyft, and soon, companies like Instacart, DoorDash and Postmates began following suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this contractor model was legally suspect from the start. In California, the determination of whether a worker was a contractor or an employee was made by the Borello test, which is a \u003ca href=\"https://caselaw.findlaw.com/ca-supreme-court/1774638.html\">complex set of 11 factors established by a 1989 California Supreme Court case\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Election 2020\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,KQED's California Voter Guide\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45342_001_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_MailinBallot_10122020-qut-1020x680.jpg\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was arguable that under those parameters, gig workers were not independent entrepreneurs running their own businesses on a platform provided by “tech” companies, but instead, employees of a transportation company in the case of Uber and Lyft, a service company in the case of TaskRabbit and a delivery company in the case of Postmates or DoorDash.\u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-uber-tech-drivers-lawsuit/uber-drivers-granted-class-action-status-in-lawsuit-over-employment-idUSKCN0R14O920150901\"> Lawyers began trying to make the case\u003c/a> with big lawsuits against gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers were and still are fighting almost all the battles over employee protections and benefits behind closed doors. That’s because gig companies make workers sign arbitration clauses, which prevent them from taking any grievance to court. That has helped preempt and neutralize class-action lawsuits. Law professor Charlotte Garden \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1794&context=faculty\">wrote a whole academic paper\u003c/a> on how the gig economy relies on mandatory arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, as Uber and Lyft began to slash wages in a price war, workers increased their protest, but they could make no headway toward employment status. Gig companies leaned on customer support for political support, and consumers loved these cheap rides, which were kept low by the contractor model and venture capital. It took six years for any notable action from California’s government. And it came first from the judicial branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a ruling on a case known as \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\">Dynamex in 2018\u003c/a>, California’s Supreme Court simplified the Borello test, boiling it down to just three factors, called the ABCs. A worker could now only be classified as a contractor if they:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A) Were free from the control and direction of the hirer\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>B) Performed work outside the hirer’s normal course of business\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>C) Had their own independently established trade, occupation or business\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The ruling made it much more difficult for gig companies to deny workers employee benefits and protections. But still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the state Supreme Court, the Legislature took up the fight. Lawmakers passed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, which went into effect on Jan. 1, 2020. AB 5 codified the Dynamex ruling and was designed with gig companies in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the new law also affected a number of other industries that have come to rely on contractors. The bill was amended after a backlash, and a number of professions got exemptions, like fine artists, foresters and translators — but not gig workers. Still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11833598 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/09182019_uber-lyft-qut-1020x640.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then in May, several months into the coronavirus pandemic, with tens of thousands of Uber and Lyft drivers seeking unemployment funds that didn’t exist because the companies had never paid into the state unemployment fund, the executive branch got involved. California Attorney General Xavier Becerra, along with a handful of city attorneys, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11816321/california-city-attorneys-sue-uber-and-lyft-over-worker-misclassification\">sued Uber and Lyft for misclassifying workers\u003c/a>. On Oct. 22 Uber and Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2020-10-22/uber-and-lyft-must-comply-with-labor-law-ab-5-appeals-court-orders\">lost an appeal\u003c/a>, and will have to start classifying workers as employees in 30 days — unless Proposition 22 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After AB 5 passed, the gig companies started their ballot initiative campaign, hoping that voters would enshrine their gig contractor model into law. Now, with all three branches of California’s government pressuring them to classify workers as employees, they are pouring money into Proposition 22. It’s become \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/What_were_the_most_expensive_ballot_measures_in_California\">the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history\u003c/a>. And it’s designed to be a conclusive victory for gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"written\">\u003c/a>What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843210\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843210\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident fills out their mail-in ballot on Oct. 6, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is written as an exemption from AB 5 for any company that provides transportation or delivery services through an app. It would enshrine in law a kind of third employment category: the contract gig worker. This has been a goal of gig companies for years. They have pursued it at the federal level, and have already \u003ca href=\"https://www.nelp.org/publication/rights-at-risk-gig-companies-campaign-to-upend-employment-as-we-know-it/\">had success in getting legislation on the books in a number of states\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the measure has several other provisions built around the central premise of exempting gig companies from AB 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Limited Employee Benefits\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. But the benefits are not as straightforward as they appear at first read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most murky benefit is the guaranteed wage floor. Prop. 22 would ensure 120% of minimum wage and 30 cents per mile for drivers, adjusted for inflation. But there’s a pretty big catch. The guarantee is only for “engaged” driving time, defined as the time between “accepting a service request and completing the request.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of gig work is spent waiting for a job in the app. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-uber-lyft-ballot-initiative-guarantees-only-5-64-an-hour-2/\">UC Berkeley’s Labor Center did a study\u003c/a> where they tried to take time between rides into account, along with wear and tear on the vehicle. Adding those factors in the mix, the study found the wage guarantee drops to just $5.64 an hour, a drastic pay cut from the $13 minimum wage they would be guaranteed as employees in California. Uber and Lyft disputed the findings in the study, and \u003ca href=\"https://ucreconomicforecast.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Prop22_Driver_Earnings_Analysis_August2020.pdf\">they commissioned another study\u003c/a> that put the earnings at between $25 and $27 an hour. That prompted \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-effects-of-proposition-22-on-driver-earnings-response-to-a-lyft-funded-report-by-dr-christopher-thornberg/#_edn5\">a rebuttal from UC Berkeley.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from the wage floor, Prop. 22 includes a number of benefits that are substitutes for protections guaranteed by traditional employment. In each case, these protections are weaker than what workers would get as employees, and some are contingent on driving a certain number of hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of health care, drivers who put in over 25 hours per week of engaged driving time would get health care subsidies. Instead of workers compensation, companies would offer occupational accident insurance for medical expenses, lost income and disability. Companies would also offer accidental death insurance. It is not clear if these insurance plans would be given to workers automatically, or if they would only be guaranteed the opportunity to purchase them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843841\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843841\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg\" alt=\"ride-hail driver in Oakland\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ride-hail driver in Oakland In March, 2020. Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 also includes provisions to address long-term accountability issues in the gig industry, like discrimination, sexual misconduct, a lack of background checks and drivers working more than 12 hours a day. Gig companies would be required to create anti-discrimination and sexual harassment policies, develop training programs for drivers and require criminal background checks — all things that the companies have been criticized for lacking in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the issues these final provisions would address are things that are exacerbated by the contractor status of workers. If these workers were actually employees, gig companies would be far more liable for things like car accidents, sexual misconduct and criminal activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Prop. 22 Would Be Nearly Impossible to Change\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, it would prevent local governments from passing laws that require companies to provide additional benefits and protections for gig workers not included in Prop. 22. It would also be the hardest statute for the Legislature to alter, aside from a handful of propositions that bar any amendment whatsoever. That’s because of the 7/8ths provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A single sentence on page 18 of the initiative requires a 7/8ths vote of both the state Assembly and Senate in order to amend Prop. 22 in any way. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/post-it/2020/10/california-amendment-threshold-proposition-22/\">This particular requirement is unprecedented\u003c/a>. Some propositions have required 2/3rds or 3/5s — but never 7/8ths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes, Prop. 22 would be harder to amend than the state’s Wildlife Protection Act, the Clean Air and Transportation Improvement Act or the Cruelty to Farm Animals Act. Amending it would take eight more votes than are needed to override a governor’s veto or revise the state Constitution, according to data provided to KQED by Alex Vassar, communications manager at the California State Library.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11840343,news_11841547,news_11841059 label='Election 2020 Resources']In California, a proposition can only be undone by another ballot initiative. So why is the threshold for amendment so high on Prop. 22? Part of the reason is that a section of the proposition’s stated purpose is contradictory to the wishes of gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 states that it would “require rideshare and delivery network companies to offer new protections and benefits for app-based rideshare and delivery drivers.” That might sound good to voters who want more protections for workers, but it could cause problems for gig companies. The Legislature could, for example, alter Prop. 22 once it becomes statute or pass new laws to increase benefits for workers beyond what gig companies want. The 7/8ths provision presents a very high barrier to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would also stop local governments from requiring gig companies to increase benefits and protections to gig workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 22 lops off the top by cutting off the state Legislature’s ability to amend the law, and it lops off the bottom [by] preventing local governments from ever modifying its requirements,” said Rey Fuentes, a fellow at The Partnership for Working Families, an advocacy group for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities in California are often where laws that grant the most rigorous worker benefits and protections start: things like the Healthy SF program, or San Francisco’s mandatory sick leave. Cities have also been the most proactive in requiring gig companies to provide additional benefits to workers. San Francisco and San Jose, for instance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Two-Bay-Area-cities-poised-to-approve-paid-sick-15185145.php\">extended COVID-19 emergency benefits to gig workers\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://www.capitolhillseattle.com/2020/06/seattle-extends-sick-leave-to-gig-workers-including-food-delivery-workers-more-heroes-of-the-covid-19-crisis/\">Seattle passed a similar ordinance\u003c/a>. Prop. 22 has a clause that would preempt future measures like these.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes on Prop. 22 Spokesperson Geoff Vetter said the issue is consistency for workers who cross city and county lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the cross-jurisdictional nature of the service,” Vetter said, “it would be impossible to allow all 58 counties and 480+ cities to establish separate requirements. Prop. 22 establishes uniform statewide standards for app-based driver scheduling, benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"money\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Money\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843334\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843334\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg\" alt=\"A driver who drives for both Uber and Lyft\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber and Lyft have spent nearly $100 million combined in support of Prop. 22. \u003ccite>(ROBYN BECK/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is on track to become the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has already drawn about $200 million, most of it on the pro side. As of 10 days before the election, the anti-side had around $19 million, coming mainly from labor organizations. The pro-side has over $199 million coming from gig companies. As of the beginning of October, Uber had contributed over $50 million; Lyft, $48 million; DoorDash, $47 million; InstaCart, $28 million; and Postmates, $11 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money is not just being spent on TV and digital advertising. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also contributed to political parties, including $2 million to the California Republican Party. It has spent millions hiring consultants, lobbyists and PR firms like MB Public Affairs, which is known for working with tobacco companies. These firms have launched personal and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnet.com/features/uber-lyfts-fight-over-gig-worker-status-as-campaign-against-labor-activists-mounts/\">intrusive attacks on academics like Veena Dubal\u003c/a>, a UC Hastings law professor who has been critical of gig companies and Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also sent money to newsrooms in return for digital advertising. By the middle of September, it had sent almost $48,000 to the Sacramento Bee, $13,500 to the San Diego Union Tribune and a little over $36,000 to the San Francisco Chronicle. Both the Tribune and the Chronicle endorsed the measure, but in their endorsements made no mention of the ad revenue they had received.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Marketing Prop. 22 as a Social Justice Measure\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Many workers in the gig economy in California are people of color – a fact reflected in the advertising campaign for Prop. 22, which presents the initiative as a boon for social justice. In the past, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11643681/lyft-gains-on-uber-by-appealing-to-progressive-political-ideals\">Lyft had leaned heavily on social justice messaging\u003c/a> to appeal to liberals and distinguish itself from Uber, especially after Trump was elected. Now, this tactic has become a major thrust of the entire Yes on Prop. 22 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rep Barbara Lee\"]‘You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multi-billion-dollar app companies to write their own law so they can keep exploiting drivers.’[/pullquote]PR firms working for the campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Fake-progressive-mailers-urge-yes-on-Uber-Lyft-15635173.php\">have created a number of political mailers\u003c/a> that urge people to vote yes on Prop. 22 and are designed to look like voter guides coming from progressive sources. In small letters at the bottom of these mailers it says the guides are prepared by organizations like “Feel the Bern, Progressive Voter Guide,” “Council of Concerned Women Voters Guide” and “Our Voice, Latino Voter Guide,” which are all fake progressive organizations. They don’t actually exist. After these mailers were reported, Bernie Sanders \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/BernieSanders/status/1315650084567121920?s=20\">came out publicly against\u003c/a> Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the ads in the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign feature people of color, like Aisha A. from Los Angeles, who say they need this flexible job to survive. Uber ran an ad campaign this summer with billboards in many major cities that said “If you tolerate racism, delete Uber.” Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yImMyOkeaKQ\">created a television ad\u003c/a> using a recording of Maya Angelou reading her poem, “On the Pulse of Morning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yImMyOkeaKQ\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Lyft ad begins with a voiceover of Angelou saying “Lift up your eyes upon / This day breaking for you.” You see Black and brown people getting ready for work. And then it transitions to the inside of a Lyft. There’s a montage of drivers, all people of color, picking up passengers. “Each new hour holds new chances / For a new beginning.” Angelou says “Do not be wedded forever / To fear, yoked eternally / To brutishness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting the California NAACP to endorse Proposition 22 was a big win for gig companies. The organization has authored voter guides telling people to vote yes, and Alice Huffman, head of the California NAACP, has been writing editorials in support of the proposition. Huffman also happens to run a consulting firm called AC Public Affairs. That firm has so far received $85,000 from the Yes on Prop. 22 Campaign. Huffman has a history of receiving contributions from corporations to support their ballot initiatives. The Yes on Prop. 22 money \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2020/09/california-naacp-president-helps-corporate-ballot-measure-campaigns/\">is part of $1.2 million her firm has already received this year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Black and Latino leaders in California have come out against Proposition 22; Rep. Barbara Lee from Oakland, Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs and members of both the Latino and Black California Legislative Caucus were part of a group that \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/technology/520671-democrats-accuse-tech-companies-of-deceitful-tactics-in-campaign-against\">publicly denounced\u003c/a> Proposition 22 in mid-October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addressing the gig companies on the call, Lee said, “You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multi-billion-dollar app companies to write their own law so they can keep exploiting the drivers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Vetter said “Prop. 22 not only protects the jobs of drivers of color and their freedom to work independently, it would provide drivers an earnings guarantee, access to benefits like health care and provide drivers and passengers alike with new safety protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"surveys\">\u003c/a>Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843323\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg\" alt=\"Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov holds a flyer supporting a yes vote on Proposition 22 in Oakland.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1290\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-800x538.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1020x685.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1536x1032.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov, in Oakland, holds a flyer suggesting his riders ask him about why he supports Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Josh Edelson/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many ads from the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign say four out of five drivers prefer being independent contractors. This data comes from a survey done on the blog of \u003ca href=\"https://therideshareguy.com/\">Harry the Rideshare Guy\u003c/a>. It’s one of a slew of surveys the gig companies have been using to advocate for Prop. 22. These surveys are often methodologically flawed, and they never tell the whole story of what drivers want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Harry the Rideshare Guy survey has been a central piece of advertising for Proposition 22 and used in legal arguments, it is a non-scientific, informal poll done on a blog. There was no guarantee that respondents were drivers, let alone that there was a representative sample in terms of demographics, hours driven or political leanings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harry Campbell, CEO of The Rideshare Guy blog, said he believes the site’s survey reflects what he has been hearing from drivers. Yes on Prop. 22 campaign spokesperson Geoff Vetter agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Rideshare Guy polled app-based drivers in California and did it without offering payment to the respondents,” Vetter said. “All this makes for a much fuller, more accurate data set and one that correctly demonstrates how drivers feel about Prop. 22 and independent contractor v. employee status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But The Rideshare Guy survey is indicative of a number of the broader issues that the No on Prop. 22 campaign and scholars studying the gig economy have with how drivers are being surveyed. Juliet Schor, a professor of sociology at Boston College who has spent years studying the gig economy, said these surveys don’t capture the full picture. There is often bias in the sample, flawed and misleading questions and information presented that influences responses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843775\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 411px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11843775\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"411\" height=\"239\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-1020x595.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-160x93.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey.png 1501w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 411px) 100vw, 411px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Drivers got this prompt before being asked if they supported Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Edelson Survey Screenshot)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This \u003ca href=\"https://d3n8a8pro7vhmx.cloudfront.net/themes/5ef0e34fc294806719977470/attachments/original/1592866174/cadriversurvey.pdf?1592866174\">survey from Edelman\u003c/a> is a good example. In a question about Prop. 22, the survey included a snippet from a TechCrunch article that cast the proposition in positive light. Given that prompt, 72 percent of respondents said they supported the measure. On August 19, Lyft issued a survey that had a common flaw in the questioning, equating contractor status to freedom. The survey asked if “the freedom of being an independent contractor outweighs the benefits of being an employee.” Conflating freedom with being an independent contractor is misleading. Employees can have autonomy and freedom, and likewise contractors can be constrained and coerced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, there is the sample issue. The surveys give equal weight to those who drive only a few hours a week with those who drive much more. And the surveys only poll active workers, which could have a distorting effect on the results. There have been tens or even hundreds of thousands of people in California who have done some work for these gig companies and then stopped. These workers represent a large percentage of the labor that has been done for these companies, yet their opinions are being left out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big methodological weakness of the surveys,” Schor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schor and her research team have interviewed hundreds of gig workers over the years, ethnographic data that can capture what a survey doesn’t. She says there is actually a lot of consistency in what drivers want. They want to be autonomous and have flexibility, but they also want to earn enough that they can pay their bills, buy insurance, and have money set aside if something goes wrong. Schor said she thinks a lot of gig workers in California are answering surveys with what they wish they could have: independent status and enough money to truly be their own bosses. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3488009\">Veena Dubal wrote an entire academic paper unpacking all of this\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driver Noemi Torres agreed with Schor’s conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to be independent contractors, but Uber doesn’t treat us like independent contractors,” said Torres, who has been driving for seven years outside of North Hollywood. “Initially, we would get paid enough to support ourselves in terms of getting our own health insurance, but since they keep lowering the rates, you don’t have the flexibility.” She opposes Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers who support Proposition 22 often don’t sound that different when it comes to what they want. They just believe the ballot proposition can get it for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I decided to vote yes on Prop. 22, because it would allow me and my fellow drivers to retain the flexibility we need while ensuring we get the benefits and protections we deserve,” said Dave Thomasson, a driver from West Covina.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"directtovoter\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843415\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1317\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1536x1054.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft app displays a message asking users to vote yes on Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(JOSH EDELSON/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last month, Hector Castellanos started seeing the pop-ups while driving for Uber. Under a dialog box emblazoned with “Prop. 22 is progress,” Castellanos had to click either “Yes on Prop. 22” or “OK” to proceed with his ride. At the same time, his riders were getting pop ups that said their drivers support Prop. 22 and that they should talk with them about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castellanos drives full-time, and throughout the day kept seeing the pop up again and again. Castellanos opposes Proposition 22 and he didn’t want to have to click yes or OK, but he had no option. “Drivers have to click ‘yes’ even if they don’t want it,” he said. “They have to click yes or OK.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11842964 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Uber-Driver-1020x701.jpg']Uber spokesperson Davis White said Castellanos’s experience is not the norm, and that drivers should only see the pop up once when signing off the app, and that the pop up has been changed so drivers can just close it without selecting an answer. \u003ca href=\"https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20398520-uber-prop-22-complaint\">Castellanos and another driver are now suing\u003c/a> Uber for allegedly infringing on their right to be free of political coercion at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s popups are an example of the unprecedented advantage gig companies have in this ballot campaign: their own apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With their apps already used by millions of California workers and consumers, proponents of no other ballot proposition have ever had direct-to-voter connection at this scale — and gig companies are using the opportunity. They’re sending emails, push notifications to phones and using pop-ups to continually send the pro-Prop. 22 message directly to their customers and workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"David McCuan, Sonoma State University\"]‘It is the holy grail of political communication.’[/pullquote]Lyft and Uber have been particularly aggressive in using apps to market Prop. 22 to customers. In the Uber app, riders will see a little blue text bubble coming out of the car image that says “Yes on 22.” Uber is sending push notifications that pop up on phones saying things like “Vote early on Prop. 22. Support drivers and help keep Uber in your city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842964/gig-companies-are-making-their-workers-promote-prop-22\">gig companies are also pressuring their workers\u003c/a> to spread pro-Prop. 22 messages to consumers. In October, Instacart asked workers through the app to put pro-Prop. 22 stickers in customers’ orders at a Bay Area store. The sticker said “Yes 22, Save App-Based Jobs and Services.” DoorDash is providing free delivery bags to restaurants that have Prop. 22 ads on their sides. Then workers have to use these bags to bring food to customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After backlash online, Instacart is no longer asking workers to add stickers to orders. But DoorDash is continuing to send pro-Prop. 22 delivery bags to restaurants. The company says restaurants have requested over 4 million bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This widespread use of apps to spread messages is unprecedented in a proposition campaign, and it could prove to be a powerful tactic that other corporations want to emulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the holy grail of political communication,” said David McCuan, professor of political science at Sonoma State University who has been studying ballot propositions for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the gig companies are successful in getting Prop. 22 passed, McCuan said it could change the way ballot initiatives are fought in California. Companies with apps and money to leverage them may see ballot initiatives as a worthwhile way to get their policies enacted if this campaign shows that apps can be used to sway voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"ramifications\">\u003c/a>The Ramifications\u003c/h1>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 fails, gig companies would have to reclassify workers as employees. That could mean redirecting more revenue to pay for basic employee protections, increasing fares and increased requirements to work on these apps, especially for more casual, part-time drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies could be responsible for years of back pay, lost benefits, taxes and unpaid unemployment insurance, which could be an especially big deal for Uber and Lyft. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/press-release-what-would-uber-and-lyft-owe-to-the-state-unemployment-insurance-fund/#:~:text=BERKELEY%2C%20CA%20%E2%80%94%20A%20new%20report,Fund%20between%202014%20and%202019.\">A report from UC Berkeley’s Labor Center\u003c/a> estimates they could owe as much as $413 million for the period between 2014 to 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber has said prices \u003ca href=\"https://www.businessinsider.com/uber-fares-double-small-cities-if-voters-reject-prop-22-2020-10\">could double in small cities\u003c/a>. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has suggested that 80% to 90% of drivers could lose work. Given the lack of data from gig companies, it is hard to know how much each would have to change their prices or operations. Also Uber and Lyft are still not profitable, so some change is bound to happen to their services regardless of what happens with Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies have also said they could leave California temporarily. In the past, Uber and Lyft have left places like Austin in order to urge lawmakers to overturn regulations they didn’t like. The companies have always come back, and they’ve never pulled out of a market as big as California. \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/tusk-venture-partners/initial-thoughts-on-what-the-2020-election-means-for-you-b7d8200b1bf6\">Bradley Tusk is a former political advisor to Uber, and he assumes\u003c/a> gig companies would use their billions of dollars to continue appealing to the Legislature and to voters to find a way to maintain their gig contractor model if Prop. 22 fails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, California would have a third category of worker — the gig contractor — enshrined in law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies like Uber, Lyft, DoorDash, Postmates and Instacart would get a carve out from state labor law and would be allowed to classify workers as gig contractors, thereby denying them basic employee benefits. The door would be open for other companies to develop apps to take advantage of this new gig worker category.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would become the \u003ca href=\"#written\">hardest statute to amend\u003c/a> in California history, and local governments would have no power to enact laws that provide gig workers with additional benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would \u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">establish a playbook\u003c/a> for other companies that want to use an app to market a ballot initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of companies will have proven that they can use a ballot initiative to maintain a business practice that has been deemed illegal either directly or indirectly by all three branches of California’s government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There would certainly be lawsuits over things like the 7/8ths provision, but barring a new ballot proposition or a major legal victory, gig workers would have to continue working without basic employee protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The state's most expensive ballot measure ever would lock-in a new category of worker in California - and it would be nearly impossible to change.",
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"title": "Prop. 22 Explained: Why Gig Companies Are Spending Huge Money on an Unprecedented Measure | KQED",
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"headline": "Prop. 22 Explained: Why Gig Companies Are Spending Huge Money on an Unprecedented Measure",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">This story was updated Wednesday, Nov. 4 at 12:40pm\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">UPDATE: Proposition 22 was approved by California voters Tuesday, Nov. 3. \u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">\u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Read the full details here\u003c/a>\u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">.\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">Original story:\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision California voters face on Proposition 22 boils down to this: should a handful of companies be allowed to create a new gig contractor category for their workers that doesn’t include employee protections and benefits, like unemployment insurance and workers compensation? Or should companies like Uber, Lyft and DoorDash have to follow state labor law and classify their drivers as employees, which could mean directing more revenue to workers, higher prices for consumers and increased requirements for more casual drivers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the choice on the ballot. But there’s so much more going on with this unprecedented and far-reaching proposition — a proposition that recent polling indicates will come down to Californians who are still undecided. As of Oct. 26, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843691/poll-measure-pushed-by-uber-lyft-falling-just-short-of-passage-many-voters-still-undecided\">polling of likely voters\u003c/a> shows 46% in favor, 42% opposed and 12% undecided. Here’s everything you’d need to know about the proposition and its backstory before you vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Skip to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#backstory\">The Backstory\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: How companies like Lyft, Uber and DoorDash have avoided employee classification for eight years despite pressure from workers, labor groups and every branch of state government\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#written\">What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: An explanation of the limited worker benefits and why the “7/8ths provision” would make it nearly impossible to change this law in the future\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#money\">Unprecedented Money\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Gig companies are spending record amounts of cash to market Prop. 22 — and it’s being framed as a social justice issue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#surveys\">Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: What do drivers want? Surveys used to market Prop. 22 are often flawed and don’t tell the full story\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Millions of apps in millions of pockets, workers asked to deliver political ads and pop ups galore — win or lose, a new election playbook is being written\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#ramifications\">The Ramifications\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: If Prop. 22 passes, what will it mean for gig work, labor protections, election campaigning and local governance?\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"backstory\">\u003c/a>The Backstory\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843145\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843145\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg\" alt=\"Lyft car with mustache\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1536x1000.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft driver with one of the early fuzzy pink mustaches drives in downtown San Francisco in January, 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It all began in 2012 with a fuzzy pink mustache and a fist bump. It was Lyft, not Uber, that first started paying drivers to use their own cars to do taxi work. Both companies cast themselves not as taxi companies, but platforms to connect riders to drivers, and tech journalists helped propel this image. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3668606\">Here’s the even deeper backstory on how that all went down\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using the platform argument, the gig companies classified their workers as contractors, which shielded them from liability and allowed them to avoid paying for protections like overtime and unemployment insurance. Regulators and the government at the state and federal levels did not stop Uber and Lyft, and soon, companies like Instacart, DoorDash and Postmates began following suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this contractor model was legally suspect from the start. In California, the determination of whether a worker was a contractor or an employee was made by the Borello test, which is a \u003ca href=\"https://caselaw.findlaw.com/ca-supreme-court/1774638.html\">complex set of 11 factors established by a 1989 California Supreme Court case\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was arguable that under those parameters, gig workers were not independent entrepreneurs running their own businesses on a platform provided by “tech” companies, but instead, employees of a transportation company in the case of Uber and Lyft, a service company in the case of TaskRabbit and a delivery company in the case of Postmates or DoorDash.\u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-uber-tech-drivers-lawsuit/uber-drivers-granted-class-action-status-in-lawsuit-over-employment-idUSKCN0R14O920150901\"> Lawyers began trying to make the case\u003c/a> with big lawsuits against gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers were and still are fighting almost all the battles over employee protections and benefits behind closed doors. That’s because gig companies make workers sign arbitration clauses, which prevent them from taking any grievance to court. That has helped preempt and neutralize class-action lawsuits. Law professor Charlotte Garden \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1794&context=faculty\">wrote a whole academic paper\u003c/a> on how the gig economy relies on mandatory arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, as Uber and Lyft began to slash wages in a price war, workers increased their protest, but they could make no headway toward employment status. Gig companies leaned on customer support for political support, and consumers loved these cheap rides, which were kept low by the contractor model and venture capital. It took six years for any notable action from California’s government. And it came first from the judicial branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a ruling on a case known as \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\">Dynamex in 2018\u003c/a>, California’s Supreme Court simplified the Borello test, boiling it down to just three factors, called the ABCs. A worker could now only be classified as a contractor if they:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A) Were free from the control and direction of the hirer\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>B) Performed work outside the hirer’s normal course of business\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>C) Had their own independently established trade, occupation or business\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The ruling made it much more difficult for gig companies to deny workers employee benefits and protections. But still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the state Supreme Court, the Legislature took up the fight. Lawmakers passed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, which went into effect on Jan. 1, 2020. AB 5 codified the Dynamex ruling and was designed with gig companies in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the new law also affected a number of other industries that have come to rely on contractors. The bill was amended after a backlash, and a number of professions got exemptions, like fine artists, foresters and translators — but not gig workers. Still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then in May, several months into the coronavirus pandemic, with tens of thousands of Uber and Lyft drivers seeking unemployment funds that didn’t exist because the companies had never paid into the state unemployment fund, the executive branch got involved. California Attorney General Xavier Becerra, along with a handful of city attorneys, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11816321/california-city-attorneys-sue-uber-and-lyft-over-worker-misclassification\">sued Uber and Lyft for misclassifying workers\u003c/a>. On Oct. 22 Uber and Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2020-10-22/uber-and-lyft-must-comply-with-labor-law-ab-5-appeals-court-orders\">lost an appeal\u003c/a>, and will have to start classifying workers as employees in 30 days — unless Proposition 22 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After AB 5 passed, the gig companies started their ballot initiative campaign, hoping that voters would enshrine their gig contractor model into law. Now, with all three branches of California’s government pressuring them to classify workers as employees, they are pouring money into Proposition 22. It’s become \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/What_were_the_most_expensive_ballot_measures_in_California\">the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history\u003c/a>. And it’s designed to be a conclusive victory for gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"written\">\u003c/a>What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843210\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843210\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident fills out their mail-in ballot on Oct. 6, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is written as an exemption from AB 5 for any company that provides transportation or delivery services through an app. It would enshrine in law a kind of third employment category: the contract gig worker. This has been a goal of gig companies for years. They have pursued it at the federal level, and have already \u003ca href=\"https://www.nelp.org/publication/rights-at-risk-gig-companies-campaign-to-upend-employment-as-we-know-it/\">had success in getting legislation on the books in a number of states\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the measure has several other provisions built around the central premise of exempting gig companies from AB 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Limited Employee Benefits\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. But the benefits are not as straightforward as they appear at first read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most murky benefit is the guaranteed wage floor. Prop. 22 would ensure 120% of minimum wage and 30 cents per mile for drivers, adjusted for inflation. But there’s a pretty big catch. The guarantee is only for “engaged” driving time, defined as the time between “accepting a service request and completing the request.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of gig work is spent waiting for a job in the app. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-uber-lyft-ballot-initiative-guarantees-only-5-64-an-hour-2/\">UC Berkeley’s Labor Center did a study\u003c/a> where they tried to take time between rides into account, along with wear and tear on the vehicle. Adding those factors in the mix, the study found the wage guarantee drops to just $5.64 an hour, a drastic pay cut from the $13 minimum wage they would be guaranteed as employees in California. Uber and Lyft disputed the findings in the study, and \u003ca href=\"https://ucreconomicforecast.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Prop22_Driver_Earnings_Analysis_August2020.pdf\">they commissioned another study\u003c/a> that put the earnings at between $25 and $27 an hour. That prompted \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-effects-of-proposition-22-on-driver-earnings-response-to-a-lyft-funded-report-by-dr-christopher-thornberg/#_edn5\">a rebuttal from UC Berkeley.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from the wage floor, Prop. 22 includes a number of benefits that are substitutes for protections guaranteed by traditional employment. In each case, these protections are weaker than what workers would get as employees, and some are contingent on driving a certain number of hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of health care, drivers who put in over 25 hours per week of engaged driving time would get health care subsidies. Instead of workers compensation, companies would offer occupational accident insurance for medical expenses, lost income and disability. Companies would also offer accidental death insurance. It is not clear if these insurance plans would be given to workers automatically, or if they would only be guaranteed the opportunity to purchase them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843841\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843841\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg\" alt=\"ride-hail driver in Oakland\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ride-hail driver in Oakland In March, 2020. Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 also includes provisions to address long-term accountability issues in the gig industry, like discrimination, sexual misconduct, a lack of background checks and drivers working more than 12 hours a day. Gig companies would be required to create anti-discrimination and sexual harassment policies, develop training programs for drivers and require criminal background checks — all things that the companies have been criticized for lacking in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the issues these final provisions would address are things that are exacerbated by the contractor status of workers. If these workers were actually employees, gig companies would be far more liable for things like car accidents, sexual misconduct and criminal activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Prop. 22 Would Be Nearly Impossible to Change\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, it would prevent local governments from passing laws that require companies to provide additional benefits and protections for gig workers not included in Prop. 22. It would also be the hardest statute for the Legislature to alter, aside from a handful of propositions that bar any amendment whatsoever. That’s because of the 7/8ths provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A single sentence on page 18 of the initiative requires a 7/8ths vote of both the state Assembly and Senate in order to amend Prop. 22 in any way. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/post-it/2020/10/california-amendment-threshold-proposition-22/\">This particular requirement is unprecedented\u003c/a>. Some propositions have required 2/3rds or 3/5s — but never 7/8ths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes, Prop. 22 would be harder to amend than the state’s Wildlife Protection Act, the Clean Air and Transportation Improvement Act or the Cruelty to Farm Animals Act. Amending it would take eight more votes than are needed to override a governor’s veto or revise the state Constitution, according to data provided to KQED by Alex Vassar, communications manager at the California State Library.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In California, a proposition can only be undone by another ballot initiative. So why is the threshold for amendment so high on Prop. 22? Part of the reason is that a section of the proposition’s stated purpose is contradictory to the wishes of gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 states that it would “require rideshare and delivery network companies to offer new protections and benefits for app-based rideshare and delivery drivers.” That might sound good to voters who want more protections for workers, but it could cause problems for gig companies. The Legislature could, for example, alter Prop. 22 once it becomes statute or pass new laws to increase benefits for workers beyond what gig companies want. The 7/8ths provision presents a very high barrier to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would also stop local governments from requiring gig companies to increase benefits and protections to gig workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 22 lops off the top by cutting off the state Legislature’s ability to amend the law, and it lops off the bottom [by] preventing local governments from ever modifying its requirements,” said Rey Fuentes, a fellow at The Partnership for Working Families, an advocacy group for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities in California are often where laws that grant the most rigorous worker benefits and protections start: things like the Healthy SF program, or San Francisco’s mandatory sick leave. Cities have also been the most proactive in requiring gig companies to provide additional benefits to workers. San Francisco and San Jose, for instance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Two-Bay-Area-cities-poised-to-approve-paid-sick-15185145.php\">extended COVID-19 emergency benefits to gig workers\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://www.capitolhillseattle.com/2020/06/seattle-extends-sick-leave-to-gig-workers-including-food-delivery-workers-more-heroes-of-the-covid-19-crisis/\">Seattle passed a similar ordinance\u003c/a>. Prop. 22 has a clause that would preempt future measures like these.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes on Prop. 22 Spokesperson Geoff Vetter said the issue is consistency for workers who cross city and county lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the cross-jurisdictional nature of the service,” Vetter said, “it would be impossible to allow all 58 counties and 480+ cities to establish separate requirements. Prop. 22 establishes uniform statewide standards for app-based driver scheduling, benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"money\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Money\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843334\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843334\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg\" alt=\"A driver who drives for both Uber and Lyft\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber and Lyft have spent nearly $100 million combined in support of Prop. 22. \u003ccite>(ROBYN BECK/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is on track to become the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has already drawn about $200 million, most of it on the pro side. As of 10 days before the election, the anti-side had around $19 million, coming mainly from labor organizations. The pro-side has over $199 million coming from gig companies. As of the beginning of October, Uber had contributed over $50 million; Lyft, $48 million; DoorDash, $47 million; InstaCart, $28 million; and Postmates, $11 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money is not just being spent on TV and digital advertising. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also contributed to political parties, including $2 million to the California Republican Party. It has spent millions hiring consultants, lobbyists and PR firms like MB Public Affairs, which is known for working with tobacco companies. These firms have launched personal and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnet.com/features/uber-lyfts-fight-over-gig-worker-status-as-campaign-against-labor-activists-mounts/\">intrusive attacks on academics like Veena Dubal\u003c/a>, a UC Hastings law professor who has been critical of gig companies and Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also sent money to newsrooms in return for digital advertising. By the middle of September, it had sent almost $48,000 to the Sacramento Bee, $13,500 to the San Diego Union Tribune and a little over $36,000 to the San Francisco Chronicle. Both the Tribune and the Chronicle endorsed the measure, but in their endorsements made no mention of the ad revenue they had received.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Marketing Prop. 22 as a Social Justice Measure\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Many workers in the gig economy in California are people of color – a fact reflected in the advertising campaign for Prop. 22, which presents the initiative as a boon for social justice. In the past, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11643681/lyft-gains-on-uber-by-appealing-to-progressive-political-ideals\">Lyft had leaned heavily on social justice messaging\u003c/a> to appeal to liberals and distinguish itself from Uber, especially after Trump was elected. Now, this tactic has become a major thrust of the entire Yes on Prop. 22 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multi-billion-dollar app companies to write their own law so they can keep exploiting drivers.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>PR firms working for the campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Fake-progressive-mailers-urge-yes-on-Uber-Lyft-15635173.php\">have created a number of political mailers\u003c/a> that urge people to vote yes on Prop. 22 and are designed to look like voter guides coming from progressive sources. In small letters at the bottom of these mailers it says the guides are prepared by organizations like “Feel the Bern, Progressive Voter Guide,” “Council of Concerned Women Voters Guide” and “Our Voice, Latino Voter Guide,” which are all fake progressive organizations. They don’t actually exist. After these mailers were reported, Bernie Sanders \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/BernieSanders/status/1315650084567121920?s=20\">came out publicly against\u003c/a> Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the ads in the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign feature people of color, like Aisha A. from Los Angeles, who say they need this flexible job to survive. Uber ran an ad campaign this summer with billboards in many major cities that said “If you tolerate racism, delete Uber.” Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yImMyOkeaKQ\">created a television ad\u003c/a> using a recording of Maya Angelou reading her poem, “On the Pulse of Morning.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/yImMyOkeaKQ'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/yImMyOkeaKQ'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>The Lyft ad begins with a voiceover of Angelou saying “Lift up your eyes upon / This day breaking for you.” You see Black and brown people getting ready for work. And then it transitions to the inside of a Lyft. There’s a montage of drivers, all people of color, picking up passengers. “Each new hour holds new chances / For a new beginning.” Angelou says “Do not be wedded forever / To fear, yoked eternally / To brutishness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting the California NAACP to endorse Proposition 22 was a big win for gig companies. The organization has authored voter guides telling people to vote yes, and Alice Huffman, head of the California NAACP, has been writing editorials in support of the proposition. Huffman also happens to run a consulting firm called AC Public Affairs. That firm has so far received $85,000 from the Yes on Prop. 22 Campaign. Huffman has a history of receiving contributions from corporations to support their ballot initiatives. The Yes on Prop. 22 money \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2020/09/california-naacp-president-helps-corporate-ballot-measure-campaigns/\">is part of $1.2 million her firm has already received this year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Black and Latino leaders in California have come out against Proposition 22; Rep. Barbara Lee from Oakland, Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs and members of both the Latino and Black California Legislative Caucus were part of a group that \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/technology/520671-democrats-accuse-tech-companies-of-deceitful-tactics-in-campaign-against\">publicly denounced\u003c/a> Proposition 22 in mid-October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addressing the gig companies on the call, Lee said, “You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multi-billion-dollar app companies to write their own law so they can keep exploiting the drivers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Vetter said “Prop. 22 not only protects the jobs of drivers of color and their freedom to work independently, it would provide drivers an earnings guarantee, access to benefits like health care and provide drivers and passengers alike with new safety protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"surveys\">\u003c/a>Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843323\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg\" alt=\"Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov holds a flyer supporting a yes vote on Proposition 22 in Oakland.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1290\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-800x538.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1020x685.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1536x1032.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov, in Oakland, holds a flyer suggesting his riders ask him about why he supports Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Josh Edelson/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many ads from the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign say four out of five drivers prefer being independent contractors. This data comes from a survey done on the blog of \u003ca href=\"https://therideshareguy.com/\">Harry the Rideshare Guy\u003c/a>. It’s one of a slew of surveys the gig companies have been using to advocate for Prop. 22. These surveys are often methodologically flawed, and they never tell the whole story of what drivers want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Harry the Rideshare Guy survey has been a central piece of advertising for Proposition 22 and used in legal arguments, it is a non-scientific, informal poll done on a blog. There was no guarantee that respondents were drivers, let alone that there was a representative sample in terms of demographics, hours driven or political leanings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harry Campbell, CEO of The Rideshare Guy blog, said he believes the site’s survey reflects what he has been hearing from drivers. Yes on Prop. 22 campaign spokesperson Geoff Vetter agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Rideshare Guy polled app-based drivers in California and did it without offering payment to the respondents,” Vetter said. “All this makes for a much fuller, more accurate data set and one that correctly demonstrates how drivers feel about Prop. 22 and independent contractor v. employee status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But The Rideshare Guy survey is indicative of a number of the broader issues that the No on Prop. 22 campaign and scholars studying the gig economy have with how drivers are being surveyed. Juliet Schor, a professor of sociology at Boston College who has spent years studying the gig economy, said these surveys don’t capture the full picture. There is often bias in the sample, flawed and misleading questions and information presented that influences responses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843775\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 411px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11843775\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"411\" height=\"239\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-1020x595.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-160x93.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey.png 1501w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 411px) 100vw, 411px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Drivers got this prompt before being asked if they supported Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Edelson Survey Screenshot)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This \u003ca href=\"https://d3n8a8pro7vhmx.cloudfront.net/themes/5ef0e34fc294806719977470/attachments/original/1592866174/cadriversurvey.pdf?1592866174\">survey from Edelman\u003c/a> is a good example. In a question about Prop. 22, the survey included a snippet from a TechCrunch article that cast the proposition in positive light. Given that prompt, 72 percent of respondents said they supported the measure. On August 19, Lyft issued a survey that had a common flaw in the questioning, equating contractor status to freedom. The survey asked if “the freedom of being an independent contractor outweighs the benefits of being an employee.” Conflating freedom with being an independent contractor is misleading. Employees can have autonomy and freedom, and likewise contractors can be constrained and coerced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, there is the sample issue. The surveys give equal weight to those who drive only a few hours a week with those who drive much more. And the surveys only poll active workers, which could have a distorting effect on the results. There have been tens or even hundreds of thousands of people in California who have done some work for these gig companies and then stopped. These workers represent a large percentage of the labor that has been done for these companies, yet their opinions are being left out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big methodological weakness of the surveys,” Schor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schor and her research team have interviewed hundreds of gig workers over the years, ethnographic data that can capture what a survey doesn’t. She says there is actually a lot of consistency in what drivers want. They want to be autonomous and have flexibility, but they also want to earn enough that they can pay their bills, buy insurance, and have money set aside if something goes wrong. Schor said she thinks a lot of gig workers in California are answering surveys with what they wish they could have: independent status and enough money to truly be their own bosses. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3488009\">Veena Dubal wrote an entire academic paper unpacking all of this\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driver Noemi Torres agreed with Schor’s conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to be independent contractors, but Uber doesn’t treat us like independent contractors,” said Torres, who has been driving for seven years outside of North Hollywood. “Initially, we would get paid enough to support ourselves in terms of getting our own health insurance, but since they keep lowering the rates, you don’t have the flexibility.” She opposes Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers who support Proposition 22 often don’t sound that different when it comes to what they want. They just believe the ballot proposition can get it for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I decided to vote yes on Prop. 22, because it would allow me and my fellow drivers to retain the flexibility we need while ensuring we get the benefits and protections we deserve,” said Dave Thomasson, a driver from West Covina.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"directtovoter\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843415\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1317\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1536x1054.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft app displays a message asking users to vote yes on Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(JOSH EDELSON/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last month, Hector Castellanos started seeing the pop-ups while driving for Uber. Under a dialog box emblazoned with “Prop. 22 is progress,” Castellanos had to click either “Yes on Prop. 22” or “OK” to proceed with his ride. At the same time, his riders were getting pop ups that said their drivers support Prop. 22 and that they should talk with them about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castellanos drives full-time, and throughout the day kept seeing the pop up again and again. Castellanos opposes Proposition 22 and he didn’t want to have to click yes or OK, but he had no option. “Drivers have to click ‘yes’ even if they don’t want it,” he said. “They have to click yes or OK.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Uber spokesperson Davis White said Castellanos’s experience is not the norm, and that drivers should only see the pop up once when signing off the app, and that the pop up has been changed so drivers can just close it without selecting an answer. \u003ca href=\"https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20398520-uber-prop-22-complaint\">Castellanos and another driver are now suing\u003c/a> Uber for allegedly infringing on their right to be free of political coercion at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s popups are an example of the unprecedented advantage gig companies have in this ballot campaign: their own apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With their apps already used by millions of California workers and consumers, proponents of no other ballot proposition have ever had direct-to-voter connection at this scale — and gig companies are using the opportunity. They’re sending emails, push notifications to phones and using pop-ups to continually send the pro-Prop. 22 message directly to their customers and workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Lyft and Uber have been particularly aggressive in using apps to market Prop. 22 to customers. In the Uber app, riders will see a little blue text bubble coming out of the car image that says “Yes on 22.” Uber is sending push notifications that pop up on phones saying things like “Vote early on Prop. 22. Support drivers and help keep Uber in your city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842964/gig-companies-are-making-their-workers-promote-prop-22\">gig companies are also pressuring their workers\u003c/a> to spread pro-Prop. 22 messages to consumers. In October, Instacart asked workers through the app to put pro-Prop. 22 stickers in customers’ orders at a Bay Area store. The sticker said “Yes 22, Save App-Based Jobs and Services.” DoorDash is providing free delivery bags to restaurants that have Prop. 22 ads on their sides. Then workers have to use these bags to bring food to customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After backlash online, Instacart is no longer asking workers to add stickers to orders. But DoorDash is continuing to send pro-Prop. 22 delivery bags to restaurants. The company says restaurants have requested over 4 million bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This widespread use of apps to spread messages is unprecedented in a proposition campaign, and it could prove to be a powerful tactic that other corporations want to emulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the holy grail of political communication,” said David McCuan, professor of political science at Sonoma State University who has been studying ballot propositions for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the gig companies are successful in getting Prop. 22 passed, McCuan said it could change the way ballot initiatives are fought in California. Companies with apps and money to leverage them may see ballot initiatives as a worthwhile way to get their policies enacted if this campaign shows that apps can be used to sway voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"ramifications\">\u003c/a>The Ramifications\u003c/h1>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 fails, gig companies would have to reclassify workers as employees. That could mean redirecting more revenue to pay for basic employee protections, increasing fares and increased requirements to work on these apps, especially for more casual, part-time drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies could be responsible for years of back pay, lost benefits, taxes and unpaid unemployment insurance, which could be an especially big deal for Uber and Lyft. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/press-release-what-would-uber-and-lyft-owe-to-the-state-unemployment-insurance-fund/#:~:text=BERKELEY%2C%20CA%20%E2%80%94%20A%20new%20report,Fund%20between%202014%20and%202019.\">A report from UC Berkeley’s Labor Center\u003c/a> estimates they could owe as much as $413 million for the period between 2014 to 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber has said prices \u003ca href=\"https://www.businessinsider.com/uber-fares-double-small-cities-if-voters-reject-prop-22-2020-10\">could double in small cities\u003c/a>. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has suggested that 80% to 90% of drivers could lose work. Given the lack of data from gig companies, it is hard to know how much each would have to change their prices or operations. Also Uber and Lyft are still not profitable, so some change is bound to happen to their services regardless of what happens with Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies have also said they could leave California temporarily. In the past, Uber and Lyft have left places like Austin in order to urge lawmakers to overturn regulations they didn’t like. The companies have always come back, and they’ve never pulled out of a market as big as California. \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/tusk-venture-partners/initial-thoughts-on-what-the-2020-election-means-for-you-b7d8200b1bf6\">Bradley Tusk is a former political advisor to Uber, and he assumes\u003c/a> gig companies would use their billions of dollars to continue appealing to the Legislature and to voters to find a way to maintain their gig contractor model if Prop. 22 fails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, California would have a third category of worker — the gig contractor — enshrined in law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies like Uber, Lyft, DoorDash, Postmates and Instacart would get a carve out from state labor law and would be allowed to classify workers as gig contractors, thereby denying them basic employee benefits. The door would be open for other companies to develop apps to take advantage of this new gig worker category.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would become the \u003ca href=\"#written\">hardest statute to amend\u003c/a> in California history, and local governments would have no power to enact laws that provide gig workers with additional benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would \u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">establish a playbook\u003c/a> for other companies that want to use an app to market a ballot initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of companies will have proven that they can use a ballot initiative to maintain a business practice that has been deemed illegal either directly or indirectly by all three branches of California’s government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There would certainly be lawsuits over things like the 7/8ths provision, but barring a new ballot proposition or a major legal victory, gig workers would have to continue working without basic employee protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Environmentalists, petroleum industry executives, union leaders and communities near oil drilling sites are all gearing up for what’s expected to be a fierce political battle over efforts to reduce California’s oil production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time around, Gov. Gavin Newsom says he wants a ban on fracking, and a key state lawmaker says the Legislature should go further and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839879/not-just-fracking-cut-all-oil-drilling-in-california-says-key-lawmaker\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">reduce oil drilling of all kinds\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Hollin Kretzmann, senior attorney with the Center for Biological Diversity's Climate Law Institute\"]‘It is time politicians stop pretending to look to Big Oil for solutions. These companies are simply not interested in doing anything other than lining their pockets.’[/pullquote] The push comes in the middle of two crises hitting the state: the coronavirus pandemic and record-breaking wildfires intensified by climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The economic downturn and shelter orders have slammed fossil fuel companies that are now facing more heat for contributing to the world’s global warming crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even the head of one of the nation’s largest oil industry trade groups sees a difference in the political climate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The emotion around our industry has escalated,” said Catherine Reheis-Boyd, president of the Western States Petroleum Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Newsom called on state legislators to develop a bill that would eliminate new hydraulic fracturing licenses by 2024. Several lawmakers announced they would propose a fracking ban when the Legislature reconvenes later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Henry Stern, D-Los Angeles, chairman of the Senate Natural Resources and Water Committee, told KQED that he wants to go further and reduce all kinds of oil drilling in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stern says his goal is a “grand bargain” that would lead to legislation that would do more than just ban fracking, an extraction technique that makes up only a small percentage of the California’s oil production compared to traditional oil and gas drilling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His comments could lead to a new legislative battle in Sacramento over a key part of the state’s energy sector — one that members of some communities near drilling sites in California’s oil country say they are ready for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Living next to this industry source of pollution, residents are exposed to higher rates of dangerous chemicals both inside their homes and in their neighborhoods,” said Gustavo Aguirre Jr., Kern County coordinator for the Central California Environmental Justice Network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is crucial we work together on this and listen and acknowledge what frontline communities have been advocating and ground-truthing for many years now,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Oil Industry and Labor Push Back\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Two of California’s major trade associations representing oil companies are expected to lobby hard against any new limits on oil production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Western States Petroleum Association (WSPA) and the California Independent Petroleum Association (CIPA) say a proposal to ban fracking or any other extraction technique will hurt oil workers and increase the state’s reliance on fuel from sources outside of the country.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nReheis-Boyd, from WSPA, says the demand for gasoline in the state is too high to curtail oil production: There are just too many cars on the road that rely on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are going to have to produce adequate, reliable, affordable forms of fossil fuel energies for quite some time,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the California Energy Commission says Californians won’t have to wait too long. Residents here are increasingly buying less gasoline and are expected to purchase even less in the coming years, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839077/strong-california-gas-demand-unlikely-to-return-as-even-refineries-go-renewable\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">presentation\u003c/a> by one of the agency’s leading fuel specialists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless, the head of CIPA says lawmakers who want to ban fracking and other kinds of oil drilling have no right to tell Central Valley communities what they can do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Extremists are misleading the public about well stimulation, which occurs thousands of feet below ground, far away from drinking water sources or air, and almost exclusively in mature oil fields in the remote parts of western Kern County,” said Rock Zierman, the CEO of CIPA, which represents hundreds of independent crude oil and natural gas producers in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple studies, however, have shown health risks for people living near oil and gas wells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"oil-drilling\"]Still, Zierman says a ban on fracking would hurt the state’s economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Banning hydraulic fracturing hurts consumers, undermines California’s climate leadership by increasing reliance on foreign oil, jeopardizes quality jobs and will generate less state and local tax revenue to fund our schools, firefighters and health care,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opposition is just as strong from one of the state’s leading labor unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is nothing new. It’s what we hear from a lot of coastal Democrats who are less in touch with blue-collar workers in California,” said Robbie Hunter, president of the State Building and Construction Trades Council of California, which represents hundreds of thousands of workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hunter, who publicly \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-12-02/gavin-newsom-labor-union-feud-california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">feuded with the governor\u003c/a> in the past, says climate change needs to be addressed, but curtailing oil production in California would not help the environment and cost jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Until we can generate enough energy here in California, we should not be cutting off our ability to meet or own existing needs,” Hunter said. “We have seen this again and again — press releases and policies that do not align with reality and the needs of today, or even tomorrow, of the ordinary citizens of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>No Room for Compromise\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A leader of one of the environmental groups that has been pushing for a fracking ban for years says limiting petroleum production is a must.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People near hazardous oil operations shouldn’t have to wait one more day for protection,” says Hollin Kretzmann, senior attorney with the Center for Biological Diversity’s Climate Law Institute[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Robbie Hunter, president of the State Building and Construction Trades Council of California \"]‘Until we can generate enough energy here in California, we should not be cutting off our ability to meet or own existing needs.’[/pullquote]He is calling on Gov. Newsom to stop issuing approvals for new oil and gas wells and for fracking, institute a buffer between wells and communities and commit to a plan to phase out oil and gas production while transitioning oil workers to green jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oil production pollutes the air we breathe and the water we drink,” Kretzmann said, adding that research has shown higher rates of preterm births and low birth weights associated with pregnant women who live near oil and gas wells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These harms fall disproportionately on communities of color and low-income communities, who already suffer from higher exposure to industry pollution,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kretzmann does not see room for a compromise, though.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trying to reach a grand bargain with the oil industry responsible for climate change is a fool’s errand,” he said. “It is time politicians stop pretending to look to Big Oil for solutions. These companies are simply not interested in doing anything other than lining their pockets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How to Reach a Deal\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But one expert on oil politics says there is hope for a compromise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A deal on wide-ranging petroleum drilling limits should focus on helping older petroleum workers “retire with dignity” and younger workers transition to new jobs, according to Matto Mildenberger, an assistant professor of political science at UC Santa Barbara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The key here will be to split labor and business,” said Mildenberger, who wrote the book, “Carbon Captured: How Business and Labor Control Climate Politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Negotiations with the fossil fuel industry itself will be less productive,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Key to that strategy will be putting in place a “just transition,” a term used to describe a fair way of transitioning oil workers into a green energy economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Hunter, from the construction union, dismisses that idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to stop hearing about the green jobs they are going to create for blue collars as ‘compromise,'” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one should lose their job because the politics of the day kills an industry before we have the technology to create enough energy in alternate ways.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Environmentalists, petroleum industry executives, union leaders and communities near oil drilling sites are all gearing up for what’s expected to be a fierce political battle over efforts to reduce California’s oil production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time around, Gov. Gavin Newsom says he wants a ban on fracking, and a key state lawmaker says the Legislature should go further and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839879/not-just-fracking-cut-all-oil-drilling-in-california-says-key-lawmaker\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">reduce oil drilling of all kinds\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It is time politicians stop pretending to look to Big Oil for solutions. These companies are simply not interested in doing anything other than lining their pockets.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> The push comes in the middle of two crises hitting the state: the coronavirus pandemic and record-breaking wildfires intensified by climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The economic downturn and shelter orders have slammed fossil fuel companies that are now facing more heat for contributing to the world’s global warming crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even the head of one of the nation’s largest oil industry trade groups sees a difference in the political climate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The emotion around our industry has escalated,” said Catherine Reheis-Boyd, president of the Western States Petroleum Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Newsom called on state legislators to develop a bill that would eliminate new hydraulic fracturing licenses by 2024. Several lawmakers announced they would propose a fracking ban when the Legislature reconvenes later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Henry Stern, D-Los Angeles, chairman of the Senate Natural Resources and Water Committee, told KQED that he wants to go further and reduce all kinds of oil drilling in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stern says his goal is a “grand bargain” that would lead to legislation that would do more than just ban fracking, an extraction technique that makes up only a small percentage of the California’s oil production compared to traditional oil and gas drilling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His comments could lead to a new legislative battle in Sacramento over a key part of the state’s energy sector — one that members of some communities near drilling sites in California’s oil country say they are ready for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Living next to this industry source of pollution, residents are exposed to higher rates of dangerous chemicals both inside their homes and in their neighborhoods,” said Gustavo Aguirre Jr., Kern County coordinator for the Central California Environmental Justice Network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is crucial we work together on this and listen and acknowledge what frontline communities have been advocating and ground-truthing for many years now,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Oil Industry and Labor Push Back\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Two of California’s major trade associations representing oil companies are expected to lobby hard against any new limits on oil production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Western States Petroleum Association (WSPA) and the California Independent Petroleum Association (CIPA) say a proposal to ban fracking or any other extraction technique will hurt oil workers and increase the state’s reliance on fuel from sources outside of the country.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nReheis-Boyd, from WSPA, says the demand for gasoline in the state is too high to curtail oil production: There are just too many cars on the road that rely on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are going to have to produce adequate, reliable, affordable forms of fossil fuel energies for quite some time,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the California Energy Commission says Californians won’t have to wait too long. Residents here are increasingly buying less gasoline and are expected to purchase even less in the coming years, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839077/strong-california-gas-demand-unlikely-to-return-as-even-refineries-go-renewable\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">presentation\u003c/a> by one of the agency’s leading fuel specialists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless, the head of CIPA says lawmakers who want to ban fracking and other kinds of oil drilling have no right to tell Central Valley communities what they can do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Extremists are misleading the public about well stimulation, which occurs thousands of feet below ground, far away from drinking water sources or air, and almost exclusively in mature oil fields in the remote parts of western Kern County,” said Rock Zierman, the CEO of CIPA, which represents hundreds of independent crude oil and natural gas producers in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple studies, however, have shown health risks for people living near oil and gas wells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Still, Zierman says a ban on fracking would hurt the state’s economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Banning hydraulic fracturing hurts consumers, undermines California’s climate leadership by increasing reliance on foreign oil, jeopardizes quality jobs and will generate less state and local tax revenue to fund our schools, firefighters and health care,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opposition is just as strong from one of the state’s leading labor unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is nothing new. It’s what we hear from a lot of coastal Democrats who are less in touch with blue-collar workers in California,” said Robbie Hunter, president of the State Building and Construction Trades Council of California, which represents hundreds of thousands of workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hunter, who publicly \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-12-02/gavin-newsom-labor-union-feud-california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">feuded with the governor\u003c/a> in the past, says climate change needs to be addressed, but curtailing oil production in California would not help the environment and cost jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Until we can generate enough energy here in California, we should not be cutting off our ability to meet or own existing needs,” Hunter said. “We have seen this again and again — press releases and policies that do not align with reality and the needs of today, or even tomorrow, of the ordinary citizens of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>No Room for Compromise\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A leader of one of the environmental groups that has been pushing for a fracking ban for years says limiting petroleum production is a must.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People near hazardous oil operations shouldn’t have to wait one more day for protection,” says Hollin Kretzmann, senior attorney with the Center for Biological Diversity’s Climate Law Institute\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>He is calling on Gov. Newsom to stop issuing approvals for new oil and gas wells and for fracking, institute a buffer between wells and communities and commit to a plan to phase out oil and gas production while transitioning oil workers to green jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oil production pollutes the air we breathe and the water we drink,” Kretzmann said, adding that research has shown higher rates of preterm births and low birth weights associated with pregnant women who live near oil and gas wells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These harms fall disproportionately on communities of color and low-income communities, who already suffer from higher exposure to industry pollution,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kretzmann does not see room for a compromise, though.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trying to reach a grand bargain with the oil industry responsible for climate change is a fool’s errand,” he said. “It is time politicians stop pretending to look to Big Oil for solutions. These companies are simply not interested in doing anything other than lining their pockets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How to Reach a Deal\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But one expert on oil politics says there is hope for a compromise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A deal on wide-ranging petroleum drilling limits should focus on helping older petroleum workers “retire with dignity” and younger workers transition to new jobs, according to Matto Mildenberger, an assistant professor of political science at UC Santa Barbara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The key here will be to split labor and business,” said Mildenberger, who wrote the book, “Carbon Captured: How Business and Labor Control Climate Politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Negotiations with the fossil fuel industry itself will be less productive,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Key to that strategy will be putting in place a “just transition,” a term used to describe a fair way of transitioning oil workers into a green energy economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Hunter, from the construction union, dismisses that idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to stop hearing about the green jobs they are going to create for blue collars as ‘compromise,'” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one should lose their job because the politics of the day kills an industry before we have the technology to create enough energy in alternate ways.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Misty Masvalo has been living in a retrofitted van for the past few years. She’s added solar panels, a propane stovetop and a sink operated by a foot pump. She’s working on installing a compostable toilet, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like [the van] is a little beach shack on wheels,” Masvalo said. “I have to make it a little comfortable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Masvalo wants to find permanent housing, but can’t see how that’s going to happen, unless the price of housing drops substantially — or her wages rise substantially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her wages as a part-time yoga instructor and preschool teacher have never been enough to make it easy to keep a roof over her head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Teachers in general don’t make great money, but early childhood educators are especially affected by low wages,” Masvalo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After moving several times between different apartments in the region, Masvalo decided to cash out her savings and buy the van.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, she’s watching a local measure on Mountain View’s November ballot. Measure C would ban oversized vehicles, or any vehicle “\u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/civicax/filebank/blobdload.aspx?BlobID=32778\">which exceeds 22 feet in length or 7 feet in width or 7 feet in height,\u003c/a>” from parking on streets that are 40 feet or narrower, unless the vehicle is parked for short duration activities like loading and unloading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more and more people like Masvalo park along major thoroughfares and back roads, the Mountain View City Council has come under pressure from homeowners who complain that oversized vehicles block bike lanes and line of sight for drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years of talking about a “safe parking” program, the city finally \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11782096/after-mountain-view-approves-rv-ban-housing-advocates-vow-to-fight-it-at-ballot-box\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">created one in 2019\u003c/a>. People can park their RVs or oversized vans in sections of dedicated parking lots, as long as they agree to sign up for social services and support to find permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain View resident Prody Hazarika supports Measure C, because he thinks people should use the safe parking program instead of parking on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to encourage the right path,” he said on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101880303/election-2020-mountain-view-moves-to-keep-a-ban-on-rvs\">KQED Forum\u003c/a>. “That can only be accomplished where you have parking lots where you can get better in life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hazarika believes that Measure C gives homeowners a voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Homeowners] have a right to demand safe streets and good community living,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His sentiments are echoed by Mountain View Mayor Margaret Abe-Koga. She also doesn’t believe RVs are a permanent solution to housing and said Measure C would encourage people to find more stable housing or to use the city-funded safe parking program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’m really proud of is the safe lots that we’ve opened,” she said. “They are successful and I’m open to adding more spaces if we can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/depts/comdev/preservation/safe_parking_program.asp\">Mountain View’s Safe Parking program\u003c/a> is the largest of its kind in Santa Clara County, with 75 spots located across the city. But according to a Safe Parking report from September, the city’s homeless population has grown over the years, from 276 in 2015 to about 606 in 2019. \u003ca href=\"https://movemv.org/\">Move Mountain View\u003c/a>, a nonprofit which helps run the safe parking program, says safe parking lots are often filled, leaving many on the waitlist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"election-2020\" label=\"Election 2020 Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite evidence that most homeless individuals are local, many of Measure C’s supporters hold a widely held belief that those living in vehicles come from elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mountain View has become known for the services that we provide, so other cities are telling folks to come here,” said former mayor Lisa Matichak during a recent forum on housing hosted by the \u003ca href=\"https://mvmha.com/\">Mountain View Mobile Home Alliance\u003c/a>. Matichak is one of four former Mountain View mayors currently running for a city council seat this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Move Mountain View said participants of the program are asked whether they live in Mountain View before they can qualify for a parking spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need reciprocity,” said former mayor Lenny Siegel, who is also running for a city council seat. A long-time affordable housing advocate, he opposes Measure C because he feels it pushes people out before providing an alternative housing option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t throw people out until there’s a place to go,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Masvalo’s van is eight feet tall, which means she’d be affected by Measure C if it passes. She feels her job is important to the Mountain View community and wants be able to live in the city where she works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who is going to take care of your children so that you can work your eight plus hours a day and make your wonderful annual salary?” she asked. “We’re just doing our best to make ends meet.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Misty Masvalo has been living in a retrofitted van for the past few years. She’s added solar panels, a propane stovetop and a sink operated by a foot pump. She’s working on installing a compostable toilet, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like [the van] is a little beach shack on wheels,” Masvalo said. “I have to make it a little comfortable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Masvalo wants to find permanent housing, but can’t see how that’s going to happen, unless the price of housing drops substantially — or her wages rise substantially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her wages as a part-time yoga instructor and preschool teacher have never been enough to make it easy to keep a roof over her head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Teachers in general don’t make great money, but early childhood educators are especially affected by low wages,” Masvalo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After moving several times between different apartments in the region, Masvalo decided to cash out her savings and buy the van.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, she’s watching a local measure on Mountain View’s November ballot. Measure C would ban oversized vehicles, or any vehicle “\u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/civicax/filebank/blobdload.aspx?BlobID=32778\">which exceeds 22 feet in length or 7 feet in width or 7 feet in height,\u003c/a>” from parking on streets that are 40 feet or narrower, unless the vehicle is parked for short duration activities like loading and unloading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more and more people like Masvalo park along major thoroughfares and back roads, the Mountain View City Council has come under pressure from homeowners who complain that oversized vehicles block bike lanes and line of sight for drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years of talking about a “safe parking” program, the city finally \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11782096/after-mountain-view-approves-rv-ban-housing-advocates-vow-to-fight-it-at-ballot-box\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">created one in 2019\u003c/a>. People can park their RVs or oversized vans in sections of dedicated parking lots, as long as they agree to sign up for social services and support to find permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain View resident Prody Hazarika supports Measure C, because he thinks people should use the safe parking program instead of parking on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to encourage the right path,” he said on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101880303/election-2020-mountain-view-moves-to-keep-a-ban-on-rvs\">KQED Forum\u003c/a>. “That can only be accomplished where you have parking lots where you can get better in life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hazarika believes that Measure C gives homeowners a voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Homeowners] have a right to demand safe streets and good community living,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His sentiments are echoed by Mountain View Mayor Margaret Abe-Koga. She also doesn’t believe RVs are a permanent solution to housing and said Measure C would encourage people to find more stable housing or to use the city-funded safe parking program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’m really proud of is the safe lots that we’ve opened,” she said. “They are successful and I’m open to adding more spaces if we can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/depts/comdev/preservation/safe_parking_program.asp\">Mountain View’s Safe Parking program\u003c/a> is the largest of its kind in Santa Clara County, with 75 spots located across the city. But according to a Safe Parking report from September, the city’s homeless population has grown over the years, from 276 in 2015 to about 606 in 2019. \u003ca href=\"https://movemv.org/\">Move Mountain View\u003c/a>, a nonprofit which helps run the safe parking program, says safe parking lots are often filled, leaving many on the waitlist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite evidence that most homeless individuals are local, many of Measure C’s supporters hold a widely held belief that those living in vehicles come from elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mountain View has become known for the services that we provide, so other cities are telling folks to come here,” said former mayor Lisa Matichak during a recent forum on housing hosted by the \u003ca href=\"https://mvmha.com/\">Mountain View Mobile Home Alliance\u003c/a>. Matichak is one of four former Mountain View mayors currently running for a city council seat this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Move Mountain View said participants of the program are asked whether they live in Mountain View before they can qualify for a parking spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need reciprocity,” said former mayor Lenny Siegel, who is also running for a city council seat. A long-time affordable housing advocate, he opposes Measure C because he feels it pushes people out before providing an alternative housing option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t throw people out until there’s a place to go,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Masvalo’s van is eight feet tall, which means she’d be affected by Measure C if it passes. She feels her job is important to the Mountain View community and wants be able to live in the city where she works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who is going to take care of your children so that you can work your eight plus hours a day and make your wonderful annual salary?” she asked. “We’re just doing our best to make ends meet.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Not Just Fracking: Cut All Oil Drilling in California, Says Key Lawmaker",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes a clarification. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers need to create a package of legislation that limits multiple kinds of oil drilling, not just hydraulic fracturing, if they want to respond effectively to the world’s climate crisis, says the chairman of a key committee that regulates the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fracking is a good place to start, and obviously it’s going to make headlines,” said state Sen. Henry Stern, D-Los Angeles, who chairs the Natural Resources and Water Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, he added, “It won’t solve the entire problem of oil drilling in people’s backyards. We’ve actually got to leave more of this stuff in the ground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"State Sen. Henry Stern\"]‘[Fracking] won’t solve the entire problem of oil drilling in people’s backyards. We’ve actually got to leave more of this stuff in the ground.’[/pullquote]Last month, as climate change-driven wildfires were on their way to burning more than 4 million acres around the state, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1969807/california-to-halt-sales-of-new-gas-cars-by-2035\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">executive order\u003c/a> to end sales of gasoline-powered passenger cars and trucks in California by 2035. Newsom then also called on state lawmakers to develop legislation that would eliminate new fracking licenses by 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The moves could forever change California, home to one of the nation’s largest oil producing, refining and consuming markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after Newsom’s executive order, several lawmakers announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.sierraclub.org/sites/www.sierraclub.org/files/sce/sierra-club-california/PDFs/9.24.20%20Fracking%20Ban%20Announcement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">plans to introduce a ban on fracking\u003c/a> when the next legislative session starts in December. The announcement, which garnered support from several environmental groups, included no specific details. Any such bill would need to go through Stern’s committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a great gesture,” said Stern, who’s running for re-election and supports a ban on fracking, but was not one of the lawmakers behind the announcement. “It’s going to have a tough row to hoe in the Legislature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Legislative Challenges\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The challenges of approving new oil drilling regulations in California, which Stern calls a “petro-state,” were recently underscored in the committee he chairs. The natural resources panel rejected legislation that would have called for setbacks — or buffer zones — between future oil drilling sites and homes, playgrounds and schools. The opposition came not just from the oil industry and Republicans on the committee, but from members of Stern’s own party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a lot of Democrats with concerns about any restrictions on oil production,” said Stern, who voted for the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several of the committee members who opposed the legislation have received significant contributions from the oil industry, a finding first reported by the left-leaning \u003ca href=\"https://www.jacobinmag.com/2020/09/california-democrats-oil-gas-fracking-ab345\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Jacobin\u003c/a> magazine. The bill’s death prompted outrage among environmentalists and community groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Fracking in California\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fracking is an oil well stimulation method that works to get fuel out of the ground by using water and chemicals to crack open geological formations. The injections allow petroleum and water under the ground to flow more freely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fossil fuel industry says the practice helps provide the country with a consistent source of domestic energy. Environmentalists say the chemicals used in the method lead to water and air pollution, as well as the potential contamination of drinking water. Several years ago, it came to light that state regulators in California mistakenly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1914130/how-much-drinking-water-has-california-lost-to-oil-industry-waste-no-one-knows\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed oil companies\u003c/a> to dispose of the fracking wastewater in aquifers tapped for drinking water that were supposed to be safeguarded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"oil-drilling\"]Fracking has become a hot-button issue in the presidential election, especially in Pennsylvania, a key swing state where it creates a lot of jobs. Democratic nominee Joe Biden says he does not oppose fracking, an assertion that President Trump ardently disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The technique, along with other oil and gas drilling, mostly takes place on private land, but is regulated by state officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, fracking makes up a small portion of production in oil fields, many of which are in Kern County. Hydraulic fracturing led to the production of 2.3 million barrels of oil in the state in 2019, or 1.5% of California’s oil production, according to the California Geologic Energy Management Division (CalGEM).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Traditional oil and gas drilling made up 77% of the state’s oil production in 2019, with cyclic steam work accounting for 21%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last July, California put in place a nine-month moratorium on new permits for fracking. During that time, the Department of Conservation asked Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory to conduct an independent review of its pending well-stimulation permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/TedrickG/status/1317472223297294337?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the moratorium ended in April, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11810791/after-9-month-pause-california-issuing-fracking-permits-again\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CalGEM\u003c/a> has handed out a series of new fracking permits. In fact, the agency approved a set of applications for the technique last Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Pushing for a Compromise\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Figuring out how to cut down on oil drilling is a discussion that state legislators, oil industry executives and labor leaders all need to be involved in, according to Stern, who helped create California’s current regulations on fracking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need people pushing the envelope,” Stern said. “I think what the governor’s laid out is prompting a much bigger conversation that’s going to require some kind of grand bargain. If we’re actually going to figure out what a managed decline looks like or what a real just transition is, we’ve got to bring labor in and have a big conversation about how to move past petroleum production.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stern expects several different oil regulating bills to emerge in the state Legislature when it is scheduled to reconvene in December, and says the state needs to have a serious discussion about what the future of the oil industry should look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe it doesn’t look like the oil industry of the past and maybe folks like Chevron start to rethink their business model entirely,” he said. “To me, that’s the big victory: If we can actually change the business model of our oil majors here, not just notch a political win, but fundamentally change the dynamics globally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To create a Green New Deal in California, the state needs to bring different interest groups together and stop pitting oil worker unions against the people who live near drilling sites, Stern added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It starts with workers and frontline communities,” he said. “It’s going to take coalition building and muscle. Now the real work begins.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Oct. 22: This story was adjusted to include a refined definition of hydraulic fracturing. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes a clarification. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers need to create a package of legislation that limits multiple kinds of oil drilling, not just hydraulic fracturing, if they want to respond effectively to the world’s climate crisis, says the chairman of a key committee that regulates the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fracking is a good place to start, and obviously it’s going to make headlines,” said state Sen. Henry Stern, D-Los Angeles, who chairs the Natural Resources and Water Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, he added, “It won’t solve the entire problem of oil drilling in people’s backyards. We’ve actually got to leave more of this stuff in the ground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last month, as climate change-driven wildfires were on their way to burning more than 4 million acres around the state, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1969807/california-to-halt-sales-of-new-gas-cars-by-2035\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">executive order\u003c/a> to end sales of gasoline-powered passenger cars and trucks in California by 2035. Newsom then also called on state lawmakers to develop legislation that would eliminate new fracking licenses by 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The moves could forever change California, home to one of the nation’s largest oil producing, refining and consuming markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after Newsom’s executive order, several lawmakers announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.sierraclub.org/sites/www.sierraclub.org/files/sce/sierra-club-california/PDFs/9.24.20%20Fracking%20Ban%20Announcement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">plans to introduce a ban on fracking\u003c/a> when the next legislative session starts in December. The announcement, which garnered support from several environmental groups, included no specific details. Any such bill would need to go through Stern’s committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a great gesture,” said Stern, who’s running for re-election and supports a ban on fracking, but was not one of the lawmakers behind the announcement. “It’s going to have a tough row to hoe in the Legislature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Legislative Challenges\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The challenges of approving new oil drilling regulations in California, which Stern calls a “petro-state,” were recently underscored in the committee he chairs. The natural resources panel rejected legislation that would have called for setbacks — or buffer zones — between future oil drilling sites and homes, playgrounds and schools. The opposition came not just from the oil industry and Republicans on the committee, but from members of Stern’s own party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a lot of Democrats with concerns about any restrictions on oil production,” said Stern, who voted for the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several of the committee members who opposed the legislation have received significant contributions from the oil industry, a finding first reported by the left-leaning \u003ca href=\"https://www.jacobinmag.com/2020/09/california-democrats-oil-gas-fracking-ab345\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Jacobin\u003c/a> magazine. The bill’s death prompted outrage among environmentalists and community groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Fracking in California\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fracking is an oil well stimulation method that works to get fuel out of the ground by using water and chemicals to crack open geological formations. The injections allow petroleum and water under the ground to flow more freely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fossil fuel industry says the practice helps provide the country with a consistent source of domestic energy. Environmentalists say the chemicals used in the method lead to water and air pollution, as well as the potential contamination of drinking water. Several years ago, it came to light that state regulators in California mistakenly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1914130/how-much-drinking-water-has-california-lost-to-oil-industry-waste-no-one-knows\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed oil companies\u003c/a> to dispose of the fracking wastewater in aquifers tapped for drinking water that were supposed to be safeguarded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Fracking has become a hot-button issue in the presidential election, especially in Pennsylvania, a key swing state where it creates a lot of jobs. Democratic nominee Joe Biden says he does not oppose fracking, an assertion that President Trump ardently disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The technique, along with other oil and gas drilling, mostly takes place on private land, but is regulated by state officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, fracking makes up a small portion of production in oil fields, many of which are in Kern County. Hydraulic fracturing led to the production of 2.3 million barrels of oil in the state in 2019, or 1.5% of California’s oil production, according to the California Geologic Energy Management Division (CalGEM).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Traditional oil and gas drilling made up 77% of the state’s oil production in 2019, with cyclic steam work accounting for 21%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last July, California put in place a nine-month moratorium on new permits for fracking. During that time, the Department of Conservation asked Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory to conduct an independent review of its pending well-stimulation permits.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"soldout": {
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