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"content": "\u003cp>A judge on Friday temporarily blocked the state of California from implementing \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gavin-newsom-government-and-politics-4bba6a5ea994acf06b950726a3b72262\">a landmark new law\u003c/a> aimed at raising wages and improving working conditions for fast-food workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento County Superior Court Judge Shelleyanne Chang’s order came in response to a lawsuit by restaurant industry groups under the Save Local Restaurants coalition, which is seeking a referendum on the November 2024 ballot in a bid to overturn the law. The coalition unites major fast-food chains like McDonald’s, Starbucks and Chipotle as \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/fast-food-chains-raise-millions-to-oppose-california-wage-law-11664582402?mod=article_inline\">corporate brands and franchisees together raised $12.7 million\u003c/a> in 2022 to fight AB257, aka the FAST Recovery Act.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Tia Orr, executive director, SEIU California\"]‘This cowardly tactic comes right out of the corporate playbook Californians have, unfortunately, come to know too well.’[/pullquote]“Above all, today’s decision by the Sacramento Superior Court protects the voices of over one million California voters who exercised their democratic right in asking to vote on a piece of legislation before bearing its burden,” said the coalition \u003ca href=\"https://savelocalrestaurants.com/sacramento-superior-court-puts-ab-257-on-hold-for-review-after-save-local-restaurants-lawsuit/\">in a statement Friday\u003c/a>. “While this pause is temporary, the impact is beyond just one piece of legislation and keeps intact for the time being California’s century-old referendum process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law establishes a 10-member council empowered to set minimum wages as well as standards for hours and working conditions for California’s fast-food workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and county elections officials are still verifying whether the referendum proposal received enough signatures to qualify for the ballot, a determination expected by the end of January. If that happens, the law would be halted from taking effect until voters weigh in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, the state Department of Industrial Relations said it plans to begin implementing the law on Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If and when the referendum challenging AB 257 qualifies for the ballot, the law will be put on hold,” said Katrina Hagen, director of the DIR, in a \u003ca href=\"https://savelocalrestaurants.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/AB-257-Ltr-12.27.2022-.pdf\">declaration (PDF)\u003c/a> on December 27. “But in the absence of clear authority providing that AB 257 is suspended merely upon submission of unverified signatures, DIR has an obligation to proceed with implementing the duly enacted statute.”[aside postID=news_11924687 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58349_GettyImages-1242148591-qut-1020x652.jpg']Implementation could include clearing the way for appointments to the Fast Food Council. But any wage increases or other changes couldn’t take effect until at least October, meaning the law would have no immediate impact on worker pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The International Franchise Association and the National Restaurant Association said state law requires the state to sit tight until the status of the referendum is determined. The industry groups submitted more than 1 million signatures from voters in support of the referendum, well above the roughly 620,000 required by state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California bureaucrats, at the behest of special interests, are taking an unprecedented step to violate their Constitution and the will of more than one million voters who asked for the Fast Food Council to be stopped via the referendum process,” Matt Haller, chief executive officer and president of the International Franchise Association, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Service Employees International Union, which drove support for the creation of the council, blasted the lawsuit and several companies by name, including McDonald’s, Chipotle and Starbucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This cowardly tactic comes right out of the corporate playbook Californians have, unfortunately, come to know too well,” said Tia Orr, executive director of SEIU California, in a statement.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Save Local Restaurants coalition\"]‘While this pause is temporary, the impact is beyond just one piece of legislation and keeps intact for the time being California’s century-old referendum process.’[/pullquote]“When corporations fail to halt progressive legislation in the legislature, they pivot to bankrolling ballot measures in an attempt to circumvent democracy and the will of the people,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/NorCalFF15/status/1608900657737760774\">Twitter on Friday\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://fightfor15.org/\">Fight for $15\u003c/a> coalition said: “Cowardice, greed, and not just rejecting the needs of our families, but punishing us for trying to get ahead, is exactly why we fought and won a Fast Food Council in California. Now the fast food industry is willing to spend millions of dollars to take away our victory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the signature drive doesn’t qualify for a referendum and the law moves forward, fast-food wages could be raised as high as $22 an hour by the end of 2023. California’s minimum wage for all workers is set to rise to $15.50 an hour starting Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chang, the judge, scheduled a hearing on the matter for January 13. She also wrote that restaurant groups have failed to prove they properly served the state with the lawsuit, and she ordered them to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Supreme Court’s latest move allows \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/12/27/us/politics/title-42-border-supreme-court.html\">a short-term reprieve to an anticipated increase in asylum seekers trying to cross from Mexico\u003c/a> into California and other states, but recent confusion at the border is a preview of what may soon come should a pandemic-era measure known as Title 42 be lifted in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation, and its use as a political backdrop, has prompted local officials to ask what state resources will be available next year with California facing a potential budget shortfall and the possibility that Title 42 will end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Title 42 is a Trump-era immigration policy that has continued under President Joe Biden. It allows border agents to rapidly expel migrants at official ports of entry during public health emergencies. The policy has resulted in the expulsion of tens of thousands of people seeking asylum and has discouraged many others from crossing the border.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11936012,news_11910789,news_11936184\"]The policy states that if the U.S. surgeon general determines there is a communicable disease in another country, \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/42/265\">health officials have the authority, with the approval of the president, to prohibit\u003c/a> “the introduction of persons and property from such countries or places” for as long as health officials determine that action is necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure had been set to lift last week by order of a federal court, which would have allowed many asylum-seekers waiting in limbo at the border to go ahead and cross into the United States. Some experts say that because smugglers in Mexico use any shift in U.S. immigration policy to exploit migrants, mere conversation about the possibility of lifting Title 42 triggered even more people to try to cross into the U.S. in recent weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/22pdf/22a544_n758.pdf\">Supreme Court’s brief order (PDF)\u003c/a> Tuesday stayed — meaning delayed — the trial judge’s ruling that would have lifted Title 42 until the high court hears arguments in the case in February. The political and legal ping-pong in the case is hard enough for U.S. audiences to follow, making it nearly impossible to explain south of the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court’s order is a response to a request filed by 19 Republican-led states that they be heard in the case. It does not overrule the lower court’s decision that Title 42 is illegal; it merely leaves the measure in place while the legal challenges play out in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal court order that was supposed to lift Title 42 came as a result of a lawsuit brought by the American Civil Liberties Union on behalf of asylum-seeking families. Asylum is a protection codified in international law for foreign nationals who meet the legal definition of “refugee.” The United Nations 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol define refugees as people unable or unwilling to return to their home country, and who cannot obtain protection in that country, due to past persecution or a well-founded fear of being persecuted in the future “on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion.” Congress incorporated this definition into U.S. immigration law in the Refugee Act of 1980.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those stuck in Mexico because of Title 42, waiting can be perilous. Human Rights First has documented more than 13,000 attacks on asylum seekers waiting in Mexico during the Biden administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936462\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11936462\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Latinx migrants of various ages from adults to children look on with concerned expressions as they stand next to white steel barriers.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants wait in line while California border activists organize the group to enter the U.S. and seek asylum through the Chaparral entryway in Tijuana, Mexico on Dec. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Carlos A. Moreno for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Because it takes time for news of shifts in U.S. immigration policy to reach areas in rural Mexico and Central America, the numbers of migrants arriving in Tijuana and San Diego this week in anticipation of the end of Title 42 could be elevated right now — and it may take some time before those numbers drop-off as news travels, experts said. Migration numbers typically increase through the first half of the year before dropping off in the summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County Supervisor Joel Anderson, a former Republican state senator, was among a group of political leaders who recently complained that the state and federal governments have not provided the funds local leaders have requested to handle the expected influx of asylum seekers and other migrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not even talking about whether these are good policies or not,” he said. “But whatever the policy is, we become the targets of it. We’re willing to step up, but they have to step up, too, by giving us the resources we need to deal with it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He joined several local Republican and Democratic leaders in San Diego in urging in letters and news conferences that the state and the feds should provide more support ahead of the expected end of Title 42.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local officials pointed to needing more funding for schools, hospitals, and police services, among other resources, if Title 42 eventually lifts. The near constant legal back-and-forth has also provided a convenient conversation starter for politicians wanting to debate larger immigration policy issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the state budget projecting a $25 billion deficit, I’d like to know what the plan is for our schools and to help lift all of our students,” said Andrew Hayes, board president of the Lakeside school district in rural eastern San Diego. Hayes said increases in immigration causes strains to the local educational systems because students fleeing persecution in other countries often have increased mental health needs and sometimes require special instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County Supervisors Nathan Fletcher and Nora Vargas, both Democrats, wrote to Alejandro Mayorkas, the U.S. homeland security secretary, on December 19, also requesting federal resources and “a comprehensive plan to ensure humane entry into the United States for those seeking asylum into our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When Title 42 is lifted, we will need additional resources and personnel on the ground to process and arrange for the onward travel of asylum seekers to their final destination,” they wrote. ”We will also need the federal government to set up temporary shelters on federal property to ensure access to needed social and health services. Our hospitals, our public health department, our social services, and our homeless service providers are already at maximum capacity serving vulnerable residents in San Diego.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>El Cajon not ‘the governor’s neighborhood’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Title 42 policy’s end “will likely increase” migration flows, the Department of Homeland Security officially said last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The burden will unfairly fall on a few border cities, Anderson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re not talking about releasing people into Sacramento or putting people in the governor’s neighborhood,” said Anderson. “No, they’re talking about releasing people right here in El Cajon, where the median household income is just over $58,000 per year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office responded that the state has done what it can to support local jurisdictions.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Joel Anderson, supervisor, San Diego County\"]‘It is irresponsible to ask the City of El Cajon to shoulder the burden and costs necessary to address the needs of these individuals without assistance from the [state] and federal government.’[/pullquote]“While the federal government is responsible for immigration, California has invested more than any other state to ensure the safety and dignity of asylum seekers. Roughly $1 billion has been invested to provide critical services to migrants, including medical screenings, vaccinations, temporary shelter, food, clothes, and other aid. However, with looming budget deficits, the state cannot continue to fund these efforts at scale without significant support from Congress,” said Daniel Lopez, the deputy communications director for Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state has advocated for additional resources to help communities like San Diego provide services to recently arrived migrants,” Lopez added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson wrote to Gov. Gavin Newsom on December 14 complaining that a plan that San Diego County officials proposed to the state was rejected. Though he declined to discuss the plan’s specifics, he said it included opening a temporary emergency shelter, providing food, clothing, healthcare and wrap-around services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is irresponsible to ask the City of El Cajon to shoulder the burden and costs necessary to address the needs of these individuals without assistance from the State and federal government,” wrote Anderson in the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Newsom has been complaining of a lack of federal support for asylum seekers and immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said earlier this month that, because of the federal government’s lackluster support, the state has had to spend nearly $1 billion in the last three years, working with nonprofits to provide immigrants released from federal detention with health screenings, temporary shelter and help connecting with sponsors. The immigrants had been held at nine facilities in Imperial, San Diego and Riverside counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the respect to the federal government, we’ve been doing their job for the last few years at scale,” Newsom said. “But we cannot continue to absorb that responsibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislative Analyst’s Office recently said in its annual forecast that Newsom and the Democratic Party-controlled Legislature are facing a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/12/california-budget-deficit-safety-net/\">$24 billion projected budget deficit\u003c/a> for the next fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the state enters a recession the outlook is even worse, with revenues predicted to fall short by $30 billion to $50 billion. The governor signed a record-breaking \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/06/california-budget-deal-2/\">$308 billion budget\u003c/a> in June.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘With the respect to the federal government, we’ve been doing their job for the last few years at scale. But we cannot continue to absorb that responsibility.’[/pullquote]Advocates say that while migrants sometimes require services when they first enter the country, research shows they ultimately contribute to the larger economy. In California undocumented immigrants collectively pay $3.1 billion a year in state and local taxes, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://itep.sfo2.digitaloceanspaces.com/ITEP-2017-Undocumented-Immigrants-State-and-Local-Contributions.pdf\">Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, some migrants in Mexico last week expressed disappointment, concern and confusion about the delay in lifting Title 42.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several people said they had left shelters with the expectation that the order would be released last week and now they had no place to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the scene outside El Chaparral, a pedestrian border crossing between San Ysidro and Tijuana that has been closed since the pandemic began, looked far different than images coming out of Texas. There, members of the National Guard, armed with rifles, have put up razor wire and are blocking migrants from entering the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Waiting patiently, but getting desperate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Here in Baja California, just south of San Diego, migrants wearing masks stood patiently in lines last week waiting for services or to receive news about any policy changes that may impact their ability to cross the border. The flow of people in the area was orderly, mirroring any other normal mid-week day during the lunch hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A migrant from Michoacán said being out on the streets in Tijuana was extremely uncomfortable for his wife, who has been diagnosed with a brain tumor. He asked not to be named because people in Tijuana were looking for him, putting him in danger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t been able to receive any help from anywhere,” he said. “We’re getting desperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson said that the county was willing to welcome asylum seekers “with open arms,” but it needs more funds to do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if it’s only 10 more people coming in, that’s 10 people too many without additional funding because we already have so many people living on our streets needing services,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936463\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11936463\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A migrant mother with her baby in her arms and her daughter by her side sit among other asylum seekers in a crowded room with iron bars on windows.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants line up to get health services near the free non-profit clinic in Tijuana, Mexico on Dec. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Carlos A. Moreno/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom toured a state-funded migrant center that provides services to asylum seekers near the Imperial County border with Mexico on December 12. There the governor criticized Republicans in Congress for politicizing immigration while failing to support comprehensive reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security said it plans to boost resources at the border, “increasing processing efficiency, imposing consequences for unlawful entry, bolstering nonprofit capacity, targeting smugglers and working with international partners,” a DHS spokesperson said Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Title 42 is ultimately lifted, the process for processing migrants at the border would return to the way it was before the start of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum seekers who don’t have prior permission to be in the country would have to pass what’s called a “credible fear” test. They would have to prove to a processing agent or asylum officer that they have a well-founded fear that if they are deported home, they would face persecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After that test, migrants would either be removed from the country, detained in immigration custody or released into the U.S. to wait while their asylum cases make their way through immigration court — a \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/672/\">process that can take years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "With a projected budget deficit of $24 billion for the next fiscal year and a possible recession, California has yet to figure out how to meet the needs of an influx of migrants when Title 42 ends.",
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"title": "Border Confusion and Financial Woes Loom as California Braces for Lifting of Title 42 in New Year | KQED",
"description": "With a projected budget deficit of $24 billion for the next fiscal year and a possible recession, California has yet to figure out how to meet the needs of an influx of migrants when Title 42 ends.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Supreme Court’s latest move allows \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/12/27/us/politics/title-42-border-supreme-court.html\">a short-term reprieve to an anticipated increase in asylum seekers trying to cross from Mexico\u003c/a> into California and other states, but recent confusion at the border is a preview of what may soon come should a pandemic-era measure known as Title 42 be lifted in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation, and its use as a political backdrop, has prompted local officials to ask what state resources will be available next year with California facing a potential budget shortfall and the possibility that Title 42 will end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Title 42 is a Trump-era immigration policy that has continued under President Joe Biden. It allows border agents to rapidly expel migrants at official ports of entry during public health emergencies. The policy has resulted in the expulsion of tens of thousands of people seeking asylum and has discouraged many others from crossing the border.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The policy states that if the U.S. surgeon general determines there is a communicable disease in another country, \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/42/265\">health officials have the authority, with the approval of the president, to prohibit\u003c/a> “the introduction of persons and property from such countries or places” for as long as health officials determine that action is necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure had been set to lift last week by order of a federal court, which would have allowed many asylum-seekers waiting in limbo at the border to go ahead and cross into the United States. Some experts say that because smugglers in Mexico use any shift in U.S. immigration policy to exploit migrants, mere conversation about the possibility of lifting Title 42 triggered even more people to try to cross into the U.S. in recent weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/22pdf/22a544_n758.pdf\">Supreme Court’s brief order (PDF)\u003c/a> Tuesday stayed — meaning delayed — the trial judge’s ruling that would have lifted Title 42 until the high court hears arguments in the case in February. The political and legal ping-pong in the case is hard enough for U.S. audiences to follow, making it nearly impossible to explain south of the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court’s order is a response to a request filed by 19 Republican-led states that they be heard in the case. It does not overrule the lower court’s decision that Title 42 is illegal; it merely leaves the measure in place while the legal challenges play out in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal court order that was supposed to lift Title 42 came as a result of a lawsuit brought by the American Civil Liberties Union on behalf of asylum-seeking families. Asylum is a protection codified in international law for foreign nationals who meet the legal definition of “refugee.” The United Nations 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol define refugees as people unable or unwilling to return to their home country, and who cannot obtain protection in that country, due to past persecution or a well-founded fear of being persecuted in the future “on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion.” Congress incorporated this definition into U.S. immigration law in the Refugee Act of 1980.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those stuck in Mexico because of Title 42, waiting can be perilous. Human Rights First has documented more than 13,000 attacks on asylum seekers waiting in Mexico during the Biden administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936462\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11936462\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Latinx migrants of various ages from adults to children look on with concerned expressions as they stand next to white steel barriers.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants wait in line while California border activists organize the group to enter the U.S. and seek asylum through the Chaparral entryway in Tijuana, Mexico on Dec. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Carlos A. Moreno for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Because it takes time for news of shifts in U.S. immigration policy to reach areas in rural Mexico and Central America, the numbers of migrants arriving in Tijuana and San Diego this week in anticipation of the end of Title 42 could be elevated right now — and it may take some time before those numbers drop-off as news travels, experts said. Migration numbers typically increase through the first half of the year before dropping off in the summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County Supervisor Joel Anderson, a former Republican state senator, was among a group of political leaders who recently complained that the state and federal governments have not provided the funds local leaders have requested to handle the expected influx of asylum seekers and other migrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not even talking about whether these are good policies or not,” he said. “But whatever the policy is, we become the targets of it. We’re willing to step up, but they have to step up, too, by giving us the resources we need to deal with it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He joined several local Republican and Democratic leaders in San Diego in urging in letters and news conferences that the state and the feds should provide more support ahead of the expected end of Title 42.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local officials pointed to needing more funding for schools, hospitals, and police services, among other resources, if Title 42 eventually lifts. The near constant legal back-and-forth has also provided a convenient conversation starter for politicians wanting to debate larger immigration policy issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the state budget projecting a $25 billion deficit, I’d like to know what the plan is for our schools and to help lift all of our students,” said Andrew Hayes, board president of the Lakeside school district in rural eastern San Diego. Hayes said increases in immigration causes strains to the local educational systems because students fleeing persecution in other countries often have increased mental health needs and sometimes require special instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County Supervisors Nathan Fletcher and Nora Vargas, both Democrats, wrote to Alejandro Mayorkas, the U.S. homeland security secretary, on December 19, also requesting federal resources and “a comprehensive plan to ensure humane entry into the United States for those seeking asylum into our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When Title 42 is lifted, we will need additional resources and personnel on the ground to process and arrange for the onward travel of asylum seekers to their final destination,” they wrote. ”We will also need the federal government to set up temporary shelters on federal property to ensure access to needed social and health services. Our hospitals, our public health department, our social services, and our homeless service providers are already at maximum capacity serving vulnerable residents in San Diego.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>El Cajon not ‘the governor’s neighborhood’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Title 42 policy’s end “will likely increase” migration flows, the Department of Homeland Security officially said last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The burden will unfairly fall on a few border cities, Anderson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re not talking about releasing people into Sacramento or putting people in the governor’s neighborhood,” said Anderson. “No, they’re talking about releasing people right here in El Cajon, where the median household income is just over $58,000 per year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office responded that the state has done what it can to support local jurisdictions.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“While the federal government is responsible for immigration, California has invested more than any other state to ensure the safety and dignity of asylum seekers. Roughly $1 billion has been invested to provide critical services to migrants, including medical screenings, vaccinations, temporary shelter, food, clothes, and other aid. However, with looming budget deficits, the state cannot continue to fund these efforts at scale without significant support from Congress,” said Daniel Lopez, the deputy communications director for Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state has advocated for additional resources to help communities like San Diego provide services to recently arrived migrants,” Lopez added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson wrote to Gov. Gavin Newsom on December 14 complaining that a plan that San Diego County officials proposed to the state was rejected. Though he declined to discuss the plan’s specifics, he said it included opening a temporary emergency shelter, providing food, clothing, healthcare and wrap-around services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is irresponsible to ask the City of El Cajon to shoulder the burden and costs necessary to address the needs of these individuals without assistance from the State and federal government,” wrote Anderson in the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Newsom has been complaining of a lack of federal support for asylum seekers and immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said earlier this month that, because of the federal government’s lackluster support, the state has had to spend nearly $1 billion in the last three years, working with nonprofits to provide immigrants released from federal detention with health screenings, temporary shelter and help connecting with sponsors. The immigrants had been held at nine facilities in Imperial, San Diego and Riverside counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the respect to the federal government, we’ve been doing their job for the last few years at scale,” Newsom said. “But we cannot continue to absorb that responsibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislative Analyst’s Office recently said in its annual forecast that Newsom and the Democratic Party-controlled Legislature are facing a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/12/california-budget-deficit-safety-net/\">$24 billion projected budget deficit\u003c/a> for the next fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the state enters a recession the outlook is even worse, with revenues predicted to fall short by $30 billion to $50 billion. The governor signed a record-breaking \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/06/california-budget-deal-2/\">$308 billion budget\u003c/a> in June.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘With the respect to the federal government, we’ve been doing their job for the last few years at scale. But we cannot continue to absorb that responsibility.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Advocates say that while migrants sometimes require services when they first enter the country, research shows they ultimately contribute to the larger economy. In California undocumented immigrants collectively pay $3.1 billion a year in state and local taxes, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://itep.sfo2.digitaloceanspaces.com/ITEP-2017-Undocumented-Immigrants-State-and-Local-Contributions.pdf\">Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, some migrants in Mexico last week expressed disappointment, concern and confusion about the delay in lifting Title 42.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several people said they had left shelters with the expectation that the order would be released last week and now they had no place to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the scene outside El Chaparral, a pedestrian border crossing between San Ysidro and Tijuana that has been closed since the pandemic began, looked far different than images coming out of Texas. There, members of the National Guard, armed with rifles, have put up razor wire and are blocking migrants from entering the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Waiting patiently, but getting desperate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Here in Baja California, just south of San Diego, migrants wearing masks stood patiently in lines last week waiting for services or to receive news about any policy changes that may impact their ability to cross the border. The flow of people in the area was orderly, mirroring any other normal mid-week day during the lunch hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A migrant from Michoacán said being out on the streets in Tijuana was extremely uncomfortable for his wife, who has been diagnosed with a brain tumor. He asked not to be named because people in Tijuana were looking for him, putting him in danger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t been able to receive any help from anywhere,” he said. “We’re getting desperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson said that the county was willing to welcome asylum seekers “with open arms,” but it needs more funds to do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if it’s only 10 more people coming in, that’s 10 people too many without additional funding because we already have so many people living on our streets needing services,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936463\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11936463\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A migrant mother with her baby in her arms and her daughter by her side sit among other asylum seekers in a crowded room with iron bars on windows.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants line up to get health services near the free non-profit clinic in Tijuana, Mexico on Dec. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Carlos A. Moreno/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom toured a state-funded migrant center that provides services to asylum seekers near the Imperial County border with Mexico on December 12. There the governor criticized Republicans in Congress for politicizing immigration while failing to support comprehensive reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security said it plans to boost resources at the border, “increasing processing efficiency, imposing consequences for unlawful entry, bolstering nonprofit capacity, targeting smugglers and working with international partners,” a DHS spokesperson said Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Title 42 is ultimately lifted, the process for processing migrants at the border would return to the way it was before the start of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum seekers who don’t have prior permission to be in the country would have to pass what’s called a “credible fear” test. They would have to prove to a processing agent or asylum officer that they have a well-founded fear that if they are deported home, they would face persecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After that test, migrants would either be removed from the country, detained in immigration custody or released into the U.S. to wait while their asylum cases make their way through immigration court — a \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/672/\">process that can take years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California's New Pay Transparency Law to Reduce Gender and Racial Pay Gaps Takes Effect Jan. 1",
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"content": "\u003cp>In less than two weeks, job seekers in California will finally know how much a job pays when they apply for it — if companies don’t figure out a way around a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1162\">new law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting on Jan. 1, employers with at least 15 workers will have to include pay ranges in job postings. Employees will also be able to ask for the pay range for their own position, and larger companies will have to provide more detailed pay data to California’s Civil Rights Department than was previously required.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California isn’t the first state to force businesses to put their cards on the table. \u003ca href=\"https://leg.colorado.gov/bills/sb19-085\">Colorado\u003c/a> took that step in 2019, and a similar requirement went into effect in \u003ca href=\"https://aboutblaw.com/5x5\">New York City\u003c/a> in November. \u003ca href=\"https://www.seattletimes.com/business/next-year-wa-employers-will-have-to-be-upfront-about-salaries/\">Washington state\u003c/a> has its own version that will also kick in on Jan. 1, and a similar statewide \u003ca href=\"https://www.nysenate.gov/legislation/bills/2021/S9427\">bill in New York\u003c/a> was just \u003ca href=\"https://gothamist.com/news/nycs-pay-transparency-law-is-about-to-go-statewide\">signed by the governor\u003c/a>.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Lisa Wallace, co-founder, Assemble\"]‘You better make sure that you have a really strong answer for why an employee is paid less.’[/pullquote]The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/05/pay-transparency/\">goal of the California law\u003c/a> is to reduce \u003ca href=\"https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/9770273/?utm_source=embed&utm_campaign=visualisation/9770273\">gender and racial pay gaps\u003c/a>. But New York City’s measure had a bumpy start, with some employers posting \u003ca href=\"https://gothamist.com/news/nyc-companies-quickly-find-ways-around-new-pay-transparency-legislation\">unhelpfully wide ranges\u003c/a> the first day the law was in place. When Colorado rolled out its law at the beginning of 2021, some companies posted remote jobs that they said could be done from anywhere in the U.S. — except Colorado — dodging the requirement. That wasn’t widespread; about \u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2021/07/remote-jobs-colorado-equal-pay/619581/\">1% of remote job listings included a Colorado caveat\u003c/a>, according to reporting in \u003cem>The Atlantic\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But since California has nearly seven times as many people as Colorado, according to U.S. Census data, excluding Californians in a remote job listing would come at a higher cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California’s just such a huge economic center,” said Lisa Wallace, co-founder of Assemble, a compensation management platform. “There just aren’t that many industries that are not going to be touched by this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s the pay range?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Here’s what California job seekers can expect to see more frequently come January: \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/search?q=irrigation+plumber+job+UC+berkeley&sxsrf=ALiCzsZqeBBWQWMVoSMwIQh5ydtPamNQQw:1671545695816&ei=X8OhY8XCMdHJ9AOErqPwBw&uact=5&oq=irrigation+plumber+job+UC+berkeley&gs_lcp=Cgxnd3Mtd2l6LXNlcnAQAzIFCCEQqwI6CggAEEcQ1gQQsAM6BwgjELACECc6CAghEMMEEKABOgoIIRDDBBAKEKABSgQIQRgASgQIRhgAUOQDWKMOYIURaAFwAXgAgAFViAGZBJIBATeYAQCgAQHIAQjAAQE&sclient=gws-wiz-serp&ibp=htl;jobs&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwijoKb_sIj8AhVoMDQIHQvQB4YQkd0GegQIHBAB#fpstate=tldetail&htivrt=jobs&htiq=irrigation+plumber+job+UC+berkeley&htidocid=o5HSq0kwI28AAAAAAAAAAA%3D%3D\">$44 an hour\u003c/a> to be a plumber in Berkeley; \u003ca href=\"https://www.uclahealthcareers.org/job/16390118/assistant-teacher-los-angeles-ca/?utm_campaign=google_jobs_apply&utm_source=google_jobs_apply&utm_medium=organic\">$18.38\u003c/a>–\u003ca href=\"https://www.uclahealthcareers.org/job/16390118/assistant-teacher-los-angeles-ca/?utm_campaign=google_jobs_apply&utm_source=google_jobs_apply&utm_medium=organic\">$28.51\u003c/a> an hour for an assistant teacher job in Los Angeles; \u003ca href=\"https://careerspub.universityofcalifornia.edu/psp/ucdavis/EMPLOYEE/HRMS/c/HRS_HRAM.HRS_APP_SCHJOB.GBL?Page=HRS_APP_JBPST&JobOpeningId=43733&PostingSeq=1&SiteId=7&languageCd=ENG&FOCUS=Applicant\">$74,600–$141,000\u003c/a> per year for a future compensation analyst in Davis. If companies aren’t adding ranges, people can sue or file a complaint with the Labor Commissioner’s Office, which can issue a penalty of $100 to $10,000 per violation. Companies that don’t have pay ranges in job postings won’t get penalized for their first violation, so long as they add the information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to preparing to post pay ranges in job listings, companies that don’t already have pay bands for current employees should put them in place, and they should make sure that there aren’t pay disparities based on race, sex, or other protected classes between employees doing substantially similar work, said Jacklin Rad, a lawyer who advises employers on California workplace laws at Jackson Lewis, a law firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Businesses are about to have their pay scrutinized by job candidates and employees, said Wallace, the compensation platform company co-founder. “You better make sure that you have a really strong answer for why an employee is paid less,” than the posted range for a similar-looking job, she said. The new California law is uncovering that a lot of organizations have been operating without pay bands, Wallace said, adding that many of the company’s earliest customers were tech and biotech businesses, but that since the bill was signed into law she’s seen increased interest from other sectors, including manufacturing and utilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One question that arose immediately when New York City’s law went into effect was about how wide the pay range can be without violating the law. Some \u003ca href=\"https://gothamist.com/news/nyc-companies-quickly-find-ways-around-new-pay-transparency-legislation\">postings included ranges\u003c/a> where the high end was about $100,000 more than the low end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11936409\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2020-Sex-Race-Ethnicty-by-Pay-band-copy.jpg\" alt=\"Graphs showing sex, race and ethnicity of workforce in California.\" width=\"2200\" height=\"1182\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2020-Sex-Race-Ethnicty-by-Pay-band-copy.jpg 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2020-Sex-Race-Ethnicty-by-Pay-band-copy-800x430.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2020-Sex-Race-Ethnicty-by-Pay-band-copy-1020x548.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2020-Sex-Race-Ethnicty-by-Pay-band-copy-160x86.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2020-Sex-Race-Ethnicty-by-Pay-band-copy-1536x825.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2020-Sex-Race-Ethnicty-by-Pay-band-copy-2048x1100.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2020-Sex-Race-Ethnicty-by-Pay-band-copy-1920x1032.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s law explains the required pay-scale as “the salary or hourly wage range that the employer reasonably expects to pay for the position.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really ambiguous,” said Rad, the lawyer. “A lot of attorneys that work in this sphere ask themselves: ‘You know, if the range is too wide, then does that defeat the purpose of pay transparency?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters reached out to the Labor Commissioner’s office, which is charged with enforcing the pay-scale component of the law. The office didn’t make anyone available to be interviewed, and did not respond to a detailed list of questions about how the law will be interpreted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California government agencies include pay scales in job postings, and some of the ranges are large. The Civil Rights Department, for example, recently had a posting for an “Assistant Deputy Director, Workforce Data Officer” with a listed pay range of $7,976–$19,321 per month, which translates to about $96,000–$232,000 per year. Another posting, for a deputy chief counsel at the Civil Rights Department had a similar range.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pay ranges are set by the state’s human resources agency, CalHR, and are influenced by bargaining with unions, said Adam Romero, deputy director of executive programs at California’s Civil Rights Department. Those two positions are “very senior,” and most roles don’t have pay ranges that wide, Romero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reporting pay data\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The second major component of the new law is that businesses with 100 or more employees will have to start reporting more detailed data on what they pay workers to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It builds on a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB973\">2020 law that required companies to submit reports to the state’s Civil Rights Department\u003c/a> breaking down how many employees they have in each job category and pay band by sex, race, and ethnicity. The goal was to enable state agencies to more identify wage disparities more efficiently, and to prompt companies to assess their own pay.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Jacklin Rad, attorney, Jackson Lewis PC\"]‘A lot of attorneys that work in this sphere ask themselves: ‘You know, if the range is too wide, then does that defeat the purpose of pay transparency?’ ‘[/pullquote]The reports are used “in individual investigations of complaints of pay discrimination or other types of complaints of civil rights violations against employers,” said Romero at the Civil Rights Department. The data on its own doesn’t prove there’s been a violation of the law, but it provides context, said Romero. The Civil Rights Department cited the pay data, for example, when it \u003ca href=\"https://calcivilrights.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/32/2022/02/TeslaPR2.10.22.pdf\">sued Tesla (PDF)\u003c/a> for race discrimination and harassment in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law taking effect Jan. 1 requires employers to add median and mean hourly rates for each demographic group within each job category and to include pay data for contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are really trying to shine more light on this growing shadow workforce of contract workers,” said Mariko Yoshihara, policy director for the California Employment Lawyers Association, which supported the new law. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/28/technology/google-temp-workers.html\">Google, for example, has more temps and contractors than full-time employees\u003c/a>, according to \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em>’ reporting. The new law will reveal how contractors’ pay compares to that of full-time employees, Yoshihara said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An early version of the new law would have made each company’s pay data public. But after \u003ca href=\"https://ct3.blob.core.windows.net/21blobs/ded61d57-965c-4dd1-820f-3068a556743d\">intense pushback from business groups\u003c/a> — who said the data is not a reliable measure of pay disparities and that it would “set up employers for public criticism with incomplete, uncontextualized reports and create a false impression of wage discrimination where none may exist” — the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/california-legislature/2022/08/california-bills-lawmakers/\">bill was amended\u003c/a> to keep the reports private.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If companies don’t submit their pay data, the Civil Rights department can take action. It \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/22064079/dfeh-v-michaels.pdf\">sued Michaels (PDF)\u003c/a>, the craft store chain, and \u003ca href=\"https://calcivilrights.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/32/2022/06/Chase-Pay-Data-PR20220613.pdf\">JP Morgan Chase Bank (PDF)\u003c/a> for not submitting the data; both companies settled, paying a combined total of about $23,500 to cover the department’s fees and costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In less than two weeks, job seekers in California will finally know how much a job pays when they apply for it — if companies don’t figure out a way around a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1162\">new law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting on Jan. 1, employers with at least 15 workers will have to include pay ranges in job postings. Employees will also be able to ask for the pay range for their own position, and larger companies will have to provide more detailed pay data to California’s Civil Rights Department than was previously required.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California isn’t the first state to force businesses to put their cards on the table. \u003ca href=\"https://leg.colorado.gov/bills/sb19-085\">Colorado\u003c/a> took that step in 2019, and a similar requirement went into effect in \u003ca href=\"https://aboutblaw.com/5x5\">New York City\u003c/a> in November. \u003ca href=\"https://www.seattletimes.com/business/next-year-wa-employers-will-have-to-be-upfront-about-salaries/\">Washington state\u003c/a> has its own version that will also kick in on Jan. 1, and a similar statewide \u003ca href=\"https://www.nysenate.gov/legislation/bills/2021/S9427\">bill in New York\u003c/a> was just \u003ca href=\"https://gothamist.com/news/nycs-pay-transparency-law-is-about-to-go-statewide\">signed by the governor\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘You better make sure that you have a really strong answer for why an employee is paid less.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/05/pay-transparency/\">goal of the California law\u003c/a> is to reduce \u003ca href=\"https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/9770273/?utm_source=embed&utm_campaign=visualisation/9770273\">gender and racial pay gaps\u003c/a>. But New York City’s measure had a bumpy start, with some employers posting \u003ca href=\"https://gothamist.com/news/nyc-companies-quickly-find-ways-around-new-pay-transparency-legislation\">unhelpfully wide ranges\u003c/a> the first day the law was in place. When Colorado rolled out its law at the beginning of 2021, some companies posted remote jobs that they said could be done from anywhere in the U.S. — except Colorado — dodging the requirement. That wasn’t widespread; about \u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2021/07/remote-jobs-colorado-equal-pay/619581/\">1% of remote job listings included a Colorado caveat\u003c/a>, according to reporting in \u003cem>The Atlantic\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But since California has nearly seven times as many people as Colorado, according to U.S. Census data, excluding Californians in a remote job listing would come at a higher cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California’s just such a huge economic center,” said Lisa Wallace, co-founder of Assemble, a compensation management platform. “There just aren’t that many industries that are not going to be touched by this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s the pay range?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Here’s what California job seekers can expect to see more frequently come January: \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/search?q=irrigation+plumber+job+UC+berkeley&sxsrf=ALiCzsZqeBBWQWMVoSMwIQh5ydtPamNQQw:1671545695816&ei=X8OhY8XCMdHJ9AOErqPwBw&uact=5&oq=irrigation+plumber+job+UC+berkeley&gs_lcp=Cgxnd3Mtd2l6LXNlcnAQAzIFCCEQqwI6CggAEEcQ1gQQsAM6BwgjELACECc6CAghEMMEEKABOgoIIRDDBBAKEKABSgQIQRgASgQIRhgAUOQDWKMOYIURaAFwAXgAgAFViAGZBJIBATeYAQCgAQHIAQjAAQE&sclient=gws-wiz-serp&ibp=htl;jobs&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwijoKb_sIj8AhVoMDQIHQvQB4YQkd0GegQIHBAB#fpstate=tldetail&htivrt=jobs&htiq=irrigation+plumber+job+UC+berkeley&htidocid=o5HSq0kwI28AAAAAAAAAAA%3D%3D\">$44 an hour\u003c/a> to be a plumber in Berkeley; \u003ca href=\"https://www.uclahealthcareers.org/job/16390118/assistant-teacher-los-angeles-ca/?utm_campaign=google_jobs_apply&utm_source=google_jobs_apply&utm_medium=organic\">$18.38\u003c/a>–\u003ca href=\"https://www.uclahealthcareers.org/job/16390118/assistant-teacher-los-angeles-ca/?utm_campaign=google_jobs_apply&utm_source=google_jobs_apply&utm_medium=organic\">$28.51\u003c/a> an hour for an assistant teacher job in Los Angeles; \u003ca href=\"https://careerspub.universityofcalifornia.edu/psp/ucdavis/EMPLOYEE/HRMS/c/HRS_HRAM.HRS_APP_SCHJOB.GBL?Page=HRS_APP_JBPST&JobOpeningId=43733&PostingSeq=1&SiteId=7&languageCd=ENG&FOCUS=Applicant\">$74,600–$141,000\u003c/a> per year for a future compensation analyst in Davis. If companies aren’t adding ranges, people can sue or file a complaint with the Labor Commissioner’s Office, which can issue a penalty of $100 to $10,000 per violation. Companies that don’t have pay ranges in job postings won’t get penalized for their first violation, so long as they add the information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to preparing to post pay ranges in job listings, companies that don’t already have pay bands for current employees should put them in place, and they should make sure that there aren’t pay disparities based on race, sex, or other protected classes between employees doing substantially similar work, said Jacklin Rad, a lawyer who advises employers on California workplace laws at Jackson Lewis, a law firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Businesses are about to have their pay scrutinized by job candidates and employees, said Wallace, the compensation platform company co-founder. “You better make sure that you have a really strong answer for why an employee is paid less,” than the posted range for a similar-looking job, she said. The new California law is uncovering that a lot of organizations have been operating without pay bands, Wallace said, adding that many of the company’s earliest customers were tech and biotech businesses, but that since the bill was signed into law she’s seen increased interest from other sectors, including manufacturing and utilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One question that arose immediately when New York City’s law went into effect was about how wide the pay range can be without violating the law. Some \u003ca href=\"https://gothamist.com/news/nyc-companies-quickly-find-ways-around-new-pay-transparency-legislation\">postings included ranges\u003c/a> where the high end was about $100,000 more than the low end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11936409\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2020-Sex-Race-Ethnicty-by-Pay-band-copy.jpg\" alt=\"Graphs showing sex, race and ethnicity of workforce in California.\" width=\"2200\" height=\"1182\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2020-Sex-Race-Ethnicty-by-Pay-band-copy.jpg 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2020-Sex-Race-Ethnicty-by-Pay-band-copy-800x430.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2020-Sex-Race-Ethnicty-by-Pay-band-copy-1020x548.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2020-Sex-Race-Ethnicty-by-Pay-band-copy-160x86.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2020-Sex-Race-Ethnicty-by-Pay-band-copy-1536x825.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2020-Sex-Race-Ethnicty-by-Pay-band-copy-2048x1100.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2020-Sex-Race-Ethnicty-by-Pay-band-copy-1920x1032.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s law explains the required pay-scale as “the salary or hourly wage range that the employer reasonably expects to pay for the position.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really ambiguous,” said Rad, the lawyer. “A lot of attorneys that work in this sphere ask themselves: ‘You know, if the range is too wide, then does that defeat the purpose of pay transparency?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters reached out to the Labor Commissioner’s office, which is charged with enforcing the pay-scale component of the law. The office didn’t make anyone available to be interviewed, and did not respond to a detailed list of questions about how the law will be interpreted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California government agencies include pay scales in job postings, and some of the ranges are large. The Civil Rights Department, for example, recently had a posting for an “Assistant Deputy Director, Workforce Data Officer” with a listed pay range of $7,976–$19,321 per month, which translates to about $96,000–$232,000 per year. Another posting, for a deputy chief counsel at the Civil Rights Department had a similar range.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pay ranges are set by the state’s human resources agency, CalHR, and are influenced by bargaining with unions, said Adam Romero, deputy director of executive programs at California’s Civil Rights Department. Those two positions are “very senior,” and most roles don’t have pay ranges that wide, Romero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reporting pay data\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The second major component of the new law is that businesses with 100 or more employees will have to start reporting more detailed data on what they pay workers to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It builds on a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB973\">2020 law that required companies to submit reports to the state’s Civil Rights Department\u003c/a> breaking down how many employees they have in each job category and pay band by sex, race, and ethnicity. The goal was to enable state agencies to more identify wage disparities more efficiently, and to prompt companies to assess their own pay.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The reports are used “in individual investigations of complaints of pay discrimination or other types of complaints of civil rights violations against employers,” said Romero at the Civil Rights Department. The data on its own doesn’t prove there’s been a violation of the law, but it provides context, said Romero. The Civil Rights Department cited the pay data, for example, when it \u003ca href=\"https://calcivilrights.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/32/2022/02/TeslaPR2.10.22.pdf\">sued Tesla (PDF)\u003c/a> for race discrimination and harassment in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law taking effect Jan. 1 requires employers to add median and mean hourly rates for each demographic group within each job category and to include pay data for contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are really trying to shine more light on this growing shadow workforce of contract workers,” said Mariko Yoshihara, policy director for the California Employment Lawyers Association, which supported the new law. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/28/technology/google-temp-workers.html\">Google, for example, has more temps and contractors than full-time employees\u003c/a>, according to \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em>’ reporting. The new law will reveal how contractors’ pay compares to that of full-time employees, Yoshihara said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An early version of the new law would have made each company’s pay data public. But after \u003ca href=\"https://ct3.blob.core.windows.net/21blobs/ded61d57-965c-4dd1-820f-3068a556743d\">intense pushback from business groups\u003c/a> — who said the data is not a reliable measure of pay disparities and that it would “set up employers for public criticism with incomplete, uncontextualized reports and create a false impression of wage discrimination where none may exist” — the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/california-legislature/2022/08/california-bills-lawmakers/\">bill was amended\u003c/a> to keep the reports private.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If companies don’t submit their pay data, the Civil Rights department can take action. It \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/22064079/dfeh-v-michaels.pdf\">sued Michaels (PDF)\u003c/a>, the craft store chain, and \u003ca href=\"https://calcivilrights.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/32/2022/06/Chase-Pay-Data-PR20220613.pdf\">JP Morgan Chase Bank (PDF)\u003c/a> for not submitting the data; both companies settled, paying a combined total of about $23,500 to cover the department’s fees and costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "californias-safety-net-may-feel-the-strain-amid-recession-and-24-billion-budget-deficit",
"title": "California's Safety Net May Feel the Strain Amid Potential Recession and $24 Billion Budget Deficit",
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"headTitle": "California’s Safety Net May Feel the Strain Amid Potential Recession and $24 Billion Budget Deficit | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California faces a projected deficit next year even if the U.S. avoids a recession. Despite the expected shortfall, policymakers say they’ll maintain spending on social programs, though advocates are calling for more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislative Analyst’s Office recently said in its annual forecast that Gov. Gavin Newsom and the Democratic Party-controlled Legislature are facing a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4646\">$24 billion projected budget deficit\u003c/a> for the next fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the state enters a recession, the outlook is even worse, with revenues predicted to fall short by $30 billion to $50 billion. The governor signed a record-breaking $308 billion budget in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislative analyst attributes the projected shortfall to California’s reliance on those whose incomes often ebb and flow with the price of stocks, real estate and other investments.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Phil Ting (D-San Francisco), chair, Assembly budget committee\"]‘We have a significant amount of cash available, both in terms of reserves, but also in terms of liquidity. So this is a very different situation than the state faced in 2008–2009, where they were running out of cash.’[/pullquote]“Those are the same people who get a lot of their income from financial investments,” said Legislative Analyst Gabriel Petek. “That volatility then gets transmitted directly to the state budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor will present a proposed budget in January and then a revision in May. The budget, which the Legislature must approve, will fund state government for the fiscal year beginning July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>H.D. Palmer, spokesperson for the state Department of Finance, declined to comment on whether social spending cuts might be proposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He did say, however, that the governor’s priority was to not scale back programs that people have come to depend on, or to begin new ones. Some program expansions in later fiscal years could be delayed if there isn’t enough revenue to support them, he said. The goal is to avoid the kind of drastic program reductions enacted during the Great Recession that took years for the state to restore.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Building reserves\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state’s Democratic legislative leaders have said they are not inclined to cut recently expanded programs, such as the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/02/medi-cal-expansion-immigrants/\">extension of free health care\u003c/a> to lower-income undocumented immigrants, which began with older adults this year and is slated to open up to all ages in January 2024. The expansion is expected to cost more than $2 billion annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget is in a much stronger position than it was during the state’s last fiscal crisis, said Phil Ting, the Assembly budget committee chair from San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv>\n\u003cp>“We have a significant amount of cash available, both in terms of reserves, but also in terms of liquidity,” Ting said. “So this is a very different situation than the state faced in 2008–2009, where they were running out of cash.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor, nevertheless, has signaled he is being cautious. Newsom in October said he had vetoed 169 bills and saved taxpayers billions. Seventy-five of those vetoes were directly budget related, with many including boilerplate language that the state was facing “lower-than-expected revenues” and that it was “important to remain disciplined when it comes to spending, particularly spending that is ongoing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the bills vetoed by the governor earlier this year were proposals to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1930\">expand government-funded care for new mothers\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1919\">expand free transit programs for California students\u003c/a> and create \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2222\">grants for graduate students in mental health\u003c/a> who commit to working at certain California-based nonprofits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, whom voters elected to another four-year term, has used surpluses to pay down debts, build reserves and provide direct payments to millions of Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently Moody’s Analytics \u003ca href=\"https://www.economy.com/getlocal?q=a7a91c91-cad1-447d-a03f-cd48c8cdaa21&app=eccafile\">rated California one of the states most prepared for a recession (PDF)\u003c/a>, citing its reserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, California’s budget enacted in June 2021 committed to $3.4 billion in new ongoing spending and is \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4646\">expected to grow to $12 billion in the 2025 budget year\u003c/a>. The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/06/california-budget-deal-2/\">budget enacted in June\u003c/a>\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>of this year committed an additional $2.3 billion, expected to grow to nearly $5 billion by the 2026 budget year, the Legislative Analyst’s Office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has $37 billion in specific reserve funds. That includes about $23 billion in a rainy day fund voters agreed to strengthen in 2014 at the urging of then-Gov. Jerry Brown. The state also has $900 million in a reserve account for safety net programs. The rest of those reserve funds are in school-specific and general operating reserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Palmer noted, the state can only draw down the rainy day fund by half in any year. The Legislative Analyst’s Office has advised the Legislature to slow down or pause program expansions before dipping into reserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting’s office contends the state has billions in unspent federal and state dollars in its coffers that could address a potential deficit. Using that money would avoid cuts to programs but delay other projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is it time to spend?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Anti-poverty advocates said in interviews they plan to continue pushing for program expansions, arguing the precipice of a downturn is the time to bolster social spending, not cut it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 30% of California residents live in or near poverty, according to the Public Policy Institute of California. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/11/child-tax-credit/\">Experts expect poverty rates to increase\u003c/a> after the end of a boost in federal cash aid, which came in 2021 in the form of an expanded child tax credit included in the American Rescue Plan Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates are proposing that California mimic that federal expansion by opening up the state’s young child tax credit, currently a $1,000-a-year credit for lower-income families with children under age 6, to include all children in lower-income households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They estimate 1 million children live in families that would qualify, at an additional cost of $700 million a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additional tax credits could make a difference to people like Ivonne Sonato-Vega, a medical assistant in Santa Rosa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year she used some of the $4,000 in federal child tax credits on school supplies and clothes for the four children she and her boyfriend are raising, she said. With prices rising this year, she was unable to save any of that subsidy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936193\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11936193\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/121922-IVONNE-CALDEFICIT-BF-73-CM-copy.jpg\" alt=\"A Latina woman in her late-30s with long black hair smiles toward the camera in a house.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1044\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/121922-IVONNE-CALDEFICIT-BF-73-CM-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/121922-IVONNE-CALDEFICIT-BF-73-CM-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/121922-IVONNE-CALDEFICIT-BF-73-CM-copy-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/121922-IVONNE-CALDEFICIT-BF-73-CM-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/121922-IVONNE-CALDEFICIT-BF-73-CM-copy-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ivonne Sonato-Vega at her home in Santa Rosa. \u003ccite>(Brian Frank for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If the credits were an annual payment, she said, it would allow her to plan for expenses, maybe use it as “a little savings account” to draw on when the children grow out of their clothes or save it for a security deposit if the family needs to move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was kind of like a tease,” she said of the credit. “It was here and then not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates said they also want the state to create an \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/04/california-undocumented-immigrants/\">unemployment benefits program for undocumented immigrants\u003c/a> and to include all lower-income immigrants, regardless of immigration status, in its food assistance program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know the projected budget shortfalls make it more challenging, but the past few years highlighted why something like this is so important,” said Sasha Feldstein, economic justice policy manager at the California Immigrant Policy Center. “People who are excluded from our safety net have been the most adversely impacted from the COVID-19 pandemic and are the most harmed during times of economic downturn.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers and Newsom this year allocated money to expand the California Food Assistance Program, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/06/california-food-assistance/\">a state version of food stamps, to include undocumented immigrants age 55 and older\u003c/a>; the benefits are expected to become available late next year. Newsom vetoed a bill that would have tested an unemployment benefits program for undocumented immigrants, citing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The makings of a budget problem\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The projected shortfall is the state’s first major fiscal challenge since Newsom’s office predicted a $54 billion shortfall in May 2020, when the country was in the grips of the COVID-19 pandemic. After financial markets rebounded and the federal government provided unprecedented stimulus, the anticipated shortfall resulted in surpluses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Federal Reserve began hiking interest rates in March 2022 to cool inflation. Then housing sales, initial public stock offerings and \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-10-18/california-faces-loss-of-ipo-crown-as-tech-startup-plans-stymied\">stock markets fell\u003c/a>. All are important sources of personal income tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/LAOEconTax/Article/Detail/759\">personal income withholding fell\u003c/a> even as the job market recovered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, California has increasingly relied on some of the state’s highest earners to fund its budget which, among other things, takes aim at poverty and some of the nation’s starkest income inequality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the state’s general fund is paid for by its progressive personal income tax, which voters in 2012 raised on the state’s highest earners after Brown warned of cuts to health and education. In 2016 voters extended those higher income tax rates through 2030 while also allowing a temporary sales tax to expire. The increases, meant for education and health care spending, have also paid for increased social safety net spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 49% of the personal income tax paid in California in 2020 came from just 1% of tax filers, according to the state’s finance department. And in the past decade, taxes collected from the most volatile form of income — capital gains — have doubled, making up a larger share of the state’s revenue and tying the state’s budget to particularly unstable economic cycles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address that, voters approved changes to the state’s rainy day fund in 2014. The changes serve as a check on spending, directing California to capture additional dollars in reserve when capital gains tax receipts are high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building reserves large enough for a state to ride through a recession is difficult, said Donald Boyd, a state finance expert at the University of Albany in New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a practical matter, it is very hard to build a rainy day fund that’s big enough to get you through a rainy season,” Boyd said. “You need huge amounts of money to offset the effects of even a modest recession.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Advocates warn that now is not the time to cut programs that help people with the lowest incomes. The state has reserves to weather a tough year, but a recession could deepen the deficit.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California faces a projected deficit next year even if the U.S. avoids a recession. Despite the expected shortfall, policymakers say they’ll maintain spending on social programs, though advocates are calling for more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislative Analyst’s Office recently said in its annual forecast that Gov. Gavin Newsom and the Democratic Party-controlled Legislature are facing a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4646\">$24 billion projected budget deficit\u003c/a> for the next fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the state enters a recession, the outlook is even worse, with revenues predicted to fall short by $30 billion to $50 billion. The governor signed a record-breaking $308 billion budget in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislative analyst attributes the projected shortfall to California’s reliance on those whose incomes often ebb and flow with the price of stocks, real estate and other investments.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We have a significant amount of cash available, both in terms of reserves, but also in terms of liquidity. So this is a very different situation than the state faced in 2008–2009, where they were running out of cash.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Those are the same people who get a lot of their income from financial investments,” said Legislative Analyst Gabriel Petek. “That volatility then gets transmitted directly to the state budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor will present a proposed budget in January and then a revision in May. The budget, which the Legislature must approve, will fund state government for the fiscal year beginning July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>H.D. Palmer, spokesperson for the state Department of Finance, declined to comment on whether social spending cuts might be proposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He did say, however, that the governor’s priority was to not scale back programs that people have come to depend on, or to begin new ones. Some program expansions in later fiscal years could be delayed if there isn’t enough revenue to support them, he said. The goal is to avoid the kind of drastic program reductions enacted during the Great Recession that took years for the state to restore.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Building reserves\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state’s Democratic legislative leaders have said they are not inclined to cut recently expanded programs, such as the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/02/medi-cal-expansion-immigrants/\">extension of free health care\u003c/a> to lower-income undocumented immigrants, which began with older adults this year and is slated to open up to all ages in January 2024. The expansion is expected to cost more than $2 billion annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget is in a much stronger position than it was during the state’s last fiscal crisis, said Phil Ting, the Assembly budget committee chair from San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv>\n\u003cp>“We have a significant amount of cash available, both in terms of reserves, but also in terms of liquidity,” Ting said. “So this is a very different situation than the state faced in 2008–2009, where they were running out of cash.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor, nevertheless, has signaled he is being cautious. Newsom in October said he had vetoed 169 bills and saved taxpayers billions. Seventy-five of those vetoes were directly budget related, with many including boilerplate language that the state was facing “lower-than-expected revenues” and that it was “important to remain disciplined when it comes to spending, particularly spending that is ongoing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the bills vetoed by the governor earlier this year were proposals to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1930\">expand government-funded care for new mothers\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1919\">expand free transit programs for California students\u003c/a> and create \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2222\">grants for graduate students in mental health\u003c/a> who commit to working at certain California-based nonprofits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, whom voters elected to another four-year term, has used surpluses to pay down debts, build reserves and provide direct payments to millions of Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently Moody’s Analytics \u003ca href=\"https://www.economy.com/getlocal?q=a7a91c91-cad1-447d-a03f-cd48c8cdaa21&app=eccafile\">rated California one of the states most prepared for a recession (PDF)\u003c/a>, citing its reserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, California’s budget enacted in June 2021 committed to $3.4 billion in new ongoing spending and is \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4646\">expected to grow to $12 billion in the 2025 budget year\u003c/a>. The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/06/california-budget-deal-2/\">budget enacted in June\u003c/a>\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>of this year committed an additional $2.3 billion, expected to grow to nearly $5 billion by the 2026 budget year, the Legislative Analyst’s Office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has $37 billion in specific reserve funds. That includes about $23 billion in a rainy day fund voters agreed to strengthen in 2014 at the urging of then-Gov. Jerry Brown. The state also has $900 million in a reserve account for safety net programs. The rest of those reserve funds are in school-specific and general operating reserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Palmer noted, the state can only draw down the rainy day fund by half in any year. The Legislative Analyst’s Office has advised the Legislature to slow down or pause program expansions before dipping into reserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting’s office contends the state has billions in unspent federal and state dollars in its coffers that could address a potential deficit. Using that money would avoid cuts to programs but delay other projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is it time to spend?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Anti-poverty advocates said in interviews they plan to continue pushing for program expansions, arguing the precipice of a downturn is the time to bolster social spending, not cut it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 30% of California residents live in or near poverty, according to the Public Policy Institute of California. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/11/child-tax-credit/\">Experts expect poverty rates to increase\u003c/a> after the end of a boost in federal cash aid, which came in 2021 in the form of an expanded child tax credit included in the American Rescue Plan Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates are proposing that California mimic that federal expansion by opening up the state’s young child tax credit, currently a $1,000-a-year credit for lower-income families with children under age 6, to include all children in lower-income households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They estimate 1 million children live in families that would qualify, at an additional cost of $700 million a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additional tax credits could make a difference to people like Ivonne Sonato-Vega, a medical assistant in Santa Rosa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year she used some of the $4,000 in federal child tax credits on school supplies and clothes for the four children she and her boyfriend are raising, she said. With prices rising this year, she was unable to save any of that subsidy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936193\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11936193\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/121922-IVONNE-CALDEFICIT-BF-73-CM-copy.jpg\" alt=\"A Latina woman in her late-30s with long black hair smiles toward the camera in a house.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1044\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/121922-IVONNE-CALDEFICIT-BF-73-CM-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/121922-IVONNE-CALDEFICIT-BF-73-CM-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/121922-IVONNE-CALDEFICIT-BF-73-CM-copy-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/121922-IVONNE-CALDEFICIT-BF-73-CM-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/121922-IVONNE-CALDEFICIT-BF-73-CM-copy-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ivonne Sonato-Vega at her home in Santa Rosa. \u003ccite>(Brian Frank for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If the credits were an annual payment, she said, it would allow her to plan for expenses, maybe use it as “a little savings account” to draw on when the children grow out of their clothes or save it for a security deposit if the family needs to move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was kind of like a tease,” she said of the credit. “It was here and then not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates said they also want the state to create an \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/04/california-undocumented-immigrants/\">unemployment benefits program for undocumented immigrants\u003c/a> and to include all lower-income immigrants, regardless of immigration status, in its food assistance program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know the projected budget shortfalls make it more challenging, but the past few years highlighted why something like this is so important,” said Sasha Feldstein, economic justice policy manager at the California Immigrant Policy Center. “People who are excluded from our safety net have been the most adversely impacted from the COVID-19 pandemic and are the most harmed during times of economic downturn.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers and Newsom this year allocated money to expand the California Food Assistance Program, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/06/california-food-assistance/\">a state version of food stamps, to include undocumented immigrants age 55 and older\u003c/a>; the benefits are expected to become available late next year. Newsom vetoed a bill that would have tested an unemployment benefits program for undocumented immigrants, citing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The makings of a budget problem\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The projected shortfall is the state’s first major fiscal challenge since Newsom’s office predicted a $54 billion shortfall in May 2020, when the country was in the grips of the COVID-19 pandemic. After financial markets rebounded and the federal government provided unprecedented stimulus, the anticipated shortfall resulted in surpluses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Federal Reserve began hiking interest rates in March 2022 to cool inflation. Then housing sales, initial public stock offerings and \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-10-18/california-faces-loss-of-ipo-crown-as-tech-startup-plans-stymied\">stock markets fell\u003c/a>. All are important sources of personal income tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/LAOEconTax/Article/Detail/759\">personal income withholding fell\u003c/a> even as the job market recovered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, California has increasingly relied on some of the state’s highest earners to fund its budget which, among other things, takes aim at poverty and some of the nation’s starkest income inequality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the state’s general fund is paid for by its progressive personal income tax, which voters in 2012 raised on the state’s highest earners after Brown warned of cuts to health and education. In 2016 voters extended those higher income tax rates through 2030 while also allowing a temporary sales tax to expire. The increases, meant for education and health care spending, have also paid for increased social safety net spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 49% of the personal income tax paid in California in 2020 came from just 1% of tax filers, according to the state’s finance department. And in the past decade, taxes collected from the most volatile form of income — capital gains — have doubled, making up a larger share of the state’s revenue and tying the state’s budget to particularly unstable economic cycles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address that, voters approved changes to the state’s rainy day fund in 2014. The changes serve as a check on spending, directing California to capture additional dollars in reserve when capital gains tax receipts are high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building reserves large enough for a state to ride through a recession is difficult, said Donald Boyd, a state finance expert at the University of Albany in New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a practical matter, it is very hard to build a rainy day fund that’s big enough to get you through a rainy season,” Boyd said. “You need huge amounts of money to offset the effects of even a modest recession.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Mayor Libby Schaaf\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After eight years at the head of Oakland’s city government,\u003c/span>\u003cb> Mayor Libby Schaaf\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">‘s tenure is coming to an end. With over two decades of experience in East Bay politics, what has she learned about Oakland? Schaaf joins us in the studio for some \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">town business\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Fusion Ignition\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On Tuesday, the U.S. Department of Energy announced that the Lawrence Livermore National Lab had achieved nuclear fusion ignition. We take a look at the scientific breakthrough that could someday revolutionize energy systems around the globe. Is it the key to solving climate change? We discuss the initial findings with San Jose Mercury News science and research reporter\u003c/span>\u003cb> Lisa Krieger\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: 2022: A Year in Photos\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We look back at the incredible work of KQED photographer Beth LaBerge and her team for this week’s Something Beautiful.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Mayor Libby Schaaf\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After eight years at the head of Oakland’s city government,\u003c/span>\u003cb> Mayor Libby Schaaf\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">‘s tenure is coming to an end. With over two decades of experience in East Bay politics, what has she learned about Oakland? Schaaf joins us in the studio for some \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">town business\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Fusion Ignition\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On Tuesday, the U.S. Department of Energy announced that the Lawrence Livermore National Lab had achieved nuclear fusion ignition. We take a look at the scientific breakthrough that could someday revolutionize energy systems around the globe. Is it the key to solving climate change? We discuss the initial findings with San Jose Mercury News science and research reporter\u003c/span>\u003cb> Lisa Krieger\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California Just Approved a Sweeping Climate Change Plan. Here Are 6 Ways That Could Affect You",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s air board today unanimously approved a sweeping state plan to battle climate change, creating a new blueprint for the next five years to cut carbon emissions, reduce reliance on fossil fuels and speed up the transition to renewable energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Called a \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2022-12/2022-sp.pdf\">scoping plan (PDF)\u003c/a>, the 297-page strategy could serve as a road map for other states and countries to follow, including a long list of proposed measures that, once adopted, would slash California’s greenhouse gases and clean up air pollution in the smoggiest state in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Air Resources Board’s plan sets an aggressive target of cutting greenhouse gases by 48% below 1990 levels by 2030, up from the 40% by 2030 required by state law. The ultimate goal is to cut use of oil 94% and become carbon neutral — which means the amount of carbon removed is greater than the carbon generated — by 2045.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Dave Weiskopf, senior policy adviser, NextGen Policy\"]'If we do it right, we will save thousands of lives, reduce economic inequality, and begin to repair the harm that low-income communities and Californians of color disproportionately suffer for the sake of oil companies' profits. If we do it wrong, we risk perpetuating those injustices for generations to come.'[/pullquote]“This is an extraordinary exercise and document, and it’s the most comprehensive, detailed plan for getting to net zero anywhere in the world,” said Air Resources Board Member Daniel Sperling, who also is director of the Institute of Transportation Studies at UC Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To meet the plan’s targets, state officials project that California over the next 20 years will need about 30 times more electric vehicles, six times more household electric appliances to replace gas appliances and four times more wind and solar generation capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Achieving the targets would cost $18 billion in 2035 and $27 billion in 2045, the air board estimates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we do it right, we will save thousands of lives, reduce economic inequality, and begin to repair the harm that low-income communities and Californians of color disproportionately suffer for the sake of oil companies’ profits,” said Dave Weiskopf, senior policy advisor with NextGen Policy, a progressive advocacy group. “If we do it wrong, we risk perpetuating those injustices for generations to come.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The oil industry, however, says the plan is too ambitious in eliminating fossil fuels from California. “Under [Gov. Gavin] Newsom’s plan, California would become solely dependent on foreign oil,” said Rock Zierman, CEO of the California Independent Petroleum Association, an industry trade group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the vote, 99 members of the public spoke at today’s eight-hour meeting. Most opposed the plan’s reliance on technologies to capture carbon emissions from oil refineries and other fossil fuel plants, which allows them to keep polluting lower-income communities rather than shutting them down more quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The air board held three hearings and multiple workshops over the past six months to obtain public comments before voting today. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/05/climate-change-strategy-california/\">The plan, which is updated every five years\u003c/a>, was first unveiled in May and has gone through \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/11/california-revises-climate-change-plan/\">one major revision that strengthened several strategies\u003c/a>, including offshore wind development, climate-friendly housing construction, cleaner aviation fuels, reducing miles traveled and fast-tracking carbon-removal projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some board members today expressed lingering concerns over carbon capture, but said the emphasis should now be placed on how to deploy those projects so they do the least harm to lower-income communities near the industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The true test is really going to be in the rulemaking … and the devil is really going to be in the details,” said \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/about/leadership/davina-hurt\">air board member Davina Hurt\u003c/a>, who represents San Mateo County cities on the Bay Area’s air district board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures outlined in the plan could transform Californians’ everyday lives. Here are six key ways that people could be affected in the years ahead — if the plan’s rules and other measures are enacted:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>1. Californians will be driving electric cars\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>About 7.5 million electric cars are expected on the state roads by 2030. Currently, \u003ca href=\"https://tableau.cnra.ca.gov/t/CNRA_CEC_PUBLIC/views/DMVDataPortal/STOCK_Dashboard?%3Adisplay_count=n&%3Aembed=y&%3AisGuestRedirectFromVizportal=y&%3Aorigin=viz_share_link&%3AshowAppBanner=false&%3AshowVizHome=n\">only 2.3% of the state’s 29 million cars are zero emission\u003c/a>, or about 837,000, though \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/10/19/california-zev-sales-near-18-of-all-new-car-sales-in-2022/\">electric car sales this year have grown\u003c/a>, increasing to 17% of all new cars sold in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s plan places a heavy emphasis on replacing gasoline and diesel vehicles — the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/resources/documents/2020-mobile-source-strategy\">state’s biggest sources of planet-warming greenhouse gases, smog and fine particles\u003c/a>. The transportation sector accounts for about 40% of California’s greenhouse gas emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, the Newsom administration’s air board already set a \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/rulemaking/2022/advanced-clean-cars-ii?utm_medium=email&utm_source=govdelivery\">groundbreaking regulation\u003c/a> that will \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/08/electric-cars-california-to-phase-out-gas-cars/\">ban sales of all new gas-powered cars by 2035\u003c/a>. Car manufacturers will have to gradually electrify their fleets of new vehicles, beginning with 35% of 2026 models, then increasing to 68% in 2030 and 100% for 2035 models.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11935502,news_11930288,science_1980933\"]Owners who have gasoline-powered cars will be allowed to keep driving them. But the goal of the new rule is to drive the market and force automakers to produce electric vehicles at a faster pace. The new standards are among the most aggressive actions that state regulators have ever taken to clean up vehicle exhaust and improve poor air quality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Air board officials expect that an abundance of electric vehicles will make them more affordable over time. More will enter the used car market, where most Californians buy their cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, questions linger about the costs of the cars and the need for more charging capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electric cars currently are more expensive than their fossil-fueled counterparts. But the air board says price drops plus savings on gas and maintenance could end up saving drivers about $3,200 over 10 years for a 2026 car and $7,500 for a 2035 car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Californians qualify for incentive programs that provide grants and rebates worth between $7,000 and $9,500 to help them with the purchases. But the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/08/california-electric-cars-rebates/\">programs often have long waiting lists\u003c/a> and often run out of funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2010, California has allocated more than $1.84 billion for three programs: the \u003ca href=\"https://ww3.arb.ca.gov/msprog/lct/vehiclescrap.htm\">Clean Cars 4 All\u003c/a> program, the \u003ca href=\"https://cleanvehiclerebate.org/eng\">Clean Vehicle Rebate Project\u003c/a> and the\u003ca href=\"https://cleanvehiclegrants.org/\"> Clean Vehicle Assistance Program\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California will need about 1.2 million charging stations by 2030. That’s a 15-fold increase in just seven years. Currently, about \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/data-reports/energy-almanac/zero-emission-vehicle-and-infrastructure-statistics/electric-vehicle\">80,000 public chargers are operating statewide\u003c/a>, with another about 17,000 on the way, according to state data.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-californians-will-be-sharing-the-road-with-cleaner-trucks\">\u003cstrong>2. Californians will be sharing the road with cleaner trucks\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Trucks in California also will gradually be powered by electricity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/resources/fact-sheets/advanced-clean-fleets-regulation-summary\">1.8 million trucks, delivery vans and other medium and heavy-duty trucks are driving state roads and highways\u003c/a>. Their diesel exhaust has been linked to many health problems, including asthma and lung cancer.[aside postID=news_11926059 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/072522-AB5-TRUCKER-PROTEST-OAKLAND-MHN-01-CM-1020x638.jpg']The air board in September unveiled \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/09/california-phase-out-diesel-trucks-zero-emission/\">a proposal that would require new big rigs and other trucks to be zero emissions within the next 18 years\u003c/a>. Under the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/sites/default/files/barcu/regact/2022/acf22/isor2.pdf\">proposed rule (PDF)\u003c/a>, manufacturers wouldn’t be able to sell new gas- and diesel-powered trucks that operate in California by 2040, instead relying on electric models. Large trucking companies would also need to gradually convert their existing fleets to zero-emission vehicles, buying more over time until all are zero emissions by 2042.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/10/electric-trucks-california-rules/\">vehemently opposed by the trucking industry\u003c/a>, which says the technology is not yet ready for widespread use. The air board is expected to vote next spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed rule could put about 510,000 carbon-free medium- and heavy-duty vehicles on California’s roads in 2035, increasing to 1.2 million in 2045 and nearly 1.6 million in 2050, according to the air board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For communities near ports with lots of diesel vehicles, such as the Los Angeles-Long Beach complex, air quality would improve. Air board officials say the proposal could save more than 5,000 California lives between 2024 and 2050.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>3. More Californians will live in climate-friendly homes\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Households will have more heat pumps and electric stoves, washing machines and water heaters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan sets a goal for developers, businesses and local governments to construct at least 3 million climate-friendly homes by 2030 and 7 million by 2035, and install 6 million heat pumps by 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Climate-friendly homes use more energy-efficient systems, such as replacing gas appliances with electric ones and adding solar rooftop panels. They also have better ventilation and battery storage systems, as well as updated electric circuits to support electric cars and appliances. Updating older buildings is considered critical to accomplishing the state’s clean energy goals. State officials say half of those investments need to go to lower-income, marginalized communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan designates heat pumps as the go-to device for developers constructing homes to comply with the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/programs-and-topics/programs/building-energy-efficiency-standards\">building efficiency standards\u003c/a>. A heat pump converts thermal energy from outside, “\u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.gov/energysaver/heat-pump-systems\">making the cool space cooler and the warm space warmer\u003c/a>,” according to the U.S. Department of Energy. It is a more efficient alternative to furnaces and air conditioners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goals are not mandatory, but the state will play an important role in providing financial incentives for homeowners and businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Energy Commission offers \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/programs-and-topics/topics/energy-efficiency/energy-efficiency-financing-opportunities\">zero- and no-interest loans and grants\u003c/a>. Cities, counties, public schools, colleges, universities, hospitals and other facilities also qualify and can apply. The federal government offers \u003ca href=\"https://programs.dsireusa.org/system/program/ca\">loan programs, tax credits, grants and rebates\u003c/a> to California residents. Commercial and residential buildings in California use 70% of the state’s electricity and account for \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2021-08/CEC_2022_EnergyCodeUpdateSummary_ADA.pdf\">25% of the state’s greenhouse gas emissions (PDF)\u003c/a>, the second largest behind the transportation sector, according to state data.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>4. California's economy will change, with more green jobs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The economy will grow, but jobs will change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s economy is projected to rapidly grow under the plan at a rate of about 2% each year, from $3.2 trillion in 2021 to $5.1 trillion in 2045. Employment also is expected to grow by about 4 million new jobs, increasing from 23.5 million in 2021 to 27.7 million in 2045.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some sectors will hold fewer jobs, such as gas station workers, automobile parts dealers, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/05/california-electric-cars-mechanics-jobs/\">mechanics\u003c/a> and those in fossil fuel industries. On the other hand, the power industry and renewable energy sectors will grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s industrial sector, which includes cement plants, oil and gas producers and other manufacturers, is expected to shrink in the next two decades as the state electrifies. The sector\u003cem> \u003c/em>employs about 1.2 million people and produced $324 billion in 2019, representing about 10% of the state’s economic output.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why state leaders are prioritizing the need for a “just transition,” where the livelihoods of oil company employees and others are protected as the economy shifts. Creating new jobs for employees whose jobs are at risk is crucial. The transition to clean energy will result in employment opportunities in the renewable energy industry and power sectors. But many of these workers will need to be retrained.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>5. Californians will get more power from solar, wind\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/06/california-climate-plan-electricity/\">Electricity use is expected to soar\u003c/a> as much as 68% by 2045. That means the state needs to make major investments in clean energy to ensure the power grid can handle the uptick in demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One source the state is counting on is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/12/california-offshore-wind/\">offshore wind development\u003c/a> off the coasts of Humboldt County and Morro Bay. The scoping plan calls for at least 20 gigawatts of offshore wind by 2045, making it a critical clean-energy source. In addition, Newsom hopes to add between 2 and 5 gigawatts of offshore wind by 2030.[aside postID=science_1980900 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/35/2022/12/GettyImages-1407548832-1020x733.jpg']California’s offshore wind farms would be the first in the country constructed with floating platforms at a large scale — the turbines are hundreds of feet tall with blades that are bigger than a football field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five companies recently leased tracts in federal waters off California to build wind farms. They are at least six to seven years from operation, since the companies need many federal and state permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California also will need to rapidly build special port facilities and vessels to construct and transport the gigantic turbines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan also requires a big push for solar. California currently has 39,458 gigawatts of solar, 14.2% of California’s total power mix. The plan’s goal is to increase solar power capacity fourfold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the California Public Utilities Commission \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/12/california-solar-rules-overhauled/\">overhauled old rules governing residential solar\u003c/a>, in a highly contested move that the solar industry says will slow construction of new rooftop solar panels.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>6. Carbon will be captured and stored\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The plan calls for capturing and storing carbon dioxide. Carbon capture and storage involves using technology to directly capture carbon dioxide emitted by a source, often a smokestack. Another technique, called carbon removal, uses technology to eliminate carbon dioxide that is already in the atmosphere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Combined, 15% of all the state’s targeted greenhouse gas cuts will come from carbon removal and capture processes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-admin/post.php?post=279592&action=edit\">a new law that Newsom prioritized in his climate package\u003c/a>, the air board must create a new program that puts guardrails on carbon capture and storage projects while streamlining the permitting process. Newsom set an ambitious target for these technologies: capturing and storing at least 20 million metric tons of carbon by 2030 and 100 million metric tons by 2045.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Olivia Seideman, climate policy advocate, Leadership Counsel for Justice and Accountability.\"]'California's shiny new climate strategies still sacrifice low-income and communities of color with increased pollution across the state.'[/pullquote]Once captured from smokestacks, the carbon could be transported to sites in the Central Valley. Air board staff say the valley is an ideal location for injecting carbon dioxide deep into rock formations because it has the capacity to store at least 17 billion tons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though controversial, air board staff say the technologies are a “necessary tool” to reduce emissions from industrial sectors, such as the cement industry, where no other alternatives may exist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But environmental advocates say the plan relies too heavily on these projects, particularly those involving technologies that remove carbon dioxide from smokestacks of oil refineries and other polluting industries. It means operations at these facilities could continue past 2045, prolonging the use of fossil fuels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Environmentalists say it wouldn’t protect communities such as Richmond, and Wilmington in Los Angeles, situated near industrial plants, where some of the state’s lowest-income residents and people of color live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California’s shiny new climate strategies still sacrifice low-income and communities of color with increased pollution across the state,” said Olivia Seideman, climate policy advocate at Leadership Counsel for Justice and Accountability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s air board today unanimously approved a sweeping state plan to battle climate change, creating a new blueprint for the next five years to cut carbon emissions, reduce reliance on fossil fuels and speed up the transition to renewable energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Called a \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2022-12/2022-sp.pdf\">scoping plan (PDF)\u003c/a>, the 297-page strategy could serve as a road map for other states and countries to follow, including a long list of proposed measures that, once adopted, would slash California’s greenhouse gases and clean up air pollution in the smoggiest state in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Air Resources Board’s plan sets an aggressive target of cutting greenhouse gases by 48% below 1990 levels by 2030, up from the 40% by 2030 required by state law. The ultimate goal is to cut use of oil 94% and become carbon neutral — which means the amount of carbon removed is greater than the carbon generated — by 2045.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This is an extraordinary exercise and document, and it’s the most comprehensive, detailed plan for getting to net zero anywhere in the world,” said Air Resources Board Member Daniel Sperling, who also is director of the Institute of Transportation Studies at UC Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To meet the plan’s targets, state officials project that California over the next 20 years will need about 30 times more electric vehicles, six times more household electric appliances to replace gas appliances and four times more wind and solar generation capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Achieving the targets would cost $18 billion in 2035 and $27 billion in 2045, the air board estimates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we do it right, we will save thousands of lives, reduce economic inequality, and begin to repair the harm that low-income communities and Californians of color disproportionately suffer for the sake of oil companies’ profits,” said Dave Weiskopf, senior policy advisor with NextGen Policy, a progressive advocacy group. “If we do it wrong, we risk perpetuating those injustices for generations to come.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The oil industry, however, says the plan is too ambitious in eliminating fossil fuels from California. “Under [Gov. Gavin] Newsom’s plan, California would become solely dependent on foreign oil,” said Rock Zierman, CEO of the California Independent Petroleum Association, an industry trade group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the vote, 99 members of the public spoke at today’s eight-hour meeting. Most opposed the plan’s reliance on technologies to capture carbon emissions from oil refineries and other fossil fuel plants, which allows them to keep polluting lower-income communities rather than shutting them down more quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The air board held three hearings and multiple workshops over the past six months to obtain public comments before voting today. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/05/climate-change-strategy-california/\">The plan, which is updated every five years\u003c/a>, was first unveiled in May and has gone through \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/11/california-revises-climate-change-plan/\">one major revision that strengthened several strategies\u003c/a>, including offshore wind development, climate-friendly housing construction, cleaner aviation fuels, reducing miles traveled and fast-tracking carbon-removal projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some board members today expressed lingering concerns over carbon capture, but said the emphasis should now be placed on how to deploy those projects so they do the least harm to lower-income communities near the industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The true test is really going to be in the rulemaking … and the devil is really going to be in the details,” said \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/about/leadership/davina-hurt\">air board member Davina Hurt\u003c/a>, who represents San Mateo County cities on the Bay Area’s air district board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures outlined in the plan could transform Californians’ everyday lives. Here are six key ways that people could be affected in the years ahead — if the plan’s rules and other measures are enacted:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>1. Californians will be driving electric cars\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>About 7.5 million electric cars are expected on the state roads by 2030. Currently, \u003ca href=\"https://tableau.cnra.ca.gov/t/CNRA_CEC_PUBLIC/views/DMVDataPortal/STOCK_Dashboard?%3Adisplay_count=n&%3Aembed=y&%3AisGuestRedirectFromVizportal=y&%3Aorigin=viz_share_link&%3AshowAppBanner=false&%3AshowVizHome=n\">only 2.3% of the state’s 29 million cars are zero emission\u003c/a>, or about 837,000, though \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/10/19/california-zev-sales-near-18-of-all-new-car-sales-in-2022/\">electric car sales this year have grown\u003c/a>, increasing to 17% of all new cars sold in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s plan places a heavy emphasis on replacing gasoline and diesel vehicles — the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/resources/documents/2020-mobile-source-strategy\">state’s biggest sources of planet-warming greenhouse gases, smog and fine particles\u003c/a>. The transportation sector accounts for about 40% of California’s greenhouse gas emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, the Newsom administration’s air board already set a \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/rulemaking/2022/advanced-clean-cars-ii?utm_medium=email&utm_source=govdelivery\">groundbreaking regulation\u003c/a> that will \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/08/electric-cars-california-to-phase-out-gas-cars/\">ban sales of all new gas-powered cars by 2035\u003c/a>. Car manufacturers will have to gradually electrify their fleets of new vehicles, beginning with 35% of 2026 models, then increasing to 68% in 2030 and 100% for 2035 models.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Owners who have gasoline-powered cars will be allowed to keep driving them. But the goal of the new rule is to drive the market and force automakers to produce electric vehicles at a faster pace. The new standards are among the most aggressive actions that state regulators have ever taken to clean up vehicle exhaust and improve poor air quality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Air board officials expect that an abundance of electric vehicles will make them more affordable over time. More will enter the used car market, where most Californians buy their cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, questions linger about the costs of the cars and the need for more charging capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electric cars currently are more expensive than their fossil-fueled counterparts. But the air board says price drops plus savings on gas and maintenance could end up saving drivers about $3,200 over 10 years for a 2026 car and $7,500 for a 2035 car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Californians qualify for incentive programs that provide grants and rebates worth between $7,000 and $9,500 to help them with the purchases. But the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/08/california-electric-cars-rebates/\">programs often have long waiting lists\u003c/a> and often run out of funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2010, California has allocated more than $1.84 billion for three programs: the \u003ca href=\"https://ww3.arb.ca.gov/msprog/lct/vehiclescrap.htm\">Clean Cars 4 All\u003c/a> program, the \u003ca href=\"https://cleanvehiclerebate.org/eng\">Clean Vehicle Rebate Project\u003c/a> and the\u003ca href=\"https://cleanvehiclegrants.org/\"> Clean Vehicle Assistance Program\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California will need about 1.2 million charging stations by 2030. That’s a 15-fold increase in just seven years. Currently, about \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/data-reports/energy-almanac/zero-emission-vehicle-and-infrastructure-statistics/electric-vehicle\">80,000 public chargers are operating statewide\u003c/a>, with another about 17,000 on the way, according to state data.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-californians-will-be-sharing-the-road-with-cleaner-trucks\">\u003cstrong>2. Californians will be sharing the road with cleaner trucks\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Trucks in California also will gradually be powered by electricity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/resources/fact-sheets/advanced-clean-fleets-regulation-summary\">1.8 million trucks, delivery vans and other medium and heavy-duty trucks are driving state roads and highways\u003c/a>. Their diesel exhaust has been linked to many health problems, including asthma and lung cancer.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The air board in September unveiled \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/09/california-phase-out-diesel-trucks-zero-emission/\">a proposal that would require new big rigs and other trucks to be zero emissions within the next 18 years\u003c/a>. Under the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/sites/default/files/barcu/regact/2022/acf22/isor2.pdf\">proposed rule (PDF)\u003c/a>, manufacturers wouldn’t be able to sell new gas- and diesel-powered trucks that operate in California by 2040, instead relying on electric models. Large trucking companies would also need to gradually convert their existing fleets to zero-emission vehicles, buying more over time until all are zero emissions by 2042.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/10/electric-trucks-california-rules/\">vehemently opposed by the trucking industry\u003c/a>, which says the technology is not yet ready for widespread use. The air board is expected to vote next spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed rule could put about 510,000 carbon-free medium- and heavy-duty vehicles on California’s roads in 2035, increasing to 1.2 million in 2045 and nearly 1.6 million in 2050, according to the air board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For communities near ports with lots of diesel vehicles, such as the Los Angeles-Long Beach complex, air quality would improve. Air board officials say the proposal could save more than 5,000 California lives between 2024 and 2050.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>3. More Californians will live in climate-friendly homes\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Households will have more heat pumps and electric stoves, washing machines and water heaters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan sets a goal for developers, businesses and local governments to construct at least 3 million climate-friendly homes by 2030 and 7 million by 2035, and install 6 million heat pumps by 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Climate-friendly homes use more energy-efficient systems, such as replacing gas appliances with electric ones and adding solar rooftop panels. They also have better ventilation and battery storage systems, as well as updated electric circuits to support electric cars and appliances. Updating older buildings is considered critical to accomplishing the state’s clean energy goals. State officials say half of those investments need to go to lower-income, marginalized communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan designates heat pumps as the go-to device for developers constructing homes to comply with the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/programs-and-topics/programs/building-energy-efficiency-standards\">building efficiency standards\u003c/a>. A heat pump converts thermal energy from outside, “\u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.gov/energysaver/heat-pump-systems\">making the cool space cooler and the warm space warmer\u003c/a>,” according to the U.S. Department of Energy. It is a more efficient alternative to furnaces and air conditioners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goals are not mandatory, but the state will play an important role in providing financial incentives for homeowners and businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Energy Commission offers \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/programs-and-topics/topics/energy-efficiency/energy-efficiency-financing-opportunities\">zero- and no-interest loans and grants\u003c/a>. Cities, counties, public schools, colleges, universities, hospitals and other facilities also qualify and can apply. The federal government offers \u003ca href=\"https://programs.dsireusa.org/system/program/ca\">loan programs, tax credits, grants and rebates\u003c/a> to California residents. Commercial and residential buildings in California use 70% of the state’s electricity and account for \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2021-08/CEC_2022_EnergyCodeUpdateSummary_ADA.pdf\">25% of the state’s greenhouse gas emissions (PDF)\u003c/a>, the second largest behind the transportation sector, according to state data.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>4. California's economy will change, with more green jobs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The economy will grow, but jobs will change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s economy is projected to rapidly grow under the plan at a rate of about 2% each year, from $3.2 trillion in 2021 to $5.1 trillion in 2045. Employment also is expected to grow by about 4 million new jobs, increasing from 23.5 million in 2021 to 27.7 million in 2045.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some sectors will hold fewer jobs, such as gas station workers, automobile parts dealers, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/05/california-electric-cars-mechanics-jobs/\">mechanics\u003c/a> and those in fossil fuel industries. On the other hand, the power industry and renewable energy sectors will grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s industrial sector, which includes cement plants, oil and gas producers and other manufacturers, is expected to shrink in the next two decades as the state electrifies. The sector\u003cem> \u003c/em>employs about 1.2 million people and produced $324 billion in 2019, representing about 10% of the state’s economic output.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why state leaders are prioritizing the need for a “just transition,” where the livelihoods of oil company employees and others are protected as the economy shifts. Creating new jobs for employees whose jobs are at risk is crucial. The transition to clean energy will result in employment opportunities in the renewable energy industry and power sectors. But many of these workers will need to be retrained.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>5. Californians will get more power from solar, wind\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/06/california-climate-plan-electricity/\">Electricity use is expected to soar\u003c/a> as much as 68% by 2045. That means the state needs to make major investments in clean energy to ensure the power grid can handle the uptick in demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One source the state is counting on is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/12/california-offshore-wind/\">offshore wind development\u003c/a> off the coasts of Humboldt County and Morro Bay. The scoping plan calls for at least 20 gigawatts of offshore wind by 2045, making it a critical clean-energy source. In addition, Newsom hopes to add between 2 and 5 gigawatts of offshore wind by 2030.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>California’s offshore wind farms would be the first in the country constructed with floating platforms at a large scale — the turbines are hundreds of feet tall with blades that are bigger than a football field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five companies recently leased tracts in federal waters off California to build wind farms. They are at least six to seven years from operation, since the companies need many federal and state permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California also will need to rapidly build special port facilities and vessels to construct and transport the gigantic turbines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan also requires a big push for solar. California currently has 39,458 gigawatts of solar, 14.2% of California’s total power mix. The plan’s goal is to increase solar power capacity fourfold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the California Public Utilities Commission \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/12/california-solar-rules-overhauled/\">overhauled old rules governing residential solar\u003c/a>, in a highly contested move that the solar industry says will slow construction of new rooftop solar panels.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>6. Carbon will be captured and stored\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The plan calls for capturing and storing carbon dioxide. Carbon capture and storage involves using technology to directly capture carbon dioxide emitted by a source, often a smokestack. Another technique, called carbon removal, uses technology to eliminate carbon dioxide that is already in the atmosphere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Combined, 15% of all the state’s targeted greenhouse gas cuts will come from carbon removal and capture processes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-admin/post.php?post=279592&action=edit\">a new law that Newsom prioritized in his climate package\u003c/a>, the air board must create a new program that puts guardrails on carbon capture and storage projects while streamlining the permitting process. Newsom set an ambitious target for these technologies: capturing and storing at least 20 million metric tons of carbon by 2030 and 100 million metric tons by 2045.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'California's shiny new climate strategies still sacrifice low-income and communities of color with increased pollution across the state.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Once captured from smokestacks, the carbon could be transported to sites in the Central Valley. Air board staff say the valley is an ideal location for injecting carbon dioxide deep into rock formations because it has the capacity to store at least 17 billion tons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though controversial, air board staff say the technologies are a “necessary tool” to reduce emissions from industrial sectors, such as the cement industry, where no other alternatives may exist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But environmental advocates say the plan relies too heavily on these projects, particularly those involving technologies that remove carbon dioxide from smokestacks of oil refineries and other polluting industries. It means operations at these facilities could continue past 2045, prolonging the use of fossil fuels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Environmentalists say it wouldn’t protect communities such as Richmond, and Wilmington in Los Angeles, situated near industrial plants, where some of the state’s lowest-income residents and people of color live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California’s shiny new climate strategies still sacrifice low-income and communities of color with increased pollution across the state,” said Olivia Seideman, climate policy advocate at Leadership Counsel for Justice and Accountability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California will stop making companies pay employees who can’t work because they caught the coronavirus while on the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the past two years, California workplace regulators have tried to slow the spread of the coronavirus by requiring infected workers to stay home while also guaranteeing them they would still be paid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Thursday, the California Occupational Safety and Health Standards Board voted to end that rule in 2023 — in part because the rule has become harder to enforce. Only people who caught the virus while at work have been eligible to keep getting paid. But the coronavirus is now so widespread that it’s much harder to tell where someone got sick.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11904834,news_11924327,news_11914657\"]Plus, changes in quarantine rules mean most workers are not required to stay home once they’ve been exposed to the virus as long as they don’t have symptoms and don’t test positive for the disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the board approved the new rule by a 6–1 vote, many board members said they were disappointed the rule was changed. The new rules will last for two years because they are temporary regulations put in place in response to the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regulators will soon begin working on permanent rules, and on Thursday several board members promised to make sure the permanent rules include a requirement for sick workers to keep getting paid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are now going to be telling workers they must be excluded from work if they are sick from workplace exposure, but we are not requiring they will be paid. We all know this will lead to people needing to work while sick,” board member Laura Stock said. “I really want to ensure that we won’t make this mistake again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers who do miss work because of the coronavirus can use sick leave. A state law, passed earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/coronavirus-pandemic-health-california-legislature-state-legislature-99c22806db26b6eecf40076de293c929\">requires companies to give workers up to two weeks of paid time off if they get sick from the coronavirus\u003c/a>. But that law expires in December, and it’s not clear whether lawmakers will extend it in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all workers have sick leave, including low-wage workers in the service industry like fast-food restaurant employees. Those workers can file for workers’ compensation benefits if they have to miss work because they have the coronavirus. But the process is arduous, and it’s no guarantee they will be approved.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Laura Stock, board member, OSHSB\"]‘We are now going to be telling workers they must be excluded from work if they are sick from workplace exposure, but we are not requiring they will be paid. We all know this will lead to people needing to work while sick.’[/pullquote]Mitch Steiger, senior legislative advocate for the California Labor Federation, said people who file workers’ compensation claims are five times more likely to be denied than people who file non-coronavirus claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It doesn’t matter where the worker got the virus. To show up at work with it can then become a workplace outbreak,” Steiger said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the rules about paying workers are changing, much of the other COVID-19 regulations are still in place. The state still has rules about ventilation, testing and how to handle outbreaks. Companies are still required to notify employees if they have been exposed to the virus while at work, and they have to make free coronavirus tests available to workers who have come in close contact with someone else on the job who has been infected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business groups on Thursday urged the board to reject the rules, arguing there don’t need to be any coronavirus standards at all. Democratic \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/health-california-covid-gavin-newsom-government-and-politics-0a013cc71e580d33fe59f93bc6c2b16e\">Gov. Gavin Newsom will end the state’s coronavirus emergency declaration in February\u003c/a> and all of the executive orders that came with it. On Thursday, the Orange County Health Care Agency announced it was shifting its coronavirus response “from an emergency posture to routine business operations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now is the moment to end this,” said Rob Moutrie, policy advocate for the California Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California will stop making companies pay employees who can’t work because they caught the coronavirus while on the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the past two years, California workplace regulators have tried to slow the spread of the coronavirus by requiring infected workers to stay home while also guaranteeing them they would still be paid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Thursday, the California Occupational Safety and Health Standards Board voted to end that rule in 2023 — in part because the rule has become harder to enforce. Only people who caught the virus while at work have been eligible to keep getting paid. But the coronavirus is now so widespread that it’s much harder to tell where someone got sick.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Plus, changes in quarantine rules mean most workers are not required to stay home once they’ve been exposed to the virus as long as they don’t have symptoms and don’t test positive for the disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the board approved the new rule by a 6–1 vote, many board members said they were disappointed the rule was changed. The new rules will last for two years because they are temporary regulations put in place in response to the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regulators will soon begin working on permanent rules, and on Thursday several board members promised to make sure the permanent rules include a requirement for sick workers to keep getting paid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are now going to be telling workers they must be excluded from work if they are sick from workplace exposure, but we are not requiring they will be paid. We all know this will lead to people needing to work while sick,” board member Laura Stock said. “I really want to ensure that we won’t make this mistake again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers who do miss work because of the coronavirus can use sick leave. A state law, passed earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/coronavirus-pandemic-health-california-legislature-state-legislature-99c22806db26b6eecf40076de293c929\">requires companies to give workers up to two weeks of paid time off if they get sick from the coronavirus\u003c/a>. But that law expires in December, and it’s not clear whether lawmakers will extend it in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all workers have sick leave, including low-wage workers in the service industry like fast-food restaurant employees. Those workers can file for workers’ compensation benefits if they have to miss work because they have the coronavirus. But the process is arduous, and it’s no guarantee they will be approved.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Mitch Steiger, senior legislative advocate for the California Labor Federation, said people who file workers’ compensation claims are five times more likely to be denied than people who file non-coronavirus claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It doesn’t matter where the worker got the virus. To show up at work with it can then become a workplace outbreak,” Steiger said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the rules about paying workers are changing, much of the other COVID-19 regulations are still in place. The state still has rules about ventilation, testing and how to handle outbreaks. Companies are still required to notify employees if they have been exposed to the virus while at work, and they have to make free coronavirus tests available to workers who have come in close contact with someone else on the job who has been infected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business groups on Thursday urged the board to reject the rules, arguing there don’t need to be any coronavirus standards at all. Democratic \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/health-california-covid-gavin-newsom-government-and-politics-0a013cc71e580d33fe59f93bc6c2b16e\">Gov. Gavin Newsom will end the state’s coronavirus emergency declaration in February\u003c/a> and all of the executive orders that came with it. On Thursday, the Orange County Health Care Agency announced it was shifting its coronavirus response “from an emergency posture to routine business operations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now is the moment to end this,” said Rob Moutrie, policy advocate for the California Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>On a swath of federal desert land about an hour’s drive east of Palm Springs, construction workers drive row after row of big metal posts into the desert floor. These posts will soon be topped by thousands of solar panels. When construction is finished, the solar power project at Victory Pass will have a footprint of about 3,000 acres — that’s three times the size of Golden Gate Park. And when it’s connected to California’s energy grid, the facility will generate enough power for more than 130,000 homes, according to Raisa Lee, project developer for San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.clearwayenergygroup.com/\">Clearway Energy\u003c/a>, which is building the project.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11922377,news_11898992,science_995050\"]The green energy boom is accelerating in the deserts of California. It’s a boom that’s been encouraged by the Biden administration, which has streamlined renewable energy development within \u003ca href=\"https://www.blm.gov/programs/planning-and-nepa/plans-in-development/california/desert-renewable-energy-conservation-plan\">nearly 11 million acres of federal desert land\u003c/a> in seven California counties. Many of those projects are industrial-scale solar facilities built by companies like Clearway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as the state’s deserts play a growing part in helping to create the green energy revolution, a backlash is also growing among those who argue that desert wilderness is being sacrificed for renewable power goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Woody, vice president at Clearway Energy, says these huge desert solar projects are necessary if California is going to meet its goal of ending dependence on fossil fuels and fighting climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California needs to add about 6 gigawatts a year of these renewable energy and storage projects to meet their clean energy goals, 90% by 2035 and 100% by 2045,” said Woody in a recent interview at the company’s Daggett project in San Bernardino County. When it opens late next year, the energy plant will be the largest solar power and battery storage facility in the state, and buyers for power are already lined up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11935145\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1912-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11935145 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1912-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"posts in the ground in the desert are part of the construction process for solar energy farms\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1912-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1912-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1912-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1912-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1912-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1912-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1912-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">As part of the construction of industrial-scale solar, desert land is graded and thousands of posts are driven into the ground at Victory Pass. The posts will be topped with solar panel modules moved by motors to track the movement of the sun. Renewable energy companies are attracted to the desert for both the abundance of sunshine and available land. \u003ccite>(Saul Gonzalez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Still, Woody argues the company’s work is about more than profit: “We’re just doing our small part to help California meet those goals,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some environmentalists disagree that such large-scale construction in the desert is necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are ways to do this without bulldozing old-growth desert with millennia-old plants, endemic populations of rare organisms, and endangered and threatened species,” said Chris Clarke, associate director of the California Desert Program at the National Parks Conservation Association and the co-host of \u003ca href=\"https://90milesfromneedles.com/\">a podcast about threats to the desert\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like other environmentalists, Clarke worries about the habitat of endangered animal life, like the desert tortoise, as thousands of acres of desert land are turned into solar power farms. He argues that as California goes all in on solar, the projects should be built on rooftops in coastal cities and suburbs, where most of the power generated will end up anyway, and not hundreds of miles away in the state’s deserts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11935154\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_4735-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11935154 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_4735-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"a woman and a man dressed warmly smile for a portrait in the desert against a blue sky\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_4735-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_4735-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_4735-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_4735-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_4735-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_4735-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_4735-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Environmentalists Chris Clarke and Alicia Pike are hosts of a podcast, ’90 Miles From Needles,’ that explores dangers to the California desert. They argue that industrial-scale solar projects, which cover thousands of acres, pose a growing threat to the habitat of desert flora and fauna, like the desert tortoise. \u003ccite>(Saul Gonzalez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The threat to the desert right now is similar to the threats that other places in North America faced in the 19th century, where people were starting to notice what was there and starting to figure out how they could profit off it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, more desert land continues to be prepped for the installation of solar panels, joining solar power facilities that have already been built. Back at Clearway’s Victory Pass solar site, project manager John Moon pointed to the distant desert landscape and all the other solar projects in the area, with names like Desert Sunlight, Desert Harvest and Maverick One. As ground is broken on more projects, the debate will continue over how to balance the goals of creating a renewable energy revolution and protecting the state’s desert lands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11935155\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1935-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11935155 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1935-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"solar panels are seen in the desert in front of a mountain range\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1935-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1935-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1935-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1935-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1935-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1935-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1935-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Outside the desert community of Daggett in San Bernardino County, San Francisco-based Clearway Energy is building an enormous solar power facility. Clearway is constructing such renewable energy projects on both private and public lands and says the potential for desert solar power is enormous. \u003ccite>(Saul Gonzalez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Clearway’s John Woody argues that extraordinary efforts are being taken by both private companies and the government to protect the desert’s ecosystems as solar facilities are built. He also says California’s green power goals are so enormous, it’s impossible to make an “either/or” choice between urban rooftop solar versus desert solar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no silver bullet. You can’t do one or the other,” said Woody. “You need to sort of do all of the above.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On a swath of federal desert land about an hour’s drive east of Palm Springs, construction workers drive row after row of big metal posts into the desert floor. These posts will soon be topped by thousands of solar panels. When construction is finished, the solar power project at Victory Pass will have a footprint of about 3,000 acres — that’s three times the size of Golden Gate Park. And when it’s connected to California’s energy grid, the facility will generate enough power for more than 130,000 homes, according to Raisa Lee, project developer for San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.clearwayenergygroup.com/\">Clearway Energy\u003c/a>, which is building the project.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The green energy boom is accelerating in the deserts of California. It’s a boom that’s been encouraged by the Biden administration, which has streamlined renewable energy development within \u003ca href=\"https://www.blm.gov/programs/planning-and-nepa/plans-in-development/california/desert-renewable-energy-conservation-plan\">nearly 11 million acres of federal desert land\u003c/a> in seven California counties. Many of those projects are industrial-scale solar facilities built by companies like Clearway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as the state’s deserts play a growing part in helping to create the green energy revolution, a backlash is also growing among those who argue that desert wilderness is being sacrificed for renewable power goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Woody, vice president at Clearway Energy, says these huge desert solar projects are necessary if California is going to meet its goal of ending dependence on fossil fuels and fighting climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California needs to add about 6 gigawatts a year of these renewable energy and storage projects to meet their clean energy goals, 90% by 2035 and 100% by 2045,” said Woody in a recent interview at the company’s Daggett project in San Bernardino County. When it opens late next year, the energy plant will be the largest solar power and battery storage facility in the state, and buyers for power are already lined up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11935145\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1912-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11935145 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1912-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"posts in the ground in the desert are part of the construction process for solar energy farms\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1912-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1912-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1912-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1912-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1912-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1912-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1912-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">As part of the construction of industrial-scale solar, desert land is graded and thousands of posts are driven into the ground at Victory Pass. The posts will be topped with solar panel modules moved by motors to track the movement of the sun. Renewable energy companies are attracted to the desert for both the abundance of sunshine and available land. \u003ccite>(Saul Gonzalez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Still, Woody argues the company’s work is about more than profit: “We’re just doing our small part to help California meet those goals,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some environmentalists disagree that such large-scale construction in the desert is necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are ways to do this without bulldozing old-growth desert with millennia-old plants, endemic populations of rare organisms, and endangered and threatened species,” said Chris Clarke, associate director of the California Desert Program at the National Parks Conservation Association and the co-host of \u003ca href=\"https://90milesfromneedles.com/\">a podcast about threats to the desert\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like other environmentalists, Clarke worries about the habitat of endangered animal life, like the desert tortoise, as thousands of acres of desert land are turned into solar power farms. He argues that as California goes all in on solar, the projects should be built on rooftops in coastal cities and suburbs, where most of the power generated will end up anyway, and not hundreds of miles away in the state’s deserts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11935154\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_4735-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11935154 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_4735-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"a woman and a man dressed warmly smile for a portrait in the desert against a blue sky\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_4735-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_4735-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_4735-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_4735-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_4735-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_4735-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_4735-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Environmentalists Chris Clarke and Alicia Pike are hosts of a podcast, ’90 Miles From Needles,’ that explores dangers to the California desert. They argue that industrial-scale solar projects, which cover thousands of acres, pose a growing threat to the habitat of desert flora and fauna, like the desert tortoise. \u003ccite>(Saul Gonzalez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The threat to the desert right now is similar to the threats that other places in North America faced in the 19th century, where people were starting to notice what was there and starting to figure out how they could profit off it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, more desert land continues to be prepped for the installation of solar panels, joining solar power facilities that have already been built. Back at Clearway’s Victory Pass solar site, project manager John Moon pointed to the distant desert landscape and all the other solar projects in the area, with names like Desert Sunlight, Desert Harvest and Maverick One. As ground is broken on more projects, the debate will continue over how to balance the goals of creating a renewable energy revolution and protecting the state’s desert lands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11935155\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1935-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11935155 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1935-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"solar panels are seen in the desert in front of a mountain range\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1935-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1935-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1935-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1935-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1935-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1935-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/DSCF1935-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Outside the desert community of Daggett in San Bernardino County, San Francisco-based Clearway Energy is building an enormous solar power facility. Clearway is constructing such renewable energy projects on both private and public lands and says the potential for desert solar power is enormous. \u003ccite>(Saul Gonzalez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Clearway’s John Woody argues that extraordinary efforts are being taken by both private companies and the government to protect the desert’s ecosystems as solar facilities are built. He also says California’s green power goals are so enormous, it’s impossible to make an “either/or” choice between urban rooftop solar versus desert solar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no silver bullet. You can’t do one or the other,” said Woody. “You need to sort of do all of the above.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>If you work in California and your sister is undergoing cancer treatments, or your spouse gets knee surgery, you might be able to get paid while you take time off work to care for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a less well-known part of California’s paid family leave benefit, which also covers new parents who leave work to care for and bond with their babies. Although the number of Californians, especially women, using paid leave for reasons beyond new babies has soared in the past two decades, still roughly \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/pdf_pub_ctr/de2530.pdf\">six times more use paid family leave to care for new children (PDF)\u003c/a> than use it to care for seriously ill family members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/social-trends/2017/03/23/americans-widely-support-paid-family-and-medical-leave-but-differ-over-specific-policies/\">broad support for giving new parents paid time off\u003c/a> — a benefit that doesn’t exist across the U.S. — there’s less consensus around paid leave to care for ill family members. At the same time, research on the effects of paid family leave for anyone besides new parents has been limited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new study published today, though, finds that \u003ca href=\"https://www.nber.org/papers/w30739\">access to paid family leave decreases the likelihood that women leave a job if their spouse has serious health issues\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/sBXr8/1/\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers at Wellesley College and Stanford University looked at data for thousands of healthy, employed adults who had either a child undergoing surgery or hospitalization, or a spouse who had a health condition or a cognitive limitation and also had a major health event. They compared outcomes for people in California, New York and New Jersey before and after those states passed paid family leave, and also compared them to people in other states that lack family leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Women with spouses who had health issues saw the largest benefit. While all women were working at the outset, after their spouses had surgery or were hospitalized, roughly 10% of women left their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, the study found, access to paid family leave more than halved the rate at which they left work. “We were surprised at how big this effect was,” said Maya Rossin-Slater, a health economist at Stanford and one of the paper’s authors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11926528,news_11881047,news_11904834\"]Rossin-Slater has seen the benefit play out in her own life: Her mother has taken paid leave twice for family caregiving purposes. Once was about 10 years ago, when Rossin-Slater herself had surgery, and the second time was more recently to care for Rossin-Slater’s uncle, who had cancer. “In fact, she was going to retire, but then she decided to not retire and instead use paid family leave,” Rossin-Slater said of her mom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study’s finding was concentrated among women with 12 or fewer years of education. Many women without college education work in low-paying jobs that don’t offer paid family leave benefits, Rossin-Slater said, so “in the absence of having a state-level program, these women by and large are left to kind of fend for themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paid family leave didn’t have a meaningful impact on whether men stayed in their jobs if their spouses with a health condition had a major health event. Regardless of whether they had access to paid family leave, less than half of 1% of men in the study reported leaving their job to care for a family member or their home, Rossin-Slater said. “Just very few men do that, and so perhaps then it’s not surprising that [paid family leave] doesn’t really affect them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Priyanka Anand, a health economist at George Mason University who has also studied the impacts of paid family leave, said she liked the research, particularly because it focuses on non-parental uses of paid leave, which has gotten little attention from researchers. There are strengths to the data the researchers used, she said, but one drawback is that a relatively small number of people actually had access to paid family leave: While more than 2,700 healthy spouses were in the sample, only 237 of them had access to paid family leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some people are hesitant to take leave because they’re worried they might lose their job, or that they’ll be the first to go in future layoffs, or they’ll get passed over for raises or promotions, said Christina Irving, director of client services at San Francisco-based Family Caregiver Alliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Maya Rossin-Slater, health economist, Stanford University\"]‘In the absence of having a state-level program, these women [in jobs without paid family leave] by and large are left to kind of fend for themselves.’[/pullquote]In 2020, state \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB1383\">lawmakers expanded job protections for people who take leave\u003c/a>. Now, if you work at a company with five or more employees and meet work hour requirements, you can take unpaid leave to take care of a family member and be legally protected from losing your job. Previously, job protections generally covered people working at companies with at least 50 people at or near the worksite. Many people get both job protection and some pay during their leave, but the laws providing those two benefits are separate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Generally, folks are very concerned about how they can make sure that they keep their jobs,” said Katherine Wutchiett, senior staff attorney at Legal Aid at Work, a San Francisco nonprofit that provides legal services to lower-income workers. “If they have a spouse who’s facing a long-term disability and will be out of work, they might be the sole source of income for their family for the first time, making it all that more important that they’re able to keep their job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More change is coming in 2025, when \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/09/paid-family-leave/\">lower-income workers will get to keep 90% of their paychecks\u003c/a> when they take paid family leave. Currently, workers get 60% to 70% of their wages when they take leave. Advocates pushed for the increase, saying that many lower-income workers couldn’t afford to take leave when it came with a large pay cut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another barrier to getting paid family leave is understanding what you’re eligible for and how, exactly, to get the benefits. Legal Aid at Work runs a hotline for people who have questions about paid leave and other workplace accommodations, or who need help with the process. It gets over 1,000 calls per year, according to Wutchiett.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some version of paid family leave has been in place for nearly two decades. Yet, there’s still a need for lawyers who can help people through the process, said Rossin-Slater. That reflects negatively on how the program is being run, she said. “Ideally, people shouldn’t have to turn to a lawyer in order to be able to just access this benefit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If you work in California and your sister is undergoing cancer treatments, or your spouse gets knee surgery, you might be able to get paid while you take time off work to care for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a less well-known part of California’s paid family leave benefit, which also covers new parents who leave work to care for and bond with their babies. Although the number of Californians, especially women, using paid leave for reasons beyond new babies has soared in the past two decades, still roughly \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/pdf_pub_ctr/de2530.pdf\">six times more use paid family leave to care for new children (PDF)\u003c/a> than use it to care for seriously ill family members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/social-trends/2017/03/23/americans-widely-support-paid-family-and-medical-leave-but-differ-over-specific-policies/\">broad support for giving new parents paid time off\u003c/a> — a benefit that doesn’t exist across the U.S. — there’s less consensus around paid leave to care for ill family members. At the same time, research on the effects of paid family leave for anyone besides new parents has been limited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new study published today, though, finds that \u003ca href=\"https://www.nber.org/papers/w30739\">access to paid family leave decreases the likelihood that women leave a job if their spouse has serious health issues\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/sBXr8/1/\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers at Wellesley College and Stanford University looked at data for thousands of healthy, employed adults who had either a child undergoing surgery or hospitalization, or a spouse who had a health condition or a cognitive limitation and also had a major health event. They compared outcomes for people in California, New York and New Jersey before and after those states passed paid family leave, and also compared them to people in other states that lack family leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Women with spouses who had health issues saw the largest benefit. While all women were working at the outset, after their spouses had surgery or were hospitalized, roughly 10% of women left their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, the study found, access to paid family leave more than halved the rate at which they left work. “We were surprised at how big this effect was,” said Maya Rossin-Slater, a health economist at Stanford and one of the paper’s authors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Rossin-Slater has seen the benefit play out in her own life: Her mother has taken paid leave twice for family caregiving purposes. Once was about 10 years ago, when Rossin-Slater herself had surgery, and the second time was more recently to care for Rossin-Slater’s uncle, who had cancer. “In fact, she was going to retire, but then she decided to not retire and instead use paid family leave,” Rossin-Slater said of her mom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study’s finding was concentrated among women with 12 or fewer years of education. Many women without college education work in low-paying jobs that don’t offer paid family leave benefits, Rossin-Slater said, so “in the absence of having a state-level program, these women by and large are left to kind of fend for themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paid family leave didn’t have a meaningful impact on whether men stayed in their jobs if their spouses with a health condition had a major health event. Regardless of whether they had access to paid family leave, less than half of 1% of men in the study reported leaving their job to care for a family member or their home, Rossin-Slater said. “Just very few men do that, and so perhaps then it’s not surprising that [paid family leave] doesn’t really affect them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Priyanka Anand, a health economist at George Mason University who has also studied the impacts of paid family leave, said she liked the research, particularly because it focuses on non-parental uses of paid leave, which has gotten little attention from researchers. There are strengths to the data the researchers used, she said, but one drawback is that a relatively small number of people actually had access to paid family leave: While more than 2,700 healthy spouses were in the sample, only 237 of them had access to paid family leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some people are hesitant to take leave because they’re worried they might lose their job, or that they’ll be the first to go in future layoffs, or they’ll get passed over for raises or promotions, said Christina Irving, director of client services at San Francisco-based Family Caregiver Alliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In 2020, state \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB1383\">lawmakers expanded job protections for people who take leave\u003c/a>. Now, if you work at a company with five or more employees and meet work hour requirements, you can take unpaid leave to take care of a family member and be legally protected from losing your job. Previously, job protections generally covered people working at companies with at least 50 people at or near the worksite. Many people get both job protection and some pay during their leave, but the laws providing those two benefits are separate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Generally, folks are very concerned about how they can make sure that they keep their jobs,” said Katherine Wutchiett, senior staff attorney at Legal Aid at Work, a San Francisco nonprofit that provides legal services to lower-income workers. “If they have a spouse who’s facing a long-term disability and will be out of work, they might be the sole source of income for their family for the first time, making it all that more important that they’re able to keep their job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More change is coming in 2025, when \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/09/paid-family-leave/\">lower-income workers will get to keep 90% of their paychecks\u003c/a> when they take paid family leave. Currently, workers get 60% to 70% of their wages when they take leave. Advocates pushed for the increase, saying that many lower-income workers couldn’t afford to take leave when it came with a large pay cut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another barrier to getting paid family leave is understanding what you’re eligible for and how, exactly, to get the benefits. Legal Aid at Work runs a hotline for people who have questions about paid leave and other workplace accommodations, or who need help with the process. It gets over 1,000 calls per year, according to Wutchiett.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some version of paid family leave has been in place for nearly two decades. Yet, there’s still a need for lawyers who can help people through the process, said Rossin-Slater. That reflects negatively on how the program is being run, she said. “Ideally, people shouldn’t have to turn to a lawyer in order to be able to just access this benefit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The pandemic led to an explosion of interest in biotech. While a cooling economy has slowed it slightly, the industry is still booming. Demand for lab space was at an all-time high in the Bay Area last year, and the industry is expected to \u003ca href=\"https://cushwake.cld.bz/2022-October-Life-Sciences-Update\">increase its footprint locally by 30% this year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along Oyster Point Boulevard in South San Francisco, bulldozers clear industrial warehouses. Huge construction crews busily replace single-story factories with skyscrapers.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11026460,pop_104710\"]“As you can see, all the skin of the building is ripped down,” says Marc Pope, executive managing director for Cushman & Wakefield, a commercial real estate company. “You can see the steel going up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What was once a neighborhood of cream-colored single-story businesses is now a glistening alley of biotech companies. Pope points to the headquarters of AstraZeneca, Jlabs and 23andMe. Each building is decked out with concierge services, spas, day cares and fitness centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All these amenities are recruiting tools,” says Pope. “There is so much competition to get the best of the best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic has been very good for business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11933913\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60257_049_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11933913\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60257_049_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"sunlight glinting off tall biotech office buildings in South San Francisco\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60257_049_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60257_049_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60257_049_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60257_049_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60257_049_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Office buildings line Oyster Point Boulevard, primarily home to biotechnology companies, in South San Francisco, on Nov. 17, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It put the market on steroids,” says Pope. “Capital markets have been cooperative. [The] venture capital community has been very cooperative. COVID really put a spotlight on things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year \u003ca href=\"https://www2.biocom.org/get-the-2021-EIR-databook\">investors spent nearly three times\u003c/a> more than usual on the life sciences in California. South San Francisco City Manager Mike Futrell projects these companies will double their footprint from 12 million square feet to 25 million square feet within the next few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lessons from the pandemic are spurring vitality in surprising sectors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Diagnostics for a long time was [much less marketable to investors than] the biotech industry,” says Joe Panetta, president and CEO of Biocom in California, a trade association for the life sciences. “You couldn’t raise money for a diagnostic to save your life, literally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But all those COVID rapid tests changed that. And companies want to get ahead of the next novel virus — so there’s a lot of venture capital focused on infectious diseases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those new companies are not only growing themselves,” says Panetta. “But they’re attractive to large multinational pharmaceutical and biotech and medical device companies, many of which are headquartered in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11933918\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60253_045_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11933918\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60253_045_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A blue sign for South San Francisco, 'The Birthplace of Biotechnology,' against a blue sky and a palm tree with an office building in the background\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60253_045_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60253_045_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60253_045_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60253_045_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60253_045_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign for South San Francisco, ‘The Birthplace of Biotechnology,’ on Oyster Point Boulevard, on Nov. 17, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And then there’s obviously the pandemic success of mRNA vaccines. Two of the COVID vaccines used mRNA — or genetic medicine — to trigger an immune response to combat the virus. Now companies like \u003ca href=\"https://recodetx.com/\">ReCode Therapeutics\u003c/a> plan to use mRNA to treat other respiratory diseases. “What we’re doing is building on all that great innovation from the vaccines to go beyond vaccines,” says Shehnaaz Suliman, company CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company just opened a lab in Menlo Park. Suliman points to a small handheld nebulizer that looks like a flying saucer releasing a fine mist.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Marc Pope, executive managing director, Cushman & Wakefield\"]‘It put the market on steroids … COVID really put a spotlight on things.’[/pullquote]“That allows the medication to be deposited in their airways and go directly into the cell types that we want to affect,” she says. A patient can inhale the medicine into the lungs where the mRNA will hopefully correct the genetic errors that cause \u003ca href=\"https://www.chop.edu/conditions-diseases/primary-ciliary-dyskinesia#:~:text=Primary%20ciliary%20dyskinesia%20(PCD)%20is,the%20body%2C%20including%20the%20airways.\">ciliary dyskinesia\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.cff.org/research-clinical-trials/types-cftr-mutations#:~:text=Cystic%20fibrosis%20is%20caused%20by,key%20function%20in%20the%20cell.\">cystic fibrosis\u003c/a>. Instead of shots, every few days patients can use the nebulizer to keep their disease in check.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suliman says mRNA technology could eventually target numerous diseases that have stumped researchers for years. “Imagine the possibilities if you could undo a gene that was responsible for Alzheimer’s,” she says. “Imagine the possibilities if you could get into a tumor cell because you were able to deliver a genetic medicine directly into the cell that was responsible for that cancer. This is the range of possibilities.” Her list goes on and on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though daily headlines continue to warn Americans of a pending recession, ReCode has raised $200 million in venture capital funding. They have nearly doubled their staff since January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In our ecosystem, the entrepreneurs are salivating because this is a great time to be in biotech,” says Suliman. “And it’s a great time to be accessing capital to develop great science.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The pandemic led to an explosion of interest in biotech. While a cooling economy has slowed it slightly, the industry is still booming. Demand for lab space was at an all-time high in the Bay Area last year, and the industry is expected to \u003ca href=\"https://cushwake.cld.bz/2022-October-Life-Sciences-Update\">increase its footprint locally by 30% this year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along Oyster Point Boulevard in South San Francisco, bulldozers clear industrial warehouses. Huge construction crews busily replace single-story factories with skyscrapers.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“As you can see, all the skin of the building is ripped down,” says Marc Pope, executive managing director for Cushman & Wakefield, a commercial real estate company. “You can see the steel going up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What was once a neighborhood of cream-colored single-story businesses is now a glistening alley of biotech companies. Pope points to the headquarters of AstraZeneca, Jlabs and 23andMe. Each building is decked out with concierge services, spas, day cares and fitness centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All these amenities are recruiting tools,” says Pope. “There is so much competition to get the best of the best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic has been very good for business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11933913\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60257_049_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11933913\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60257_049_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"sunlight glinting off tall biotech office buildings in South San Francisco\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60257_049_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60257_049_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60257_049_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60257_049_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60257_049_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Office buildings line Oyster Point Boulevard, primarily home to biotechnology companies, in South San Francisco, on Nov. 17, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It put the market on steroids,” says Pope. “Capital markets have been cooperative. [The] venture capital community has been very cooperative. COVID really put a spotlight on things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year \u003ca href=\"https://www2.biocom.org/get-the-2021-EIR-databook\">investors spent nearly three times\u003c/a> more than usual on the life sciences in California. South San Francisco City Manager Mike Futrell projects these companies will double their footprint from 12 million square feet to 25 million square feet within the next few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lessons from the pandemic are spurring vitality in surprising sectors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Diagnostics for a long time was [much less marketable to investors than] the biotech industry,” says Joe Panetta, president and CEO of Biocom in California, a trade association for the life sciences. “You couldn’t raise money for a diagnostic to save your life, literally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But all those COVID rapid tests changed that. And companies want to get ahead of the next novel virus — so there’s a lot of venture capital focused on infectious diseases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those new companies are not only growing themselves,” says Panetta. “But they’re attractive to large multinational pharmaceutical and biotech and medical device companies, many of which are headquartered in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11933918\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60253_045_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11933918\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60253_045_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A blue sign for South San Francisco, 'The Birthplace of Biotechnology,' against a blue sky and a palm tree with an office building in the background\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60253_045_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60253_045_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60253_045_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60253_045_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60253_045_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign for South San Francisco, ‘The Birthplace of Biotechnology,’ on Oyster Point Boulevard, on Nov. 17, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And then there’s obviously the pandemic success of mRNA vaccines. Two of the COVID vaccines used mRNA — or genetic medicine — to trigger an immune response to combat the virus. Now companies like \u003ca href=\"https://recodetx.com/\">ReCode Therapeutics\u003c/a> plan to use mRNA to treat other respiratory diseases. “What we’re doing is building on all that great innovation from the vaccines to go beyond vaccines,” says Shehnaaz Suliman, company CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company just opened a lab in Menlo Park. Suliman points to a small handheld nebulizer that looks like a flying saucer releasing a fine mist.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“That allows the medication to be deposited in their airways and go directly into the cell types that we want to affect,” she says. A patient can inhale the medicine into the lungs where the mRNA will hopefully correct the genetic errors that cause \u003ca href=\"https://www.chop.edu/conditions-diseases/primary-ciliary-dyskinesia#:~:text=Primary%20ciliary%20dyskinesia%20(PCD)%20is,the%20body%2C%20including%20the%20airways.\">ciliary dyskinesia\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.cff.org/research-clinical-trials/types-cftr-mutations#:~:text=Cystic%20fibrosis%20is%20caused%20by,key%20function%20in%20the%20cell.\">cystic fibrosis\u003c/a>. Instead of shots, every few days patients can use the nebulizer to keep their disease in check.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suliman says mRNA technology could eventually target numerous diseases that have stumped researchers for years. “Imagine the possibilities if you could undo a gene that was responsible for Alzheimer’s,” she says. “Imagine the possibilities if you could get into a tumor cell because you were able to deliver a genetic medicine directly into the cell that was responsible for that cancer. This is the range of possibilities.” Her list goes on and on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though daily headlines continue to warn Americans of a pending recession, ReCode has raised $200 million in venture capital funding. They have nearly doubled their staff since January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In our ecosystem, the entrepreneurs are salivating because this is a great time to be in biotech,” says Suliman. “And it’s a great time to be accessing capital to develop great science.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "newsom-wants-to-penalize-oil-companies-for-excessive-profits-but-would-it-help-or-hurt-consumers",
"title": "Newsom Wants to Penalize Oil Companies for Excessive Profits. But Would It Help or Hurt Consumers?",
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"headTitle": "Newsom Wants to Penalize Oil Companies for Excessive Profits. But Would It Help or Hurt Consumers? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The new class of California lawmakers being sworn in today is being asked to tackle a problem stymieing the world: how to rein in the price of gasoline, which soared to record highs here this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s little agreement on how — or whether — policymakers can actually drive down the cost of fuel. Many experts are skeptical of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s plan to do so by imposing a windfall penalty on oil profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom first called for a windfall profit tax in September, as gas prices spiked and oil company profits also soared. Last week, he officially called a special session of the Legislature, asking lawmakers to return to work before their January session and consider what he’s now calling a profit penalty, not a tax. He also wants lawmakers to help craft legislation to give state regulators more power to review and evaluate oil company profits and pricing, along with more oversight of the refinery process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11931113\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11931113\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom in a suit and tie speaks into a microphone\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Newsom, seen here in the gubernatorial debate at KQED headquarters in San Francisco, has said the proposal will help bring down gas prices. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Those proposals, he says, will ease pain at the pump for consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re ripping you off. They’re ripping every one of us off,” Newsom said at KQED’s gubernatorial debate in late October. “And we’re going after these companies and we’re getting serious about the stress and pain Californians are facing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Oil money has become toxic’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Oil companies saw the writing on the wall long before the governor’s call for action. They pumped more than $8 million into legislative races this cycle, in an apparent effort to elect more oil-friendly lawmakers. Much of that money was used not to back traditionally sympathetic Republicans, but to prop up Democrats they see as more moderate and more open to industry concerns than their progressive Democratic opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doug Morrow, who does opposition research on behalf of progressive Democrats, said he’s seen oil companies become more and more active in Democratic politics since the state passed its first landmark climate change law in 2006.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As California’s become a bluer and bluer state and there are more and more Dem-versus-Dem general races, the business community … and specifically the oil industry, has focused more and more on electing moderate Democrats to the Democratic majority,” he said, noting that in many California districts, Republicans simply cannot win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those seats are no longer in their game plan. So they go into Dem-versus-Dem seats and try to find the most moderate candidate to represent or protect their interests as possible,” Morrow said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11933938\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1437346799.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11933938\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1437346799-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"a gas station with a man pumping gas and gas prices are all over $6 per gallon\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1437346799-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1437346799-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1437346799-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1437346799.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A gas station in Los Angeles shows the high price of gas in November 2022. ExxonMobil Corp. posted a quarterly profit of nearly $20 billion, the highest quarterly profit in company history amid a surge in oil prices during the quarter. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Big Oil isn’t giving that money directly to candidates, as many within the Democratic Party have pledged not to take fossil fuel donations; instead, the industry, through political action committees, pumps millions of dollars into TV ads, mailers and other campaign expenses. Those are considered independent expenditures, and PACs are legally prohibited from coordinating with a candidate’s campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether their multi-million dollar bet will pay off remains to be seen. Take the biggest spender this cycle: “The Coalition to Restore California’s Middle Class, Including Energy Companies Who Produce Gas, Oil, Jobs and Pay Taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funded by Valero, Chevron, Marathon Petroleum and Phillips 66, that PAC directly spent $5 million in eight races this fall, and lost in just two of them — not a bad record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even when a PAC’s candidates win, there’s no guarantee they will do oil’s bidding in Sacramento. Take the costliest race of this cycle — a Senate contest in Sacramento between two Democrats, where the Coalition poured $1.6 million into backing Angelique Ashby, who ultimately won.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ashby, however, signed the “no fossil fuel” pledge, denounced the spending on her behalf, and promised to work with Newsom on his windfall profit proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/AshbyForSenate/status/1580322643680452608\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Young is political and organizing director at California Environmental Voters, which supported Ashby’s Democratic opponent, Dave Jones. Young said that Ashby’s comments show the politics have shifted in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Oil] money has become toxic, as it should be,” he said. “And even their candidates are trying to be very careful about what they say or what they do and how connected they are to it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young believes that oil companies are coming into the windfall debate and new legislative session back on their heels, given the new class of lawmakers that remains solidly Democratic. His group endorsed 13 legislative candidates and lost just three of those races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oil companies did not respond to repeated requests for comment about their campaign spending — but at a California Energy Commission hearing last week examining high gas prices, Western States Petroleum Association CEO Catherine Reheis-Boyd acknowledged the enormous power the Legislature and other state leaders have over the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11930321,news_11911207,forum_2010101888462\"]\u003cbr>\n“Through public policy, the governor, the legislators, the regulatory agencies, have the most opportunity to make changes that can positively impact Californians,” she said, going on to argue that the state’s strict regulatory environment and ambitious climate change goals are the reason for soaring gas prices — not profit gouging by oil companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The facts are, policy decisions [that] have been made and [that] continue to be made have a direct impact on the cost of fuel for California families and businesses,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reheis-Boyd warned that Newsom’s proposed windfall tax, or penalty on oil companies, would only worsen those costs: “You cannot tax your way out of this problem. The only result of a windfall profits tax will [be to] make the problem worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Concerns about gouging\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s not only the oil industry throwing shade at Newsom’s idea. While many politicians are rallying behind Newsom’s proposed reprimand of oil companies, economists are dubious that a windfall penalty will actually reduce the price of gas at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s gas prices are currently about $1.50 per gallon higher than the national average, \u003ca href=\"https://gasprices.aaa.com/\">according to AAA.\u003c/a> That cost difference is due to the state’s relatively high gas tax, environmental fees, and a special fuel blend that the state has used for decades to reduce air pollution. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That means when refineries are down for maintenance, as some have been in recent months, it’s challenging to import gas that meets state standards. So when supply is squeezed, prices jump faster and farther here.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California also lacks pipelines to import fuel due to environmental regulations, and the vast majority of the state’s gasoline is produced by just five companies: Chevron, Marathon, PBF Energy, Phillips 66 and Valero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But politicians are concerned that more is at play, and that these companies are gouging their fuel prices as they report record profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether that’s true or not, many economists say a windfall penalty is not the way to rein in what drivers pay for fuel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addressing members of the CEC, UC Berkeley energy economist Severin Borenstein said “the windfall profit tax would not lower gas prices. It would simply claw back some of the profits from those high prices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erich Muehlegger, professor of economics at University of California, Davis, says windfall profit taxes fail to address the underlying drivers of high gas prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In fact, a windfall profit tax might actually make it more likely in the future to see similar events like what triggered the windfall profit tax in the first place,” Muehlegger said in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11933948\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1245162773.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11933948\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1245162773-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"oil pumps in a field\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1245162773-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1245162773-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1245162773-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1245162773.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oil wells are seen at an oil facility by Highway 5 near Bakersfield. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The argument goes that a windfall tax will reduce incentives for the industry to invest in capacity, further strangling supply and making gas \u003cem>more\u003c/em> expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. had a federal windfall tax in the 1980s, and studies showed that it reduced oil production nationally, and led the U.S. to import more oil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should the state pass a windfall tax, it’s unclear how it would work. The government would have to define what an “excessive” profit may be and decide how to distribute the money collected through the tax, as well as who should receive those funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A mixed bag for the climate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom and other elected officials are trying to rein in high gas prices while at the same time attempting to wean Californians off fossil fuels. And the impact any windfall tax may have on the environment is a mixed bag.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A short-lived tax would have little impact on emissions, Muehlegger says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A permanent tax, in the short-term, could increase emissions, leading to less refining within the state, and the use of more fossil fuels to transport imported oil. Over the long-term, emissions could decrease as higher gas prices may encourage less driving or higher adoption of alternatives like public transit, electric vehicles or e-bikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paasha Mahdavi, associate professor of political science at the University of California, Santa Barbara, agrees passing a windfall tax is not the best way to reduce emissions or win politically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You bear a huge political cost for doing so because you’ve raised the price of something that is very, very visible to everybody,” Mahdavi said. “And you’ve angered a very broad constituency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The way to deal with high gas prices and emissions, he said, is to incentivize people to use clean energy sources. “We want policies that last, that create winners, not policies that anger losers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In a special legislative session beginning Monday, lawmakers will consider Gov. Gavin Newsom's proposed windfall profit tax on oil companies — but experts remain divided on its potential impact. ",
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"title": "Newsom Wants to Penalize Oil Companies for Excessive Profits. But Would It Help or Hurt Consumers? | KQED",
"description": "In a special legislative session beginning Monday, lawmakers will consider Gov. Gavin Newsom's proposed windfall profit tax on oil companies — but experts remain divided on its potential impact. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The new class of California lawmakers being sworn in today is being asked to tackle a problem stymieing the world: how to rein in the price of gasoline, which soared to record highs here this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s little agreement on how — or whether — policymakers can actually drive down the cost of fuel. Many experts are skeptical of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s plan to do so by imposing a windfall penalty on oil profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom first called for a windfall profit tax in September, as gas prices spiked and oil company profits also soared. Last week, he officially called a special session of the Legislature, asking lawmakers to return to work before their January session and consider what he’s now calling a profit penalty, not a tax. He also wants lawmakers to help craft legislation to give state regulators more power to review and evaluate oil company profits and pricing, along with more oversight of the refinery process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11931113\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11931113\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom in a suit and tie speaks into a microphone\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Newsom, seen here in the gubernatorial debate at KQED headquarters in San Francisco, has said the proposal will help bring down gas prices. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Those proposals, he says, will ease pain at the pump for consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re ripping you off. They’re ripping every one of us off,” Newsom said at KQED’s gubernatorial debate in late October. “And we’re going after these companies and we’re getting serious about the stress and pain Californians are facing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Oil money has become toxic’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Oil companies saw the writing on the wall long before the governor’s call for action. They pumped more than $8 million into legislative races this cycle, in an apparent effort to elect more oil-friendly lawmakers. Much of that money was used not to back traditionally sympathetic Republicans, but to prop up Democrats they see as more moderate and more open to industry concerns than their progressive Democratic opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doug Morrow, who does opposition research on behalf of progressive Democrats, said he’s seen oil companies become more and more active in Democratic politics since the state passed its first landmark climate change law in 2006.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As California’s become a bluer and bluer state and there are more and more Dem-versus-Dem general races, the business community … and specifically the oil industry, has focused more and more on electing moderate Democrats to the Democratic majority,” he said, noting that in many California districts, Republicans simply cannot win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those seats are no longer in their game plan. So they go into Dem-versus-Dem seats and try to find the most moderate candidate to represent or protect their interests as possible,” Morrow said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11933938\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1437346799.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11933938\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1437346799-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"a gas station with a man pumping gas and gas prices are all over $6 per gallon\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1437346799-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1437346799-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1437346799-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1437346799.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A gas station in Los Angeles shows the high price of gas in November 2022. ExxonMobil Corp. posted a quarterly profit of nearly $20 billion, the highest quarterly profit in company history amid a surge in oil prices during the quarter. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Big Oil isn’t giving that money directly to candidates, as many within the Democratic Party have pledged not to take fossil fuel donations; instead, the industry, through political action committees, pumps millions of dollars into TV ads, mailers and other campaign expenses. Those are considered independent expenditures, and PACs are legally prohibited from coordinating with a candidate’s campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether their multi-million dollar bet will pay off remains to be seen. Take the biggest spender this cycle: “The Coalition to Restore California’s Middle Class, Including Energy Companies Who Produce Gas, Oil, Jobs and Pay Taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funded by Valero, Chevron, Marathon Petroleum and Phillips 66, that PAC directly spent $5 million in eight races this fall, and lost in just two of them — not a bad record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even when a PAC’s candidates win, there’s no guarantee they will do oil’s bidding in Sacramento. Take the costliest race of this cycle — a Senate contest in Sacramento between two Democrats, where the Coalition poured $1.6 million into backing Angelique Ashby, who ultimately won.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ashby, however, signed the “no fossil fuel” pledge, denounced the spending on her behalf, and promised to work with Newsom on his windfall profit proposal.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Mike Young is political and organizing director at California Environmental Voters, which supported Ashby’s Democratic opponent, Dave Jones. Young said that Ashby’s comments show the politics have shifted in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Oil] money has become toxic, as it should be,” he said. “And even their candidates are trying to be very careful about what they say or what they do and how connected they are to it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young believes that oil companies are coming into the windfall debate and new legislative session back on their heels, given the new class of lawmakers that remains solidly Democratic. His group endorsed 13 legislative candidates and lost just three of those races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oil companies did not respond to repeated requests for comment about their campaign spending — but at a California Energy Commission hearing last week examining high gas prices, Western States Petroleum Association CEO Catherine Reheis-Boyd acknowledged the enormous power the Legislature and other state leaders have over the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n“Through public policy, the governor, the legislators, the regulatory agencies, have the most opportunity to make changes that can positively impact Californians,” she said, going on to argue that the state’s strict regulatory environment and ambitious climate change goals are the reason for soaring gas prices — not profit gouging by oil companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The facts are, policy decisions [that] have been made and [that] continue to be made have a direct impact on the cost of fuel for California families and businesses,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reheis-Boyd warned that Newsom’s proposed windfall tax, or penalty on oil companies, would only worsen those costs: “You cannot tax your way out of this problem. The only result of a windfall profits tax will [be to] make the problem worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Concerns about gouging\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s not only the oil industry throwing shade at Newsom’s idea. While many politicians are rallying behind Newsom’s proposed reprimand of oil companies, economists are dubious that a windfall penalty will actually reduce the price of gas at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s gas prices are currently about $1.50 per gallon higher than the national average, \u003ca href=\"https://gasprices.aaa.com/\">according to AAA.\u003c/a> That cost difference is due to the state’s relatively high gas tax, environmental fees, and a special fuel blend that the state has used for decades to reduce air pollution. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That means when refineries are down for maintenance, as some have been in recent months, it’s challenging to import gas that meets state standards. So when supply is squeezed, prices jump faster and farther here.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California also lacks pipelines to import fuel due to environmental regulations, and the vast majority of the state’s gasoline is produced by just five companies: Chevron, Marathon, PBF Energy, Phillips 66 and Valero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But politicians are concerned that more is at play, and that these companies are gouging their fuel prices as they report record profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether that’s true or not, many economists say a windfall penalty is not the way to rein in what drivers pay for fuel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addressing members of the CEC, UC Berkeley energy economist Severin Borenstein said “the windfall profit tax would not lower gas prices. It would simply claw back some of the profits from those high prices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erich Muehlegger, professor of economics at University of California, Davis, says windfall profit taxes fail to address the underlying drivers of high gas prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In fact, a windfall profit tax might actually make it more likely in the future to see similar events like what triggered the windfall profit tax in the first place,” Muehlegger said in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11933948\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1245162773.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11933948\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1245162773-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"oil pumps in a field\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1245162773-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1245162773-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1245162773-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1245162773.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oil wells are seen at an oil facility by Highway 5 near Bakersfield. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The argument goes that a windfall tax will reduce incentives for the industry to invest in capacity, further strangling supply and making gas \u003cem>more\u003c/em> expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. had a federal windfall tax in the 1980s, and studies showed that it reduced oil production nationally, and led the U.S. to import more oil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should the state pass a windfall tax, it’s unclear how it would work. The government would have to define what an “excessive” profit may be and decide how to distribute the money collected through the tax, as well as who should receive those funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A mixed bag for the climate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom and other elected officials are trying to rein in high gas prices while at the same time attempting to wean Californians off fossil fuels. And the impact any windfall tax may have on the environment is a mixed bag.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A short-lived tax would have little impact on emissions, Muehlegger says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A permanent tax, in the short-term, could increase emissions, leading to less refining within the state, and the use of more fossil fuels to transport imported oil. Over the long-term, emissions could decrease as higher gas prices may encourage less driving or higher adoption of alternatives like public transit, electric vehicles or e-bikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paasha Mahdavi, associate professor of political science at the University of California, Santa Barbara, agrees passing a windfall tax is not the best way to reduce emissions or win politically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You bear a huge political cost for doing so because you’ve raised the price of something that is very, very visible to everybody,” Mahdavi said. “And you’ve angered a very broad constituency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The way to deal with high gas prices and emissions, he said, is to incentivize people to use clean energy sources. “We want policies that last, that create winners, not policies that anger losers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>If you stroll the cold and flu medicine aisle these days, you might notice shelves that are bare, or nearly so. Some medicines that can be particularly hard to find are fever reducers for kids, like children’s Tylenol, Motrin or Advil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drug manufacturers point to a big spike in demand. That’s not surprising, given the surge in three respiratory viruses right now: \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2022/11/22/1137649962/experts-are-concerned-thanksgiving-gatherings-could-accelerate-a-tripledemic\">COVID, RSV and influenza, what has been termed a “tripledemic.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson & Johnson makes \u003ca href=\"https://www.tylenol.com/products/children-infants\">Children’s Tylenol\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.motrin.com/products/childrens-motrin\">Children’s Motrin\u003c/a>. It says there is no nationwide shortage — just a lot of demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Consumer demand for pediatric pain relievers in the U.S. is high, but there are no supply chain issues and we do not have an overall shortage in the U.S.,” company spokesperson Melissa Witt said in an email to NPR. The company says it is “experiencing high consumer demand and are doing everything we can to make sure people have access to the products they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationally, sales of pediatric internal analgesics — which includes drugs like acetaminophen and ibuprofen — were up more than 26% in October compared with a year earlier. That’s according to data from the Consumer Healthcare Products Association (CHPA), a trade group that represents manufacturers of over-the-counter drugs.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Anita Brikman, spokesperson, CHPA\"]‘If families start to stock up in worry, as opposed to buying what they need, we are concerned that that could amplify the situation.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there may not be a countrywide shortage, there is one part of the U.S. where finding these meds is most difficult: areas near the Canadian border. The Buffalo-Rochester area of western New York is seeing the highest demand in the U.S., CHPA says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sales for such products in the Buffalo-Rochester market surged 53% in October compared to a year earlier. That’s very likely the result of \u003ca href=\"https://www.thestar.com/politics/federal/2022/11/15/health-canada-says-more-childrens-pain-medication-is-on-the-way-but-not-how-much.html\">an ongoing shortage of kids’ pain and fever medications in Canada\u003c/a>, with Buffalo’s close proximity to Toronto making it an ideal place for Canadians to buy such products in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spot check on Thursday in Washington, D.C., of four stores — a Giant supermarket, a CVS, a Target, and a Bed Bath & Beyond — found low supplies of children’s fever-reducers, though each had at least a few of such medicines available. Supplies were low of cold and flu products for adults, as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The supply chain is strong,” says Anita Brikman, a spokesperson for CHPA. But parents and caregivers may need to check more than one store, buy a store brand instead of a name brand, or order products online, she suggests.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Parents have a range of options for treating fevers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So what to do if you have a fevered child, and are struggling to find Children’s Tylenol or a similar product?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a good chance you don’t even need to use medicine, says Dr. Sean O’Leary, a professor of pediatrics at the University of Colorado School of Medicine and Children’s Hospital Colorado, as well as the chair of the Committee on Infectious Diseases for the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These medicines are not curative. They don’t alter the duration of the illness or anything like that. They are essentially purely for comfort,” he tells NPR.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>“Fevers from common respiratory viruses in and of themselves are not harmful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He offers a scenario. “If [a child’s] temp is 103, but he’s running around the room having a good time playing, you don’t need to do anything with that. That’s not going to hurt him. Fever is representing our body’s immune response to an infection. On the other hand, if he doesn’t have a fever, but his throat is hurting, something is bothering him, he’s pretty fussy — then that’s where things like ibuprofen or Tylenol, acetaminophen can be helpful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AAP has guidance on \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthychildren.org/English/health-issues/conditions/fever/Pages/Medications-Used-to-Treat-Fever.aspx\">treating a child’s fever\u003c/a>, as well advice on \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthychildren.org/English/health-issues/conditions/fever/Pages/Treating-a-Fever-Without-Medicine.aspx\">treating a fever without medicine\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often when kids do have a fever, they do feel pretty crummy, and so that’s a time to use such medicines — “It’s to treat how the child is feeling,” O’Leary says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fever is a more serious concern in \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthychildren.org/English/health-issues/conditions/fever/Pages/Fever-and-Your-Baby.aspx\">infants\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthychildren.org/English/health-issues/conditions/fever/Pages/febrile-seizures.aspx\">children who experience febrile seizures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fever in very young infants, in newborns, is actually a different situation, and that’s something that does need evaluation,” O’Leary says. “Essentially, the younger the child, the more concerned you should be about a fever. For example, a 2-week-old with a fever is something that needs immediate medical attention. A 6-month-old with a fever that’s otherwise doing well does not need immediate medical attention. [Parents] can simply call their child’s pediatrician to get that checked out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Be very careful with adapting adult medications\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Parents at home might be eyeing their bottle of adult acetaminophen or ibuprofen and wondering if they could give a smaller amount to their sick child. But there’s reason to be very cautious with that — and to consult a doctor or pharmacist first to find out the correct dosage for your particular child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For both acetaminophen and ibuprofen, there are potential toxicities from taking too much — some of which can be quite severe, particularly for acetaminophen. So you really have to be careful when you do that,” O’Leary says.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Dr. Sean O'Leary, professor of pediatrics, University of Colorado School of Medicine\"]‘These medicines are not curative. They don’t alter the duration of the illness or anything like that. They are essentially purely for comfort. Fevers from common respiratory viruses in and of themselves are not harmful.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wendy Mobley-Bukstein, a professor of pharmacy practice at Drake University and the president of the American Pharmacists Association Academy of Pharmacy Practice and Management, agrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s best to talk to the doctor or pharmacist,” she tells NPR. If a parent or caregiver “can weigh [the child] at home, tell us what they weigh on their scale at home, we can figure out what an appropriate dose would be for them to take,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She explains that repetitively giving a child too large a dose could have liver implications with acetaminophen, and kidney implications with ibuprofen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Mobley-Bukstein has another piece of advice: Get kids vaccinated for COVID-19 and flu.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if you still get the flu or even if you still get COVID, it’s definitely going to lessen the severity of the disease itself. And so just making sure that they’re getting their immunizations is really important,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>PSA: Please don’t hoard the meds\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Brikman at the CPHA worries that the notion that there is a shortage will spur parents to buy more than they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If families start to stock up in worry, as opposed to buying what they need, we are concerned that that could amplify the situation,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you were thinking of stocking up on a bunch of fever meds just in case, Mobley-Bukstein has a practical warning: These products do expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So putting a whole bunch of them in your medicine cabinet at home might not serve you if you don’t get sick, or if your kids don’t get sick,” she says. “It’s important for us to remember that they do have expiration dates, that it can be dangerous to give [children] expired medications. And so only buy what you need when you need it, and use up what you have at home before you go and buy new, if it’s still in date.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If you stroll the cold and flu medicine aisle these days, you might notice shelves that are bare, or nearly so. Some medicines that can be particularly hard to find are fever reducers for kids, like children’s Tylenol, Motrin or Advil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drug manufacturers point to a big spike in demand. That’s not surprising, given the surge in three respiratory viruses right now: \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2022/11/22/1137649962/experts-are-concerned-thanksgiving-gatherings-could-accelerate-a-tripledemic\">COVID, RSV and influenza, what has been termed a “tripledemic.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson & Johnson makes \u003ca href=\"https://www.tylenol.com/products/children-infants\">Children’s Tylenol\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.motrin.com/products/childrens-motrin\">Children’s Motrin\u003c/a>. It says there is no nationwide shortage — just a lot of demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Consumer demand for pediatric pain relievers in the U.S. is high, but there are no supply chain issues and we do not have an overall shortage in the U.S.,” company spokesperson Melissa Witt said in an email to NPR. The company says it is “experiencing high consumer demand and are doing everything we can to make sure people have access to the products they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationally, sales of pediatric internal analgesics — which includes drugs like acetaminophen and ibuprofen — were up more than 26% in October compared with a year earlier. That’s according to data from the Consumer Healthcare Products Association (CHPA), a trade group that represents manufacturers of over-the-counter drugs.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there may not be a countrywide shortage, there is one part of the U.S. where finding these meds is most difficult: areas near the Canadian border. The Buffalo-Rochester area of western New York is seeing the highest demand in the U.S., CHPA says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sales for such products in the Buffalo-Rochester market surged 53% in October compared to a year earlier. That’s very likely the result of \u003ca href=\"https://www.thestar.com/politics/federal/2022/11/15/health-canada-says-more-childrens-pain-medication-is-on-the-way-but-not-how-much.html\">an ongoing shortage of kids’ pain and fever medications in Canada\u003c/a>, with Buffalo’s close proximity to Toronto making it an ideal place for Canadians to buy such products in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spot check on Thursday in Washington, D.C., of four stores — a Giant supermarket, a CVS, a Target, and a Bed Bath & Beyond — found low supplies of children’s fever-reducers, though each had at least a few of such medicines available. Supplies were low of cold and flu products for adults, as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The supply chain is strong,” says Anita Brikman, a spokesperson for CHPA. But parents and caregivers may need to check more than one store, buy a store brand instead of a name brand, or order products online, she suggests.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Parents have a range of options for treating fevers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So what to do if you have a fevered child, and are struggling to find Children’s Tylenol or a similar product?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a good chance you don’t even need to use medicine, says Dr. Sean O’Leary, a professor of pediatrics at the University of Colorado School of Medicine and Children’s Hospital Colorado, as well as the chair of the Committee on Infectious Diseases for the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These medicines are not curative. They don’t alter the duration of the illness or anything like that. They are essentially purely for comfort,” he tells NPR.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>“Fevers from common respiratory viruses in and of themselves are not harmful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He offers a scenario. “If [a child’s] temp is 103, but he’s running around the room having a good time playing, you don’t need to do anything with that. That’s not going to hurt him. Fever is representing our body’s immune response to an infection. On the other hand, if he doesn’t have a fever, but his throat is hurting, something is bothering him, he’s pretty fussy — then that’s where things like ibuprofen or Tylenol, acetaminophen can be helpful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AAP has guidance on \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthychildren.org/English/health-issues/conditions/fever/Pages/Medications-Used-to-Treat-Fever.aspx\">treating a child’s fever\u003c/a>, as well advice on \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthychildren.org/English/health-issues/conditions/fever/Pages/Treating-a-Fever-Without-Medicine.aspx\">treating a fever without medicine\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often when kids do have a fever, they do feel pretty crummy, and so that’s a time to use such medicines — “It’s to treat how the child is feeling,” O’Leary says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fever is a more serious concern in \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthychildren.org/English/health-issues/conditions/fever/Pages/Fever-and-Your-Baby.aspx\">infants\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthychildren.org/English/health-issues/conditions/fever/Pages/febrile-seizures.aspx\">children who experience febrile seizures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fever in very young infants, in newborns, is actually a different situation, and that’s something that does need evaluation,” O’Leary says. “Essentially, the younger the child, the more concerned you should be about a fever. For example, a 2-week-old with a fever is something that needs immediate medical attention. A 6-month-old with a fever that’s otherwise doing well does not need immediate medical attention. [Parents] can simply call their child’s pediatrician to get that checked out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Be very careful with adapting adult medications\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Parents at home might be eyeing their bottle of adult acetaminophen or ibuprofen and wondering if they could give a smaller amount to their sick child. But there’s reason to be very cautious with that — and to consult a doctor or pharmacist first to find out the correct dosage for your particular child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For both acetaminophen and ibuprofen, there are potential toxicities from taking too much — some of which can be quite severe, particularly for acetaminophen. So you really have to be careful when you do that,” O’Leary says.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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"info": "The TED Radio Hour is a journey through fascinating ideas, astonishing inventions, fresh approaches to old problems, and new ways to think and create.",
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