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That appeal will go to the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals,\u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/law/2021/nov/15/fifth-circuit-court-appeals-most-extreme-us\"> which has a reputation\u003c/a> as the most conservative of all federal appeals courts. From there, another appeal would land this case at the U.S. Supreme Court, which has so far \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929718/the-supreme-court-wont-block-the-student-loan-debt-relief-program-at-least-for-now\">refused to hear challenges\u003c/a> to Biden’s relief plan. Borrowers likely won’t have a final answer on debt relief for weeks. [aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"student-debt-relief-plan\"] Meanwhile, student loan payments are set to resume in January. Back in September, U.S. Education Secretary Miguel Cardona \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/09/15/1123108811/biden-student-loans-debt-cancellation-pslf\">told NPR\u003c/a> he hoped to process as many debt relief applications as possible before that payment pause ends on Jan. 1. Thursday’s decision makes it unlikely the department will reach that goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/11/03/by-the-numbers-millions-of-americans-student-loan-costs-will-rise-dramatically-under-republican-officials-plans/\">President Biden announced on Nov. 3\u003c/a> that close to 26 million Americans had provided the necessary information to the Education Department to qualify for relief and that the department was already on track to approve cancellation for 16 million borrowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the department cannot cancel those loans without a reversal of fortune in the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The lawsuit at the center of this decision\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The case at the center of Thursday’s ruling was brought by the conservative Job Creators Network Foundation on behalf of two federal student loan borrowers who believe they were unfairly excluded from relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One borrower’s federal loans are held by a commercial lender, not the U.S. Department of Education, and don’t qualify for relief. The other borrower does qualify for $10,000 in relief but believes, because he is currently low-income, that he should receive the same level of relief – $20,000 – as borrowers who were low-income at the time they attended college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs argued, among other things, that the Biden administration didn’t follow federal rules and should have allowed borrowers, and the general public, to voice their concerns about eligibility before the program was rolled out, though the administration countered that the HEROES Act specifically allows it to forego this kind of process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This ruling protects the rule of law which requires all Americans to have their voices heard by their federal government…” said Elaine Parker, president of the Job Creators Network Foundation, in a Thursday statement. “We hope that the court’s decision today will lay the groundwork for real solutions to the student loan crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But borrower advocates and some legal experts were quick to find fault with the judge’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My first response was, this is motivated reasoning by a judge who wants to come to this result. The legal analysis is flawed,” says Luke Herrine, an assistant professor of law at the University of Alabama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Persis Yu, managing counsel at the Student Borrower Protection Center, says there’s an important disconnect between the harm the plaintiffs alleged — not receiving the debt cancellation they believe they should have — and the court’s remedy: denying cancellation to all federal student loan borrowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I like to think of this lawsuit as, like, the toddler problem. If I can’t have it, you can’t have it either,” says Yu. “And that’s not how the law works. And it’s not how the courts should apply the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>There are other lawsuits to stop Biden’s loan relief plan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pittman’s decision catapults this case to the front of the line of cases opposing debt relief in federal court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late October, a federal appeals court temporarily blocked Biden’s relief plan before it could go into effect, so the court could consider a different suit, filed by six states – Nebraska, Missouri, Arkansas, Iowa, Kansas and South Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The states argued that a handful of state-based loan servicers that manage old, privately-held federal loans, would be hurt financially if borrowers were allowed to consolidate these loans and qualify for debt cancellation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That suit had been dismissed by a U.S. district court judge in Missouri before the plaintiffs appealed to the 8th Circuit, which has yet to weigh in.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How we got here\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the 2020 presidential election, Biden pledged to cancel at least $10,000 per person in college debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden finally announced his loan relief plan in August, promising to cancel up to $10,000 for borrowers who did not receive Pell grants, and $20,000 for those who did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/09/13/1122613813/student-loan-forgiveness-biden-states\">Twenty-two Republican governors\u003c/a> wrote Biden a letter in September challenging his authority to go forth with the forgiveness plan, and the Congressional Budget Office later estimated the initiative \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/09/27/1125272287/student-loan-forgiveness-cost-billion\">would cost $400 billion\u003c/a> over the next 30 years.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "In Thursday's ruling, Judge Mark T. Pittman, who was appointed by former President Donald Trump, wrote that the program was a \"complete usurpation\" of congressional authority by the executive branch.",
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"title": "A Federal Judge Calls Student Loan Relief Unlawful, Deepening Limbo for Borrowers | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Biden’s plan to erase federal student loan debts for tens of millions of borrowers hit a legal wall Thursday, when a U.S. District Court judge in Texas called it unlawful and vacated the debt relief program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal government quickly appealed the decision, which came just weeks before student loan payments are set to resume in January. The program was already on hold while a federal appeals court in St. Louis considers a separate lawsuit by six states challenging it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The judge’s argument for striking down debt relief\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In Thursday’s ruling, Judge Mark T. Pittman, who was appointed by former President Donald Trump, wrote that the program was a “complete usurpation” of congressional authority by the executive branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pittman rejected the Biden administration’s arguments that, in a law known as the HEROES Act, Congress had already given the president the power to erase student loan debts in a time of national emergency and that the COVID-19 pandemic is just such an emergency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this country, we are not ruled by an all-powerful executive with a pen and a phone,” Pittman wrote. “Instead, we are ruled by a Constitution that provides for three distinct and independent branches of government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We strongly disagree with the District Court’s ruling on our student debt relief program,” White House spokesperson Karine Jean-Pierre said. “The President and this Administration are determined to help working and middle-class Americans get back on their feet, while our opponents – backed by extreme Republican special interests – sued to block millions of Americans from getting much-needed relief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The appeals process could take weeks, leaving borrowers in limbo\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Late Thursday, the White House confirmed that it had already appealed the decision. That appeal will go to the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals,\u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/law/2021/nov/15/fifth-circuit-court-appeals-most-extreme-us\"> which has a reputation\u003c/a> as the most conservative of all federal appeals courts. From there, another appeal would land this case at the U.S. Supreme Court, which has so far \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929718/the-supreme-court-wont-block-the-student-loan-debt-relief-program-at-least-for-now\">refused to hear challenges\u003c/a> to Biden’s relief plan. Borrowers likely won’t have a final answer on debt relief for weeks. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Meanwhile, student loan payments are set to resume in January. Back in September, U.S. Education Secretary Miguel Cardona \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/09/15/1123108811/biden-student-loans-debt-cancellation-pslf\">told NPR\u003c/a> he hoped to process as many debt relief applications as possible before that payment pause ends on Jan. 1. Thursday’s decision makes it unlikely the department will reach that goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/11/03/by-the-numbers-millions-of-americans-student-loan-costs-will-rise-dramatically-under-republican-officials-plans/\">President Biden announced on Nov. 3\u003c/a> that close to 26 million Americans had provided the necessary information to the Education Department to qualify for relief and that the department was already on track to approve cancellation for 16 million borrowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the department cannot cancel those loans without a reversal of fortune in the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The lawsuit at the center of this decision\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The case at the center of Thursday’s ruling was brought by the conservative Job Creators Network Foundation on behalf of two federal student loan borrowers who believe they were unfairly excluded from relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One borrower’s federal loans are held by a commercial lender, not the U.S. Department of Education, and don’t qualify for relief. The other borrower does qualify for $10,000 in relief but believes, because he is currently low-income, that he should receive the same level of relief – $20,000 – as borrowers who were low-income at the time they attended college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs argued, among other things, that the Biden administration didn’t follow federal rules and should have allowed borrowers, and the general public, to voice their concerns about eligibility before the program was rolled out, though the administration countered that the HEROES Act specifically allows it to forego this kind of process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This ruling protects the rule of law which requires all Americans to have their voices heard by their federal government…” said Elaine Parker, president of the Job Creators Network Foundation, in a Thursday statement. “We hope that the court’s decision today will lay the groundwork for real solutions to the student loan crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But borrower advocates and some legal experts were quick to find fault with the judge’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My first response was, this is motivated reasoning by a judge who wants to come to this result. The legal analysis is flawed,” says Luke Herrine, an assistant professor of law at the University of Alabama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Persis Yu, managing counsel at the Student Borrower Protection Center, says there’s an important disconnect between the harm the plaintiffs alleged — not receiving the debt cancellation they believe they should have — and the court’s remedy: denying cancellation to all federal student loan borrowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I like to think of this lawsuit as, like, the toddler problem. If I can’t have it, you can’t have it either,” says Yu. “And that’s not how the law works. And it’s not how the courts should apply the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>There are other lawsuits to stop Biden’s loan relief plan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pittman’s decision catapults this case to the front of the line of cases opposing debt relief in federal court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late October, a federal appeals court temporarily blocked Biden’s relief plan before it could go into effect, so the court could consider a different suit, filed by six states – Nebraska, Missouri, Arkansas, Iowa, Kansas and South Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The states argued that a handful of state-based loan servicers that manage old, privately-held federal loans, would be hurt financially if borrowers were allowed to consolidate these loans and qualify for debt cancellation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That suit had been dismissed by a U.S. district court judge in Missouri before the plaintiffs appealed to the 8th Circuit, which has yet to weigh in.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How we got here\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the 2020 presidential election, Biden pledged to cancel at least $10,000 per person in college debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden finally announced his loan relief plan in August, promising to cancel up to $10,000 for borrowers who did not receive Pell grants, and $20,000 for those who did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/09/13/1122613813/student-loan-forgiveness-biden-states\">Twenty-two Republican governors\u003c/a> wrote Biden a letter in September challenging his authority to go forth with the forgiveness plan, and the Congressional Budget Office later estimated the initiative \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/09/27/1125272287/student-loan-forgiveness-cost-billion\">would cost $400 billion\u003c/a> over the next 30 years.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "what-do-mass-layoffs-in-the-tech-industry-mean-for-the-future-of-mid-market",
"title": "What Do Mass Layoffs in the Tech Industry Mean for the Future of Mid-Market?",
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"headTitle": "What Do Mass Layoffs in the Tech Industry Mean for the Future of Mid-Market? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Mass layoffs at Twitter under Elon Musk are putting an unknown number of Bay Area residents out of a job and placing the future of the company’s San Francisco headquarters in the mid-Market neighborhood in question. The recent upheaval and chaos surrounding Musk’s Twitter takeover are also raising concerns about the future of mid-Market itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter’s move to mid-Market in 2011 sparked dramatic changes in the struggling neighborhood, which in 2010 had the highest commercial vacancy rate in San Francisco. Many buildings — including the one Twitter moved into, originally a Depression-era showroom known as the Western Furniture Exchange and Merchandise Mart — had experienced nearly 50 years of office vacancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11753060,forum_2010101891137,forum_2010101891200\"]In a push to revitalize the district’s economy by attracting new businesses to the area, the San Francisco Board of Supervisors in 2011 approved a controversial six-year payroll tax break for companies in the neighborhood; the policy was championed by leaders including then-Mayor Ed Lee. It would come to be known as “the Twitter tax break,” and quickly drew criticism from residents who saw it as corporate welfare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[We wanted to see] greater activation of that corridor, attracting business and jobs … building a more robust local economy for our small businesses that were located on the mid-Market corridor,” said former District 6 Supervisor Jane Kim, who backed the legislation, in an interview with KQED’s Tara Siler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hope was that we would attract more workers, more residents into an area that had felt desolate and wasn’t attracting a ton of commuters,” she said. “Ultimately, we were successful — Twitter did attract a number of businesses to the mid-Market corridor when they decided to move in, and [it] did spur a lot of residential development in that area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/11/04/technology/elon-musk-twitter-layoffs.html\">Elon Musk laying off an estimated 50% of Twitter staff\u003c/a> — along with \u003ca href=\"https://fortune.com/2022/11/03/tech-company-layoffs-are-a-recession-signal-apple-stripe-lyft-amazon-twitter/\">other major layoffs\u003c/a> at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11931727/meta-layoffs-11000-jobs-mark-zuckerberg-responsibility\">tech companies in the Bay Area\u003c/a> and beyond — the future of mid-Market is uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11931830\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/005_KQED_Twitter_11072022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11931830\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/005_KQED_Twitter_11072022-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"the Twitter building\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/005_KQED_Twitter_11072022-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/005_KQED_Twitter_11072022-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/005_KQED_Twitter_11072022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/005_KQED_Twitter_11072022-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/005_KQED_Twitter_11072022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Twitter building in San Francisco on Nov. 7, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Well, it’s certainly a net negative when our fastest-growing industry is beginning layoffs,” said Kim. “That being said, I don’t believe we need to be sounding the alarm bells. And I don’t think any of us ever thought that the incredible boom that we saw between 2012 and 2020 would continue indefinitely. There was always a sense that a market correction was coming, and this is certainly the market correction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the question is, how big will this recession be, and how big will the impacts of the layoffs continue to be here in San Francisco?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite a range of concerns regarding new management at Twitter and the future of the neighborhood, current District 6 Supervisor Matt Dorsey sees an upside to Musk’s acquisition of Twitter and what it means for mid-Market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know that there’s a lot of big global issues about Elon Musk’s takeover of Twitter, what it’s going to mean for public debate and for democracy,” said Dorsey. “It’s concerning whenever there is any kind of a layoff, let alone a mass layoff like this, where we’re talking about 784 employees in one San Francisco office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11931836\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60032_001_KQED_MidMarketSF_11072022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11931836\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60032_001_KQED_MidMarketSF_11072022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a sign that says 'good things come to those who stay' on an apartment building\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60032_001_KQED_MidMarketSF_11072022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60032_001_KQED_MidMarketSF_11072022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60032_001_KQED_MidMarketSF_11072022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60032_001_KQED_MidMarketSF_11072022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60032_001_KQED_MidMarketSF_11072022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign for an apartment building across from the Twitter building on Market Street in San Francisco on Nov. 7, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“But there’s also a neighborhood here, and we want people to come back to work because we want small businesses to thrive,” he said. “So there is, I think, a silver lining to the bad news about the mass layoffs, as Elon Musk has made clear that he wants Twitter employees to come back to the office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others think a completely new approach is needed for mid-Market — one that is less reliant on tech companies and the traditional 9-to-5 work crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the model that we really need to be moving toward is having a much more mixed-use downtown,” said Honey Mahogany, who is running against Dorsey for District 6 supervisor. (As of Wednesday afternoon, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sanfrancisco#district-6\">Dorsey led by about 1,400 points\u003c/a>.) “I think that if we make downtown more residential mixed-use with office and also nightlife, arts and culture and all the things that make the south of Market so special, that will create a thriving neighborhood that actually supports those businesses that are there — not just 9-to-5, but seven days a week.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11931831\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60027_018_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11931831\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60027_018_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"an office building with a sign that it's available for sale\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60027_018_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60027_018_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60027_018_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60027_018_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60027_018_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A building available for lease on Market Street in the mid-Market neighborhood of San Francisco on Nov. 9, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Two closely affiliated organizations — the Mid-Market Business Association and the Mid-Market Foundation — have sought to revitalize and transform the area, starting with a focus on safety. A pilot program of safety ambassadors is aimed at making the area attractive not just economically but socially and artistically, said Steve Gibson, executive director of both MMBA and the MMF — turning it into a vibrant, multifaceted community where people live, work and play.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now we have 40% vacancy in storefronts, and that’s bad,” said Gibson. “But it’s also a lot of opportunity to place new activities and new businesses. We just received a $50,000 grant from the city to work on this. We are looking at the strengths of Market, which has always had a strong presence of the arts. We’re working that into the fabric more and attracting more of those businesses and elements. We believe that Market’s going to be a place that you engage in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11931832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60014_002_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11931832\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60014_002_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a man in sunglasses walks down a city street\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60014_002_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60014_002_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60014_002_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60014_002_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60014_002_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Gibson, executive director of the Mid-Market Business Association and the Mid-Market Foundation, walks on Market Street in the mid-Market area of San Francisco on Nov. 9, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gibson plans on addressing the current high levels of storefront vacancies with more restaurants, music and art businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to do it differently than it has been done before. You have to think out of the box when it comes to mid-Market,” said Gibson. “There’s got to be a lot more creativity and imagination, and we have to think how [mid-Market] is going to be different from Union Square, different from downtown. The offering has to be unique to attract people to spend time in mid-Market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Honey Mahogany is elected supervisor, her vision might complement that of Gibson and the work the MMBA and MMF are doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Steve Gibson, executive director, Mid-Market Business Association and Mid-Market Foundation\"]‘You have to think out of the box when it comes to mid-Market. There’s got to be a lot more creativity and imagination.’[/pullquote]“It’s interesting, because even though we’re seeing sort of the exodus of some types of businesses or tech, I think there’s a tremendous opportunity to actually grow in other sectors,” said Mahogany. “For example, right now we see the intense pressures brought on by climate change, and we have solutions that are in the making right here in the Bay Area. We have a growing sector in the climate tech industry, and some of it is based here in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unfortunately, said Mahogany, some of those companies are moving out of San Francisco and to places like the Peninsula due to zoning and other issues. “Really taking this opportunity to encourage those companies to stay here in San Francisco and expand might actually change things for us,” said Mahogany. “Not only would it provide a great tax base for the city, but it would also … require people to be there in person.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, Steve Gibson still sees the big tech businesses as crucial to the fabric of mid-Market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’d love to have the large tech offices back. Those are customers. Some of them will be back. A lot are downsizing,” he said. “We miss them. But again, we have to look for other customer bases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11931833\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60017_005_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11931833\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60017_005_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"the front of a restaurant\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60017_005_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60017_005_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60017_005_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60017_005_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60017_005_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chai Bar in the mid-Market neighborhood of San Francisco on Nov. 9, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Scott Lowe, owner of Chai Bar, located at 1019 Market Street, says his business won’t be affected as much by the mass layoffs as it was by the pandemic. When tech companies allowed employees to work from home, he said, it hit businesses hard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The mid-Market neighborhood shut down in 2020 and it hasn’t come back,” said Lowe. “Sales are a third of what they were … When you’re in a business like ours, we don’t necessarily draw tech workers from five blocks away from Twitter headquarters. Our impact is from the two-block radius of our space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When foot traffic from tourists and tech employees in the area essentially stopped during 2020, Lowe was able to renegotiate the lease for Chai Bar with an asset manager from Deutsche Bank, who own the building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were losing more money being open than being closed,” said Lowe. “At one point, our gross sales was less than $250. Paying staff costs twice that amount in a day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking ahead, Lowe is optimistic about the future of mid-Market, and says he’s already seeing changes to a neighborhood that has faced issues with crime and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are tourists coming around again,” he said. “It’s coming back.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "With chaos at Twitter and staff cuts underway at other tech companies, the embattled San Francisco neighborhood — once touted as the city's miniature answer to Silicon Valley — is again full of vacant offices and storefronts, while local leaders debate the best path to revitalization.",
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"title": "What Do Mass Layoffs in the Tech Industry Mean for the Future of Mid-Market? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Mass layoffs at Twitter under Elon Musk are putting an unknown number of Bay Area residents out of a job and placing the future of the company’s San Francisco headquarters in the mid-Market neighborhood in question. The recent upheaval and chaos surrounding Musk’s Twitter takeover are also raising concerns about the future of mid-Market itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter’s move to mid-Market in 2011 sparked dramatic changes in the struggling neighborhood, which in 2010 had the highest commercial vacancy rate in San Francisco. Many buildings — including the one Twitter moved into, originally a Depression-era showroom known as the Western Furniture Exchange and Merchandise Mart — had experienced nearly 50 years of office vacancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In a push to revitalize the district’s economy by attracting new businesses to the area, the San Francisco Board of Supervisors in 2011 approved a controversial six-year payroll tax break for companies in the neighborhood; the policy was championed by leaders including then-Mayor Ed Lee. It would come to be known as “the Twitter tax break,” and quickly drew criticism from residents who saw it as corporate welfare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[We wanted to see] greater activation of that corridor, attracting business and jobs … building a more robust local economy for our small businesses that were located on the mid-Market corridor,” said former District 6 Supervisor Jane Kim, who backed the legislation, in an interview with KQED’s Tara Siler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hope was that we would attract more workers, more residents into an area that had felt desolate and wasn’t attracting a ton of commuters,” she said. “Ultimately, we were successful — Twitter did attract a number of businesses to the mid-Market corridor when they decided to move in, and [it] did spur a lot of residential development in that area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/11/04/technology/elon-musk-twitter-layoffs.html\">Elon Musk laying off an estimated 50% of Twitter staff\u003c/a> — along with \u003ca href=\"https://fortune.com/2022/11/03/tech-company-layoffs-are-a-recession-signal-apple-stripe-lyft-amazon-twitter/\">other major layoffs\u003c/a> at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11931727/meta-layoffs-11000-jobs-mark-zuckerberg-responsibility\">tech companies in the Bay Area\u003c/a> and beyond — the future of mid-Market is uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11931830\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/005_KQED_Twitter_11072022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11931830\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/005_KQED_Twitter_11072022-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"the Twitter building\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/005_KQED_Twitter_11072022-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/005_KQED_Twitter_11072022-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/005_KQED_Twitter_11072022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/005_KQED_Twitter_11072022-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/005_KQED_Twitter_11072022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Twitter building in San Francisco on Nov. 7, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Well, it’s certainly a net negative when our fastest-growing industry is beginning layoffs,” said Kim. “That being said, I don’t believe we need to be sounding the alarm bells. And I don’t think any of us ever thought that the incredible boom that we saw between 2012 and 2020 would continue indefinitely. There was always a sense that a market correction was coming, and this is certainly the market correction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the question is, how big will this recession be, and how big will the impacts of the layoffs continue to be here in San Francisco?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite a range of concerns regarding new management at Twitter and the future of the neighborhood, current District 6 Supervisor Matt Dorsey sees an upside to Musk’s acquisition of Twitter and what it means for mid-Market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know that there’s a lot of big global issues about Elon Musk’s takeover of Twitter, what it’s going to mean for public debate and for democracy,” said Dorsey. “It’s concerning whenever there is any kind of a layoff, let alone a mass layoff like this, where we’re talking about 784 employees in one San Francisco office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11931836\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60032_001_KQED_MidMarketSF_11072022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11931836\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60032_001_KQED_MidMarketSF_11072022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a sign that says 'good things come to those who stay' on an apartment building\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60032_001_KQED_MidMarketSF_11072022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60032_001_KQED_MidMarketSF_11072022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60032_001_KQED_MidMarketSF_11072022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60032_001_KQED_MidMarketSF_11072022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60032_001_KQED_MidMarketSF_11072022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign for an apartment building across from the Twitter building on Market Street in San Francisco on Nov. 7, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“But there’s also a neighborhood here, and we want people to come back to work because we want small businesses to thrive,” he said. “So there is, I think, a silver lining to the bad news about the mass layoffs, as Elon Musk has made clear that he wants Twitter employees to come back to the office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others think a completely new approach is needed for mid-Market — one that is less reliant on tech companies and the traditional 9-to-5 work crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the model that we really need to be moving toward is having a much more mixed-use downtown,” said Honey Mahogany, who is running against Dorsey for District 6 supervisor. (As of Wednesday afternoon, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sanfrancisco#district-6\">Dorsey led by about 1,400 points\u003c/a>.) “I think that if we make downtown more residential mixed-use with office and also nightlife, arts and culture and all the things that make the south of Market so special, that will create a thriving neighborhood that actually supports those businesses that are there — not just 9-to-5, but seven days a week.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11931831\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60027_018_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11931831\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60027_018_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"an office building with a sign that it's available for sale\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60027_018_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60027_018_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60027_018_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60027_018_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60027_018_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A building available for lease on Market Street in the mid-Market neighborhood of San Francisco on Nov. 9, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Two closely affiliated organizations — the Mid-Market Business Association and the Mid-Market Foundation — have sought to revitalize and transform the area, starting with a focus on safety. A pilot program of safety ambassadors is aimed at making the area attractive not just economically but socially and artistically, said Steve Gibson, executive director of both MMBA and the MMF — turning it into a vibrant, multifaceted community where people live, work and play.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now we have 40% vacancy in storefronts, and that’s bad,” said Gibson. “But it’s also a lot of opportunity to place new activities and new businesses. We just received a $50,000 grant from the city to work on this. We are looking at the strengths of Market, which has always had a strong presence of the arts. We’re working that into the fabric more and attracting more of those businesses and elements. We believe that Market’s going to be a place that you engage in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11931832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60014_002_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11931832\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60014_002_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a man in sunglasses walks down a city street\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60014_002_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60014_002_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60014_002_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60014_002_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60014_002_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Gibson, executive director of the Mid-Market Business Association and the Mid-Market Foundation, walks on Market Street in the mid-Market area of San Francisco on Nov. 9, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gibson plans on addressing the current high levels of storefront vacancies with more restaurants, music and art businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to do it differently than it has been done before. You have to think out of the box when it comes to mid-Market,” said Gibson. “There’s got to be a lot more creativity and imagination, and we have to think how [mid-Market] is going to be different from Union Square, different from downtown. The offering has to be unique to attract people to spend time in mid-Market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Honey Mahogany is elected supervisor, her vision might complement that of Gibson and the work the MMBA and MMF are doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s interesting, because even though we’re seeing sort of the exodus of some types of businesses or tech, I think there’s a tremendous opportunity to actually grow in other sectors,” said Mahogany. “For example, right now we see the intense pressures brought on by climate change, and we have solutions that are in the making right here in the Bay Area. We have a growing sector in the climate tech industry, and some of it is based here in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unfortunately, said Mahogany, some of those companies are moving out of San Francisco and to places like the Peninsula due to zoning and other issues. “Really taking this opportunity to encourage those companies to stay here in San Francisco and expand might actually change things for us,” said Mahogany. “Not only would it provide a great tax base for the city, but it would also … require people to be there in person.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, Steve Gibson still sees the big tech businesses as crucial to the fabric of mid-Market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’d love to have the large tech offices back. Those are customers. Some of them will be back. A lot are downsizing,” he said. “We miss them. But again, we have to look for other customer bases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11931833\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60017_005_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11931833\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60017_005_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"the front of a restaurant\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60017_005_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60017_005_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60017_005_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60017_005_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60017_005_KQED_MidMarketSF_11092022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chai Bar in the mid-Market neighborhood of San Francisco on Nov. 9, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Scott Lowe, owner of Chai Bar, located at 1019 Market Street, says his business won’t be affected as much by the mass layoffs as it was by the pandemic. When tech companies allowed employees to work from home, he said, it hit businesses hard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The mid-Market neighborhood shut down in 2020 and it hasn’t come back,” said Lowe. “Sales are a third of what they were … When you’re in a business like ours, we don’t necessarily draw tech workers from five blocks away from Twitter headquarters. Our impact is from the two-block radius of our space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When foot traffic from tourists and tech employees in the area essentially stopped during 2020, Lowe was able to renegotiate the lease for Chai Bar with an asset manager from Deutsche Bank, who own the building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were losing more money being open than being closed,” said Lowe. “At one point, our gross sales was less than $250. Paying staff costs twice that amount in a day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking ahead, Lowe is optimistic about the future of mid-Market, and says he’s already seeing changes to a neighborhood that has faced issues with crime and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are tourists coming around again,” he said. “It’s coming back.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "you-cant-recycle-your-way-out-californias-plastic-problem-and-what-to-do-about-it",
"title": "'You Can't Recycle Your Way Out': California's Plastic Problem and What We Can Do About It",
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"headTitle": "‘You Can’t Recycle Your Way Out’: California’s Plastic Problem and What We Can Do About It | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Nov. 2, 2022: This story was originally published Jan. 24, 2022. Since then, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB54\">a version of Senate Bill 54\u003c/a>, covered in this article, was signed into law in June. The new law requires most single-use plastic packaging and foodware be reusable, compostable, refillable or recyclable by 2032 — with definitions for what is “recyclable” to be set by state agency CalRecycle. Plastic producers will also be required to pay into a plastic pollution mitigation fund. Because of the passage of SB 54, proponents of a voter initiative addressing very similar goals removed their measure from the November 2022 ballot.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original Article:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California dumps more than 12,000 tons of plastic into landfills every day — enough to fill 219 Olympic-size swimming pools, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www2.calrecycle.ca.gov/Publications/Details/1666\">CalRecycle\u003c/a>, the state’s recycling and waste management agency. The state boasts one of the highest recycling rates in the country, especially of cans and bottles, but despite decades of investment in infrastructure and machinery, the system remains overwhelmed by plastic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A trip to a recycling processing center helps explain why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside one of Republic Services’ massive facilities in Milpitas, an impressive array of high-tech machines sort through tons of material from residents’ recycling bins, separating metal from plastic from paper. Some of the machines use magnets, eddy currents or puffs of air blown through hundreds of nozzles to sort the materials; others identify different kinds of plastic with optical scanners. Whizzing conveyor belts ferry it all from one machine to the next, until the recyclables are sorted, baled, and eventually shipped and sold.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Not all plastic is created equal\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>One of plastic recycling’s success stories is HDPE, or high-density polyethylene, the translucent plastic commonly used in milk jugs, shampoo bottles and cutting boards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In today’s marketplace, this is the most valuable commodity that we produce at this location,” said Pete Keller, the company’s vice president of sustainability. “These materials are non-pigmented, so any downstream consumer of this material could turn it into any color they want to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HDPE is currently fetching a price of $1 per pound, or over $2,000 per ton, according to Keller. “I wish we had more of it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That price is partially driven by demand resulting from so-called sustainability commitments major manufacturers have made to use recycled plastic. Naked Juice, for instance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nakedjuice.com/goodness-outside/\">makes its juice bottles\u003c/a> from 100% post-consumer recycled plastic, while Danone has \u003ca href=\"https://www.danone.com/impact/planet/packaging-positive-circular-economy.html\">pledged\u003c/a> to make all of its evian water bottles from 100% recycled plastic by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/-bTCCB6wbks\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a push to boost demand for plastic that is recycled, like HDPE, California lawmakers in 2020 passed a “minimum recycled content” bill. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB793\">Assembly Bill 793\u003c/a>, which went into effect on Jan. 1, mandates that most plastic beverage bottles contain a minimum amount of recycled content. Specifically, all plastic bottles that can be redeemed for $0.05 or $0.10 must contain no less than:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>15% recycled plastic starting Jan. 1, 2022\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>25% recycled plastic starting Jan. 1, 2025\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>50% recycled plastic starting Jan. 1, 2030\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The law, one of the first of its kind in the nation, is targeted at bottle manufacturers, most of whom still use new plastic — or “virgin resin” — which is typically cheaper than recycled plastic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901454\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11901454 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52999_IMG_5331_v2-qut-800x450.jpeg\" alt=\"Workers in green safety jackets and helmets sort trash along a conveyor belt. \" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52999_IMG_5331_v2-qut-800x450.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52999_IMG_5331_v2-qut-1020x574.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52999_IMG_5331_v2-qut-160x90.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52999_IMG_5331_v2-qut-1536x864.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52999_IMG_5331_v2-qut.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers at Recology’s San Francisco recycling facility pick out plastic that can’t be recycled, including plastic bags, on July 16, 2021. \u003ccite>(Monica Lam/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In addition to HDPE, PET plastic, or polyethylene terephthalate, can be recycled into clamshells — the clear boxes that strawberries are often packed in — or spun into polyester for clothing. Some denser plastics can also be recycled into pipes, plastic lumber, carpets or buckets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But current recycling markets only accept a fraction of the plastic that’s marked with the three-arrow recycling symbol. Until a few years ago, this problem was largely concealed because the U.S. shipped most of its plastic waste to China, where it was ostensibly being recycled. But in 2018, citing its own environmental concerns, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nature.com/articles/s41467-020-20741-9#:~:text=In%202017%2C%20China%20announced%20an,are%20enormous%20but%20yet%20unexamined\">China began banning imports of most solid materials\u003c/a>, including most plastics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s forcing domestic recyclers to confront the real challenges of recycling plastic. For one, plastic comes in a myriad of chemical formulations, densities, transparencies and colors. Many products are made of mixed materials: a bottle of hand soap, for example, might contain four different kinds of plastic, plus a metal spring nestled inside the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if there were markets for all these different kinds of plastic, sorting and separating them would be a gargantuan task.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just so many types of plastic. We can’t recycle them all. We can’t manage them all,” said Robert Reed, public relations manager for Recology, which handles San Francisco’s waste and recycling. “You can’t recycle your way out of the larger plastic problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So most plastic — in fact, almost all of it — ends up in landfills: plastic forks and knives, coffee cups and takeout boxes, used cosmetics, styrofoam trays, and most kinds of plastic bags, from shopping bags to those used for frozen peas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901455\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11901455 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS53000_IMG_5387_edit_v3-qut-800x532.jpeg\" alt=\"Three men talk underneath an open-air canopy in a parking lot. \" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS53000_IMG_5387_edit_v3-qut-800x532.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS53000_IMG_5387_edit_v3-qut-1020x678.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS53000_IMG_5387_edit_v3-qut-160x106.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS53000_IMG_5387_edit_v3-qut-1536x1021.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS53000_IMG_5387_edit_v3-qut.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Assemblymember Phil Ting visits a prototype for a mobile recycling program that aims to bring recycling collection trucks to various San Francisco neighborhoods, on July 16, 2021. \u003ccite>(Monica Lam/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Legislative efforts bogged down\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Democratic Assemblymember Phil Ting, who introduced AB 793, has tried to expand the law’s reach by proposing a similar bill requiring the recycling of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB478\">thermoform plastic\u003c/a>, a group of plastics formed using heat. That legislation, however, got bogged down last year over concerns that infrastructure wasn’t yet in place to accommodate an additional plastic recycling mandate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, many of the more ambitious plastic recycling-related bills floated last year didn’t survive, including \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVotesClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1371\">AB 1371\u003c/a>, introduced by state Assemblymember Laura Friedman, D-Burbank, which would have banned the use of plastic packaging for online purchases. The bill failed to receive the 41 votes necessary to make it out of the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Globally, the e-commerce industry uses nearly 2.1 billion, with a ‘B,’ pounds of plastic packaging. … With almost a third of the world’s population now buying online, the amount of plastic packaging generated is estimated to double by 2025,” Friedman told the Assembly Natural Resources Committee last April. “This is low-hanging fruit, members, and something that is really, really a scourge.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jennifer Fearing, president, Fearless Advocacy\"]‘I can’t tell you and point to a particular member of the Legislature who’s been ‘bought,’ but I can tell you, we are deeply outgunned on the environmental front.’[/pullquote]“Even with our super-duper Democratic majority and consistently two-thirds of Californians saying this is a huge problem that needs to get addressed, we have really struggled to get enough votes,” said Jennifer Fearing, an environmental lobbyist who helped promote AB 1371.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, state Sen. Ben Allen, D-Santa Monica, last year shelved \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB54\">SB 54\u003c/a>, his bill to ban all single-use plastic products that aren’t recyclable or compostable — opting to buy more time to work out details with various stakeholders, in the face of formidable industry opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Deeply outgunned’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The list of trade groups that weighed in against the bill underscores the depth of plastic’s reach within multiple industries. During an early hearing on SB 54, associations representing farming and agriculture, pet food, personal care, household products and restaurants voiced their opposition — in addition to the Plastics Industry Association, the American Institute for Packaging and the Environment, and the Flexible Packaging Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t tell you and point to a particular member of the Legislature who’s been ‘bought,’” said Fearing. “But I can tell you, we are deeply outgunned on the environmental front.”[aside postID=news_11898724,news_11883400,lowdown_29456 label=\"Related Stories\"]More incremental efforts to reduce plastic waste, however, have proved fruitful, including a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB343\">“Truth in Labeling” bill\u003c/a>, approved by lawmakers last year, which prohibits manufacturers from calling their products recyclable or using recycling symbols or other suggestions of recyclability unless they meet CalRecycle’s criteria. The agency has until Jan. 1, 2024, to formalize a list of products it deems recyclable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tim Shestek, the American Chemistry Council’s senior director of state affairs, said his organization opposed SB 54 and several other bills last year because they failed to recognize why so many businesses use plastic over other materials in the first place: its durability and value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Does it go too far? Does it provide opportunities for the business community to comply in a reasonable fashion?” Shestek said. “In our view, it didn’t take into account some of the other trade-offs that we like to discuss: lightweighting, fuel efficiency, greenhouse gas emissions associated with potential alternatives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Shestek acknowledged that more can be done to cut down on plastic waste. His group, for example, has \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanchemistry.com/chemistry-in-america/chemistry-sustainability/circularity\">set goals\u003c/a> for its members to produce 100% recyclable plastic packaging containing at least 30% recycled plastic by 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our focus is trying to get that circular loop completely closed and to be part of the solution,” he said. “I think we recognize that we have a role to play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901452\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11901452 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut-800x450.jpeg\" alt=\"Two women standing near the bay pour water samples.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut-800x450.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut-1020x574.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut-160x90.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut-1536x864.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rebecca Sutton, left, and Alicia Gilbreath of the San Francisco Estuary Institute strain water collected from the San Francisco Bay through two sieves to sample for microplastics. \u003ccite>(Monica Lam/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Microplastics and human health\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Since plastic was first invented in the mid-1800s, worldwide production has grown to an estimated 400 million tons annually. In the U.S., \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/facts-and-figures-about-materials-waste-and-recycling/plastics-material-specific-data\">less than 9%\u003c/a> of plastic gets recycled, according to U.S. Environmental Protection Agency estimates. Meanwhile, the production of plastic, which is made from petroleum and natural gas, is projected to increase as the fossil-fuel industry faces competition from alternative energy sources. Dozens of plastic plants are currently being built or planned, most of them on the Gulf Coast and in the Ohio River Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a fair bit of attention has been paid to the impact of plastic pollution on marine animals, who often ingest it, research on human health has only recently started to ramp up. In 2018, California legislators directed the State Water Resources Control Board to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1422\">start studying levels of microplastics\u003c/a> — plastic particles smaller than 5 millimeters — detected in municipal drinking water supplies. Some microplastics, like those used in adhesives or paints, are manufactured at a small size, while some are generated when larger pieces of plastic degrade over time. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Scott Coffin, senior scientist, California State Water Resources Control Board\"]‘I think a better question would be, where have microplastics not been found? We’ve found them from Mount Everest to the Mariana Trench. … I’m not sure that there exists a place that is not impacted by plastic pollution.’[/pullquote]“One of the reasons that plastic in drinking water has received recent attention, especially by California’s legislators, is that we know that the amount is increasing,” said Scott Coffin, a senior scientist with the state water board. “Additionally, plastic never goes away. So these two factors, they necessitate some concern.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coffin’s team is tasked with eventually establishing safety thresholds for the level of microplastics in the state’s water supply. He estimates that there are more than \u003ca href=\"https://pubs.acs.org/doi/10.1021/acs.est.1c00976\">2,400 chemicals\u003c/a> commonly added to plastic that are potentially dangerous for human health, including known toxins like bisphenol A (commonly known as BPA), phthalates, and a class of flame retardants called \u003ca href=\"https://oceanservice.noaa.gov/facts/pbde.html\">PBDEs\u003c/a>, or polybrominated diphenyl ethers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can think of plastic as a carrier for other chemicals, and in many ways, it’s like a sponge,” Coffin said. “Once it’s in the environment, it can pick up all of the other pollutants that are already there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some microplastics are even small enough to enter into our cells, he noted. \u003ca href=\"https://www.mdpi.com/1999-4923/13/7/921\">One German study\u003c/a> found microplastics in the placentas of pregnant women — on both the maternal and fetal side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The smaller the particle, the deeper it’s going to make it into our bodies, and the more likely it is to interact with our cells, causing toxicity,” Coffin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One major \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfei.org/projects/microplastics\">study \u003c/a>published in 2019 by the San Francisco Estuary Institute found microplastics throughout the San Francisco Bay — in the water, the mud, and both stormwater runoff and treated wastewater. The study’s authors concluded that the bay likely has higher levels of microplastic pollution than most major water bodies in the United States because it’s surrounded by dense, urban areas and has a relatively restricted water flow. The two most common particles found were fibers from clothing and bits from tires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We found microplastics in just about every sample we collected,” said Rebecca Sutton, who led the three-year study. “This is pretty consistent with what you see all around the world. Pretty much everywhere you look for it, you are going to find microplastics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coffin echoed that sentiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think a better question would be, where have microplastics not been found?” he said. “We’ve found them from Mount Everest to the Mariana Trench. Every organism that we’ve ever looked at, we’ve found some levels, and at this point, I’m not sure that there exists a place that is not impacted by plastic pollution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The climate change impact\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>With that grim assessment in mind, the students in Jacqueline Omania’s fifth grade class at Oxford Elementary in Berkeley have set themselves an ambitious goal: to make so little trash over the course of the school year that the entire class’s garbage fits into a tiny little container about the size of a jam jar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The larger issue is that these youth are growing up in a climate crisis,” said Omania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The main type of trash that ends up in the class’s container is plastic, so for starters, every student brings a reusable cutlery kit to school to use while eating lunch. Inside the classroom, they use unpainted pencils so that the shavings can be composted. Birthday parties feature home-baked treats instead of anything that comes in a plastic wrapper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Omania’s students were part of a successful campaign to pass a citywide ordinance in 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2019/01/23/berkeley-says-good-riddance-mostly-to-disposable-plastic-foodware\">limiting single-use plastics in Berkeley restaurants\u003c/a>. Her students even showed city councilmembers the tiny container they were using as a garbage can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901451\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11901451 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52996_Copy-of-beach-cleanup-2_edit-qut-800x450.jpeg\" alt=\"Three young people stand on a rock pile. One hands an orange bucket to another.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52996_Copy-of-beach-cleanup-2_edit-qut-800x450.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52996_Copy-of-beach-cleanup-2_edit-qut-1020x574.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52996_Copy-of-beach-cleanup-2_edit-qut-160x90.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52996_Copy-of-beach-cleanup-2_edit-qut-1536x864.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52996_Copy-of-beach-cleanup-2_edit-qut.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students Sam (left), Alina and Sasha pick up trash off the beach at the Berkeley Marina, Oct. 7, 2021. \u003ccite>(Rick Santangelo/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I believe the adults need to step up so we don’t make the environmental waste in the first place,” Oxford student Jae Marie Howard told a crowded council meeting on the night the ordinance was approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, Omania’s students helped successfully push the Berkeley Unified School District to include \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailycal.org/2021/11/04/berkeley-school-board-passes-65k-climate-literacy-resolution/\">climate literacy in the K-12 curriculum\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jacqueline Omania, teacher, Oxford Elementary\"]‘The larger issue is that these youth are growing up in a climate crisis.’[/pullquote]An increasing number of studies draw a connection between the production of plastic and climate change. One \u003ca href=\"https://www.beyondplastics.org/plastics-and-climate\">report\u003c/a> from a Vermont-based environmental group found that “as of 2020, the U.S. plastics industry is responsible for at least 232 million tons of CO2e [carbon dioxide equivalent] gas emissions per year. This amount is equivalent to the average emissions from 116 average-sized [500-megawatt] coal-fired power plants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>New opportunities\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Entrepreneurs have been tapping into growing public awareness about plastic waste. Dispatch Goods, a San Francisco-based start-up, is partnering with local restaurants, like Zuni Cafe and Mixt, to provide reusable takeout containers made of stainless steel. Customers must pay extra for the service, which includes picking up the used containers from their homes, but many do it willingly because it alleviates “eco-guilt,” said company CEO Lindsey Hoell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s like an “avocado upcharge,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have data showing that we’re driving business to restaurants that are making that shift,” she added. “It’s not just a sustainability decision, but it’s a good business decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]At Fillgood’s small storefront in Berkeley, customers can refill their own containers with common household products like dish detergent and shampoo, while LimeLoop, another Bay Area-based start-up, makes reusable packaging for shipping — among the growing number of novel business ventures offering alternatives to plastic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This fall, Californians will get to weigh in directly on just how much the state should regulate and limit plastic production and consumption. The \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Plastic_Waste_Reduction_Regulations_Initiative_(2022)\">California Plastic Waste Reduction Regulations Initiative\u003c/a>, which has qualified for the statewide ballot in November, would not only push through some of the efforts legislators failed to pass last year, but also levy a $0.01 fee — which critics call a tax — on all plastic packaging and disposable food service items.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACC’s Shestek said the ballot measure is “flawed” and hopes instead to work directly with lawmakers “to hash something out that gets to the same objective, but in a fashion that isn’t so punitive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Allen, the state lawmaker, sees the initiative as a good opportunity to advance his SB 54 legislation, banning single-use plastic products that aren’t recyclable or compostable. He’s confident, he said, the business community will work with him to avoid the costly political hurdle of winning a statewide vote. He’s already moved the bill out of the inactive file and back to the Senate floor to be considered during the 2022 legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ballot measure polls very well. It’s very popular,” Allen said. “And while it’s true [that] industry could raise a lot of money and try to defeat it, I think there’s also going to be some serious money raised on the environmental side. It could really be a knock-down-drag-out fight at the end of the day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Crystal Consaul and Kat Shok contributed to this story. Want more? Check out our half-hour documentary on this topic, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-bTCCB6wbks\">California’s Plastic Problem\u003c/a>. Are you a teacher? Here’s more about Jacqueline Omania’s \u003ca href=\"https://sites.google.com/bennington.edu/plastic-free-planet/home?authuser=0\">curriculum\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Like much of the rest of the world, California uses and discards far more plastic than it has the capacity to recycle, with about 4.5 million tons ending up in landfills every year. But some state lawmakers and new business ventures are aiming to significantly reduce that amount of waste.",
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"title": "'You Can't Recycle Your Way Out': California's Plastic Problem and What We Can Do About It | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Nov. 2, 2022: This story was originally published Jan. 24, 2022. Since then, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB54\">a version of Senate Bill 54\u003c/a>, covered in this article, was signed into law in June. The new law requires most single-use plastic packaging and foodware be reusable, compostable, refillable or recyclable by 2032 — with definitions for what is “recyclable” to be set by state agency CalRecycle. Plastic producers will also be required to pay into a plastic pollution mitigation fund. Because of the passage of SB 54, proponents of a voter initiative addressing very similar goals removed their measure from the November 2022 ballot.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original Article:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California dumps more than 12,000 tons of plastic into landfills every day — enough to fill 219 Olympic-size swimming pools, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www2.calrecycle.ca.gov/Publications/Details/1666\">CalRecycle\u003c/a>, the state’s recycling and waste management agency. The state boasts one of the highest recycling rates in the country, especially of cans and bottles, but despite decades of investment in infrastructure and machinery, the system remains overwhelmed by plastic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A trip to a recycling processing center helps explain why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside one of Republic Services’ massive facilities in Milpitas, an impressive array of high-tech machines sort through tons of material from residents’ recycling bins, separating metal from plastic from paper. Some of the machines use magnets, eddy currents or puffs of air blown through hundreds of nozzles to sort the materials; others identify different kinds of plastic with optical scanners. Whizzing conveyor belts ferry it all from one machine to the next, until the recyclables are sorted, baled, and eventually shipped and sold.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Not all plastic is created equal\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>One of plastic recycling’s success stories is HDPE, or high-density polyethylene, the translucent plastic commonly used in milk jugs, shampoo bottles and cutting boards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In today’s marketplace, this is the most valuable commodity that we produce at this location,” said Pete Keller, the company’s vice president of sustainability. “These materials are non-pigmented, so any downstream consumer of this material could turn it into any color they want to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HDPE is currently fetching a price of $1 per pound, or over $2,000 per ton, according to Keller. “I wish we had more of it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That price is partially driven by demand resulting from so-called sustainability commitments major manufacturers have made to use recycled plastic. Naked Juice, for instance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nakedjuice.com/goodness-outside/\">makes its juice bottles\u003c/a> from 100% post-consumer recycled plastic, while Danone has \u003ca href=\"https://www.danone.com/impact/planet/packaging-positive-circular-economy.html\">pledged\u003c/a> to make all of its evian water bottles from 100% recycled plastic by 2025.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/-bTCCB6wbks'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/-bTCCB6wbks'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>In a push to boost demand for plastic that is recycled, like HDPE, California lawmakers in 2020 passed a “minimum recycled content” bill. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB793\">Assembly Bill 793\u003c/a>, which went into effect on Jan. 1, mandates that most plastic beverage bottles contain a minimum amount of recycled content. Specifically, all plastic bottles that can be redeemed for $0.05 or $0.10 must contain no less than:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>15% recycled plastic starting Jan. 1, 2022\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>25% recycled plastic starting Jan. 1, 2025\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>50% recycled plastic starting Jan. 1, 2030\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The law, one of the first of its kind in the nation, is targeted at bottle manufacturers, most of whom still use new plastic — or “virgin resin” — which is typically cheaper than recycled plastic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901454\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11901454 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52999_IMG_5331_v2-qut-800x450.jpeg\" alt=\"Workers in green safety jackets and helmets sort trash along a conveyor belt. \" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52999_IMG_5331_v2-qut-800x450.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52999_IMG_5331_v2-qut-1020x574.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52999_IMG_5331_v2-qut-160x90.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52999_IMG_5331_v2-qut-1536x864.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52999_IMG_5331_v2-qut.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers at Recology’s San Francisco recycling facility pick out plastic that can’t be recycled, including plastic bags, on July 16, 2021. \u003ccite>(Monica Lam/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In addition to HDPE, PET plastic, or polyethylene terephthalate, can be recycled into clamshells — the clear boxes that strawberries are often packed in — or spun into polyester for clothing. Some denser plastics can also be recycled into pipes, plastic lumber, carpets or buckets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But current recycling markets only accept a fraction of the plastic that’s marked with the three-arrow recycling symbol. Until a few years ago, this problem was largely concealed because the U.S. shipped most of its plastic waste to China, where it was ostensibly being recycled. But in 2018, citing its own environmental concerns, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nature.com/articles/s41467-020-20741-9#:~:text=In%202017%2C%20China%20announced%20an,are%20enormous%20but%20yet%20unexamined\">China began banning imports of most solid materials\u003c/a>, including most plastics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s forcing domestic recyclers to confront the real challenges of recycling plastic. For one, plastic comes in a myriad of chemical formulations, densities, transparencies and colors. Many products are made of mixed materials: a bottle of hand soap, for example, might contain four different kinds of plastic, plus a metal spring nestled inside the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if there were markets for all these different kinds of plastic, sorting and separating them would be a gargantuan task.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just so many types of plastic. We can’t recycle them all. We can’t manage them all,” said Robert Reed, public relations manager for Recology, which handles San Francisco’s waste and recycling. “You can’t recycle your way out of the larger plastic problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So most plastic — in fact, almost all of it — ends up in landfills: plastic forks and knives, coffee cups and takeout boxes, used cosmetics, styrofoam trays, and most kinds of plastic bags, from shopping bags to those used for frozen peas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901455\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11901455 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS53000_IMG_5387_edit_v3-qut-800x532.jpeg\" alt=\"Three men talk underneath an open-air canopy in a parking lot. \" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS53000_IMG_5387_edit_v3-qut-800x532.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS53000_IMG_5387_edit_v3-qut-1020x678.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS53000_IMG_5387_edit_v3-qut-160x106.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS53000_IMG_5387_edit_v3-qut-1536x1021.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS53000_IMG_5387_edit_v3-qut.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Assemblymember Phil Ting visits a prototype for a mobile recycling program that aims to bring recycling collection trucks to various San Francisco neighborhoods, on July 16, 2021. \u003ccite>(Monica Lam/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Legislative efforts bogged down\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Democratic Assemblymember Phil Ting, who introduced AB 793, has tried to expand the law’s reach by proposing a similar bill requiring the recycling of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB478\">thermoform plastic\u003c/a>, a group of plastics formed using heat. That legislation, however, got bogged down last year over concerns that infrastructure wasn’t yet in place to accommodate an additional plastic recycling mandate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, many of the more ambitious plastic recycling-related bills floated last year didn’t survive, including \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVotesClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1371\">AB 1371\u003c/a>, introduced by state Assemblymember Laura Friedman, D-Burbank, which would have banned the use of plastic packaging for online purchases. The bill failed to receive the 41 votes necessary to make it out of the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Globally, the e-commerce industry uses nearly 2.1 billion, with a ‘B,’ pounds of plastic packaging. … With almost a third of the world’s population now buying online, the amount of plastic packaging generated is estimated to double by 2025,” Friedman told the Assembly Natural Resources Committee last April. “This is low-hanging fruit, members, and something that is really, really a scourge.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I can’t tell you and point to a particular member of the Legislature who’s been ‘bought,’ but I can tell you, we are deeply outgunned on the environmental front.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Even with our super-duper Democratic majority and consistently two-thirds of Californians saying this is a huge problem that needs to get addressed, we have really struggled to get enough votes,” said Jennifer Fearing, an environmental lobbyist who helped promote AB 1371.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, state Sen. Ben Allen, D-Santa Monica, last year shelved \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB54\">SB 54\u003c/a>, his bill to ban all single-use plastic products that aren’t recyclable or compostable — opting to buy more time to work out details with various stakeholders, in the face of formidable industry opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Deeply outgunned’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The list of trade groups that weighed in against the bill underscores the depth of plastic’s reach within multiple industries. During an early hearing on SB 54, associations representing farming and agriculture, pet food, personal care, household products and restaurants voiced their opposition — in addition to the Plastics Industry Association, the American Institute for Packaging and the Environment, and the Flexible Packaging Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t tell you and point to a particular member of the Legislature who’s been ‘bought,’” said Fearing. “But I can tell you, we are deeply outgunned on the environmental front.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>More incremental efforts to reduce plastic waste, however, have proved fruitful, including a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB343\">“Truth in Labeling” bill\u003c/a>, approved by lawmakers last year, which prohibits manufacturers from calling their products recyclable or using recycling symbols or other suggestions of recyclability unless they meet CalRecycle’s criteria. The agency has until Jan. 1, 2024, to formalize a list of products it deems recyclable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tim Shestek, the American Chemistry Council’s senior director of state affairs, said his organization opposed SB 54 and several other bills last year because they failed to recognize why so many businesses use plastic over other materials in the first place: its durability and value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Does it go too far? Does it provide opportunities for the business community to comply in a reasonable fashion?” Shestek said. “In our view, it didn’t take into account some of the other trade-offs that we like to discuss: lightweighting, fuel efficiency, greenhouse gas emissions associated with potential alternatives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Shestek acknowledged that more can be done to cut down on plastic waste. His group, for example, has \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanchemistry.com/chemistry-in-america/chemistry-sustainability/circularity\">set goals\u003c/a> for its members to produce 100% recyclable plastic packaging containing at least 30% recycled plastic by 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our focus is trying to get that circular loop completely closed and to be part of the solution,” he said. “I think we recognize that we have a role to play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901452\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11901452 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut-800x450.jpeg\" alt=\"Two women standing near the bay pour water samples.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut-800x450.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut-1020x574.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut-160x90.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut-1536x864.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rebecca Sutton, left, and Alicia Gilbreath of the San Francisco Estuary Institute strain water collected from the San Francisco Bay through two sieves to sample for microplastics. \u003ccite>(Monica Lam/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Microplastics and human health\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Since plastic was first invented in the mid-1800s, worldwide production has grown to an estimated 400 million tons annually. In the U.S., \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/facts-and-figures-about-materials-waste-and-recycling/plastics-material-specific-data\">less than 9%\u003c/a> of plastic gets recycled, according to U.S. Environmental Protection Agency estimates. Meanwhile, the production of plastic, which is made from petroleum and natural gas, is projected to increase as the fossil-fuel industry faces competition from alternative energy sources. Dozens of plastic plants are currently being built or planned, most of them on the Gulf Coast and in the Ohio River Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a fair bit of attention has been paid to the impact of plastic pollution on marine animals, who often ingest it, research on human health has only recently started to ramp up. In 2018, California legislators directed the State Water Resources Control Board to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1422\">start studying levels of microplastics\u003c/a> — plastic particles smaller than 5 millimeters — detected in municipal drinking water supplies. Some microplastics, like those used in adhesives or paints, are manufactured at a small size, while some are generated when larger pieces of plastic degrade over time. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I think a better question would be, where have microplastics not been found? We’ve found them from Mount Everest to the Mariana Trench. … I’m not sure that there exists a place that is not impacted by plastic pollution.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“One of the reasons that plastic in drinking water has received recent attention, especially by California’s legislators, is that we know that the amount is increasing,” said Scott Coffin, a senior scientist with the state water board. “Additionally, plastic never goes away. So these two factors, they necessitate some concern.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coffin’s team is tasked with eventually establishing safety thresholds for the level of microplastics in the state’s water supply. He estimates that there are more than \u003ca href=\"https://pubs.acs.org/doi/10.1021/acs.est.1c00976\">2,400 chemicals\u003c/a> commonly added to plastic that are potentially dangerous for human health, including known toxins like bisphenol A (commonly known as BPA), phthalates, and a class of flame retardants called \u003ca href=\"https://oceanservice.noaa.gov/facts/pbde.html\">PBDEs\u003c/a>, or polybrominated diphenyl ethers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can think of plastic as a carrier for other chemicals, and in many ways, it’s like a sponge,” Coffin said. “Once it’s in the environment, it can pick up all of the other pollutants that are already there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some microplastics are even small enough to enter into our cells, he noted. \u003ca href=\"https://www.mdpi.com/1999-4923/13/7/921\">One German study\u003c/a> found microplastics in the placentas of pregnant women — on both the maternal and fetal side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The smaller the particle, the deeper it’s going to make it into our bodies, and the more likely it is to interact with our cells, causing toxicity,” Coffin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One major \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfei.org/projects/microplastics\">study \u003c/a>published in 2019 by the San Francisco Estuary Institute found microplastics throughout the San Francisco Bay — in the water, the mud, and both stormwater runoff and treated wastewater. The study’s authors concluded that the bay likely has higher levels of microplastic pollution than most major water bodies in the United States because it’s surrounded by dense, urban areas and has a relatively restricted water flow. The two most common particles found were fibers from clothing and bits from tires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We found microplastics in just about every sample we collected,” said Rebecca Sutton, who led the three-year study. “This is pretty consistent with what you see all around the world. Pretty much everywhere you look for it, you are going to find microplastics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coffin echoed that sentiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think a better question would be, where have microplastics not been found?” he said. “We’ve found them from Mount Everest to the Mariana Trench. Every organism that we’ve ever looked at, we’ve found some levels, and at this point, I’m not sure that there exists a place that is not impacted by plastic pollution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The climate change impact\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>With that grim assessment in mind, the students in Jacqueline Omania’s fifth grade class at Oxford Elementary in Berkeley have set themselves an ambitious goal: to make so little trash over the course of the school year that the entire class’s garbage fits into a tiny little container about the size of a jam jar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The larger issue is that these youth are growing up in a climate crisis,” said Omania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The main type of trash that ends up in the class’s container is plastic, so for starters, every student brings a reusable cutlery kit to school to use while eating lunch. Inside the classroom, they use unpainted pencils so that the shavings can be composted. Birthday parties feature home-baked treats instead of anything that comes in a plastic wrapper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Omania’s students were part of a successful campaign to pass a citywide ordinance in 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2019/01/23/berkeley-says-good-riddance-mostly-to-disposable-plastic-foodware\">limiting single-use plastics in Berkeley restaurants\u003c/a>. Her students even showed city councilmembers the tiny container they were using as a garbage can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901451\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11901451 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52996_Copy-of-beach-cleanup-2_edit-qut-800x450.jpeg\" alt=\"Three young people stand on a rock pile. One hands an orange bucket to another.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52996_Copy-of-beach-cleanup-2_edit-qut-800x450.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52996_Copy-of-beach-cleanup-2_edit-qut-1020x574.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52996_Copy-of-beach-cleanup-2_edit-qut-160x90.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52996_Copy-of-beach-cleanup-2_edit-qut-1536x864.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52996_Copy-of-beach-cleanup-2_edit-qut.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students Sam (left), Alina and Sasha pick up trash off the beach at the Berkeley Marina, Oct. 7, 2021. \u003ccite>(Rick Santangelo/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I believe the adults need to step up so we don’t make the environmental waste in the first place,” Oxford student Jae Marie Howard told a crowded council meeting on the night the ordinance was approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, Omania’s students helped successfully push the Berkeley Unified School District to include \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailycal.org/2021/11/04/berkeley-school-board-passes-65k-climate-literacy-resolution/\">climate literacy in the K-12 curriculum\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The larger issue is that these youth are growing up in a climate crisis.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>An increasing number of studies draw a connection between the production of plastic and climate change. One \u003ca href=\"https://www.beyondplastics.org/plastics-and-climate\">report\u003c/a> from a Vermont-based environmental group found that “as of 2020, the U.S. plastics industry is responsible for at least 232 million tons of CO2e [carbon dioxide equivalent] gas emissions per year. This amount is equivalent to the average emissions from 116 average-sized [500-megawatt] coal-fired power plants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>New opportunities\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Entrepreneurs have been tapping into growing public awareness about plastic waste. Dispatch Goods, a San Francisco-based start-up, is partnering with local restaurants, like Zuni Cafe and Mixt, to provide reusable takeout containers made of stainless steel. Customers must pay extra for the service, which includes picking up the used containers from their homes, but many do it willingly because it alleviates “eco-guilt,” said company CEO Lindsey Hoell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s like an “avocado upcharge,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have data showing that we’re driving business to restaurants that are making that shift,” she added. “It’s not just a sustainability decision, but it’s a good business decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At Fillgood’s small storefront in Berkeley, customers can refill their own containers with common household products like dish detergent and shampoo, while LimeLoop, another Bay Area-based start-up, makes reusable packaging for shipping — among the growing number of novel business ventures offering alternatives to plastic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This fall, Californians will get to weigh in directly on just how much the state should regulate and limit plastic production and consumption. The \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Plastic_Waste_Reduction_Regulations_Initiative_(2022)\">California Plastic Waste Reduction Regulations Initiative\u003c/a>, which has qualified for the statewide ballot in November, would not only push through some of the efforts legislators failed to pass last year, but also levy a $0.01 fee — which critics call a tax — on all plastic packaging and disposable food service items.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACC’s Shestek said the ballot measure is “flawed” and hopes instead to work directly with lawmakers “to hash something out that gets to the same objective, but in a fashion that isn’t so punitive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Allen, the state lawmaker, sees the initiative as a good opportunity to advance his SB 54 legislation, banning single-use plastic products that aren’t recyclable or compostable. He’s confident, he said, the business community will work with him to avoid the costly political hurdle of winning a statewide vote. He’s already moved the bill out of the inactive file and back to the Senate floor to be considered during the 2022 legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ballot measure polls very well. It’s very popular,” Allen said. “And while it’s true [that] industry could raise a lot of money and try to defeat it, I think there’s also going to be some serious money raised on the environmental side. It could really be a knock-down-drag-out fight at the end of the day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Crystal Consaul and Kat Shok contributed to this story. Want more? Check out our half-hour documentary on this topic, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-bTCCB6wbks\">California’s Plastic Problem\u003c/a>. Are you a teacher? Here’s more about Jacqueline Omania’s \u003ca href=\"https://sites.google.com/bennington.edu/plastic-free-planet/home?authuser=0\">curriculum\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Newsom Campaigned on Building 3.5 Million Homes. He Hasn't Gotten Even Close",
"title": "Newsom Campaigned on Building 3.5 Million Homes. He Hasn't Gotten Even Close",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s difficult for housing advocates to criticize Gov. Gavin Newsom because he’s done more to boost production than any other governor in recent memory — but that’s mostly because the bar is so low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measured against the goal he set for himself, Newsom’s record is less impressive. Just 13% of the 3.5 million homes he campaigned on building have been permitted, let alone built. He’s walked back the goal many times, settling on a new target earlier this year: Cities need to have planned a combined 2.5 million homes by 2030. So, a million fewer homes planned for, not built, and over a longer time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom can point to some accomplishments: He signed bills that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2019/09/big-rent-hikes-illegal-in-california-heres-what-to-know/\">capped big rent hikes statewide\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/09/california-housing-crisis-newsom-signs-bills/\">legalized duplexes and fourplexes\u003c/a> on most developable land and unlocked millions of potential \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/09/california-housing-podcast-ab-2011/\">apartments on empty strip malls\u003c/a>. He \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">sheltered tens of thousands of people experiencing homelessness\u003c/a> amid a pandemic and dedicated more dollars to housing and homelessness than ever before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as he finalizes his first term and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/election-2022/2022/10/gavin-newsom-campaign-president/\">coasts into the second\u003c/a>, Newsom finds himself mired in an even deeper housing and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">homelessness crisis\u003c/a> than the one he inherited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Running for governor in 2017, then-Lt. Gov. Newsom pledged to spur a never-before-seen tsunami of homebuilding in California to bridge the gap between the growing population and shrinking stock of housing driving the affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As Governor, I will lead the effort to develop the 3.5 million new housing units we need by 2025 because our solutions must be as bold as the problem is big,” Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@GavinNewsom/the-california-dream-starts-at-home-9dbb38c51cae\">wrote on Medium\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal was true to character: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2018/10/gavin-newsom-profile-california-governor-election/\">big, hairy and audacious\u003c/a>. It would have required building an average of 500,000 homes a year in a state that has only surpassed the 300,000 mark \u003ca href=\"https://la.curbed.com/2018/11/8/18073066/california-governor-election-gavin-newsom-housing-plan\">twice in more than 50 years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom didn’t get even close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the nearly four years since he took office, California cities are projected to have permitted a total of about 452,000 homes — fewer than Newsom pledged he’d build in one year alone, according to local data collected by the Construction Industry Research Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/_/Re1mI4JBl1bUtlSDHcnI?src=embed\" title=\"2022 Housing production in California\" width=\"800\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about his shortcomings at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JSy2VOGkBF8&t=1s\">recent press conference\u003c/a>, Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-10-21/newsom-gavin-affordable-housing-homeless-q-a\">wrote off his original goal\u003c/a> as he has many times before, by paraphrasing Michelangelo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The biggest risk in life, however one defines risk, is not that we aim too high and miss it. It’s that we aim too low and reach it,” Newsom said. “It was always a stretch goal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing advocates acknowledge that policy change is by nature slow and incremental, and like many other proposals, long-term housing goals took a back seat to the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the reality on the ground — that there aren’t enough houses for everyone and the ones that exist are hideously expensive — continues to exasperate \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-may-2022/\">Californians who repeatedly rank housing and homelessness among their top concerns\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Brian Dahle, the \u003ca href=\"https://briandahle.com/homelessness/\">Republican candidate for governor\u003c/a>, and other state Republicans have routinely attacked Newsom’s record on housing, including \u003ca href=\"https://republicans.senate.ca.gov/content/legislative-republicans-call-special-session-combat-homeless-crisis-immediately\">calling for a special session\u003c/a> on homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need government to treat this the way we treat a natural disaster, because that’s how it’s impacting people’s lives,” said Chione Lucina Muñoz Flegal, executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.housingca.org/\">Housing California\u003c/a>, a housing advocacy organization. “And that’s not what we see happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-a-marshall-plan-for-housing\">A Marshall Plan for housing?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing policy advocates described Newsom’s stated goal of 3.5 million new homes in four years the same way he has: aspirational. They say that’s because the state doesn’t build housing in California — private developers do, with the approval of local governments. So what really grabbed advocates’ attention was the “Marshall Plan for affordable housing” Newsom pledged to launch during his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/01/gavin-newsom-california-inauguration-speech-policy-highlights/\">inaugural speech\u003c/a>, recalling the multibillion-dollar program to rebuild Western Europe following World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As much as the number was important, the idea of building a streamlined process of building, that was amazing, because that’s really the challenge of California,” said Dan Dunmoyer, president of the California Building Industry Association. He said that dream remains elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has some of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">highest housing costs\u003c/a> in the nation because of how little “marshaling” there is, Dunmoyer said. Land costs are prohibitive, and zoning rules limit much of what can be built. Housing must get approved at the local level, which has ample opportunity for community input. Those communities can then block unpopular projects, such as multifamily or affordable housing. Another culprit: impact fees cities charge to fund infrastructure that can \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/residential-impact-fees/\">exceed $150,000 a home\u003c/a>, some of the highest in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Louis Mirante, vice president of public policy, Bay Area Council\"]'To stop a project, you only need one red light. But to make a project go, you need at least 100 green lights. A lot of the legislation the governor has been signing has been those green lights.'[/pullquote]The closest Newsom may have gotten to bulldozing those barriers is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/11/newsom-pandemic-beat-homelessness/\">Project Homekey\u003c/a>. After COVID-19 hit, the administration scrambled to turn 94 hotels and motels into more than 6,000 shelter units for people experiencing homelessness, which would later become permanent homes, within record-setting months. The projects \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2021/11/04/main-recoverylab-cities-la-sros-518602\">bypassed local land use rules and a marquee environmental law\u003c/a> often blamed for slowing or killing controversial projects. The state has since expanded the $800 million project with more than $2.75 billion in new funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed more than a dozen bills allowing housing types that met certain conditions to skip lengthy approval processes at the local level. Two are expected to have the biggest impact: one that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/08/california-housing-crisis-zoning-bill/\">legalized duplexes and fourplexes\u003c/a> on the two-thirds of developable land in California \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/SB-9-Brief-July-2021-Final.pdf\">previously zoned for single-family homes\u003c/a>, and another that \u003ca href=\"https://urbanfootprint.com/ab2011-analysis/\">allows apartments\u003c/a> on land previously allotted for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-crisis-unions/\">retail centers, parking lots and offices along arterial roads\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a zoning change doesn’t build housing, it’s a first step to making it legal. Combined, the two laws could open up previously blocked space for more than 2 million housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The effect of legislation is often hard to prove, because it’s only one factor of many in the development process,” said Louis Mirante, vice president of public policy at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareacouncil.org/\">Bay Area Council\u003c/a>. “To stop a project, you only need one red light. But to make a project go, you need at least 100 green lights. A lot of the legislation the governor has been signing has been those green lights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But yellow and red lights abound, including rising interest rates and prohibitive material costs. While it took political courage to sign a controversial measure like the one streamlining duplex and fourplex construction, Newsom remained largely quiet on those bills until they reached the finish line, and hasn’t championed a more sweeping production policy proposal on his own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He can step in and resolve the problems if he really wanted to prioritize the issue,” said Chris Martin, policy director at Housing California. “He has the power to do it, but politically, it’s challenging. He’s going to have to make some uncomfortable decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-moving-the-goalposts\">Moving the goalposts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Newsom has repeatedly called the 3.5 million goal taken from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/mckinsey/industries/public%20and%20social%20sector/our%20insights/closing%20californias%20housing%20gap/closing-californias-housing-gap-full-report.pdf\">2016 McKinsey study\u003c/a> a moon shot, he has put his weight behind another number: 2.5 million. That’s how many homes the Legislature has mandated California cities to plan for by 2030, and Newsom’s team is making sure they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before we can reach our stretch goals, before you can reach the moon, you’ve got to get off the launch pad,” said Jason Elliott, Newsom’s senior counselor on housing and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Housing Coverage' tag='housing']The planning law has been on the books for decades, but it wasn’t until 2017 that the state Legislature gave the process teeth by creating standards and penalties cities must abide by. The \u003cem>plans\u003c/em> for the housing that those standards and penalties apply to weren’t even due for most cities until this year. And the deadlines are different for different regions. It’s a slow process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities now have to zone for more than double the housing they did in previous years, and it has to be on sites where housing could actually be built. And if they don’t do it, they risk \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/03/california-housing-goals/\">losing affordable housing dollars\u003c/a> or even \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/10/california-housing-crisis-nimby/\">forgoing housing approval decisions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But having laws on the books — even if they feature new penalties — doesn’t mean anything unless someone is there to enforce them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To that end, Newsom staffed up a $4.65 million \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/04/california-duplex-housing/\">accountability and enforcement unit\u003c/a> within the housing department, with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-podcast-rob-bonta-housing-enforcement/\">reinforcements at the state’s Justice Department\u003c/a>. Cities seem to be paying heed, but it’s all fun and games until actual homes get built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many years in California, the Regional Housing Needs [Allocation] process was an afterthought at best,” Elliott said. “It was not taken seriously because there were largely no consequences for local governments failing to meet their responsibilities. And that’s not ancient history, but through a very concerted effort by this governor and the administration in partnership with the Legislature, RHNA is now very serious. And I think communities are taking it seriously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, planning isn’t building, and a recurring complaint about the process from cities is that while it requires a lot of affordable housing to be planned for — 1 million of the 2.5 million units must be affordable to the lowest earners — the state doesn’t provide nearly enough tax credits and other subsidies to build it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re funding a quarter of that, at best,” said Paavo Monkkonen, associate professor of urban planning at UCLA’s Luskin School of Public Affairs. “So that’s an interesting conundrum, where their own goal is unattainable. And there’s not really a Manhattan Project to make that happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/9c485c33-4c31-4f78-ae36-07dc50a75dc3?src=embed\" title=\"Affordable housing production\" width=\"800\" height=\"850\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the Legislature, Newsom has dedicated unprecedented dollars to affordable housing, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/07/19/governor-newsom-signs-historic-housing-and-homelessness-funding-package-as-part-of-100-billion-california-comeback-plan/\">$10.3 billion in 2021\u003c/a>. Funding the current affordable housing need alone, however, would require \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/roadmaphome2030/\">nearly $18 billion a year over a decade\u003c/a>, according to a recent estimate from Housing California and California Housing Partnership. And there is no long-term source of funding for housing in California. As budget projections for next year sour, affordable housing advocates worry those funds might dry up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In these years of good budget outlook, the administration has done a really good job,” said Marina Wiant, vice president of government affairs at the \u003ca href=\"https://calhsng.org/\">California Housing Consortium\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan housing advocacy organization. “It’s going to be interesting to see what they do when they have to make tough budget choices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Gavin Newsom campaigned on housing production, an issue important to many Californians. But despite some accomplishments, the housing crisis is worse now than when he took office.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s difficult for housing advocates to criticize Gov. Gavin Newsom because he’s done more to boost production than any other governor in recent memory — but that’s mostly because the bar is so low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measured against the goal he set for himself, Newsom’s record is less impressive. Just 13% of the 3.5 million homes he campaigned on building have been permitted, let alone built. He’s walked back the goal many times, settling on a new target earlier this year: Cities need to have planned a combined 2.5 million homes by 2030. So, a million fewer homes planned for, not built, and over a longer time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom can point to some accomplishments: He signed bills that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2019/09/big-rent-hikes-illegal-in-california-heres-what-to-know/\">capped big rent hikes statewide\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/09/california-housing-crisis-newsom-signs-bills/\">legalized duplexes and fourplexes\u003c/a> on most developable land and unlocked millions of potential \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/09/california-housing-podcast-ab-2011/\">apartments on empty strip malls\u003c/a>. He \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">sheltered tens of thousands of people experiencing homelessness\u003c/a> amid a pandemic and dedicated more dollars to housing and homelessness than ever before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as he finalizes his first term and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/election-2022/2022/10/gavin-newsom-campaign-president/\">coasts into the second\u003c/a>, Newsom finds himself mired in an even deeper housing and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">homelessness crisis\u003c/a> than the one he inherited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Running for governor in 2017, then-Lt. Gov. Newsom pledged to spur a never-before-seen tsunami of homebuilding in California to bridge the gap between the growing population and shrinking stock of housing driving the affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As Governor, I will lead the effort to develop the 3.5 million new housing units we need by 2025 because our solutions must be as bold as the problem is big,” Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@GavinNewsom/the-california-dream-starts-at-home-9dbb38c51cae\">wrote on Medium\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal was true to character: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2018/10/gavin-newsom-profile-california-governor-election/\">big, hairy and audacious\u003c/a>. It would have required building an average of 500,000 homes a year in a state that has only surpassed the 300,000 mark \u003ca href=\"https://la.curbed.com/2018/11/8/18073066/california-governor-election-gavin-newsom-housing-plan\">twice in more than 50 years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom didn’t get even close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the nearly four years since he took office, California cities are projected to have permitted a total of about 452,000 homes — fewer than Newsom pledged he’d build in one year alone, according to local data collected by the Construction Industry Research Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/_/Re1mI4JBl1bUtlSDHcnI?src=embed\" title=\"2022 Housing production in California\" width=\"800\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about his shortcomings at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JSy2VOGkBF8&t=1s\">recent press conference\u003c/a>, Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-10-21/newsom-gavin-affordable-housing-homeless-q-a\">wrote off his original goal\u003c/a> as he has many times before, by paraphrasing Michelangelo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The biggest risk in life, however one defines risk, is not that we aim too high and miss it. It’s that we aim too low and reach it,” Newsom said. “It was always a stretch goal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing advocates acknowledge that policy change is by nature slow and incremental, and like many other proposals, long-term housing goals took a back seat to the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the reality on the ground — that there aren’t enough houses for everyone and the ones that exist are hideously expensive — continues to exasperate \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-may-2022/\">Californians who repeatedly rank housing and homelessness among their top concerns\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Brian Dahle, the \u003ca href=\"https://briandahle.com/homelessness/\">Republican candidate for governor\u003c/a>, and other state Republicans have routinely attacked Newsom’s record on housing, including \u003ca href=\"https://republicans.senate.ca.gov/content/legislative-republicans-call-special-session-combat-homeless-crisis-immediately\">calling for a special session\u003c/a> on homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need government to treat this the way we treat a natural disaster, because that’s how it’s impacting people’s lives,” said Chione Lucina Muñoz Flegal, executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.housingca.org/\">Housing California\u003c/a>, a housing advocacy organization. “And that’s not what we see happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-a-marshall-plan-for-housing\">A Marshall Plan for housing?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing policy advocates described Newsom’s stated goal of 3.5 million new homes in four years the same way he has: aspirational. They say that’s because the state doesn’t build housing in California — private developers do, with the approval of local governments. So what really grabbed advocates’ attention was the “Marshall Plan for affordable housing” Newsom pledged to launch during his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/01/gavin-newsom-california-inauguration-speech-policy-highlights/\">inaugural speech\u003c/a>, recalling the multibillion-dollar program to rebuild Western Europe following World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As much as the number was important, the idea of building a streamlined process of building, that was amazing, because that’s really the challenge of California,” said Dan Dunmoyer, president of the California Building Industry Association. He said that dream remains elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has some of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">highest housing costs\u003c/a> in the nation because of how little “marshaling” there is, Dunmoyer said. Land costs are prohibitive, and zoning rules limit much of what can be built. Housing must get approved at the local level, which has ample opportunity for community input. Those communities can then block unpopular projects, such as multifamily or affordable housing. Another culprit: impact fees cities charge to fund infrastructure that can \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/residential-impact-fees/\">exceed $150,000 a home\u003c/a>, some of the highest in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'To stop a project, you only need one red light. But to make a project go, you need at least 100 green lights. A lot of the legislation the governor has been signing has been those green lights.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The closest Newsom may have gotten to bulldozing those barriers is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/11/newsom-pandemic-beat-homelessness/\">Project Homekey\u003c/a>. After COVID-19 hit, the administration scrambled to turn 94 hotels and motels into more than 6,000 shelter units for people experiencing homelessness, which would later become permanent homes, within record-setting months. The projects \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2021/11/04/main-recoverylab-cities-la-sros-518602\">bypassed local land use rules and a marquee environmental law\u003c/a> often blamed for slowing or killing controversial projects. The state has since expanded the $800 million project with more than $2.75 billion in new funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed more than a dozen bills allowing housing types that met certain conditions to skip lengthy approval processes at the local level. Two are expected to have the biggest impact: one that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/08/california-housing-crisis-zoning-bill/\">legalized duplexes and fourplexes\u003c/a> on the two-thirds of developable land in California \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/SB-9-Brief-July-2021-Final.pdf\">previously zoned for single-family homes\u003c/a>, and another that \u003ca href=\"https://urbanfootprint.com/ab2011-analysis/\">allows apartments\u003c/a> on land previously allotted for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-crisis-unions/\">retail centers, parking lots and offices along arterial roads\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a zoning change doesn’t build housing, it’s a first step to making it legal. Combined, the two laws could open up previously blocked space for more than 2 million housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The effect of legislation is often hard to prove, because it’s only one factor of many in the development process,” said Louis Mirante, vice president of public policy at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareacouncil.org/\">Bay Area Council\u003c/a>. “To stop a project, you only need one red light. But to make a project go, you need at least 100 green lights. A lot of the legislation the governor has been signing has been those green lights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But yellow and red lights abound, including rising interest rates and prohibitive material costs. While it took political courage to sign a controversial measure like the one streamlining duplex and fourplex construction, Newsom remained largely quiet on those bills until they reached the finish line, and hasn’t championed a more sweeping production policy proposal on his own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He can step in and resolve the problems if he really wanted to prioritize the issue,” said Chris Martin, policy director at Housing California. “He has the power to do it, but politically, it’s challenging. He’s going to have to make some uncomfortable decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-moving-the-goalposts\">Moving the goalposts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Newsom has repeatedly called the 3.5 million goal taken from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/mckinsey/industries/public%20and%20social%20sector/our%20insights/closing%20californias%20housing%20gap/closing-californias-housing-gap-full-report.pdf\">2016 McKinsey study\u003c/a> a moon shot, he has put his weight behind another number: 2.5 million. That’s how many homes the Legislature has mandated California cities to plan for by 2030, and Newsom’s team is making sure they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before we can reach our stretch goals, before you can reach the moon, you’ve got to get off the launch pad,” said Jason Elliott, Newsom’s senior counselor on housing and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The planning law has been on the books for decades, but it wasn’t until 2017 that the state Legislature gave the process teeth by creating standards and penalties cities must abide by. The \u003cem>plans\u003c/em> for the housing that those standards and penalties apply to weren’t even due for most cities until this year. And the deadlines are different for different regions. It’s a slow process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities now have to zone for more than double the housing they did in previous years, and it has to be on sites where housing could actually be built. And if they don’t do it, they risk \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/03/california-housing-goals/\">losing affordable housing dollars\u003c/a> or even \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/10/california-housing-crisis-nimby/\">forgoing housing approval decisions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But having laws on the books — even if they feature new penalties — doesn’t mean anything unless someone is there to enforce them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To that end, Newsom staffed up a $4.65 million \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/04/california-duplex-housing/\">accountability and enforcement unit\u003c/a> within the housing department, with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-podcast-rob-bonta-housing-enforcement/\">reinforcements at the state’s Justice Department\u003c/a>. Cities seem to be paying heed, but it’s all fun and games until actual homes get built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many years in California, the Regional Housing Needs [Allocation] process was an afterthought at best,” Elliott said. “It was not taken seriously because there were largely no consequences for local governments failing to meet their responsibilities. And that’s not ancient history, but through a very concerted effort by this governor and the administration in partnership with the Legislature, RHNA is now very serious. And I think communities are taking it seriously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, planning isn’t building, and a recurring complaint about the process from cities is that while it requires a lot of affordable housing to be planned for — 1 million of the 2.5 million units must be affordable to the lowest earners — the state doesn’t provide nearly enough tax credits and other subsidies to build it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re funding a quarter of that, at best,” said Paavo Monkkonen, associate professor of urban planning at UCLA’s Luskin School of Public Affairs. “So that’s an interesting conundrum, where their own goal is unattainable. And there’s not really a Manhattan Project to make that happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/9c485c33-4c31-4f78-ae36-07dc50a75dc3?src=embed\" title=\"Affordable housing production\" width=\"800\" height=\"850\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the Legislature, Newsom has dedicated unprecedented dollars to affordable housing, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/07/19/governor-newsom-signs-historic-housing-and-homelessness-funding-package-as-part-of-100-billion-california-comeback-plan/\">$10.3 billion in 2021\u003c/a>. Funding the current affordable housing need alone, however, would require \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/roadmaphome2030/\">nearly $18 billion a year over a decade\u003c/a>, according to a recent estimate from Housing California and California Housing Partnership. And there is no long-term source of funding for housing in California. As budget projections for next year sour, affordable housing advocates worry those funds might dry up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In these years of good budget outlook, the administration has done a really good job,” said Marina Wiant, vice president of government affairs at the \u003ca href=\"https://calhsng.org/\">California Housing Consortium\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan housing advocacy organization. “It’s going to be interesting to see what they do when they have to make tough budget choices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Environmentalists and trucking industry groups sparred\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>with clean air regulators today over a \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/sites/default/files/barcu/regact/2022/acf22/isor2.pdf\">contentious proposal (PDF)\u003c/a> to phase out California’s big rigs and other trucks with internal combustion engines, and force manufacturers to speed mass-production of electric trucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Air Resources Board held its first public hearing on rules that would ban manufacturers from selling any new fossil-fueled medium-duty and heavy-duty trucks by 2040. The new rules would also require large trucking companies to convert their fleets to electric models, buying more over time until all are zero-emission by 2042. The move is part of the state’s wider strategy to end its reliance on fossil fuels and cut planet-warming emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is leading the transition to wide-scale electrification of trucks and buses,” said board chair Liane Randolph. “These actions can show the world how to simultaneously address the climate crisis, improve air quality and alleviate key concerns identified by communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed regulation received fiery criticism from both sides, as 167 members of the public lined up to speak at today’s hearing — which started at 9 a.m. and lasted well into the night.[aside label='Related Articles' tag='zero-emission']Environmentalists and public health groups called for a tougher rule that would speed up the 100% electric truck sales requirement to 2036 instead of 2040, while trucking companies said the proposal ignores concerns about electric vehicle costs and technology, lack of infrastructure and the loss of good-paying jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Air Resources Board is expected to hold a second hearing on the proposal and vote in the spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeff Cox, a truck driver of 24 years and owner of the Madera-based trucking company Best Drayage, worries the rule could drive many family-owned fleet operators out of business — especially those with certain types of trucks that the regulation would affect first.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously we all want cleaner air, but this would be catastrophic to the industry,” he said. “We’re operating in an already challenging environment. To add something else that is this drastic would be very harmful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California often leads the country in passing stringent emission-reduction standards. The new rule would lead to a transformation of the trucking industry, affecting about 1.8 million trucks on state roads. It builds on other mandates to reduce emissions in the transportation sector, including the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/08/electric-cars-california-to-phase-out-gas-cars/\">gas-powered car ban\u003c/a> adopted earlier this year and the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/our-work/programs/advanced-clean-trucks\">clean trucks regulation\u003c/a> passed in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But environmental groups often say that while the air board’s regulations on the transportation industry are well-intentioned, they don’t go far enough to reduce the production or use of fossil fuels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andrea Vidaurre, policy analyst at The People’s Collective for Environmental Justice, said the effects of toxic diesel emissions from big rigs and other heavy-duty trucks in heavily polluted communities underscores the need for California to accelerate the transition. Diesel exhaust can \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/resources/overview-diesel-exhaust-and-health\">lead to several health problems\u003c/a>, including asthma and other respiratory illnesses, and increase the risk of hospitalization and premature death, according to air board staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our communities who are majority immigrant and Black have to deal with higher levels of asthma, respiratory issues, cancers and literally shortened life because of the pollution caused by diesel trucks,” she told the board. “Please use this opportunity to transform this logistics system that historically has done so much harm. Its future doesn’t have to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Please strengthen the rule.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/09/california-phase-out-diesel-trucks-zero-emission/\">gradual conversion of existing fleets\u003c/a> would apply only to federal agencies and “high-priority fleets,” which are owned or operated by companies with 50 or more trucks or $50 million or more in annual revenue. Also affected: trucks weighing 10,001 pounds or more and package delivery vehicles of 8,500 pounds or more, including U.S. Postal Service, FedEx, UPS and Amazon fleets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These companies and federal agencies could comply in one of two ways. They could choose to purchase only zero-emission trucks beginning in 2024 while retiring diesel trucks at the end of their useful life, or decide to phase in zero-emission trucks as an increasing percentage of their total fleet. The second option would require starting with 10% of delivery trucks and other types that are the easiest to electrify in 2025, then ramping up to 100% between 2035 and 2042.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Liane Randolph, chair, California Air Resources Board\"]‘California is leading the transition to wide-scale electrification of trucks and buses. These actions can show the world how to simultaneously address the climate crisis, improve air quality and alleviate key concerns identified by communities.’[/pullquote]The transition to electric trucks for many fleet operators would begin as early as 2024. These trucks have the strictest timeline since they are among the easiest to electrify, including delivery and drayage trucks, which transport cargo at railways and ports in Los Angeles and Long Beach. New models would need to be zero-emission in 2024, while diesel and gas drayage trucks must retire after 18 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drayage trucks are among the most suitable for electrification because they may not need a long range to transport cargo to and from their destinations, and may have more downtime for fueling, according to air board staff’s analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Cox, of Best Dayage, said the rule fails to consider drayage companies with daily haul ranges of 200 to 400 miles that don’t just operate at ports or rail yards, such as those that transport goods within the Central Valley. Cox said the high upfront cost of electric trucks and lack of available models also worry drivers, who may not feel confident that the technology can improve before the mandate goes into effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Getting the cart before the horse isn’t going to help matters by forcing the purchase of a vehicle that doesn’t exist today,” he said. “This is both impractical and impossible to comply with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Shimoda, senior vice president at the California Trucking Association, which represents truck drivers, said the heavy weight of electric truck batteries could force trucks to forgo around 8,000 pounds of their load capacity, increasing the need for more trucks and drivers to transport cargo at a time when the industry is already facing a worker shortage.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enough chargers and grid capacity?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Just 1,943 zero-emission medium- and heavy-duty vehicles are on the state’s roads, and nearly all of them are buses. About 300 are zero-emission commercial trucks, and less than 90 are electric semi-trucks. The rule would add about 510,000 carbon-free medium- and heavy-duty vehicles to roads and highways in 2035, increasing to 1.2 million in 2045 and nearly 1.6 million in 2050.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To meet that demand, Shimoda said the state would need to install as many as 800 chargers per week to power truck fleets, representing anywhere from 64 to 158 megawatts of new charging capacity, or enough to power 118,000 households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t even know that chargers are going to be in place in the next two years to have somewhere to plug in the trucks,” he added. “We can’t even lose time to charging if there’s nowhere to charge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some board members questioned whether the California Public Utilities Commission was prepared to build out the necessary infrastructure and power grid improvements under the proposed timeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is really a very large undertaking,” said board vice chair Sandra Berg. “I’m trying to understand where the grid problems are going to be and how they can be resolved. How much time do we really need here?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Air board member Daniel Sperling, who is also director of the Institute of Transportation Studies at UC Davis, echoed many of the concerns raised by the trucking industry about installing charging stations and making rapid grid improvements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m having the same whiplash experience that so many fleets have been talking about — the challenges they’re having and getting hooked up to the infrastructure,” he said. “Why are we hearing from these fleets — some of them are saying that they’re not even being given a timeline for when the infrastructure will be in place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yulia Shmidt, an analyst for the Public Advocates Office at the California Public Utilities Commission, assured the board that the agency was making significant investments in grid upgrades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is certainly a concern that we are deeply thinking about and that is why we’re looking at the forecast to see where the new load may come from so that we can trigger upgrades in those areas if they’re needed,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many truck drivers at the hearing called the proposal unfair due to the high costs of purchasing an electric truck compared to that of a traditional diesel truck.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Jeff Cox, truck driver, Best Drayage\"]‘Obviously we all want cleaner air, but this would be catastrophic to the industry. We’re operating in an already challenging environment. To add something else that is this drastic would be very harmful.’[/pullquote]Air board staff estimate that truck drivers and companies would pay higher upfront vehicle prices now but expect those costs to go down as more models enter the market, eventually bringing the cost down to that of a conventional truck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When comparing diesel and electric trucks in 2035, staff project that buying and operating an electric semi-truck over its life span, for example, could range between $765,000 and $1.1 million compared to a gas or diesel truck, which could cost between $919,000 and $1.2 million. These totals exclude state and federal subsidies that some companies could receive to help them pay for a truck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff also said lower maintenance and operational costs would save fleet operators money over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though trucks represent just 2 million of the 30 million registered vehicles in the state, they are the largest single source of air pollution from vehicles. \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/news/california-takes-bold-step-reduce-truck-pollution\">Heavy-duty trucks spew 70% of the state’s smog-forming gases and 80% of carcinogenic diesel pollutants\u003c/a>, according to the air board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Air board member and Democratic state Sen. Connie Leyva of Chino acknowledged the disproportionate air pollution toll many communities have faced and the state’s role in that inequity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is probably a little inappropriate, but my takeaway was that we do bad s— to poor people,” she said. “Most of what’s happening is happening in poor areas of the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sam Wilson, senior vehicles analyst with the Union of Concerned Scientists, a science advocacy organization, said the air board needs to tighten the rule to get more emission reductions from the most polluting trucks to avoid the damaging effects of diesel exhaust.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Speeding up rules for big trucks?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The proposal has different deadlines for phasing in new sales of electric models, varying based on the size and type of truck, until all are electric by 2042. In addition, the requirements for converting fleets would not apply to smaller companies that operate fewer than 50 trucks, unless they were using a larger company’s trucks. They could keep their trucks as long as they want under the proposal, although their new purchases would have to be zero-emission by 2040.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson said the requirement for fleet operators who manage some of the largest and most polluting trucks — such as long-haulers, big rigs and semis — should be put on a faster electrification timeline, with a phase-in starting date in 2027 rather than 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930567\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11930567\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Close-up of a hydrogen fuel cell truck driving on a road. According to the California Air Resources Board, heavy-duty fossil-fuel trucks spew 70% of the state’s smog-forming gases and 80% of carcinogenic diesel pollutants. \u003ccite>(Aranga87/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He also said the proposal threshold of 50 trucks should be lowered to 10 trucks for these fleet operators, given the outsized role large trucks have in emitting deadly soot pollution. A fleet of 10 tractor trucks emits about three times as much nitrogen oxide — a smog-forming pollutant — and about the same amount of fine particulate pollution as a fleet of 50 delivery vans, according to air board staff’s estimates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a difference in the amount of pollution that is emitted between a plumbing company that has 50 vans, for example, and a hauling company that has 50 tractor trucks,” he said. “In order to account for this, a fleet of tractor trucks should have a compliance threshold of 10 rather than 50 just to account for the extremely disproportionate impact that they have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Randolph, the board chair, said it would be “counterproductive” to pursue some actions that environmentalists were calling for, including reducing the fleet size or moving up timelines for some truck classifications, suggesting that it “might create more burden than is necessary” for the trucking industry. She did, however, support the idea of moving up the manufacturer production timeline, which many board members also agreed with. The board directed staff to assess that possibility and other changes to the rule to address charging, grid and vehicle availability challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We as a board should discuss the possibility of an earlier 100% sales to 2036 and really push manufacturers to step up and make these vehicles available,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-other-states-set-to-follow\">Other states set to follow?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A coalition of representatives from several states, including New York, Washington, Wisconsin and Connecticut, urged the board to adopt the rule and said they would move to implement it in their states, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The board’s approval of the advanced clean-fleet regulations will enable New York and other states to adopt those regulations to support the needed transition to zero-emission transportation and cleaner, healthier communities,” said Jared Snyder, deputy commissioner for air resources, climate change and energy at the New York State Department of Environmental Conservation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although California legislators have no direct say over whether the board adopts the rule, dozens of lawmakers weighed in on the proposal — and vastly disagreed about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/60e541a40b8cea368db30028/t/634f1ddfaa801124f1e2f949/1666129376617/FINAL+Advance+Clean+Fleet+Rule+Leg+Letter+Signed+-+10.17.22+Final.pdf\">letter to the air board (PDF)\u003c/a>, a group of state legislators, including Democratic Sens. Nancy Skinner of Berkeley and Josh Becker of Menlo Park, and Assemblymember Cristina Garcia of Bell Gardens, agreed with environmentalists. They note that these changes are achievable due to this year’s massive $54 billion climate investment, which includes \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/01/26/governor-newsom-outlines-historic-10-billion-zero-emission-vehicle-package-to-lead-the-worlds-transition-to-clean-energy-combat-climate-change/\">$10 billion in state funding to rapidly deploy electric vehicles and charging stations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The climate package allocates billions for electrifying medium- and heavy-duty trucks, including $1.1 billion for zero-emission trucks, buses, off-road equipment and fueling infrastructure and $400 million for charging stations at ports. Truck drivers and companies could receive additional benefits through the federal Inflation Reduction Act, which includes a 30% tax credit for zero-emission commercial vehicles and charging stations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in \u003ca href=\"https://www.arb.ca.gov/lispub/comm/iframe_bccomdisp.php?listname=acf2022&comment_num=96&virt_num=85\">a separate statement\u003c/a>, some legislators including Democratic Assemblymembers Blanca Rubio of Baldwin Park, Carlos Villapudua of Stockton and Rudy Salas of Bakersfield — especially those from rural areas or with high concentrations of fleet operators in their districts — sided with the trucking industry, saying the proposal is too “aggressive” and places many financial burdens on fleet operators. They also said the plan fails to address many technical challenges, such as the toll electric trucks will have on the grid as power demand grows, and the fast-charging needs of heavy-duty rental vehicles like water and dump trucks that operate in remote locations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11735237 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Articles' tag='Main Topic']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "There's fiery opposition from environmentalists and truckers as state regulators consider a proposal to ban gas-fueled truck sales and make large trucking firms convert to electric within two decades.",
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"title": "Trucking Industry and Environmentalists Spar With Regulators as California Prepares to Phase Out Fossil-Fuel Trucks | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Environmentalists and trucking industry groups sparred\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>with clean air regulators today over a \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/sites/default/files/barcu/regact/2022/acf22/isor2.pdf\">contentious proposal (PDF)\u003c/a> to phase out California’s big rigs and other trucks with internal combustion engines, and force manufacturers to speed mass-production of electric trucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Air Resources Board held its first public hearing on rules that would ban manufacturers from selling any new fossil-fueled medium-duty and heavy-duty trucks by 2040. The new rules would also require large trucking companies to convert their fleets to electric models, buying more over time until all are zero-emission by 2042. The move is part of the state’s wider strategy to end its reliance on fossil fuels and cut planet-warming emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is leading the transition to wide-scale electrification of trucks and buses,” said board chair Liane Randolph. “These actions can show the world how to simultaneously address the climate crisis, improve air quality and alleviate key concerns identified by communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed regulation received fiery criticism from both sides, as 167 members of the public lined up to speak at today’s hearing — which started at 9 a.m. and lasted well into the night.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Environmentalists and public health groups called for a tougher rule that would speed up the 100% electric truck sales requirement to 2036 instead of 2040, while trucking companies said the proposal ignores concerns about electric vehicle costs and technology, lack of infrastructure and the loss of good-paying jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Air Resources Board is expected to hold a second hearing on the proposal and vote in the spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeff Cox, a truck driver of 24 years and owner of the Madera-based trucking company Best Drayage, worries the rule could drive many family-owned fleet operators out of business — especially those with certain types of trucks that the regulation would affect first.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously we all want cleaner air, but this would be catastrophic to the industry,” he said. “We’re operating in an already challenging environment. To add something else that is this drastic would be very harmful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California often leads the country in passing stringent emission-reduction standards. The new rule would lead to a transformation of the trucking industry, affecting about 1.8 million trucks on state roads. It builds on other mandates to reduce emissions in the transportation sector, including the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/08/electric-cars-california-to-phase-out-gas-cars/\">gas-powered car ban\u003c/a> adopted earlier this year and the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/our-work/programs/advanced-clean-trucks\">clean trucks regulation\u003c/a> passed in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But environmental groups often say that while the air board’s regulations on the transportation industry are well-intentioned, they don’t go far enough to reduce the production or use of fossil fuels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andrea Vidaurre, policy analyst at The People’s Collective for Environmental Justice, said the effects of toxic diesel emissions from big rigs and other heavy-duty trucks in heavily polluted communities underscores the need for California to accelerate the transition. Diesel exhaust can \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/resources/overview-diesel-exhaust-and-health\">lead to several health problems\u003c/a>, including asthma and other respiratory illnesses, and increase the risk of hospitalization and premature death, according to air board staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our communities who are majority immigrant and Black have to deal with higher levels of asthma, respiratory issues, cancers and literally shortened life because of the pollution caused by diesel trucks,” she told the board. “Please use this opportunity to transform this logistics system that historically has done so much harm. Its future doesn’t have to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Please strengthen the rule.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/09/california-phase-out-diesel-trucks-zero-emission/\">gradual conversion of existing fleets\u003c/a> would apply only to federal agencies and “high-priority fleets,” which are owned or operated by companies with 50 or more trucks or $50 million or more in annual revenue. Also affected: trucks weighing 10,001 pounds or more and package delivery vehicles of 8,500 pounds or more, including U.S. Postal Service, FedEx, UPS and Amazon fleets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These companies and federal agencies could comply in one of two ways. They could choose to purchase only zero-emission trucks beginning in 2024 while retiring diesel trucks at the end of their useful life, or decide to phase in zero-emission trucks as an increasing percentage of their total fleet. The second option would require starting with 10% of delivery trucks and other types that are the easiest to electrify in 2025, then ramping up to 100% between 2035 and 2042.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The transition to electric trucks for many fleet operators would begin as early as 2024. These trucks have the strictest timeline since they are among the easiest to electrify, including delivery and drayage trucks, which transport cargo at railways and ports in Los Angeles and Long Beach. New models would need to be zero-emission in 2024, while diesel and gas drayage trucks must retire after 18 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drayage trucks are among the most suitable for electrification because they may not need a long range to transport cargo to and from their destinations, and may have more downtime for fueling, according to air board staff’s analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Cox, of Best Dayage, said the rule fails to consider drayage companies with daily haul ranges of 200 to 400 miles that don’t just operate at ports or rail yards, such as those that transport goods within the Central Valley. Cox said the high upfront cost of electric trucks and lack of available models also worry drivers, who may not feel confident that the technology can improve before the mandate goes into effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Getting the cart before the horse isn’t going to help matters by forcing the purchase of a vehicle that doesn’t exist today,” he said. “This is both impractical and impossible to comply with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Shimoda, senior vice president at the California Trucking Association, which represents truck drivers, said the heavy weight of electric truck batteries could force trucks to forgo around 8,000 pounds of their load capacity, increasing the need for more trucks and drivers to transport cargo at a time when the industry is already facing a worker shortage.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enough chargers and grid capacity?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Just 1,943 zero-emission medium- and heavy-duty vehicles are on the state’s roads, and nearly all of them are buses. About 300 are zero-emission commercial trucks, and less than 90 are electric semi-trucks. The rule would add about 510,000 carbon-free medium- and heavy-duty vehicles to roads and highways in 2035, increasing to 1.2 million in 2045 and nearly 1.6 million in 2050.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To meet that demand, Shimoda said the state would need to install as many as 800 chargers per week to power truck fleets, representing anywhere from 64 to 158 megawatts of new charging capacity, or enough to power 118,000 households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t even know that chargers are going to be in place in the next two years to have somewhere to plug in the trucks,” he added. “We can’t even lose time to charging if there’s nowhere to charge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some board members questioned whether the California Public Utilities Commission was prepared to build out the necessary infrastructure and power grid improvements under the proposed timeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is really a very large undertaking,” said board vice chair Sandra Berg. “I’m trying to understand where the grid problems are going to be and how they can be resolved. How much time do we really need here?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Air board member Daniel Sperling, who is also director of the Institute of Transportation Studies at UC Davis, echoed many of the concerns raised by the trucking industry about installing charging stations and making rapid grid improvements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m having the same whiplash experience that so many fleets have been talking about — the challenges they’re having and getting hooked up to the infrastructure,” he said. “Why are we hearing from these fleets — some of them are saying that they’re not even being given a timeline for when the infrastructure will be in place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yulia Shmidt, an analyst for the Public Advocates Office at the California Public Utilities Commission, assured the board that the agency was making significant investments in grid upgrades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is certainly a concern that we are deeply thinking about and that is why we’re looking at the forecast to see where the new load may come from so that we can trigger upgrades in those areas if they’re needed,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many truck drivers at the hearing called the proposal unfair due to the high costs of purchasing an electric truck compared to that of a traditional diesel truck.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Obviously we all want cleaner air, but this would be catastrophic to the industry. We’re operating in an already challenging environment. To add something else that is this drastic would be very harmful.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Air board staff estimate that truck drivers and companies would pay higher upfront vehicle prices now but expect those costs to go down as more models enter the market, eventually bringing the cost down to that of a conventional truck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When comparing diesel and electric trucks in 2035, staff project that buying and operating an electric semi-truck over its life span, for example, could range between $765,000 and $1.1 million compared to a gas or diesel truck, which could cost between $919,000 and $1.2 million. These totals exclude state and federal subsidies that some companies could receive to help them pay for a truck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff also said lower maintenance and operational costs would save fleet operators money over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though trucks represent just 2 million of the 30 million registered vehicles in the state, they are the largest single source of air pollution from vehicles. \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/news/california-takes-bold-step-reduce-truck-pollution\">Heavy-duty trucks spew 70% of the state’s smog-forming gases and 80% of carcinogenic diesel pollutants\u003c/a>, according to the air board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Air board member and Democratic state Sen. Connie Leyva of Chino acknowledged the disproportionate air pollution toll many communities have faced and the state’s role in that inequity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is probably a little inappropriate, but my takeaway was that we do bad s— to poor people,” she said. “Most of what’s happening is happening in poor areas of the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sam Wilson, senior vehicles analyst with the Union of Concerned Scientists, a science advocacy organization, said the air board needs to tighten the rule to get more emission reductions from the most polluting trucks to avoid the damaging effects of diesel exhaust.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Speeding up rules for big trucks?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The proposal has different deadlines for phasing in new sales of electric models, varying based on the size and type of truck, until all are electric by 2042. In addition, the requirements for converting fleets would not apply to smaller companies that operate fewer than 50 trucks, unless they were using a larger company’s trucks. They could keep their trucks as long as they want under the proposal, although their new purchases would have to be zero-emission by 2040.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson said the requirement for fleet operators who manage some of the largest and most polluting trucks — such as long-haulers, big rigs and semis — should be put on a faster electrification timeline, with a phase-in starting date in 2027 rather than 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930567\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11930567\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Close-up of a hydrogen fuel cell truck driving on a road. According to the California Air Resources Board, heavy-duty fossil-fuel trucks spew 70% of the state’s smog-forming gases and 80% of carcinogenic diesel pollutants. \u003ccite>(Aranga87/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He also said the proposal threshold of 50 trucks should be lowered to 10 trucks for these fleet operators, given the outsized role large trucks have in emitting deadly soot pollution. A fleet of 10 tractor trucks emits about three times as much nitrogen oxide — a smog-forming pollutant — and about the same amount of fine particulate pollution as a fleet of 50 delivery vans, according to air board staff’s estimates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a difference in the amount of pollution that is emitted between a plumbing company that has 50 vans, for example, and a hauling company that has 50 tractor trucks,” he said. “In order to account for this, a fleet of tractor trucks should have a compliance threshold of 10 rather than 50 just to account for the extremely disproportionate impact that they have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Randolph, the board chair, said it would be “counterproductive” to pursue some actions that environmentalists were calling for, including reducing the fleet size or moving up timelines for some truck classifications, suggesting that it “might create more burden than is necessary” for the trucking industry. She did, however, support the idea of moving up the manufacturer production timeline, which many board members also agreed with. The board directed staff to assess that possibility and other changes to the rule to address charging, grid and vehicle availability challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We as a board should discuss the possibility of an earlier 100% sales to 2036 and really push manufacturers to step up and make these vehicles available,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-other-states-set-to-follow\">Other states set to follow?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A coalition of representatives from several states, including New York, Washington, Wisconsin and Connecticut, urged the board to adopt the rule and said they would move to implement it in their states, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The board’s approval of the advanced clean-fleet regulations will enable New York and other states to adopt those regulations to support the needed transition to zero-emission transportation and cleaner, healthier communities,” said Jared Snyder, deputy commissioner for air resources, climate change and energy at the New York State Department of Environmental Conservation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although California legislators have no direct say over whether the board adopts the rule, dozens of lawmakers weighed in on the proposal — and vastly disagreed about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/60e541a40b8cea368db30028/t/634f1ddfaa801124f1e2f949/1666129376617/FINAL+Advance+Clean+Fleet+Rule+Leg+Letter+Signed+-+10.17.22+Final.pdf\">letter to the air board (PDF)\u003c/a>, a group of state legislators, including Democratic Sens. Nancy Skinner of Berkeley and Josh Becker of Menlo Park, and Assemblymember Cristina Garcia of Bell Gardens, agreed with environmentalists. They note that these changes are achievable due to this year’s massive $54 billion climate investment, which includes \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/01/26/governor-newsom-outlines-historic-10-billion-zero-emission-vehicle-package-to-lead-the-worlds-transition-to-clean-energy-combat-climate-change/\">$10 billion in state funding to rapidly deploy electric vehicles and charging stations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The climate package allocates billions for electrifying medium- and heavy-duty trucks, including $1.1 billion for zero-emission trucks, buses, off-road equipment and fueling infrastructure and $400 million for charging stations at ports. Truck drivers and companies could receive additional benefits through the federal Inflation Reduction Act, which includes a 30% tax credit for zero-emission commercial vehicles and charging stations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in \u003ca href=\"https://www.arb.ca.gov/lispub/comm/iframe_bccomdisp.php?listname=acf2022&comment_num=96&virt_num=85\">a separate statement\u003c/a>, some legislators including Democratic Assemblymembers Blanca Rubio of Baldwin Park, Carlos Villapudua of Stockton and Rudy Salas of Bakersfield — especially those from rural areas or with high concentrations of fleet operators in their districts — sided with the trucking industry, saying the proposal is too “aggressive” and places many financial burdens on fleet operators. They also said the plan fails to address many technical challenges, such as the toll electric trucks will have on the grid as power demand grows, and the fast-charging needs of heavy-duty rental vehicles like water and dump trucks that operate in remote locations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Musk Takes Over Twitter, Fires Top Brass, Sources Say",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 7:20 p.m. Thursday:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/10/27/technology/elon-musk-twitter-deal-complete.html\">Elon Musk reportedly closed his $44 billion deal to buy Twitter\u003c/a> on Thursday, amid concurrent reports of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/10/27/technology/musk-twitter.html\">firing at least four top Twitter executives\u003c/a>, a day before the deadline to close his takeover of the social media giant, according to The New York Times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The executives said to have been fired, based on information from two inside sources, include Twitter CEO Parag Agrawal, as well as the company's chief financial officer, its top legal and policy executive, and its general counsel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sources, who requested to remain anonymous, said at least one of the fired executives was escorted out of the company's San Francisco headquarters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post, 6:15 p.m. Thursday:\u003c/strong> Elon Musk attempted to soothe leery Twitter advertisers Thursday, a day before the deadline to close out on his $44 billion acquisition of the social media platform, saying that he is buying the platform to help humanity and doesn’t want it to become a “free-for-all hellscape.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The message appears aimed at addressing concerns among advertisers — Twitter’s chief source of revenue — that Musk’s plans to promote free speech by cutting back on moderating content will open the floodgates to more online toxicity and drive away users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason I acquired Twitter is because it is important to the future of civilization to have a common digital town square, where a wide range of beliefs can be debated in a healthy manner, without resorting to violence,” Musk wrote in \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1585619322239561728\">an uncharacteristically long message\u003c/a> for the Tesla CEO, who typically projects his thoughts in one-line tweets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He continued, “There is currently great danger that social media will splinter into far right wing and far left wing echo chambers that generate more hate and divide our society.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jasmine Enberg, principal analyst, Insider Intelligence\"]'Even slightly loosening content moderation on the platform is sure to spook advertisers, many of whom already find Twitter's brand safety tools to be lacking compared with other social platforms.'[/pullquote]Musk has previously expressed distaste for advertising and Twitter’s dependence on it, suggesting more emphasis on other business models such as paid subscriptions that won’t allow big corporations to dictate policy on how social media operates. But on Thursday, he assured advertisers he wants Twitter to be “the most respected advertising platform in the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The note is a shift from Musk's position that Twitter is unfairly infringing on free speech rights by blocking misinformation or graphic content, said Pinar Yildirim, associate professor of marketing at the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s also a realization that having no content moderation is bad for business, putting Twitter at risk of losing advertisers and subscribers, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You do not want a place where consumers just simply are bombarded with things they do not want to hear about, and the platform takes no responsibility,” Yildirim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk said Twitter should be “warm and welcoming to all” and enable users to choose the experience they want to have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t do it to make money,” he said of the pending acquisition. “I did it to try to help humanity, whom I love. And I do so with humility, recognizing that failure in pursuing this goal, despite our best efforts, is a very real possibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friday’s deadline to close the deal was \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/elon-musk-twitter-inc-technology-business-934a3b2429bed8cfeadfa6567a2e5256/\">ordered by the Delaware Chancery Court\u003c/a> in early October. It is the latest step in a battle that began in April with Musk signing a deal to acquire Twitter, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/elon-musk-twitter-inc-technology-4193a27d86458952542dfa2176150a01\">then trying to back out of it\u003c/a>, leading Twitter to sue the Tesla CEO to force him to go through with the acquisition. If the two sides don’t meet Friday's deadline, the next step could be a November trial that could lead to a judge forcing Musk to complete the deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Musk has been signaling that the deal is going through. He strolled into the company’s San Francisco headquarters Wednesday carrying a porcelain sink, changed his Twitter profile to “Chief Twit,\" and \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1585341984679469056\">tweeted\u003c/a> “Entering Twitter HQ — let that sink in!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\" data-width=\"550\" data-dnt=\"true\">\n\u003cp lang=\"en\" dir=\"ltr\">Entering Twitter HQ – let that sink in! \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/D68z4K2wq7\">pic.twitter.com/D68z4K2wq7\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Elon Musk (@elonmusk) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1585341984679469056?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">October 26, 2022\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003cscript async src=\"https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js\" charset=\"utf-8\">\u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And overnight the New York Stock Exchange notified investors that it will suspend trading in shares of Twitter before the opening bell Friday in anticipation of the company going private under Musk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk is expected to speak to Twitter employees directly Friday if the deal is finalized, according to an internal memo cited in several media outlets. Despite internal confusion and low morale tied to fears of layoffs or a dismantling of the company's culture and operations, Twitter leaders this week have at least outwardly welcomed Musk's arrival and messaging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Top sales executive Sarah Personette, the company's chief customer officer, said she had a “great discussion” with Musk on Wednesday and appeared to endorse his Thursday message to advertisers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our continued commitment to brand safety for advertisers remains unchanged,” Personette tweeted Thursday. “Looking forward to the future!”[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"twitter\"]Musk's apparent enthusiasm about visiting Twitter headquarters this week stood in sharp contrast to one of his earlier suggestions: The building should be turned into a homeless shelter because so few employees actually worked there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Washington Post reported last week that \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2022/10/20/musk-twitter-acquisition-staff-cuts/\">Musk told prospective investors that he plans to cut three quarters of Twitter’s 7,500 workers\u003c/a> when he becomes owner of the company. The newspaper cited documents and unnamed sources familiar with the deliberation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk has spent months deriding Twitter's “spam bots\" and making sometimes contradictory pronouncements about Twitter's problems and how to fix them. But he has shared few concrete details about his plans for the social media platform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday's note to advertisers shows a newfound emphasis on advertising revenue, especially a need for Twitter to provide more “relevant ads” — which typically means targeted ads that rely on collecting and analyzing users' personal information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yildirim said that, unlike Facebook, Twitter has not been good at targeting advertising to what users want to see. Musk’s message suggests he wants to fix that, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insider Intelligence principal analyst Jasmine Enberg said Musk has good reason to avoid a massive shake-up of Twitter’s ad business because Twitter's revenues have taken a beating from the weakening economy, months of uncertainty surrounding Musk's proposed takeover, changing consumer behaviors and the fact that \"there's no other revenue source waiting in the wings.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even slightly loosening content moderation on the platform is sure to spook advertisers, many of whom already find Twitter’s brand safety tools to be lacking compared with other social platforms,” Enberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 7:20 p.m. Thursday:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/10/27/technology/elon-musk-twitter-deal-complete.html\">Elon Musk reportedly closed his $44 billion deal to buy Twitter\u003c/a> on Thursday, amid concurrent reports of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/10/27/technology/musk-twitter.html\">firing at least four top Twitter executives\u003c/a>, a day before the deadline to close his takeover of the social media giant, according to The New York Times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The executives said to have been fired, based on information from two inside sources, include Twitter CEO Parag Agrawal, as well as the company's chief financial officer, its top legal and policy executive, and its general counsel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sources, who requested to remain anonymous, said at least one of the fired executives was escorted out of the company's San Francisco headquarters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post, 6:15 p.m. Thursday:\u003c/strong> Elon Musk attempted to soothe leery Twitter advertisers Thursday, a day before the deadline to close out on his $44 billion acquisition of the social media platform, saying that he is buying the platform to help humanity and doesn’t want it to become a “free-for-all hellscape.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The message appears aimed at addressing concerns among advertisers — Twitter’s chief source of revenue — that Musk’s plans to promote free speech by cutting back on moderating content will open the floodgates to more online toxicity and drive away users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason I acquired Twitter is because it is important to the future of civilization to have a common digital town square, where a wide range of beliefs can be debated in a healthy manner, without resorting to violence,” Musk wrote in \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1585619322239561728\">an uncharacteristically long message\u003c/a> for the Tesla CEO, who typically projects his thoughts in one-line tweets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He continued, “There is currently great danger that social media will splinter into far right wing and far left wing echo chambers that generate more hate and divide our society.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Musk has previously expressed distaste for advertising and Twitter’s dependence on it, suggesting more emphasis on other business models such as paid subscriptions that won’t allow big corporations to dictate policy on how social media operates. But on Thursday, he assured advertisers he wants Twitter to be “the most respected advertising platform in the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The note is a shift from Musk's position that Twitter is unfairly infringing on free speech rights by blocking misinformation or graphic content, said Pinar Yildirim, associate professor of marketing at the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s also a realization that having no content moderation is bad for business, putting Twitter at risk of losing advertisers and subscribers, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You do not want a place where consumers just simply are bombarded with things they do not want to hear about, and the platform takes no responsibility,” Yildirim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk said Twitter should be “warm and welcoming to all” and enable users to choose the experience they want to have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t do it to make money,” he said of the pending acquisition. “I did it to try to help humanity, whom I love. And I do so with humility, recognizing that failure in pursuing this goal, despite our best efforts, is a very real possibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friday’s deadline to close the deal was \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/elon-musk-twitter-inc-technology-business-934a3b2429bed8cfeadfa6567a2e5256/\">ordered by the Delaware Chancery Court\u003c/a> in early October. It is the latest step in a battle that began in April with Musk signing a deal to acquire Twitter, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/elon-musk-twitter-inc-technology-4193a27d86458952542dfa2176150a01\">then trying to back out of it\u003c/a>, leading Twitter to sue the Tesla CEO to force him to go through with the acquisition. If the two sides don’t meet Friday's deadline, the next step could be a November trial that could lead to a judge forcing Musk to complete the deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Musk has been signaling that the deal is going through. He strolled into the company’s San Francisco headquarters Wednesday carrying a porcelain sink, changed his Twitter profile to “Chief Twit,\" and \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1585341984679469056\">tweeted\u003c/a> “Entering Twitter HQ — let that sink in!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\" data-width=\"550\" data-dnt=\"true\">\n\u003cp lang=\"en\" dir=\"ltr\">Entering Twitter HQ – let that sink in! \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/D68z4K2wq7\">pic.twitter.com/D68z4K2wq7\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Elon Musk (@elonmusk) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1585341984679469056?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">October 26, 2022\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003cscript async src=\"https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js\" charset=\"utf-8\">\u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And overnight the New York Stock Exchange notified investors that it will suspend trading in shares of Twitter before the opening bell Friday in anticipation of the company going private under Musk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk is expected to speak to Twitter employees directly Friday if the deal is finalized, according to an internal memo cited in several media outlets. Despite internal confusion and low morale tied to fears of layoffs or a dismantling of the company's culture and operations, Twitter leaders this week have at least outwardly welcomed Musk's arrival and messaging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Top sales executive Sarah Personette, the company's chief customer officer, said she had a “great discussion” with Musk on Wednesday and appeared to endorse his Thursday message to advertisers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our continued commitment to brand safety for advertisers remains unchanged,” Personette tweeted Thursday. “Looking forward to the future!”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Musk's apparent enthusiasm about visiting Twitter headquarters this week stood in sharp contrast to one of his earlier suggestions: The building should be turned into a homeless shelter because so few employees actually worked there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Washington Post reported last week that \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2022/10/20/musk-twitter-acquisition-staff-cuts/\">Musk told prospective investors that he plans to cut three quarters of Twitter’s 7,500 workers\u003c/a> when he becomes owner of the company. The newspaper cited documents and unnamed sources familiar with the deliberation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk has spent months deriding Twitter's “spam bots\" and making sometimes contradictory pronouncements about Twitter's problems and how to fix them. But he has shared few concrete details about his plans for the social media platform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday's note to advertisers shows a newfound emphasis on advertising revenue, especially a need for Twitter to provide more “relevant ads” — which typically means targeted ads that rely on collecting and analyzing users' personal information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yildirim said that, unlike Facebook, Twitter has not been good at targeting advertising to what users want to see. Musk’s message suggests he wants to fix that, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insider Intelligence principal analyst Jasmine Enberg said Musk has good reason to avoid a massive shake-up of Twitter’s ad business because Twitter's revenues have taken a beating from the weakening economy, months of uncertainty surrounding Musk's proposed takeover, changing consumer behaviors and the fact that \"there's no other revenue source waiting in the wings.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even slightly loosening content moderation on the platform is sure to spook advertisers, many of whom already find Twitter’s brand safety tools to be lacking compared with other social platforms,” Enberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Nearly 2,000 registered nurses at Alta Bates Summit Medical Center campuses in Oakland and Berkeley began a five-day strike Monday in response to high turnover rates, staff shortages and workplace safety issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nurses, represented by the California Nurses Association and National Nurses United, called on Sutter Health to implement workplace violence prevention plans, increase staffing and provide more robust safety resources, including better access to medical-grade safety equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am seeing nurses leave the medical center for other nursing positions on a regular basis. We have nurses working overtime, and even double shifts, day after day to keep the hospital running,” said Mike Hill, a nurse in Sutter’s intensive care unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hill said that while workplace violence in hospitals — mostly of patients toward staff — has always been a concern, there was an uptick in incidents during the pandemic, when many patients didn’t have the family support they needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes it’s intentional. Other times, it’s from anger, fear or a medical condition that causes them to lash out at staff. Either way, it’s dangerous for us as professionals,” said Hill. “It’s not just physical violence. Sometimes it’s verbal threats.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When workplace violence occurs, hospitals announce “code gray” on the intercom system to alert security, Hill said. But like the nursing team, the security department at Alta Bates is understaffed, and in some cases it takes too long for guards to arrive at the scene, Hill said, forcing other nurses to step in to help their colleagues. Hill said more security guards are needed both inside the hospital and in the parking garage, to prevent vehicle break-ins, thefts and attacks on staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those concerns about violence, he added, are compounded by the hospital failing to take the necessary measures to effectively protect nurses from COVID exposure and other diseases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the California Division of Occupational Safety and Health (Cal/OSHA) fined Sutter Health for violations tied to COVID-related workplace safety issues after an investigation was launched in response to the July 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://www.nationalnursesunited.org/press/calosha-finds-alta-bates-summit-medical-center-guilty-eight-serious-violations\">death of an Alta Bates nurse\u003c/a>, who contracted the disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sutter must create working conditions to enhance patient care while also providing a safe work environment that retains nurses,” said Hill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ann Gaebler, a registered nurse of over 40 years, said she has never seen Sutter “act this disrespectfully” toward nurses, and it’s causing experienced health care providers to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without proper mentorship, we see young nurses suffering the moral injury and the moral distress of having to care for patients without the support they need, and so they leave,” Gaebler said in a statement. “This is not how you grow the next generation of nurses or how to take care of a community. We need Sutter to step up to address our concerns about retention, so we can continue to provide excellent care to our patients.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Dr. Joanne Spetz, director, Philip R. Lee Institute for Health Policy Studies, UCSF\"]‘I think the pandemic revealed and exacerbated a lot of problems that existed already, and some of those problems were brewing around stress and burnout and workloads, as we’re hearing from physicians and nurses and other health care professionals.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the walkout, Sutter management faulted local leaders in the nurses unions, accusing them of putting “politics above the patients and the nurses they represent” despite Sutter being willing to bargain, a spokesperson said in a statement on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our attention remains on providing safe, high-quality care to the patients and communities we’re honored to serve, and we are confident in our ability to manage this disruption,” the statement said. “We are hopeful the union shares our desire to reach an agreement and enable our nurses to turn their focus back to the patients the union has asked them to walk away from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930036\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59635_001_KQED_SutterRNStrikeOakland_10242022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930036\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59635_001_KQED_SutterRNStrikeOakland_10242022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"People holding yellow and red signs and wearing red nurse outfits walk across the street.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59635_001_KQED_SutterRNStrikeOakland_10242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59635_001_KQED_SutterRNStrikeOakland_10242022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59635_001_KQED_SutterRNStrikeOakland_10242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59635_001_KQED_SutterRNStrikeOakland_10242022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59635_001_KQED_SutterRNStrikeOakland_10242022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nurses begin a five-day strike at Alta Bates Summit Medical Center in Oakland on Oct. 24, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sutter Health’s proposed contract includes a pay increase of more than 20% over four years and a commitment to pursuing initiatives aimed at promoting diversity and advancing equity among its employees, along with continued health coverage for nurses and their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sutter nurses strike is just the latest in a slew of labor actions in recent months among health care workers throughout the Bay Area, mirroring a larger nationwide trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The walkout comes less than a week after some 2,000 Kaiser Permanente mental health care employees approved \u003ca href=\"https://about.kaiserpermanente.org/who-we-are/labor-relations/new-4-year-agreement-ratified\">a four-year contract\u003c/a>, ending an unprecedented, grueling 10-week strike over staffing shortages, wages and patient care, and just days after the Valley Physicians Group, a union representing about 450 doctors employed by Santa Clara County, announced its intention to hit the picket line on November 1 over similar issues.[aside postID=\"news_11929713,news_11924980\" label=\"Related Posts\"]Even though \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/opub/ted/2020/union-membership-rate-8-point-6-percent-in-manufacturing-23-point-4-percent-in-utilities-in-2019.htm#:~:text=Bureau%20of%20Labor%20Statistics,-The%20Economics%20Daily&text=In%202019%2C%20the%20union%20membership,hunting%3B%20and%20finance%20and%20insurance.\">less than 7% of health care workers nationwide were unionized\u003c/a> as of 2020, the health care sector \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2021/01/11/955128562/for-health-care-workers-the-pandemic-is-fueling-renewed-interest-in-unions\">also has seen renewed interest in unionization since the pandemic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the pandemic revealed and exacerbated a lot of problems that existed already, and some of those problems were brewing around stress and burnout and workloads, as we’re hearing from physicians and nurses and other health care professionals,” Dr. Joanne Spetz, director of the Philip R. Lee Institute for Health Policy Studies at UCSF, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic, she added, also laid bare the extent of labor shortages across a wide range of essential jobs within health care settings, including custodial staff, nursing assistants, food-service workers and delivery people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When those jobs are all in short supply, that puts even more pressure on physicians, nurses and others,” Spetz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And many health care workers are finding that their most common demands — for reduced workloads, more support services, more time for administrative tasks and, in a growing number of instances, tougher security measures — are often not sufficiently met by employers, who often cite nationwide labor shortages and rising costs of doing business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unionization is more popular than it’s ever been, even across political lines, with \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/398303/approval-labor-unions-highest-point-1965.aspx\">a recent Gallup poll showing that 71% of Americans approve of labor unions\u003c/a>, the highest approval rating since 1965.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But questions remain over how financially well positioned hospitals are to hire and train more people and meet their employees’ increasingly vocal — and organized — demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Health care is competing against a lot of other industries and sectors that also are having difficulty recruiting,” Spetz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A skilled trade or retail or a restaurant can change their prices pretty quickly, but for health care, they are in these often multiyear insurance contracts and they cannot immediately drum up more revenue in order to pay those higher wages,” said Spetz. “They’re likely to be going back to the insurance industry in the next few years as their contracts come up for renegotiation and ask for more money. And then the insurance companies eventually are going to need to figure out how to pass that on in the price of higher premiums.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Spetz added, the pressure of keeping costs down at a time of rampant inflation in a labor-intensive field like health care is exacerbated by the rising costs of supplies and equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because it takes a while to have the ability to raise revenue … that just puts more financial pressure,” Spetz said, adding that as the pandemic relief money fades, hospitals will be facing financial shortfalls and worrying about “how the money’s going to play out for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of it comes down to building a workplace where health care workers really feel valued, are able to use all their skills, are respected as professionals, regardless of what level they work within the organization … and have the autonomy to use their knowledge and skills to the highest ability,” Spetz said. “You need to be adequately staffed in general. And so that’s going to be the big challenge for employers, is how to create that healthy, supportive work culture. And you have to do that while you’re dealing with labor shortages and plugging all the holes that need to be plugged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Additional reporting was contributed by Bay City News and KQED’s Laura Klivans.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the walkout, Sutter management faulted local leaders in the nurses unions, accusing them of putting “politics above the patients and the nurses they represent” despite Sutter being willing to bargain, a spokesperson said in a statement on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our attention remains on providing safe, high-quality care to the patients and communities we’re honored to serve, and we are confident in our ability to manage this disruption,” the statement said. “We are hopeful the union shares our desire to reach an agreement and enable our nurses to turn their focus back to the patients the union has asked them to walk away from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930036\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59635_001_KQED_SutterRNStrikeOakland_10242022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930036\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59635_001_KQED_SutterRNStrikeOakland_10242022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"People holding yellow and red signs and wearing red nurse outfits walk across the street.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59635_001_KQED_SutterRNStrikeOakland_10242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59635_001_KQED_SutterRNStrikeOakland_10242022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59635_001_KQED_SutterRNStrikeOakland_10242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59635_001_KQED_SutterRNStrikeOakland_10242022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59635_001_KQED_SutterRNStrikeOakland_10242022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nurses begin a five-day strike at Alta Bates Summit Medical Center in Oakland on Oct. 24, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sutter Health’s proposed contract includes a pay increase of more than 20% over four years and a commitment to pursuing initiatives aimed at promoting diversity and advancing equity among its employees, along with continued health coverage for nurses and their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sutter nurses strike is just the latest in a slew of labor actions in recent months among health care workers throughout the Bay Area, mirroring a larger nationwide trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The walkout comes less than a week after some 2,000 Kaiser Permanente mental health care employees approved \u003ca href=\"https://about.kaiserpermanente.org/who-we-are/labor-relations/new-4-year-agreement-ratified\">a four-year contract\u003c/a>, ending an unprecedented, grueling 10-week strike over staffing shortages, wages and patient care, and just days after the Valley Physicians Group, a union representing about 450 doctors employed by Santa Clara County, announced its intention to hit the picket line on November 1 over similar issues.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Even though \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/opub/ted/2020/union-membership-rate-8-point-6-percent-in-manufacturing-23-point-4-percent-in-utilities-in-2019.htm#:~:text=Bureau%20of%20Labor%20Statistics,-The%20Economics%20Daily&text=In%202019%2C%20the%20union%20membership,hunting%3B%20and%20finance%20and%20insurance.\">less than 7% of health care workers nationwide were unionized\u003c/a> as of 2020, the health care sector \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2021/01/11/955128562/for-health-care-workers-the-pandemic-is-fueling-renewed-interest-in-unions\">also has seen renewed interest in unionization since the pandemic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the pandemic revealed and exacerbated a lot of problems that existed already, and some of those problems were brewing around stress and burnout and workloads, as we’re hearing from physicians and nurses and other health care professionals,” Dr. Joanne Spetz, director of the Philip R. Lee Institute for Health Policy Studies at UCSF, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic, she added, also laid bare the extent of labor shortages across a wide range of essential jobs within health care settings, including custodial staff, nursing assistants, food-service workers and delivery people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When those jobs are all in short supply, that puts even more pressure on physicians, nurses and others,” Spetz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And many health care workers are finding that their most common demands — for reduced workloads, more support services, more time for administrative tasks and, in a growing number of instances, tougher security measures — are often not sufficiently met by employers, who often cite nationwide labor shortages and rising costs of doing business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unionization is more popular than it’s ever been, even across political lines, with \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/398303/approval-labor-unions-highest-point-1965.aspx\">a recent Gallup poll showing that 71% of Americans approve of labor unions\u003c/a>, the highest approval rating since 1965.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But questions remain over how financially well positioned hospitals are to hire and train more people and meet their employees’ increasingly vocal — and organized — demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Health care is competing against a lot of other industries and sectors that also are having difficulty recruiting,” Spetz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A skilled trade or retail or a restaurant can change their prices pretty quickly, but for health care, they are in these often multiyear insurance contracts and they cannot immediately drum up more revenue in order to pay those higher wages,” said Spetz. “They’re likely to be going back to the insurance industry in the next few years as their contracts come up for renegotiation and ask for more money. And then the insurance companies eventually are going to need to figure out how to pass that on in the price of higher premiums.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Spetz added, the pressure of keeping costs down at a time of rampant inflation in a labor-intensive field like health care is exacerbated by the rising costs of supplies and equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because it takes a while to have the ability to raise revenue … that just puts more financial pressure,” Spetz said, adding that as the pandemic relief money fades, hospitals will be facing financial shortfalls and worrying about “how the money’s going to play out for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of it comes down to building a workplace where health care workers really feel valued, are able to use all their skills, are respected as professionals, regardless of what level they work within the organization … and have the autonomy to use their knowledge and skills to the highest ability,” Spetz said. “You need to be adequately staffed in general. And so that’s going to be the big challenge for employers, is how to create that healthy, supportive work culture. And you have to do that while you’re dealing with labor shortages and plugging all the holes that need to be plugged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Additional reporting was contributed by Bay City News and KQED’s Laura Klivans.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The California Association of Realtors is apologizing for its role in pushing policies that drove racial segregation in the state, decades after the group put its money behind \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-affordable-housing-constitution-20190203-story.html\">a proposition that overturned the state’s first fair housing law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a press conference Friday, leaders of multiple real estate organizations spoke about their next steps, following the association’s apology last week. The realtors’ group is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11907336/lawmakers-push-to-repeal-anti-black-housing-law-in-california-constitution\">now backing a bill that would overturn a law that makes it harder for the state to build affordable housing\u003c/a>. The group is partnering with nonprofits focused on expanding homeownership among communities of color. It also pushed for a law requiring implicit-bias training for real estate agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has been a very long time coming,” said Derrick Luckett, chair of the National Association of Real Estate Brokers, an association that has expressed a commitment to expanding intergenerational wealth among Black households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Association of Realtors was one of many real estate groups that supported redlining, barriers to affordable housing projects, and other practices of the 20th century that led to more segregated cities across the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the 1930s, the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation, backed by the federal government, created maps that categorized parts of cities into grades based on their purported creditworthiness. The practice, now known as redlining, drove racial segregation and income inequality by preventing residents living in certain neighborhoods from receiving loans.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Matt Lewis, spokesperson, California YIMBY\"]‘An apology is always backward-looking, so it’s important to try to correct the damage you did. But the next step is, so what are you going to do about it?’[/pullquote]The California Association of Realtors, then known as the California Real Estate Association, paid for a campaign to add an amendment to the state constitution in 1950 forcing the government to get voter approval before spending public money on affordable housing. In more recent decades, the group has supported repealing the amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1964, the association put its money behind \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2020-10-21/prop-14-ronald-reagan-la-times-vote-segregation-californias-constitution\">a proposition to invalidate the Rumford Act\u003c/a>, a law aimed at protecting people of color from discrimination while they were searching for a home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, following the killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and Ahmaud Arbery, which led to global demonstrations against racism and police violence, the National Association of Realtors apologized for its role in housing discrimination. Real estate groups in cities including St. Louis and Minneapolis have recently followed suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otto Catrina, president of the California Association of Realtors, said Friday that its apology follows one by the group’s former president in its magazine last year. But this apology is more formal, since it’s gone through the approval of the association’s board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many of our members, this apology reflects the organization that we are today and are continuing to work to foster inclusion and belonging for all our members and our communities,” Catrina said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Association of Realtors reports that the homeownership rate for Black Americans is 43% compared to 72% for white Americans. Black homeowners also have reported that the value of their home appraisals increases when they strip away any sign of a Black family living there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929845\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 614px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11929845\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut.jpg\" alt=\"The image of a document from the 1930s.\" width=\"614\" height=\"1008\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut.jpg 614w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut-160x263.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 614px) 100vw, 614px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 1937 Oakland area description from the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation. Among the ‘detrimental influences’ listed in the document are ‘predominance of foreign elements’ and ‘infiltration by Negroes and Orientals.’ \u003ccite>(Courtesy of University of Maryland's T-Races project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eli Knaap, associate director of San Diego State University’s Center for Open Geographical Science, said the apology comes when there’s overwhelming evidence that the legacy of discriminatory housing policies hinders families’ ability to build wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The greatest source of wealth for most families is in their home,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knaap, who’s studied the lasting impacts of practices like redlining that drove racial segregation, said some local governments now implement what’s known as inclusionary zoning where a portion of units in a residential development need to be affordable for lower-income residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, California’s first-in-the-nation reparations task force released an exhaustive report that listed housing segregation as one of the many harms Black Californians faced long after the abolition of slavery. As the task force deliberates on what form reparations could take, economists are working to put dollar figures on the lasting impacts of these harms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Association of Realtors hasn’t taken an official stance on reparations but will review policy recommendations made by the task force, Catrina said Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Lewis, spokesperson for housing advocacy group California YIMBY, said it’s important for the realtors’ association to be clear about what steps it will take to address the lingering effects of discriminatory policies it supported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An apology is always backward-looking, so it’s important to try to correct the damage you did,” Lewis said. “But the next step is, so what are you going to do about it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The California Association of Realtors is apologizing for its role in pushing policies that drove racial segregation in the state, decades after the group put its money behind \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-affordable-housing-constitution-20190203-story.html\">a proposition that overturned the state’s first fair housing law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a press conference Friday, leaders of multiple real estate organizations spoke about their next steps, following the association’s apology last week. The realtors’ group is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11907336/lawmakers-push-to-repeal-anti-black-housing-law-in-california-constitution\">now backing a bill that would overturn a law that makes it harder for the state to build affordable housing\u003c/a>. The group is partnering with nonprofits focused on expanding homeownership among communities of color. It also pushed for a law requiring implicit-bias training for real estate agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has been a very long time coming,” said Derrick Luckett, chair of the National Association of Real Estate Brokers, an association that has expressed a commitment to expanding intergenerational wealth among Black households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Association of Realtors was one of many real estate groups that supported redlining, barriers to affordable housing projects, and other practices of the 20th century that led to more segregated cities across the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the 1930s, the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation, backed by the federal government, created maps that categorized parts of cities into grades based on their purported creditworthiness. The practice, now known as redlining, drove racial segregation and income inequality by preventing residents living in certain neighborhoods from receiving loans.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The California Association of Realtors, then known as the California Real Estate Association, paid for a campaign to add an amendment to the state constitution in 1950 forcing the government to get voter approval before spending public money on affordable housing. In more recent decades, the group has supported repealing the amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1964, the association put its money behind \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2020-10-21/prop-14-ronald-reagan-la-times-vote-segregation-californias-constitution\">a proposition to invalidate the Rumford Act\u003c/a>, a law aimed at protecting people of color from discrimination while they were searching for a home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, following the killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and Ahmaud Arbery, which led to global demonstrations against racism and police violence, the National Association of Realtors apologized for its role in housing discrimination. Real estate groups in cities including St. Louis and Minneapolis have recently followed suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otto Catrina, president of the California Association of Realtors, said Friday that its apology follows one by the group’s former president in its magazine last year. But this apology is more formal, since it’s gone through the approval of the association’s board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many of our members, this apology reflects the organization that we are today and are continuing to work to foster inclusion and belonging for all our members and our communities,” Catrina said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Association of Realtors reports that the homeownership rate for Black Americans is 43% compared to 72% for white Americans. Black homeowners also have reported that the value of their home appraisals increases when they strip away any sign of a Black family living there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929845\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 614px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11929845\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut.jpg\" alt=\"The image of a document from the 1930s.\" width=\"614\" height=\"1008\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut.jpg 614w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut-160x263.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 614px) 100vw, 614px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 1937 Oakland area description from the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation. Among the ‘detrimental influences’ listed in the document are ‘predominance of foreign elements’ and ‘infiltration by Negroes and Orientals.’ \u003ccite>(Courtesy of University of Maryland's T-Races project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eli Knaap, associate director of San Diego State University’s Center for Open Geographical Science, said the apology comes when there’s overwhelming evidence that the legacy of discriminatory housing policies hinders families’ ability to build wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The greatest source of wealth for most families is in their home,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knaap, who’s studied the lasting impacts of practices like redlining that drove racial segregation, said some local governments now implement what’s known as inclusionary zoning where a portion of units in a residential development need to be affordable for lower-income residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, California’s first-in-the-nation reparations task force released an exhaustive report that listed housing segregation as one of the many harms Black Californians faced long after the abolition of slavery. As the task force deliberates on what form reparations could take, economists are working to put dollar figures on the lasting impacts of these harms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Association of Realtors hasn’t taken an official stance on reparations but will review policy recommendations made by the task force, Catrina said Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Lewis, spokesperson for housing advocacy group California YIMBY, said it’s important for the realtors’ association to be clear about what steps it will take to address the lingering effects of discriminatory policies it supported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An apology is always backward-looking, so it’s important to try to correct the damage you did,” Lewis said. “But the next step is, so what are you going to do about it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "The Public Health Workforce Got an Infusion of Money During the Pandemic, but Is It Enough?",
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"content": "\u003cp>A two-year search for a laboratory director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sixty-three retirements or resignations of county public health leaders since the COVID-19 pandemic began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 current public health nursing vacancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s evident that California’s public health workforce is tired, strained and under-resourced after a prolonged response to the COVID-19 pandemic, but what’s not clear is exactly how hamstrung it has become — and how prepared it is for a future emergency. The pandemic brought an unprecedented influx of money to public health and a $300 million annual state budget commitment, but whether the cash is enough to make up for longtime shortages is uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a long time since anyone has paid attention to (public health),” Long Beach Health and Human Services Director Kelly Colopy said. “Our funding is supposed to be about planning for future emergencies, but there’s no money to respond until after it’s happened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address the long-term workforce and infrastructure needs, a coalition of local health departments has been calling on the state to perform a comprehensive workforce study to make recommendations for adequate resources. The Legislature approved a measure that would have required the California Department of Public Health to do just that, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/AB-240-VETO.pdf?emrc=17ef5f\">Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed it (PDF)\u003c/a> in September, citing increased investments already made in public health during this budget cycle.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Donna Ferguson, laboratory director, Monterey County Health Department\"]'It took over 20 years of decreasing funding to get where we're at now. It will take a decade or more to ramp up staffing.'[/pullquote]“I believe we should turn our focus to utilizing the resources received in the budget for this transformation, which calls for immediate action on recruitment and hiring to support a modern and innovative public health system,” Newsom’s veto message states. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/09/california-recession-newsom-vetoes/\">Many of his vetoes\u003c/a> from this session cited lower-than-expected tax revenues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the $300 million in ongoing funding, $200 million of which is for local health departments, the budget included $75.6 million over three years to bolster workforce training programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, public health leaders across the state say while they’re grateful for the influx of cash, they already know it’s not enough for sustained improvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It takes time and continuous funding to build up and maintain the public health workforce,” said Donna Ferguson, laboratory director at the Monterey County Health Department. “It took over 20 years of decreasing funding to get where we’re at now. It will take a decade or more to ramp up staffing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferguson said half of her laboratory staff are student interns or temporary workers paid for with emergency COVID-19 funds. At the beginning of the pandemic, she had three microbiologists and three assistants, all of whom could collectively process only 20 COVID-19 tests a day. It was an entire year before capacity could be ramped up to 2,000 tests per day with more advanced equipment and six more lab assistants. The one-time workforce money from the state will let her keep two of the temporary workers for the next three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem is, without a statewide assessment of public health to establish baseline operational costs and resource gaps, funding for the safety net and emergency response system will likely return to the usual boom-and-bust cycle. In the decade following the 2008 recession, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/coronavirus/2021/06/california-counties-health-funds/\">state funding for public health dropped 64%\u003c/a> and remained stagnant until the pandemic led to an \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/coronavirus/2021/07/cost-covid-california/\">infusion of $12.3 billion\u003c/a>. Emergency preparedness and response funding also decreased by 19.5% between 2007 and 2009.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $75.6 million allocated in this year’s state budget, known as Public Health Equity and Readiness Opportunity, or HERO, funds, are intended to help shore up the local public health workforce, but it must be spent in the next three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not optimistic about using HERO funding to evaluate existing infrastructure because the money must be spent fairly rapidly, which doesn’t allow for time to ensure that funds are spent appropriately,” Ferguson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why is an assessment needed?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Health care workforce development has been a priority of state officials, professional associations and health care advocates for years, but public health is routinely left out of the conversation, with most efforts focused on clinical and patient-care jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Common public health department duties include communicable disease response, community immunizations, maternal and child health, chronic disease management, emergency response and environmental health services such as food and water safety. Local health departments also frequently serve as the linkage point between clinical care and social services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the critical services they provide, no one collects comprehensive data on public health workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Health Care Access and Information \u003ca href=\"https://hcai.ca.gov/workforce-capacity/workforce-data/\">collects data and submits annual reports\u003c/a> to the Legislature on the workforce and education pipeline for nurses, primary care physicians and specialists, and dentists. These reports often identify geographic areas with staffing shortages, the percent of the workforce nearing retirement, and other demographic information including community representation and diversity. In addition, the state Board of Registered Nursing has commissioned \u003ca href=\"https://healthforce.ucsf.edu/research/projects/nurse-workforce-studies-california-board-registered-nursing\">researchers at UC San Francisco to conduct workforce studies\u003c/a> since 2005, assessing how many nursing students graduate each year, educational preparedness, wages, job satisfaction and policy impacts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past two years, acute clinical care worker shortages have led to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/coronavirus/2021/10/california-hospital-strikes/\">prolonged strikes\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/10/health-care-workers/\">ballot measures\u003c/a> and reliance on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/coronavirus/2021/08/california-nurses-shortage/\">temporary out-of-state nurses\u003c/a>, which the state signed a $1 billion contract for in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, a group of health care philanthropies created the \u003ca href=\"https://futurehealthworkforce.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/MeetingDemandForHealthFinalReportCFHWC.pdf\">California Future Health Workforce Commission (PDF)\u003c/a> to assess whether the state’s future employees will be able to meet growing health care demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But all of these efforts have placed limited emphasis on the public health workforce. Michelle Gibbons, executive director of the County Health Executives Association of California, said data is needed to determine whether there are adequate resources to fulfill these responsibilities. The association sponsored the bill that Newsom vetoed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the California Department of Public Health convened a Future of Public Health Work Group to inform Newsom’s budget allocation. It estimated that between 1,900 and 2,300 additional public health employees are needed across the state and that 61% of senior state public health workers are eligible for retirement. Many of the local departments that participated in the work group say, however, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/DO/CDPH%20Document%20Library/Future-of-Public-Health-Memo.pdf\">the report (PDF)\u003c/a> doesn’t provide enough detailed conclusions to craft robust policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was very high-level,” Gibbons said. “It was a good starting point, but it didn’t say, for example, here’s how many public health labs we should have to keep communities safe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s one of the questions local departments hoped would be answered by the study required in the vetoed measure. Other questions Gibbons said need to be answered include how many public health nurses or epidemiologists are needed in each community and how many staff members have left in the past two-and-a-half years. Eleven public health labs have closed in California since 2000, leaving 29 operating across the state’s 58 counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of disparities in how the different public health departments run,” said Rosyo Ramirez, deputy director of community health at the Imperial County Public Health Department. “It would have been good to prioritize and identify the major gaps throughout the state, so that we can be prepared, you know, for whatever the next thing may be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Technical workers are hardest to hire\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Emergency funding during the pandemic allowed health departments to rapidly increase staff, with some doubling in size, but that money is temporary and hasn’t fixed long-standing salary and workforce pipeline issues. Officials say highly skilled workers like nurses, microbiologists and epidemiologists are increasingly difficult to hire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Imperial County, Ramirez said her public health department got $15 million in pandemic funding, but she still couldn’t find qualified laboratory staff who were willing to work in public health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we had money for testing, we couldn’t take on more because we couldn’t recruit staff,” Ramirez said. She also hasn’t been able to hire epidemiologists or public health nurses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Long Beach, Colopy said her clinic is operating at half capacity because of a “dire” shortage of public health nurses. The city’s laboratory also hasn’t had a director in more than two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the biggest factors hampering recruitment and retention is low salaries. There is \u003ca href=\"https://healthforce.ucsf.edu/sites/healthforce.ucsf.edu/files/publication-pdf/Public%20Health%20Workforce%20and%20Education%20in%20California.pdf\">no data on the wage gap between public health and private sector jobs (PDF)\u003c/a>, but anecdotally, skilled workers could boost their salaries by $5,000 to $10,000 a year in the private sector. The County Health Executives Association pushed for an additional $120 million for public health recruitment and retention bonuses, but the money was not included in the state budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low salaries are particularly challenging in rural counties, where workforce shortages are a perpetual issue, said Butte County Public Health Director Danette York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you can’t pay for certain positions, you’re constantly fighting with people leaving,” York said. “We had a neighboring county reach out to us and say, ‘We got approval for a significant salary increase and a signing bonus. Just giving you a heads up that your nurses might leave.’ We can’t compete with that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>York said she’s grateful for the spending boost public health is getting, but it doesn’t come close to allowing the department to fully staff its workforce. Of the 40 temporary employees hired with emergency COVID-19 funds to fill positions that have been vacant or eliminated over the years, the ongoing funding will make only eight to 10 of those positions permanent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not all bad news. For some laboratory positions like microbiologists, the $75.6 million allocated for workforce development is a boon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, only 12 public health microbiologists could be trained a year in California because of cost limitations, said Godfred Masinde, president of the California Association of Public Health Laboratory Directors and laboratory director for the San Francisco Department of Public Health. Microbiologist training costs public health labs about $30,000 per student, Masinde said. With the increased funding, the association can now train and license 45 microbiologists annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Portions of the money are also intended to train laboratory directors, epidemiologists and mid-career professionals, as well as bolster career pathway programs at California universities and colleges — but it’s a short-term solution lasting only three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After that we’ll have to find more money, or we go back to 12 (students),” Masinde said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trauma and burnout high among staff\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Complicating recruitment challenges is the rapid exit of current employees. Like hospital workers and nursing home staff, public health employees are leaving the workforce in droves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve talked to departments with 40% vacancies,” said Gibbons with the County Health Executives Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some counties, the pandemic was one event in a long string of emergencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Camp Fire was probably the worst,” Butte County's York said, referring to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.redding.com/story/news/local/fires/2021/11/09/california-fires-camp-fire-3-years-later-wildfire-cleanup-california-wildfires-paradise/6356476001/\">2018 blaze that killed 85 people\u003c/a> and devastated the town of Paradise. Cleanup work from the fire is ongoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had a six-month break and then COVID hit. You’re running on adrenaline 24/7 for months at a time,” York said. “There have been a lot of people who said, ‘I can’t do it anymore,’ and left.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some departments have hired therapists for their remaining staff. Colopy said many in her Long Beach staff show signs of trauma and exhaustion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of it is burnout, some of it is fear of the unknown or the things they saw,” Colopy said. “When we first learned about COVID, our nurses geared up in full PPE, not knowing what was coming. It takes a lot of guts to do that, and each of those things built on each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the remaining unknowns is how the pandemic has affected workforce turnover. In May, a coalition of public health and labor groups held a press conference highlighting the need for more public health resources. At the time, 62 senior public health leaders throughout the state had left the workforce since the beginning of 2020, said Dr. Karen Relucio, Napa County health officer and Health Officers Association of California president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do not have accounts of other positions that have been lost, but we know that this great resignation has affected more than just senior leadership and has gutted the public health workforce from top to bottom,” Relucio said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "During the decade after the 2008 recession, state funding for public health dropped 64%. COVID-19 funding has boosted the budgets of local public health departments, but the exodus of staff has left local officials struggling to fill vacancies.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A two-year search for a laboratory director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sixty-three retirements or resignations of county public health leaders since the COVID-19 pandemic began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 current public health nursing vacancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s evident that California’s public health workforce is tired, strained and under-resourced after a prolonged response to the COVID-19 pandemic, but what’s not clear is exactly how hamstrung it has become — and how prepared it is for a future emergency. The pandemic brought an unprecedented influx of money to public health and a $300 million annual state budget commitment, but whether the cash is enough to make up for longtime shortages is uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a long time since anyone has paid attention to (public health),” Long Beach Health and Human Services Director Kelly Colopy said. “Our funding is supposed to be about planning for future emergencies, but there’s no money to respond until after it’s happened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address the long-term workforce and infrastructure needs, a coalition of local health departments has been calling on the state to perform a comprehensive workforce study to make recommendations for adequate resources. The Legislature approved a measure that would have required the California Department of Public Health to do just that, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/AB-240-VETO.pdf?emrc=17ef5f\">Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed it (PDF)\u003c/a> in September, citing increased investments already made in public health during this budget cycle.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I believe we should turn our focus to utilizing the resources received in the budget for this transformation, which calls for immediate action on recruitment and hiring to support a modern and innovative public health system,” Newsom’s veto message states. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/09/california-recession-newsom-vetoes/\">Many of his vetoes\u003c/a> from this session cited lower-than-expected tax revenues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the $300 million in ongoing funding, $200 million of which is for local health departments, the budget included $75.6 million over three years to bolster workforce training programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, public health leaders across the state say while they’re grateful for the influx of cash, they already know it’s not enough for sustained improvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It takes time and continuous funding to build up and maintain the public health workforce,” said Donna Ferguson, laboratory director at the Monterey County Health Department. “It took over 20 years of decreasing funding to get where we’re at now. It will take a decade or more to ramp up staffing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferguson said half of her laboratory staff are student interns or temporary workers paid for with emergency COVID-19 funds. At the beginning of the pandemic, she had three microbiologists and three assistants, all of whom could collectively process only 20 COVID-19 tests a day. It was an entire year before capacity could be ramped up to 2,000 tests per day with more advanced equipment and six more lab assistants. The one-time workforce money from the state will let her keep two of the temporary workers for the next three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem is, without a statewide assessment of public health to establish baseline operational costs and resource gaps, funding for the safety net and emergency response system will likely return to the usual boom-and-bust cycle. In the decade following the 2008 recession, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/coronavirus/2021/06/california-counties-health-funds/\">state funding for public health dropped 64%\u003c/a> and remained stagnant until the pandemic led to an \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/coronavirus/2021/07/cost-covid-california/\">infusion of $12.3 billion\u003c/a>. Emergency preparedness and response funding also decreased by 19.5% between 2007 and 2009.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $75.6 million allocated in this year’s state budget, known as Public Health Equity and Readiness Opportunity, or HERO, funds, are intended to help shore up the local public health workforce, but it must be spent in the next three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not optimistic about using HERO funding to evaluate existing infrastructure because the money must be spent fairly rapidly, which doesn’t allow for time to ensure that funds are spent appropriately,” Ferguson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why is an assessment needed?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Health care workforce development has been a priority of state officials, professional associations and health care advocates for years, but public health is routinely left out of the conversation, with most efforts focused on clinical and patient-care jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Common public health department duties include communicable disease response, community immunizations, maternal and child health, chronic disease management, emergency response and environmental health services such as food and water safety. Local health departments also frequently serve as the linkage point between clinical care and social services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the critical services they provide, no one collects comprehensive data on public health workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Health Care Access and Information \u003ca href=\"https://hcai.ca.gov/workforce-capacity/workforce-data/\">collects data and submits annual reports\u003c/a> to the Legislature on the workforce and education pipeline for nurses, primary care physicians and specialists, and dentists. These reports often identify geographic areas with staffing shortages, the percent of the workforce nearing retirement, and other demographic information including community representation and diversity. In addition, the state Board of Registered Nursing has commissioned \u003ca href=\"https://healthforce.ucsf.edu/research/projects/nurse-workforce-studies-california-board-registered-nursing\">researchers at UC San Francisco to conduct workforce studies\u003c/a> since 2005, assessing how many nursing students graduate each year, educational preparedness, wages, job satisfaction and policy impacts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past two years, acute clinical care worker shortages have led to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/coronavirus/2021/10/california-hospital-strikes/\">prolonged strikes\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/10/health-care-workers/\">ballot measures\u003c/a> and reliance on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/coronavirus/2021/08/california-nurses-shortage/\">temporary out-of-state nurses\u003c/a>, which the state signed a $1 billion contract for in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, a group of health care philanthropies created the \u003ca href=\"https://futurehealthworkforce.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/MeetingDemandForHealthFinalReportCFHWC.pdf\">California Future Health Workforce Commission (PDF)\u003c/a> to assess whether the state’s future employees will be able to meet growing health care demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But all of these efforts have placed limited emphasis on the public health workforce. Michelle Gibbons, executive director of the County Health Executives Association of California, said data is needed to determine whether there are adequate resources to fulfill these responsibilities. The association sponsored the bill that Newsom vetoed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the California Department of Public Health convened a Future of Public Health Work Group to inform Newsom’s budget allocation. It estimated that between 1,900 and 2,300 additional public health employees are needed across the state and that 61% of senior state public health workers are eligible for retirement. Many of the local departments that participated in the work group say, however, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/DO/CDPH%20Document%20Library/Future-of-Public-Health-Memo.pdf\">the report (PDF)\u003c/a> doesn’t provide enough detailed conclusions to craft robust policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was very high-level,” Gibbons said. “It was a good starting point, but it didn’t say, for example, here’s how many public health labs we should have to keep communities safe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s one of the questions local departments hoped would be answered by the study required in the vetoed measure. Other questions Gibbons said need to be answered include how many public health nurses or epidemiologists are needed in each community and how many staff members have left in the past two-and-a-half years. Eleven public health labs have closed in California since 2000, leaving 29 operating across the state’s 58 counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of disparities in how the different public health departments run,” said Rosyo Ramirez, deputy director of community health at the Imperial County Public Health Department. “It would have been good to prioritize and identify the major gaps throughout the state, so that we can be prepared, you know, for whatever the next thing may be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Technical workers are hardest to hire\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Emergency funding during the pandemic allowed health departments to rapidly increase staff, with some doubling in size, but that money is temporary and hasn’t fixed long-standing salary and workforce pipeline issues. Officials say highly skilled workers like nurses, microbiologists and epidemiologists are increasingly difficult to hire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Imperial County, Ramirez said her public health department got $15 million in pandemic funding, but she still couldn’t find qualified laboratory staff who were willing to work in public health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we had money for testing, we couldn’t take on more because we couldn’t recruit staff,” Ramirez said. She also hasn’t been able to hire epidemiologists or public health nurses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Long Beach, Colopy said her clinic is operating at half capacity because of a “dire” shortage of public health nurses. The city’s laboratory also hasn’t had a director in more than two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the biggest factors hampering recruitment and retention is low salaries. There is \u003ca href=\"https://healthforce.ucsf.edu/sites/healthforce.ucsf.edu/files/publication-pdf/Public%20Health%20Workforce%20and%20Education%20in%20California.pdf\">no data on the wage gap between public health and private sector jobs (PDF)\u003c/a>, but anecdotally, skilled workers could boost their salaries by $5,000 to $10,000 a year in the private sector. The County Health Executives Association pushed for an additional $120 million for public health recruitment and retention bonuses, but the money was not included in the state budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low salaries are particularly challenging in rural counties, where workforce shortages are a perpetual issue, said Butte County Public Health Director Danette York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you can’t pay for certain positions, you’re constantly fighting with people leaving,” York said. “We had a neighboring county reach out to us and say, ‘We got approval for a significant salary increase and a signing bonus. Just giving you a heads up that your nurses might leave.’ We can’t compete with that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>York said she’s grateful for the spending boost public health is getting, but it doesn’t come close to allowing the department to fully staff its workforce. Of the 40 temporary employees hired with emergency COVID-19 funds to fill positions that have been vacant or eliminated over the years, the ongoing funding will make only eight to 10 of those positions permanent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not all bad news. For some laboratory positions like microbiologists, the $75.6 million allocated for workforce development is a boon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, only 12 public health microbiologists could be trained a year in California because of cost limitations, said Godfred Masinde, president of the California Association of Public Health Laboratory Directors and laboratory director for the San Francisco Department of Public Health. Microbiologist training costs public health labs about $30,000 per student, Masinde said. With the increased funding, the association can now train and license 45 microbiologists annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Portions of the money are also intended to train laboratory directors, epidemiologists and mid-career professionals, as well as bolster career pathway programs at California universities and colleges — but it’s a short-term solution lasting only three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After that we’ll have to find more money, or we go back to 12 (students),” Masinde said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trauma and burnout high among staff\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Complicating recruitment challenges is the rapid exit of current employees. Like hospital workers and nursing home staff, public health employees are leaving the workforce in droves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve talked to departments with 40% vacancies,” said Gibbons with the County Health Executives Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some counties, the pandemic was one event in a long string of emergencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Camp Fire was probably the worst,” Butte County's York said, referring to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.redding.com/story/news/local/fires/2021/11/09/california-fires-camp-fire-3-years-later-wildfire-cleanup-california-wildfires-paradise/6356476001/\">2018 blaze that killed 85 people\u003c/a> and devastated the town of Paradise. Cleanup work from the fire is ongoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had a six-month break and then COVID hit. You’re running on adrenaline 24/7 for months at a time,” York said. “There have been a lot of people who said, ‘I can’t do it anymore,’ and left.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some departments have hired therapists for their remaining staff. Colopy said many in her Long Beach staff show signs of trauma and exhaustion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of it is burnout, some of it is fear of the unknown or the things they saw,” Colopy said. “When we first learned about COVID, our nurses geared up in full PPE, not knowing what was coming. It takes a lot of guts to do that, and each of those things built on each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the remaining unknowns is how the pandemic has affected workforce turnover. In May, a coalition of public health and labor groups held a press conference highlighting the need for more public health resources. At the time, 62 senior public health leaders throughout the state had left the workforce since the beginning of 2020, said Dr. Karen Relucio, Napa County health officer and Health Officers Association of California president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do not have accounts of other positions that have been lost, but we know that this great resignation has affected more than just senior leadership and has gutted the public health workforce from top to bottom,” Relucio said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California is sending money directly to millions of residents to help with rising costs and high gas prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The payments, which started \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/10/06/tomorrow-middle-class-tax-refunds-start-hitting-bank-accounts/\">going out October 7\u003c/a>, range from $200 to $1,050, depending on income and other factors. About 18 million payments will be distributed over the next few months, benefiting up to \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/10/06/tomorrow-middle-class-tax-refunds-start-hitting-bank-accounts/\">23 million Californians\u003c/a>. The cash payouts are part of a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/06/california-tax-relief-deal/\">June budget deal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ve already \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929137/california-gas-rebate-heres-what-you-need-to-know\">answered the basics\u003c/a>, including who is eligible for the payments, when they are getting sent out, how people will receive them, and how much you can expect to receive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But readers responded with more questions via email and social media. We also took cues from questions people searched for a lot online. We’ve answered some of those questions here, and will be adding more questions and answers to this page over the coming days.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Does it matter how many cars I have, or whether I have an electric vehicle?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No. Whether or not you’re\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/10/california-gas-rebate-4/\">eligible for this payment\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>— or how much you will get — has nothing to do with whether you own a car, how many cars you own, or what kind of car you own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason people might be confused is that back in March, Gov. Gavin Newsom proposed sending payments to Californians\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/03/california-gas-tax-newsom-rebate/\">based on how many cars they own\u003c/a>. But that wasn’t part of the final deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eligibility is based on having submitted a complete 2020 tax return by Oct. 15, 2021, as well as\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/10/california-gas-rebate-4/\">other factors including income and residency\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-are-the-gas-rebates-the-same-as-the-inflation-relief-payments\">Are the ‘gas rebates’ the same as the ‘inflation relief’ payments?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Basically, yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea of financial relief for high gas prices was\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/03/gov-newsom-speech/\">\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>floated by Newsom\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>in March. As the proposal developed, it was sometimes referred to as a gas rebate or refund, and sometimes referred to as an inflation relief payment. The official name it ultimately got was the Middle Class Tax Refund. In most cases, those terms are all referring to payments that started going out in October to offset the high price of gas and other goods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One wrinkle: In the wake of a recent uptick in the price of California gas, Newsom proposed a\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/09/30/governor-newsom-calls-for-a-windfall-tax-to-put-record-oil-profits-back-in-californians-pockets/\">new tax on oil companies\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>in late September and called for a special legislative session in December to discuss the idea. His proposal is to turn the funds generated from that tax into\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/10/newsom-gas-rebate-special-session/\">a refund or rebate for people affected by high gas prices\u003c/a>, so that’s another gas rebate you might hear about, but it hasn’t happened yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside>\u003c/aside>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-are-these-payments-taxable\">Are these payments taxable?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The payments won’t be taxable for California state income tax purposes, says Franchise Tax Board spokesperson Catalina Martinez. Martinez said the board would be issuing 1099-MISC forms to people receiving payments of more than $600.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether the federal government will tax these payments is less clear. “That’s an issue where individuals should check with your local tax preparer,” said H.D. Palmer, spokesperson for California’s Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-why-can-t-you-file-something-now-to-get-the-payment-if-you-didn-t-file-a-2020-tax-return\">Why can’t you file something now to get the payment if you didn’t file a 2020 tax return?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some people earn little enough income that they aren’t required to file taxes. That includes some\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/07/california-gas-rebate-2/\">seniors and disabled people\u003c/a>, as well as some people with very low incomes. Unfortunately, if you didn’t file a 2020 tax return by the deadline, you aren’t eligible for this payment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can’t file anything retroactively to receive the payment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the state allowed people to file amended tax returns, for example, that would have taken more time — both for people to file, and for the state to process — and would have opened up “concerns regarding potential fraud,” said Palmer of the Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Basing the payments on previously submitted returns, and documentation that has “already been processed and validated by the [Franchise Tax Board] significantly eliminates the possibility of fraud,” Palmer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-why-is-your-2020-tax-return-important-why-not-2021\">Why is your 2020 tax return important? Why not 2021?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are two main reasons why the 2020 tax return was chosen, Palmer said. One is that the 2020 tax filing is completely done, whereas tax filing and processing for 2021 is ongoing. (The extension deadline for 2021 tax returns was October 17).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other reason, Palmer said, is that the tax board “received roughly half a million more low-income tax returns than usual in 2020, since more households filed tax returns to take advantage of pandemic-related assistance.” So, by using the 2020 return, California will be able to reach several hundred thousand more people with these payments, according to Palmer.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-what-happens-if-you-were-married-when-you-filed-your-2020-tax-return-and-filed-it-jointly-but-have-since-gotten-divorced\">What happens if you were married when you filed your 2020 tax return and filed it jointly, but have since gotten divorced?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Your tax return for 2020 is important for these payments —\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/10/california-gas-rebate-4/\">without one, you aren’t eligible\u003c/a>. Plus, the adjusted gross income reported on your 2020 return will factor into how much money you get. The payments are being sent out either as direct deposits or debit cards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you were part of a couple that filed a 2020 tax return jointly, but have since separated or gotten divorced, you will still be issued one debit card jointly with your former spouse or partner, with both names on it, said Martinez. That card would be sent to the most recent address the tax board has on file for the first person named on the 2020 return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your address has changed since you last filed California taxes, you can update your address through\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/myftb/\">MyFTB\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>or by dialing (800) 542-9332, according to Martinez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Same goes for direct deposit: If you filed a 2020 tax return with a partner or spouse you’ve since separated from, the deposit will go to the bank account of the first person named on the 2020 tax return, Martinez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this situation the formerly coupled taxpayers “should work together to ensure proper handling of the (Middle Class Tax Refund) payment,” said Martinez in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Are you eligible?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To be eligible, you need to have filed a 2020 California tax return by Oct. 15, 2021. There’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/about-ftb/newsroom/middle-class-tax-refund/index.html#Note\">an exception\u003c/a> for people who did not file by the October deadline because they were waiting on an \u003ca href=\"https://www.irs.gov/individuals/individual-taxpayer-identification-number\">individual taxpayer identification number\u003c/a> (so long as they filed by Feb. 15, 2022).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who didn’t file taxes for 2020, including some seniors and disabled people, will be left out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who can be claimed as dependents for tax purposes won’t get their own payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The payments also won’t go to people who are married or in domestic partnerships who have an adjusted gross income over $500,000. Same goes for many individuals who have adjusted gross incomes over $250,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You also had to be a California resident for at least six months of 2020, and be a resident when your payment is issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Undocumented Californians with a valid taxpayer number or Social Security number, who filed complete 2020 tax returns and meet all the eligibility requirements, can receive the payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You don’t need to send any additional forms or fill out any application to get the payment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How will you get the payment?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>People who are eligible for the payment will get it either via a direct deposit to their bank account or by mailed debit card, according to the tax board. Generally, people who filed their 2020 tax return online and received their state tax refund via direct deposit will get a direct deposit. Most other people who are eligible will get debit cards in the mail. The envelope will be clearly marked with the phrase “Middle Class Tax Refund.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When will you get the payment?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The first round of payments will go to people who received one of the two Golden State stimulus payments from 2021 and are eligible for a direct deposit. The first round of payments are expected to go out between October 7 and October 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rest of the direct deposits are expected to go out between October 28 and November 14. The tax board expects 90% of direct deposits to be sent out in October, according to its website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Debit cards for people who got one of the Golden State stimulus payments are expected to be mailed out between October 25 and December 10. All of the remaining debit cards are expected to be mailed by January 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why can’t they all be sent out at once?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“There are constraints on the number of direct deposits and mailed debit cards that can be issued weekly,” Franchise Tax Board spokesperson Andrew LePage told CalMatters. “Logistically it takes time to deliver approximately 18 million payments to Californians effectively and accurately, protecting both taxpayers and California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How much will you get?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Franchise Tax Board has information, as well as a customer help line, which can be reached by dialing (800) 542-9332. The help line has assistance in English, Spanish, Mandarin, Hindi, Vietnamese, Korean and Punjabi. The board says other languages may be supported by request. You can also access the FTB’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/about-ftb/newsroom/middle-class-tax-refund/middle-class-tax-refund-estimator.html\">Middle Class Tax Refund Estimator\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California is sending money directly to millions of residents to help with rising costs and high gas prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The payments, which started \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/10/06/tomorrow-middle-class-tax-refunds-start-hitting-bank-accounts/\">going out October 7\u003c/a>, range from $200 to $1,050, depending on income and other factors. About 18 million payments will be distributed over the next few months, benefiting up to \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/10/06/tomorrow-middle-class-tax-refunds-start-hitting-bank-accounts/\">23 million Californians\u003c/a>. The cash payouts are part of a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/06/california-tax-relief-deal/\">June budget deal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ve already \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929137/california-gas-rebate-heres-what-you-need-to-know\">answered the basics\u003c/a>, including who is eligible for the payments, when they are getting sent out, how people will receive them, and how much you can expect to receive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But readers responded with more questions via email and social media. We also took cues from questions people searched for a lot online. We’ve answered some of those questions here, and will be adding more questions and answers to this page over the coming days.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Does it matter how many cars I have, or whether I have an electric vehicle?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No. Whether or not you’re\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/10/california-gas-rebate-4/\">eligible for this payment\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>— or how much you will get — has nothing to do with whether you own a car, how many cars you own, or what kind of car you own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason people might be confused is that back in March, Gov. Gavin Newsom proposed sending payments to Californians\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/03/california-gas-tax-newsom-rebate/\">based on how many cars they own\u003c/a>. But that wasn’t part of the final deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eligibility is based on having submitted a complete 2020 tax return by Oct. 15, 2021, as well as\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/10/california-gas-rebate-4/\">other factors including income and residency\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-are-the-gas-rebates-the-same-as-the-inflation-relief-payments\">Are the ‘gas rebates’ the same as the ‘inflation relief’ payments?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Basically, yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea of financial relief for high gas prices was\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/03/gov-newsom-speech/\">\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>floated by Newsom\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>in March. As the proposal developed, it was sometimes referred to as a gas rebate or refund, and sometimes referred to as an inflation relief payment. The official name it ultimately got was the Middle Class Tax Refund. In most cases, those terms are all referring to payments that started going out in October to offset the high price of gas and other goods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One wrinkle: In the wake of a recent uptick in the price of California gas, Newsom proposed a\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/09/30/governor-newsom-calls-for-a-windfall-tax-to-put-record-oil-profits-back-in-californians-pockets/\">new tax on oil companies\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>in late September and called for a special legislative session in December to discuss the idea. His proposal is to turn the funds generated from that tax into\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/10/newsom-gas-rebate-special-session/\">a refund or rebate for people affected by high gas prices\u003c/a>, so that’s another gas rebate you might hear about, but it hasn’t happened yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside>\u003c/aside>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-are-these-payments-taxable\">Are these payments taxable?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The payments won’t be taxable for California state income tax purposes, says Franchise Tax Board spokesperson Catalina Martinez. Martinez said the board would be issuing 1099-MISC forms to people receiving payments of more than $600.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether the federal government will tax these payments is less clear. “That’s an issue where individuals should check with your local tax preparer,” said H.D. Palmer, spokesperson for California’s Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-why-can-t-you-file-something-now-to-get-the-payment-if-you-didn-t-file-a-2020-tax-return\">Why can’t you file something now to get the payment if you didn’t file a 2020 tax return?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some people earn little enough income that they aren’t required to file taxes. That includes some\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/07/california-gas-rebate-2/\">seniors and disabled people\u003c/a>, as well as some people with very low incomes. Unfortunately, if you didn’t file a 2020 tax return by the deadline, you aren’t eligible for this payment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can’t file anything retroactively to receive the payment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the state allowed people to file amended tax returns, for example, that would have taken more time — both for people to file, and for the state to process — and would have opened up “concerns regarding potential fraud,” said Palmer of the Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Basing the payments on previously submitted returns, and documentation that has “already been processed and validated by the [Franchise Tax Board] significantly eliminates the possibility of fraud,” Palmer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-why-is-your-2020-tax-return-important-why-not-2021\">Why is your 2020 tax return important? Why not 2021?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are two main reasons why the 2020 tax return was chosen, Palmer said. One is that the 2020 tax filing is completely done, whereas tax filing and processing for 2021 is ongoing. (The extension deadline for 2021 tax returns was October 17).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other reason, Palmer said, is that the tax board “received roughly half a million more low-income tax returns than usual in 2020, since more households filed tax returns to take advantage of pandemic-related assistance.” So, by using the 2020 return, California will be able to reach several hundred thousand more people with these payments, according to Palmer.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-what-happens-if-you-were-married-when-you-filed-your-2020-tax-return-and-filed-it-jointly-but-have-since-gotten-divorced\">What happens if you were married when you filed your 2020 tax return and filed it jointly, but have since gotten divorced?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Your tax return for 2020 is important for these payments —\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/10/california-gas-rebate-4/\">without one, you aren’t eligible\u003c/a>. Plus, the adjusted gross income reported on your 2020 return will factor into how much money you get. The payments are being sent out either as direct deposits or debit cards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you were part of a couple that filed a 2020 tax return jointly, but have since separated or gotten divorced, you will still be issued one debit card jointly with your former spouse or partner, with both names on it, said Martinez. That card would be sent to the most recent address the tax board has on file for the first person named on the 2020 return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your address has changed since you last filed California taxes, you can update your address through\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/myftb/\">MyFTB\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>or by dialing (800) 542-9332, according to Martinez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Same goes for direct deposit: If you filed a 2020 tax return with a partner or spouse you’ve since separated from, the deposit will go to the bank account of the first person named on the 2020 tax return, Martinez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this situation the formerly coupled taxpayers “should work together to ensure proper handling of the (Middle Class Tax Refund) payment,” said Martinez in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Are you eligible?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To be eligible, you need to have filed a 2020 California tax return by Oct. 15, 2021. There’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/about-ftb/newsroom/middle-class-tax-refund/index.html#Note\">an exception\u003c/a> for people who did not file by the October deadline because they were waiting on an \u003ca href=\"https://www.irs.gov/individuals/individual-taxpayer-identification-number\">individual taxpayer identification number\u003c/a> (so long as they filed by Feb. 15, 2022).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who didn’t file taxes for 2020, including some seniors and disabled people, will be left out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who can be claimed as dependents for tax purposes won’t get their own payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The payments also won’t go to people who are married or in domestic partnerships who have an adjusted gross income over $500,000. Same goes for many individuals who have adjusted gross incomes over $250,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You also had to be a California resident for at least six months of 2020, and be a resident when your payment is issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Undocumented Californians with a valid taxpayer number or Social Security number, who filed complete 2020 tax returns and meet all the eligibility requirements, can receive the payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You don’t need to send any additional forms or fill out any application to get the payment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How will you get the payment?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>People who are eligible for the payment will get it either via a direct deposit to their bank account or by mailed debit card, according to the tax board. Generally, people who filed their 2020 tax return online and received their state tax refund via direct deposit will get a direct deposit. Most other people who are eligible will get debit cards in the mail. The envelope will be clearly marked with the phrase “Middle Class Tax Refund.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When will you get the payment?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The first round of payments will go to people who received one of the two Golden State stimulus payments from 2021 and are eligible for a direct deposit. The first round of payments are expected to go out between October 7 and October 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rest of the direct deposits are expected to go out between October 28 and November 14. The tax board expects 90% of direct deposits to be sent out in October, according to its website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Debit cards for people who got one of the Golden State stimulus payments are expected to be mailed out between October 25 and December 10. All of the remaining debit cards are expected to be mailed by January 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why can’t they all be sent out at once?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“There are constraints on the number of direct deposits and mailed debit cards that can be issued weekly,” Franchise Tax Board spokesperson Andrew LePage told CalMatters. “Logistically it takes time to deliver approximately 18 million payments to Californians effectively and accurately, protecting both taxpayers and California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How much will you get?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Franchise Tax Board has information, as well as a customer help line, which can be reached by dialing (800) 542-9332. The help line has assistance in English, Spanish, Mandarin, Hindi, Vietnamese, Korean and Punjabi. The board says other languages may be supported by request. You can also access the FTB’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/about-ftb/newsroom/middle-class-tax-refund/middle-class-tax-refund-estimator.html\">Middle Class Tax Refund Estimator\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "San Francisco's New Department of Early Childhood Wants to Make It Easier for Families to Get Subsidized Child Care",
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"content": "\u003cp>Recent changes in San Francisco and on the statewide level mean it could soon be easier to navigate the process of finding publicly funded care and education for children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, San Francisco launched the city’s new \u003ca href=\"https://sfdec.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Department of Early Childhood\u003c/a>. The department promises to provide children under 6 with expanded access to child care and education with the backing of nearly $300 million in funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Early Childhood Education and Care' tag='early-childhood-education-and-care']And at the state level, two recent developments aim to streamline the search and enrollment process: A few weeks ago, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a bill that will cut layers of red tape for families applying for subsidized child care and preschool. Services for children and families are typically spread across multiple state agencies, forcing parents to go from one office to another to apply for services, frequently redocumenting the same income and other eligibility information. The new law (\u003ca href=\"https://earlyedgecalifornia.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/SB-1047-Factsheet_Childcare-for-Infants-and-Toddlers.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">SB 1047, by state Senator Monique Limón, D-Santa Barbara\u003c/a>) cuts the paperwork and eases the enrollment process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On October 11, the state also launched a new search website at \u003ca href=\"http://Mychildcareplan.org\">Mychildcareplan.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s the current early childhood education landscape in San Francisco, and how is it changing?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In an interview with KQED’s Natalia Navarro, Ingrid Mezquita, executive director of the new Department of Early Childhood in San Francisco, described the current early care and education system in San Francisco as very decentralized, mirroring most other state and national systems. “They have different tuition rates. They have different funding availability, whether it’s from the state or the feds,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new department is aiming to unify these resources and services. “Families [will] have access to the information that they need, not only around what’s available in their neighborhood or in the area that they’re looking for, but also what financing is available for their child care,” she said. This will allow families to see whether they are eligible for federal, state or local funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How will this new department work to ensure equity in the kinds of families that it serves?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“Our focus is always going to be families who are in greatest need,” Mezquita said. “We want to make sure that the services and supports are meaningful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mezquita said their goal is to reduce or eliminate racial disparities. “We’re in this unique position where not only are we going to be funding child care, but we’re also looking at children in a holistic way,” she said. She said this will include looking at comprehensive services and ensuring there are no gaps or missing links to support children and their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>When are you expecting expanded services to be available to families?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“We were just approved as a new department, so we’re building that infrastructure,” said Mezquita. “We’ve already expanded eligibility for families who are making up to 110% of area median income, meaning that if you’re making roughly around $120,000 or below, you may be eligible for child care financing through our department.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How will families benefit from the merging of two separate departments?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mezquita said the information will soon be in a centralized place, and the department will be able to provide families information in multiple languages, “not only for their child care, but also for their child’s well-being,” she added. “San Francisco has an array of services and supports for families. And one of the most difficult thing has been being able to find them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When can San Francisco families access the information?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mezquita said she’s hoping it will be accessible in the next few months. “We already have a portal, which is where families can find child care: \u003ca href=\"https://www.earlylearningsf.org/#/Dashboard\">Early Learning San Francisco\u003c/a>. You can easily find child care in your area. You can see what you’re eligible for in case you’re eligible for any financial assistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do I access the California State Preschool Program?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If your family is seeking access to the California State Preschool Program, you’re automatically eligible for the early education program if you’re already enrolled in Medi-Cal, CalFresh, WIC or Head Start.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once your child is enrolled, the new law guarantees two years of care and education. Previously, families were granted only 12 months of service and had to reapply for an extension.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where can I find affordable, quality child care elsewhere in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A new state-funded website helps match families struggling to find affordable, quality care with providers. \u003ca href=\"https://mychildcareplan.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Mychildcareplan.org \u003c/a>launched on October 11, and lists every licensed provider in California and their safety record, including their history of inspections and any citations they may have received; their vacancies; the type of care they provide; and the language(s) spoken at their center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new website consolidates information from each of the state’s 58 local child care resource and referral agencies, connecting families to child care, financial aid and other services. It also aims to better serve parents and caregivers who may work in one county but live in another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can enter your ZIP code, you could enter the city, and then it does radial search depending on … your filters,” said Linda Asato of the California Child Care Resource and Referral Network. “You’re no longer just bound by the information at that one agency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The website is free and does not charge a subscription fee for parents or providers. It can be used in English, Spanish, traditional Chinese and Vietnamese.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Recent changes in San Francisco and on the statewide level mean it could soon be easier to navigate the process of finding publicly funded care and education for children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, San Francisco launched the city’s new \u003ca href=\"https://sfdec.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Department of Early Childhood\u003c/a>. The department promises to provide children under 6 with expanded access to child care and education with the backing of nearly $300 million in funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>And at the state level, two recent developments aim to streamline the search and enrollment process: A few weeks ago, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a bill that will cut layers of red tape for families applying for subsidized child care and preschool. Services for children and families are typically spread across multiple state agencies, forcing parents to go from one office to another to apply for services, frequently redocumenting the same income and other eligibility information. The new law (\u003ca href=\"https://earlyedgecalifornia.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/SB-1047-Factsheet_Childcare-for-Infants-and-Toddlers.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">SB 1047, by state Senator Monique Limón, D-Santa Barbara\u003c/a>) cuts the paperwork and eases the enrollment process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On October 11, the state also launched a new search website at \u003ca href=\"http://Mychildcareplan.org\">Mychildcareplan.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s the current early childhood education landscape in San Francisco, and how is it changing?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In an interview with KQED’s Natalia Navarro, Ingrid Mezquita, executive director of the new Department of Early Childhood in San Francisco, described the current early care and education system in San Francisco as very decentralized, mirroring most other state and national systems. “They have different tuition rates. They have different funding availability, whether it’s from the state or the feds,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new department is aiming to unify these resources and services. “Families [will] have access to the information that they need, not only around what’s available in their neighborhood or in the area that they’re looking for, but also what financing is available for their child care,” she said. This will allow families to see whether they are eligible for federal, state or local funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How will this new department work to ensure equity in the kinds of families that it serves?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“Our focus is always going to be families who are in greatest need,” Mezquita said. “We want to make sure that the services and supports are meaningful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mezquita said their goal is to reduce or eliminate racial disparities. “We’re in this unique position where not only are we going to be funding child care, but we’re also looking at children in a holistic way,” she said. She said this will include looking at comprehensive services and ensuring there are no gaps or missing links to support children and their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>When are you expecting expanded services to be available to families?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“We were just approved as a new department, so we’re building that infrastructure,” said Mezquita. “We’ve already expanded eligibility for families who are making up to 110% of area median income, meaning that if you’re making roughly around $120,000 or below, you may be eligible for child care financing through our department.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How will families benefit from the merging of two separate departments?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mezquita said the information will soon be in a centralized place, and the department will be able to provide families information in multiple languages, “not only for their child care, but also for their child’s well-being,” she added. “San Francisco has an array of services and supports for families. And one of the most difficult thing has been being able to find them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When can San Francisco families access the information?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mezquita said she’s hoping it will be accessible in the next few months. “We already have a portal, which is where families can find child care: \u003ca href=\"https://www.earlylearningsf.org/#/Dashboard\">Early Learning San Francisco\u003c/a>. You can easily find child care in your area. You can see what you’re eligible for in case you’re eligible for any financial assistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do I access the California State Preschool Program?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If your family is seeking access to the California State Preschool Program, you’re automatically eligible for the early education program if you’re already enrolled in Medi-Cal, CalFresh, WIC or Head Start.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once your child is enrolled, the new law guarantees two years of care and education. Previously, families were granted only 12 months of service and had to reapply for an extension.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where can I find affordable, quality child care elsewhere in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A new state-funded website helps match families struggling to find affordable, quality care with providers. \u003ca href=\"https://mychildcareplan.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Mychildcareplan.org \u003c/a>launched on October 11, and lists every licensed provider in California and their safety record, including their history of inspections and any citations they may have received; their vacancies; the type of care they provide; and the language(s) spoken at their center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new website consolidates information from each of the state’s 58 local child care resource and referral agencies, connecting families to child care, financial aid and other services. It also aims to better serve parents and caregivers who may work in one county but live in another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can enter your ZIP code, you could enter the city, and then it does radial search depending on … your filters,” said Linda Asato of the California Child Care Resource and Referral Network. “You’re no longer just bound by the information at that one agency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The website is free and does not charge a subscription fee for parents or providers. It can be used in English, Spanish, traditional Chinese and Vietnamese.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"restaurantIdsSorted": [],
"error": null
},
"userAgentReducer": {
"userAgent": "Mozilla/5.0 AppleWebKit/537.36 (KHTML, like Gecko; compatible; ClaudeBot/1.0; +claudebot@anthropic.com)",
"isBot": true
}
}
