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"content": "\u003cp>Federal agents were patrolling the Rio Grande in an airboat between Laredo, Texas, and Nuevo Laredo, Mexico, in September 2012. They say a group of men in a park on the Mexican side of the river began throwing rocks at them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I just remember the boat. They started to shoot and they hit him in the heart, and he fell to the ground,\" says Priscila Arévalo, the daughter of one of the Mexican men. \"We ran away. When we came back, my papa he was already dead.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guillermo Arévalo lay on the gravel bank beside the sluggish river, bleeding profusely as the Border Patrol airboat roared away. The Arévalo family had been out for a picnic that day, and they insist no one was throwing rocks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Priscila Arévalo\"]\"The only thing we want is justice. They killed him and we haven't gotten a call. We don't even know the face of the killer. They just fled and that was that.\"[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shooting death led to changes in the Border Patrol's use-of-force policy and to an investigation of the incident. But seven years later, that probe is still incomplete. And the delay is emblematic of a larger problem when the federal government investigates a death on the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.southernborder.org/deaths_by_border_patrol\">35 fatal shootings by on-duty CBP officers since 2010\u003c/a>, according to the Southern Border Communities Coalition, an immigrant rights group. Most of them involve immigrants killed near the U.S.-Mexico border after they allegedly attacked or threatened agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Southern Border Communities Coalition brings together 60 organizations from California to Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet CBP has announced the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/cbp-use-force/case-summaries\">results of just eight internal investigations\u003c/a> into these use-of-force incidents. The agency, which had pledged transparency and to publicly release the results of its investigations, found no agent misconduct in each case. The latest completed case is three and a half years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The only thing we want is justice,\" says Priscila Arévalo, weeping. She's 16 now and only recently returned to the spot where her father died. \"They killed him and we haven't gotten a call. We don't even know the face of the killer. They just fled and that was that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When an investigation drags on for years, justice is suspended. The community is left wondering if the agent was right or wrong to fire his weapon, and whether the agent is still on the force. And victims' families are denied closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2012 river shooting is an extreme example of this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is just beyond absurd at this point,\" says Steve Shadowen, the Austin attorney who's representing the Arévalo family in a lawsuit against the U.S. government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Something has clearly gone off the rails,\" he continues. \"People used to get upset if there's not a result in six months or a year, two years at the outside. And here we are at seven years and not a peep.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Arévalo shooting was one of several rock-throwing cases that led to sweeping reforms inside CBP in 2014. Under updated rules, agents are trained to move out of the way of flying rocks and speeding vehicles, rather than shoot to kill. CBP training now stresses alternatives to deadly force, such as Tasers and pepper-ball launchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, all shootings — both fatal and non-fatal — fell from a high of 55 in 2012 to 15 in 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/cbp-use-force\">according to the agency's figures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside tag=\"border\" label=\"Related coverage\"]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reforms also included the creation of a National Use of Force Review Board, to thoroughly vet shooting incidents and then publish the findings on a timely basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They've made a lot of progress on the suite of reforms,\" says Gil Kerlikowske, commissioner of CBP at the end of the Obama presidency. \"But I think they've let some things go and I think there's certainly more that can be done.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kerlikowske, who was brought in to improve CBP's transparency and accountability, believes the reforms are unfinished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm very concerned about the timeliness of the process. What is the outcome of an investigation into the use of force? Was that use of force justified, and explain it,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP counters that if justice is slow, it's because these things take time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When there's an agent-involved shooting, first of all, state and federal prosecutors have to decide whether to file charges. Only then does CBP begin its own lengthy investigation. Those results then have to be approved by the agency's lawyer, the chief of the Border Patrol, and, finally, the commissioner. All of this has to happen before the results can be posted publicly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We do have the charge of making sure that that the investigation is done in a purposeful manner, not being rushed,\" says Joseph Westmoreland, a director with CBP's Office of Professional Responsibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He points out there were three interim commissioners in the course of 12 weeks earlier this year, and that slowed things down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Recently, the issue is there's been a change in executive leadership within CBP,\" he says. \"So in that transitional phase some of these cases got held up at the commissioner's level in the review process.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Westmoreland says the agency should be releasing the results of at least six more shooting investigations in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after seven years, the Guillermo Arévalo shooting hasn't even made it to CBP's internal affairs office. It's been sitting on a desk at the Civil Rights Division of the U.S. Department of Justice. Prosecutors there still haven't decided whether to bring charges or decline the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR asked a Justice Department spokeswoman, why the lengthy delay? Her response: \"DOJ declines to comment.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ed Chung used to work at DOJ's Civil Rights Division as a prosecutor; he's now at the Center for American Progress. Chung understands these kinds of cases are complex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"But certainly seven years from the time a particular case comes to the attention of an investigating agency to the time where a decision is made is just way too long,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"border-patrol\" label=\"More on border patrol\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP's opaqueness in following up on agent-involved shootings is troubling, says Vicki Gaubeca, president of the Southern Border Communities Coalition, the group that tracks CBP shootings. Gaubeca believes the agency is dragging its feet. She says the urgency for reform under Obama has transitioned into the Trump era of cheerleading for border security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And now that he's president of the United States,\" she says, \"then they feel emboldened to basically just do whatever they want to do.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's a pattern to these highly controversial border shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First comes the CBP statement, often followed by community outrage. Then the investigation gets under way. And finally, a deafening silence, as the years roll by and people move on and forget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say we shouldn't let that happen. Not with Guillermo Arévalo. And not with the more recent case of Claudia Patricia Gomez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just last year, the 20-year-old Guatemalan was shot in the head by a Border Patrol agent on the outskirts of Laredo, Texas, not far from the river she had just crossed illegally. The first CBP press release called the young Maya woman an assailant who was with a group of immigrants wielding \"blunt objects\" and threatening the agent. A second statement corrected that she, in fact, did not wield a weapon, but the group she was with \"rushed\" the officer and ignored orders to get on the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her parents are suing the government for wrongful death. Sixteen months after her death, there's not a word from CBP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Look, I don't think every agent is bad. There's only one person who did this,\" says her father, Gilberto Gomez, from his house in the Guatemalan highlands. \"We don't want impunity. We want justice.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CBP spokesman says their investigation is on hold because the fatal shooting of Claudia Patricia Gomez remains at the Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department. Just like the case of Guillermo Arévalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Investigations+Of+Fatal+Shootings+On+The+Border+Can+Drag+On+For+Years&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shooting death led to changes in the Border Patrol's use-of-force policy and to an investigation of the incident. But seven years later, that probe is still incomplete. And the delay is emblematic of a larger problem when the federal government investigates a death on the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.southernborder.org/deaths_by_border_patrol\">35 fatal shootings by on-duty CBP officers since 2010\u003c/a>, according to the Southern Border Communities Coalition, an immigrant rights group. Most of them involve immigrants killed near the U.S.-Mexico border after they allegedly attacked or threatened agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Southern Border Communities Coalition brings together 60 organizations from California to Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet CBP has announced the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/cbp-use-force/case-summaries\">results of just eight internal investigations\u003c/a> into these use-of-force incidents. The agency, which had pledged transparency and to publicly release the results of its investigations, found no agent misconduct in each case. The latest completed case is three and a half years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The only thing we want is justice,\" says Priscila Arévalo, weeping. She's 16 now and only recently returned to the spot where her father died. \"They killed him and we haven't gotten a call. We don't even know the face of the killer. They just fled and that was that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When an investigation drags on for years, justice is suspended. The community is left wondering if the agent was right or wrong to fire his weapon, and whether the agent is still on the force. And victims' families are denied closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2012 river shooting is an extreme example of this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is just beyond absurd at this point,\" says Steve Shadowen, the Austin attorney who's representing the Arévalo family in a lawsuit against the U.S. government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Something has clearly gone off the rails,\" he continues. \"People used to get upset if there's not a result in six months or a year, two years at the outside. And here we are at seven years and not a peep.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Arévalo shooting was one of several rock-throwing cases that led to sweeping reforms inside CBP in 2014. Under updated rules, agents are trained to move out of the way of flying rocks and speeding vehicles, rather than shoot to kill. CBP training now stresses alternatives to deadly force, such as Tasers and pepper-ball launchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, all shootings — both fatal and non-fatal — fell from a high of 55 in 2012 to 15 in 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/cbp-use-force\">according to the agency's figures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reforms also included the creation of a National Use of Force Review Board, to thoroughly vet shooting incidents and then publish the findings on a timely basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They've made a lot of progress on the suite of reforms,\" says Gil Kerlikowske, commissioner of CBP at the end of the Obama presidency. \"But I think they've let some things go and I think there's certainly more that can be done.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kerlikowske, who was brought in to improve CBP's transparency and accountability, believes the reforms are unfinished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm very concerned about the timeliness of the process. What is the outcome of an investigation into the use of force? Was that use of force justified, and explain it,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP counters that if justice is slow, it's because these things take time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When there's an agent-involved shooting, first of all, state and federal prosecutors have to decide whether to file charges. Only then does CBP begin its own lengthy investigation. Those results then have to be approved by the agency's lawyer, the chief of the Border Patrol, and, finally, the commissioner. All of this has to happen before the results can be posted publicly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We do have the charge of making sure that that the investigation is done in a purposeful manner, not being rushed,\" says Joseph Westmoreland, a director with CBP's Office of Professional Responsibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He points out there were three interim commissioners in the course of 12 weeks earlier this year, and that slowed things down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Recently, the issue is there's been a change in executive leadership within CBP,\" he says. \"So in that transitional phase some of these cases got held up at the commissioner's level in the review process.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Westmoreland says the agency should be releasing the results of at least six more shooting investigations in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after seven years, the Guillermo Arévalo shooting hasn't even made it to CBP's internal affairs office. It's been sitting on a desk at the Civil Rights Division of the U.S. Department of Justice. Prosecutors there still haven't decided whether to bring charges or decline the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR asked a Justice Department spokeswoman, why the lengthy delay? Her response: \"DOJ declines to comment.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ed Chung used to work at DOJ's Civil Rights Division as a prosecutor; he's now at the Center for American Progress. Chung understands these kinds of cases are complex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"But certainly seven years from the time a particular case comes to the attention of an investigating agency to the time where a decision is made is just way too long,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP's opaqueness in following up on agent-involved shootings is troubling, says Vicki Gaubeca, president of the Southern Border Communities Coalition, the group that tracks CBP shootings. Gaubeca believes the agency is dragging its feet. She says the urgency for reform under Obama has transitioned into the Trump era of cheerleading for border security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And now that he's president of the United States,\" she says, \"then they feel emboldened to basically just do whatever they want to do.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's a pattern to these highly controversial border shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First comes the CBP statement, often followed by community outrage. Then the investigation gets under way. And finally, a deafening silence, as the years roll by and people move on and forget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say we shouldn't let that happen. Not with Guillermo Arévalo. And not with the more recent case of Claudia Patricia Gomez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just last year, the 20-year-old Guatemalan was shot in the head by a Border Patrol agent on the outskirts of Laredo, Texas, not far from the river she had just crossed illegally. The first CBP press release called the young Maya woman an assailant who was with a group of immigrants wielding \"blunt objects\" and threatening the agent. A second statement corrected that she, in fact, did not wield a weapon, but the group she was with \"rushed\" the officer and ignored orders to get on the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her parents are suing the government for wrongful death. Sixteen months after her death, there's not a word from CBP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Look, I don't think every agent is bad. There's only one person who did this,\" says her father, Gilberto Gomez, from his house in the Guatemalan highlands. \"We don't want impunity. We want justice.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CBP spokesman says their investigation is on hold because the fatal shooting of Claudia Patricia Gomez remains at the Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department. Just like the case of Guillermo Arévalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Investigations+Of+Fatal+Shootings+On+The+Border+Can+Drag+On+For+Years&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Scientists Unveil Weed Breathalyzer, Launching Debate Over Next Steps",
"title": "Scientists Unveil Weed Breathalyzer, Launching Debate Over Next Steps",
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"content": "\u003cp>The alcohol Breathalyzer came to life slowly, over the course of decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the 1930s through the 1960s, scientists, lawmakers, police and the public quarreled over the veracity of the numbers spit out by the device, the appropriate legal limit for drivers and whether they could trust a \u003ca href=\"https://paleofuture.gizmodo.com/drunk-driving-and-the-pre-history-of-breathalyzers-1474504117\">machine over a cop's testimony\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the same debate is playing out over cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As 33 states and the District of Columbia have legalized cannabis in some form, Breathalyzer-type devices that could theoretically aid police enforcement have \u003ca href=\"https://www.digitaltrends.com/cool-tech/weed-breathalyzers-are-on-the-way/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">begun appearing\u003c/a> in various stages of development. But legal experts and scientists say there's a long way to go before those devices can actually detect a driver's impairment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Alexander Star, University of Pittsburgh\"]'If we have a suitable industrial partner, then the device by itself would be quite ready in a few months.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, a team of researchers at the University of Pittsburgh announced the latest tool to detect THC — delta-9-tetrahydrocannabinol, the main psychoactive component in cannabis — in breath.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university's Star Lab, led by Alexander Star, began developing the box-shaped device in 2016, amid a wave of cannabis legalization across the United States. Star, a chemistry professor, partnered with Ervin Sejdic, a professor of electrical and computer engineering at the same university, to build the prototype.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The device uses carbon nanotubes, which are 1/100,000 the size of human hair, to recognize the presence of THC, even when other substances are in the breath, such as alcohol. The THC molecule binds to the surface of the tubes, altering their electrical properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Nanotechnology sensors can detect THC at levels comparable to or better than mass spectrometry, which is considered the gold standard for THC detection,\" according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.engineering.pitt.edu/News/2019/Star-THC-Breathalyzer/\">the news release\u003c/a> from the university's Swanson School of Engineering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the device is nearly ready for mass production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11772415\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1684px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567720806580.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11772415 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1684\" height=\"1094\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678.jpg 1684w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678-160x104.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678-800x520.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678-1020x663.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678-1200x780.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1684px) 100vw, 1684px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">University of Pittsburgh researchers developed a prototype device that can measure the amount of THC in a person's breath. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of University of Pittsburgh)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"If we have a suitable industrial partner,\" Star told \u003cem>Here & Now'\u003c/em>s Jeremy Hobson, \"then the device by itself would be quite ready in a few months.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remaining steps, he says, include testing the prototype and correlating the device's output to the driver's level of impairment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With alcohol, you can figure out impairment by measuring the amount of alcohol in someone's blood, which you can determine from a Breathalyzer using the \"blood to breath\" — or \"partition\" — ratio. Make that translation from breath to blood to brain, and you can get a relatively accurate sense of how drunk someone is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So when it comes to these marijuana breath tests, that's the million-dollar question right now,\" says Chris Halsor, a Denver lawyer who focuses on issues around legal cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Is there a ratio that links the amount of THC in someone's breath to the amount in the person's blood — and then to exactly how stoned that person is?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No, says Sejdic. The correlation \"is basically missing, from a scientific point of view.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sejdic and Star have figured out how to set a threshold on their device to detect only a certain amount of THC, which they say will help avoid flagging cannabis use from several days prior. But without a comprehensive understanding of the correlation between that amount and the driver's level of impairment, the device may not be particularly useful to police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of that hurdle, there's the legal question of what level is safe for driving, which may be hard to answer. It took American courts several decades to settle on today's blood-alcohol concentration limit of 0.08%. States have already set \u003ca href=\"https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.ghsa.org_sites_default_files_2019-2D04_marijuanalaws-5Fapr2019-5F0.pdf&d=DwMF-g&c=E2nBno7hEddFhl23N5nD1Q&r=la2dQ1CjYh8_S5hqCXFrCN9q6fGEVmllKII03V5OuXk&m=kuUTA4q1MKTuKFftc030Z40bz067W9zu6TNorAnhKEY&s=wh3bMKXSlY4D4i2mVF-HGhNgzP_wVeA-bm_hPZqRBFM&e=\">various legal guidelines\u003c/a>, though some scientists argue that none of them are backed by hard science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Halsor, who has \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2017/07/30/523004450/scientists-still-seek-a-reliable-dui-test-for-marijuana\">taught police about marijuana DUIs for years\u003c/a>, says some officers whom he works with are hesitant about the devices. They worry that a cop with less training might use one as a crutch \"instead of actually evaluating the individuals and looking at how they're performing physically, mentally and cognitively,\" Halsor says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He advocates for a more hands-on approach: training officers to understand and detect marijuana usage without blood or breath tests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's not to say that five years from now we won't have some great device,\" Halsor says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, for now, to say that he's skeptical would be an understatement. And he says he's especially concerned about a lack of human testing as a result of federal regulations around cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related stories\" tag=\"cannabis\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Star and Sejdic understand that challenge. They say it took six months to even get started on their research because they had to get permission from the Drug Enforcement Administration to work with THC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a kind of both ethical and legal issue,\" Sejdic says. \"Given that the marijuana is still a Schedule I substance, it's difficult to actually carry out any research related to this substance.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The breakthroughs that would make this kind of device effective might happen first in Canada, Halsor says. The country's decision to legalize cannabis last year \"now opens the door to research being able to be conducted unencumbered,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the University of Pittsburgh researchers are hopeful that the U.S. might get the ball rolling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think there will be some push even for the federal government to actually allow researchers to look and correlate these levels of smoking and impairment,\" Sejdic says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until the government and the legal system catch up, they say, creating an accurate Breathalyzer-type device itself is the first step toward enforcing those \"Drive High, Get A DUI\" roadside signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Scientists+Unveil+Weed+Breathalyzer%2C+Launching+Debate+Over+Next+Steps&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The alcohol Breathalyzer came to life slowly, over the course of decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the 1930s through the 1960s, scientists, lawmakers, police and the public quarreled over the veracity of the numbers spit out by the device, the appropriate legal limit for drivers and whether they could trust a \u003ca href=\"https://paleofuture.gizmodo.com/drunk-driving-and-the-pre-history-of-breathalyzers-1474504117\">machine over a cop's testimony\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the same debate is playing out over cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As 33 states and the District of Columbia have legalized cannabis in some form, Breathalyzer-type devices that could theoretically aid police enforcement have \u003ca href=\"https://www.digitaltrends.com/cool-tech/weed-breathalyzers-are-on-the-way/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">begun appearing\u003c/a> in various stages of development. But legal experts and scientists say there's a long way to go before those devices can actually detect a driver's impairment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, a team of researchers at the University of Pittsburgh announced the latest tool to detect THC — delta-9-tetrahydrocannabinol, the main psychoactive component in cannabis — in breath.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university's Star Lab, led by Alexander Star, began developing the box-shaped device in 2016, amid a wave of cannabis legalization across the United States. Star, a chemistry professor, partnered with Ervin Sejdic, a professor of electrical and computer engineering at the same university, to build the prototype.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The device uses carbon nanotubes, which are 1/100,000 the size of human hair, to recognize the presence of THC, even when other substances are in the breath, such as alcohol. The THC molecule binds to the surface of the tubes, altering their electrical properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Nanotechnology sensors can detect THC at levels comparable to or better than mass spectrometry, which is considered the gold standard for THC detection,\" according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.engineering.pitt.edu/News/2019/Star-THC-Breathalyzer/\">the news release\u003c/a> from the university's Swanson School of Engineering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the device is nearly ready for mass production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11772415\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1684px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567720806580.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11772415 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1684\" height=\"1094\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678.jpg 1684w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678-160x104.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678-800x520.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678-1020x663.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678-1200x780.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1684px) 100vw, 1684px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">University of Pittsburgh researchers developed a prototype device that can measure the amount of THC in a person's breath. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of University of Pittsburgh)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"If we have a suitable industrial partner,\" Star told \u003cem>Here & Now'\u003c/em>s Jeremy Hobson, \"then the device by itself would be quite ready in a few months.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remaining steps, he says, include testing the prototype and correlating the device's output to the driver's level of impairment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With alcohol, you can figure out impairment by measuring the amount of alcohol in someone's blood, which you can determine from a Breathalyzer using the \"blood to breath\" — or \"partition\" — ratio. Make that translation from breath to blood to brain, and you can get a relatively accurate sense of how drunk someone is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So when it comes to these marijuana breath tests, that's the million-dollar question right now,\" says Chris Halsor, a Denver lawyer who focuses on issues around legal cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Is there a ratio that links the amount of THC in someone's breath to the amount in the person's blood — and then to exactly how stoned that person is?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No, says Sejdic. The correlation \"is basically missing, from a scientific point of view.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sejdic and Star have figured out how to set a threshold on their device to detect only a certain amount of THC, which they say will help avoid flagging cannabis use from several days prior. But without a comprehensive understanding of the correlation between that amount and the driver's level of impairment, the device may not be particularly useful to police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of that hurdle, there's the legal question of what level is safe for driving, which may be hard to answer. It took American courts several decades to settle on today's blood-alcohol concentration limit of 0.08%. States have already set \u003ca href=\"https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.ghsa.org_sites_default_files_2019-2D04_marijuanalaws-5Fapr2019-5F0.pdf&d=DwMF-g&c=E2nBno7hEddFhl23N5nD1Q&r=la2dQ1CjYh8_S5hqCXFrCN9q6fGEVmllKII03V5OuXk&m=kuUTA4q1MKTuKFftc030Z40bz067W9zu6TNorAnhKEY&s=wh3bMKXSlY4D4i2mVF-HGhNgzP_wVeA-bm_hPZqRBFM&e=\">various legal guidelines\u003c/a>, though some scientists argue that none of them are backed by hard science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Halsor, who has \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2017/07/30/523004450/scientists-still-seek-a-reliable-dui-test-for-marijuana\">taught police about marijuana DUIs for years\u003c/a>, says some officers whom he works with are hesitant about the devices. They worry that a cop with less training might use one as a crutch \"instead of actually evaluating the individuals and looking at how they're performing physically, mentally and cognitively,\" Halsor says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He advocates for a more hands-on approach: training officers to understand and detect marijuana usage without blood or breath tests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's not to say that five years from now we won't have some great device,\" Halsor says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, for now, to say that he's skeptical would be an understatement. And he says he's especially concerned about a lack of human testing as a result of federal regulations around cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Star and Sejdic understand that challenge. They say it took six months to even get started on their research because they had to get permission from the Drug Enforcement Administration to work with THC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a kind of both ethical and legal issue,\" Sejdic says. \"Given that the marijuana is still a Schedule I substance, it's difficult to actually carry out any research related to this substance.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The breakthroughs that would make this kind of device effective might happen first in Canada, Halsor says. The country's decision to legalize cannabis last year \"now opens the door to research being able to be conducted unencumbered,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the University of Pittsburgh researchers are hopeful that the U.S. might get the ball rolling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think there will be some push even for the federal government to actually allow researchers to look and correlate these levels of smoking and impairment,\" Sejdic says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until the government and the legal system catch up, they say, creating an accurate Breathalyzer-type device itself is the first step toward enforcing those \"Drive High, Get A DUI\" roadside signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Scientists+Unveil+Weed+Breathalyzer%2C+Launching+Debate+Over+Next+Steps&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In newspapers she was described as the \"unconscious intoxicated woman.\" In the courtroom she was called Emily Doe. On Tuesday, she let the world know that her real name is Chanel Miller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"brock-turner\" label=\"Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, Miller was attacked while unconscious after drinking too much at a fraternity party at Stanford University. Two young men on bicycles rescued her. Her attacker tried to run away but they chased him and held him down until the police arrived. Brock Turner, her attacker, was a student at Stanford and a swimming champion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year later, Turner was tried on and convicted of three counts of sexual assault. At the sentencing hearing, Miller read a powerful and lengthy statement about the effect the assault had on her life. She remembered little of what happened, a fact that was used against her by Turner's defense attorney. The aftermath was devastating. Addressing Turner directly, she told him that he \"took away my worth, my privacy ... my confidence, my own voice.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miller's statement went viral. Turner, who could have gotten 14 years in federal prison, was sentenced to six months in county jail. He served three months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"aaron-persky\" label=\"Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That decision, by Judge Aaron Persky, was met with outrage. Critics assailed Persky for being too lenient. Turner was a first-time offender, promising student and swimming champion. The judge said a tougher sentence \"would have had a severe impact on him\" — and he did not think Turner was a danger to others. He also pointed out that the victim was intoxicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of the decision started gathering signatures for a recall campaign. In June 2018, the campaign succeeded. Persky was the first California judge to be recalled in more than 80 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now Miller is telling her story in a new book due out on Sept.24 called \"Know My Name.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Victim+Of+Brock+Turner+Sexual+Assault+Reveals+Her+Identity&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Jessy Rosales was a sophomore at UC Riverside, she had a boyfriend and she was taking birth control pills. Then out of nowhere, she started feeling sick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just thought it was the stomach flu,” she says. “It turns out I was pregnant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosales was clear that she was not ready to have a baby. She wanted a medication abortion, where she would take one pill at the clinic and a second one at home a day or two later to induce a miscarriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just wanted the intimacy of dealing with it on my own, in the privacy of my own home,” she says. “And being able to cry if I wanted to cry or just being able to curl up in my bed right away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public university health centers in California do not perform abortions. But state lawmakers are expected to pass\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB24\"> a bill\u003c/a> in the coming weeks that would require student health centers at all 34 state campuses to provide medication abortions. If the measure becomes law, it will be the first of its kind in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters say they want to remove the obstacles women face accessing medical abortion off campus. For example, Rosales was given three off-campus referrals for abortion providers by her student health center. But the first clinic she called didn’t perform abortions after all. The second didn’t take her insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time she could get an appointment at a third clinic, she was already into the second trimester of pregnancy — too late for a medication abortion, which can only be done up to 10 weeks. Rosales ended up having a surgical procedure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The doctor kept telling me to relax … and I couldn’t because it just hurt so bad,” she recalls. “I was just afraid and alone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosales graduated last year and is now advocating for the bill (SB 24) as a reproductive justice activist with the Women’s Foundation of California. She wants other students to have easier access to the abortion pill than she did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11772339\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"It took too long for Jessy Rosales to find a clinic near the University of California, Riverside, that would provide a medication abortion and accept her insurance. She's now advocating for a state bill to make the pills available at public university health centers in California.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11772339\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-1020x573.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-1200x675.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-1920x1080.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d.jpg 1944w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">It took too long for Jessy Rosales to find a clinic near UC Riverside, that would provide a medication abortion and accept her insurance. She’s now advocating for a state bill to make the pills available at public university health centers in California. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Planned Parenthood )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the bill have organized several rallies against it. In August, about 60 protesters in yellow T-shirts gathered outside a church in Sacramento, their heads bowed as a priest led them in prayer. Then they marched around the state’s Capitol, chanting, “Don’t kill babies! Don’t kill babies!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a consortium of women’s groups that support abortion rights has promised to pay for all the required ultrasound equipment and upfront training costs of providing the abortion pill on campus, eventually universities would likely need to dip into tax dollars or student fees for ongoing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion opponents such as Michele LaMonica object to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not on my dime, not on my dime,” LaMonica says. “Tax me to help the homeless. Tax me to help social services, but don’t tax me to pay for the disposal of human life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11719509\" label=\"Previous Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurers are already required to cover abortion under California law, and state tax dollars do go toward abortions provided through Medi-Cal, the state version of Medicaid for low-income patients. However, none of the UC campuses and only some of the CSU campuses get reimbursed for health services through Medi-Cal. University officials testified during legislative hearings on the bill last year that it could be an administrative or fiscal burden to establish billing systems to provide the abortion pill on campus. They predicted that some clinical costs, as well as security and liability costs, could fall directly to the universities and get passed on to students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Up to 519 women at public universities seek a medication abortion every month in California, according to\u003ca href=\"https://www.jahonline.org/article/S1054-139X(18)30185-X/fulltext\"> a study\u003c/a> published last summer in the Journal of Adolescent Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same research found that off-campus abortion providers were an average of six miles away from public university campuses in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Gov. Jerry Brown cited this stat when \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB320\">he vetoed\u003c/a> a version of the same bill (\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB320\">SB 320\u003c/a>) last year, saying the legislation was not necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Six miles away — that’s like a $5 Uber ride,” said abortion opponent Nick Reynosa, the Northern California regional coordinator for Students for Life of America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the campaign is more about politics than need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the last decade, many pro-choice activists feel that in red states, there’s been a lot of momentum toward more abortion restrictions. This is a way to say, ‘No. Here, in blue California, we’re going to affirm or expand [the right to an abortion],’ ” Reynosa says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters don’t deny it. Phoebe Abramowitz was part of the student team that launched the campus campaign for medication abortions at UC Berkeley four years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now that we’re doing statewide advocacy, we’re hoping to set a national precedent that we can, even in these really hostile times to women and queer people, move access to abortion forward,” she says. “It’s more important now than it even was a year ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Brown vetoed the bill last year, then-gubernatorial candidate Gavin Newsom said he\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Gavin-Newsom-splits-with-Jerry-Brown-on-SF-drug-13275997.php\"> would have supported\u003c/a> it. He won the election about a month later, and advocates are optimistic that he will side with them this time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislature has until mid-September to pass the bill, and the governor has a month after that to sign or veto it. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of NPR’s reporting partnership with KQED and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.kaiserhealthnews.org/\">\u003cem>Kaiser Health News\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Jessy Rosales was a sophomore at UC Riverside, she had a boyfriend and she was taking birth control pills. Then out of nowhere, she started feeling sick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just thought it was the stomach flu,” she says. “It turns out I was pregnant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosales was clear that she was not ready to have a baby. She wanted a medication abortion, where she would take one pill at the clinic and a second one at home a day or two later to induce a miscarriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just wanted the intimacy of dealing with it on my own, in the privacy of my own home,” she says. “And being able to cry if I wanted to cry or just being able to curl up in my bed right away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public university health centers in California do not perform abortions. But state lawmakers are expected to pass\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB24\"> a bill\u003c/a> in the coming weeks that would require student health centers at all 34 state campuses to provide medication abortions. If the measure becomes law, it will be the first of its kind in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters say they want to remove the obstacles women face accessing medical abortion off campus. For example, Rosales was given three off-campus referrals for abortion providers by her student health center. But the first clinic she called didn’t perform abortions after all. The second didn’t take her insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time she could get an appointment at a third clinic, she was already into the second trimester of pregnancy — too late for a medication abortion, which can only be done up to 10 weeks. Rosales ended up having a surgical procedure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The doctor kept telling me to relax … and I couldn’t because it just hurt so bad,” she recalls. “I was just afraid and alone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosales graduated last year and is now advocating for the bill (SB 24) as a reproductive justice activist with the Women’s Foundation of California. She wants other students to have easier access to the abortion pill than she did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11772339\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"It took too long for Jessy Rosales to find a clinic near the University of California, Riverside, that would provide a medication abortion and accept her insurance. She's now advocating for a state bill to make the pills available at public university health centers in California.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11772339\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-1020x573.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-1200x675.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-1920x1080.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d.jpg 1944w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">It took too long for Jessy Rosales to find a clinic near UC Riverside, that would provide a medication abortion and accept her insurance. She’s now advocating for a state bill to make the pills available at public university health centers in California. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Planned Parenthood )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the bill have organized several rallies against it. In August, about 60 protesters in yellow T-shirts gathered outside a church in Sacramento, their heads bowed as a priest led them in prayer. Then they marched around the state’s Capitol, chanting, “Don’t kill babies! Don’t kill babies!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a consortium of women’s groups that support abortion rights has promised to pay for all the required ultrasound equipment and upfront training costs of providing the abortion pill on campus, eventually universities would likely need to dip into tax dollars or student fees for ongoing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion opponents such as Michele LaMonica object to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not on my dime, not on my dime,” LaMonica says. “Tax me to help the homeless. Tax me to help social services, but don’t tax me to pay for the disposal of human life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurers are already required to cover abortion under California law, and state tax dollars do go toward abortions provided through Medi-Cal, the state version of Medicaid for low-income patients. However, none of the UC campuses and only some of the CSU campuses get reimbursed for health services through Medi-Cal. University officials testified during legislative hearings on the bill last year that it could be an administrative or fiscal burden to establish billing systems to provide the abortion pill on campus. They predicted that some clinical costs, as well as security and liability costs, could fall directly to the universities and get passed on to students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Up to 519 women at public universities seek a medication abortion every month in California, according to\u003ca href=\"https://www.jahonline.org/article/S1054-139X(18)30185-X/fulltext\"> a study\u003c/a> published last summer in the Journal of Adolescent Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same research found that off-campus abortion providers were an average of six miles away from public university campuses in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Gov. Jerry Brown cited this stat when \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB320\">he vetoed\u003c/a> a version of the same bill (\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB320\">SB 320\u003c/a>) last year, saying the legislation was not necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Six miles away — that’s like a $5 Uber ride,” said abortion opponent Nick Reynosa, the Northern California regional coordinator for Students for Life of America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the campaign is more about politics than need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the last decade, many pro-choice activists feel that in red states, there’s been a lot of momentum toward more abortion restrictions. This is a way to say, ‘No. Here, in blue California, we’re going to affirm or expand [the right to an abortion],’ ” Reynosa says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters don’t deny it. Phoebe Abramowitz was part of the student team that launched the campus campaign for medication abortions at UC Berkeley four years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now that we’re doing statewide advocacy, we’re hoping to set a national precedent that we can, even in these really hostile times to women and queer people, move access to abortion forward,” she says. “It’s more important now than it even was a year ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Brown vetoed the bill last year, then-gubernatorial candidate Gavin Newsom said he\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Gavin-Newsom-splits-with-Jerry-Brown-on-SF-drug-13275997.php\"> would have supported\u003c/a> it. He won the election about a month later, and advocates are optimistic that he will side with them this time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislature has until mid-September to pass the bill, and the governor has a month after that to sign or veto it. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of NPR’s reporting partnership with KQED and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.kaiserhealthnews.org/\">\u003cem>Kaiser Health News\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "This Digital Sheriff Helps Cities Wrangle Airbnb Rules",
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"content": "\u003cp>Ulrik Binzer used to rent out his house north of San Francisco on Airbnb. It was enough money to pay for his family to fly to Denmark to visit relatives. But then his town suddenly banned short-term rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binzer says there was no debate — it was just an agenda item. \"No one knew about it,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It left him wondering: What's going on here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's how Binzer became a new sort of sheriff for the digital age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Millions of Airbnb-type rentals are popping up in residential neighborhoods across the United States. That leaves cities struggling to enforce rules around everything from problem party houses to investors buying up too many rental properties, which some studies say pushes up housing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binzer, who works in Silicon Valley, saw an opportunity to use technology to tame the Wild West landscape of short-term rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, he went to a town meeting and started researching the issue. He realized cities were really struggling to deal with all these short-term rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those cities was Nashville, Tennessee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We had a problem,\" says Sean Braisted, who works in Nashville's code-enforcement department. For one thing, it was hard to get homeowners to obtain rental permits and pay taxes on their rental income. And Nashville is a big party town, Braisted says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We would have problems with essentially party houses that would try to pull as many beds into one house as possible and cram as many people in there,\" he says. \"We've had complaints about people allegedly having sex parties to doing all sorts of things within short-term rental properties.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In residential neighborhoods, Nashville allows these Airbnb-type rentals only for houses occupied by their owners. The goal is to cut down on investor-owned party houses or having too many investor-owned short-term rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Braisted says the rules were hard to enforce. For one thing, you usually don't see the actual address of a property on these rental sites until you agree to rent it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in California, Binzer realized that for cities trying to enforce these rules, \"it was like bringing a knife to a gunfight.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities manage compliance manually, one property at a time, which takes time, he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They essentially go and do a drive-by, or they try to book the property so they can get the address and then they catch them and it's like a sting operation,\" he says. \"You can't do that when you have thousands of these, right?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binzer saw an opportunity to use his technology background to help cities get this rapidly growing short-term rental phenomenon under control. He got some software developers on board, and they knocked together a bare-bones startup company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We went out and started talking to cities and very quickly got to something like 20 customers\" within a couple of months, Binzer says. Today, he says his company, Host Compliance, is working with more than 300 towns and cities across the U.S. and Canada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nashville is one of them. The city is using Binzer's technology to see if properties on the short-term rental sites have the right permits. \"They crawl the Internet through those sites, and then they match those up with property records, assessor photos of the front of the properties,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Host Compliance uses artificial intelligence software to figure out the address and owner. Then, people renting without a permit are told to get one or stop renting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in Nashville, Braisted says it's working. After two years, he says, the city is bringing in 50% more money annually in short-term rental taxes. And the crackdown has found about 2,500 rental operators who were breaking the rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the country, local officials also worry about short-term rentals boosting the cost of housing. That has squeezed out people like New Orleans resident April Leigh, who owns a neighborhood small business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My boyfriend and I were in this house, and it was cheap rent that we could both afford,\" she says. \"It was close to my business, so I could bike or walk there.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says that in recent years, investors have been buying up a lot of rental properties that locals were living in and have been turning them into Airbnbs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When that happened with the house she used to live in, she says she and her boyfriend were forced to move. She says it happened to her neighbors, too. \"People have told me they're the only renters on the block — the rest is all Airbnb houses,\" Leigh says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The influx of Airbnbs made it a lot harder for her to find an affordable place to rent, she says. She was so frustrated that after she got kicked out, she decided to leave a message for the next tourists renting the house she used to live in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11770647\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"April Leigh spray-painted a message for tourists renting the New Orleans house in which she used to live after she was evicted from it and the new landlord converted it into a short-term rental property.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11770647\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-536x402.jpg 536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85.jpg 1600w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">April Leigh spray-painted a message for tourists renting the New Orleans house in which she used to live after she was evicted from it and the new landlord converted it into a short-term rental property. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of April Leigh)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"I got a can of spray paint and drove straight to the house and wrote on the sidewalk, 'This Airbnb displaced 5 people,' \" Leigh says. Her photo of the sidewalk protest \u003ca href=\"https://thelensnola.org/2018/02/10/this-airbnb-displaced-5-people-heres-the-story-behind-that-photo-that-spread-on-facebook/\">went viral\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers in cities around the country and in Canada are passing regulations to stop investors from buying up a lot of traditional rental properties and converting them into short-term rentals, Binzer says. And he's helping them enforce those rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He notes that \u003ca href=\"https://www.wbur.org/bostonomix/2019/01/01/airbnb-boston-ordinance\">Boston\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.airbnb.com/help/article/1404/denver-co\">Denver\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2018/12/12/los-angeles-passes-regulation-targeting-airbnb-rental-hosts.html\">Los Angeles\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nashvillepublicradio.org/post/nashville-phase-out-some-short-term-rentals-decisively-ending-its-yearlong-battle#stream/0\">Nashville\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://thelensnola.org/2019/08/08/short-term-rental-restrictions-fly-through-final-council-vote-advocates-partially-pleased/\">New Orleans\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcbayarea.com/news/local/San-Francisco-Unregistered-Vacation-Homes-Surge-Fraudulent-Short-Term-Rental-Applications-538513141.html\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.knkx.org/post/licenses-and-limits-new-short-term-rental-regulations-take-effect-seattle\">Seattle\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/toronto-short-term-rental-regulations-versus-other-cities-1.5121557\">Toronto \u003c/a>and \u003ca href=\"https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/british-columbia/article-airbnb-agrees-to-help-vancouver-enforce-new-short-term-rental-rules/\">Vancouver\u003c/a>, British Columbia, have all passed such regulations. \"Most of the larger cities in North America faced with some level of a housing crisis are passing these types of rules,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Different cities have taken different approaches. Some say only owner-occupants can do short-term rentals. Others say owners can rent out one property in addition to their primary residence — though Binzer says that's harder to enforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what does Airbnb think about this new digital sheriff helping cities crack down on illegal short-term rentals?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Airbnb spokesman Christopher Nulty declined to talk about any specific company. But he said, \"We just don't think that the best approach here is for cities to turn that responsibility over to another company whose sole responsibility is to tattle on people.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nulty says there are privacy concerns. And he asks, what's next? Will cities hire companies to check that if you buy a sink at Home Depot, that you've got any required plumbing permits?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binzer says he knows Airbnb and the other rental sites aren't his biggest fans. \"But I think in the long run they all realize that if this is just the Wild West, the pendulum is going to swing the other direction and there's gonna be so many restrictions that it will destroy their business,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Airbnb has gotten into \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/alltechconsidered/2014/10/16/356728035/airbnb-new-york-state-spar-over-legality-of-rentals\">legal battles\u003c/a> with cities over, among other things, how much information it needs to hand over for enforcement. Binzer says his company lets cities get around that tug of war and get what they need to enforce the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binzer, who works in Silicon Valley, saw an opportunity to use technology to tame the Wild West landscape of short-term rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, he went to a town meeting and started researching the issue. He realized cities were really struggling to deal with all these short-term rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those cities was Nashville, Tennessee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We had a problem,\" says Sean Braisted, who works in Nashville's code-enforcement department. For one thing, it was hard to get homeowners to obtain rental permits and pay taxes on their rental income. And Nashville is a big party town, Braisted says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We would have problems with essentially party houses that would try to pull as many beds into one house as possible and cram as many people in there,\" he says. \"We've had complaints about people allegedly having sex parties to doing all sorts of things within short-term rental properties.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In residential neighborhoods, Nashville allows these Airbnb-type rentals only for houses occupied by their owners. The goal is to cut down on investor-owned party houses or having too many investor-owned short-term rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Braisted says the rules were hard to enforce. For one thing, you usually don't see the actual address of a property on these rental sites until you agree to rent it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in California, Binzer realized that for cities trying to enforce these rules, \"it was like bringing a knife to a gunfight.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities manage compliance manually, one property at a time, which takes time, he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They essentially go and do a drive-by, or they try to book the property so they can get the address and then they catch them and it's like a sting operation,\" he says. \"You can't do that when you have thousands of these, right?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binzer saw an opportunity to use his technology background to help cities get this rapidly growing short-term rental phenomenon under control. He got some software developers on board, and they knocked together a bare-bones startup company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We went out and started talking to cities and very quickly got to something like 20 customers\" within a couple of months, Binzer says. Today, he says his company, Host Compliance, is working with more than 300 towns and cities across the U.S. and Canada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nashville is one of them. The city is using Binzer's technology to see if properties on the short-term rental sites have the right permits. \"They crawl the Internet through those sites, and then they match those up with property records, assessor photos of the front of the properties,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Host Compliance uses artificial intelligence software to figure out the address and owner. Then, people renting without a permit are told to get one or stop renting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in Nashville, Braisted says it's working. After two years, he says, the city is bringing in 50% more money annually in short-term rental taxes. And the crackdown has found about 2,500 rental operators who were breaking the rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the country, local officials also worry about short-term rentals boosting the cost of housing. That has squeezed out people like New Orleans resident April Leigh, who owns a neighborhood small business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My boyfriend and I were in this house, and it was cheap rent that we could both afford,\" she says. \"It was close to my business, so I could bike or walk there.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says that in recent years, investors have been buying up a lot of rental properties that locals were living in and have been turning them into Airbnbs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When that happened with the house she used to live in, she says she and her boyfriend were forced to move. She says it happened to her neighbors, too. \"People have told me they're the only renters on the block — the rest is all Airbnb houses,\" Leigh says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The influx of Airbnbs made it a lot harder for her to find an affordable place to rent, she says. She was so frustrated that after she got kicked out, she decided to leave a message for the next tourists renting the house she used to live in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11770647\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"April Leigh spray-painted a message for tourists renting the New Orleans house in which she used to live after she was evicted from it and the new landlord converted it into a short-term rental property.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11770647\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-536x402.jpg 536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85.jpg 1600w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">April Leigh spray-painted a message for tourists renting the New Orleans house in which she used to live after she was evicted from it and the new landlord converted it into a short-term rental property. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of April Leigh)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"I got a can of spray paint and drove straight to the house and wrote on the sidewalk, 'This Airbnb displaced 5 people,' \" Leigh says. Her photo of the sidewalk protest \u003ca href=\"https://thelensnola.org/2018/02/10/this-airbnb-displaced-5-people-heres-the-story-behind-that-photo-that-spread-on-facebook/\">went viral\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers in cities around the country and in Canada are passing regulations to stop investors from buying up a lot of traditional rental properties and converting them into short-term rentals, Binzer says. And he's helping them enforce those rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He notes that \u003ca href=\"https://www.wbur.org/bostonomix/2019/01/01/airbnb-boston-ordinance\">Boston\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.airbnb.com/help/article/1404/denver-co\">Denver\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2018/12/12/los-angeles-passes-regulation-targeting-airbnb-rental-hosts.html\">Los Angeles\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nashvillepublicradio.org/post/nashville-phase-out-some-short-term-rentals-decisively-ending-its-yearlong-battle#stream/0\">Nashville\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://thelensnola.org/2019/08/08/short-term-rental-restrictions-fly-through-final-council-vote-advocates-partially-pleased/\">New Orleans\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcbayarea.com/news/local/San-Francisco-Unregistered-Vacation-Homes-Surge-Fraudulent-Short-Term-Rental-Applications-538513141.html\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.knkx.org/post/licenses-and-limits-new-short-term-rental-regulations-take-effect-seattle\">Seattle\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/toronto-short-term-rental-regulations-versus-other-cities-1.5121557\">Toronto \u003c/a>and \u003ca href=\"https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/british-columbia/article-airbnb-agrees-to-help-vancouver-enforce-new-short-term-rental-rules/\">Vancouver\u003c/a>, British Columbia, have all passed such regulations. \"Most of the larger cities in North America faced with some level of a housing crisis are passing these types of rules,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Different cities have taken different approaches. Some say only owner-occupants can do short-term rentals. Others say owners can rent out one property in addition to their primary residence — though Binzer says that's harder to enforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what does Airbnb think about this new digital sheriff helping cities crack down on illegal short-term rentals?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Airbnb spokesman Christopher Nulty declined to talk about any specific company. But he said, \"We just don't think that the best approach here is for cities to turn that responsibility over to another company whose sole responsibility is to tattle on people.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nulty says there are privacy concerns. And he asks, what's next? Will cities hire companies to check that if you buy a sink at Home Depot, that you've got any required plumbing permits?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binzer says he knows Airbnb and the other rental sites aren't his biggest fans. \"But I think in the long run they all realize that if this is just the Wild West, the pendulum is going to swing the other direction and there's gonna be so many restrictions that it will destroy their business,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Airbnb has gotten into \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/alltechconsidered/2014/10/16/356728035/airbnb-new-york-state-spar-over-legality-of-rentals\">legal battles\u003c/a> with cities over, among other things, how much information it needs to hand over for enforcement. Binzer says his company lets cities get around that tug of war and get what they need to enforce the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Criminals Target Migrants in Mexico Seeking U.S. Asylum",
"title": "Criminals Target Migrants in Mexico Seeking U.S. Asylum",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>One day last week in Nuevo Laredo, Mexico, a fearsome gun battle broke out on the main boulevard to the airport, as drivers careened off the thoroughfare in terror while rival narcos blasted away at each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cartel of the Northeast operates with impunity here, cruising around town in armored, olive-drab pickups with \u003cem>Tropas del Infierno\u003c/em>, Spanish for \"Soldiers from Hell,\" emblazoned on the doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And a pastor named Aaron Mendez remains missing after being kidnapped from the Love Migrant House, a shelter he operated. One news report says extortionists grabbed Mendez when he refused to turn over Cuban migrants they wanted to shake down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11730590,news_11726721,news_11758516,news_11763389\" label=\"The 'Remain in Mexico' Policy\"]This is where the U.S. is sending migrants who have asked for asylum after crossing the Rio Grande near Laredo, Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 30,000 migrants have been sent back to Mexican border cities to await their day in U.S. immigration court under the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11758516/fear-confusion-and-separation-as-trump-administration-sends-migrants-back-to-mexico\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\"remain in Mexico\" program\u003c/a>. They are sent back from U.S. ports of entry and given a date — generally two to four months in the future — to return and make their case for asylum before an immigration judge on a video link. About 4,500 of them have been sent to Nuevo Laredo, where mayhem is rampant and extorting migrants has become the cartel's latest income stream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program is officially known as the Migrant Protection Protocols, or MPP. In Spanish, the acronym is PPM.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"For me, it's P-M-M, or Plan of Lies to Migrants,\" says Father Julio Lopez, director of the Nazareth Migrant House. \"Because there is no protection.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez is anxious these days. He won't talk about organized crime in his city — it's too risky. But he has plenty to say about MPP. He's seen firsthand the asylum-seekers who cower in fear in the city's six shelters, including his own, leaving only briefly to buy food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexico's National Immigration Institute has been providing migrants with free bus trips to Monterrey, two-and-a-half hours away, and Tapachula, 36 hours away, to get them out of crime-ridden Nuevo Laredo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11770292\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2048px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2019/08/27/criminals-target-migrants-in-mexico-seeking-u-s-asylum/liceth-and-leytan-morales-asylum-seekers-from-honduras-have-decided-to-return-home-after-they-were-kidnapped-for-three-weeks-in-nuevo-laredo-and-their-family-in-texas-paid-8000-ransom-for-their-fr/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11770292\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2048\" height=\"1535\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11770292\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1020x764.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1200x899.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1920x1439.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2048px) 100vw, 2048px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Liceth and Leytan Morales, asylum-seekers from Honduras, have decided to return home after they were kidnapped for three weeks in Nuevo Laredo and their family in Texas paid $8,000 ransom for their freedom. \u003ccite>(John Burnett/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But even that may not be safe. According to a witness account, several pickups full of mafiosos recently screeched to a stop in front of a government-contracted bus that had just left the central bus station. They ordered a dozen migrants off the bus, ordered them into their vehicles, and drove off, leaving the rest of the passengers shocked and frantic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cesar Antunes was on an earlier bus that departed, just before the bus that was ambushed. Antunes said he learned what happened to the second bus when both buses arrived in Monterrey and he spoke with one of the remaining passengers who witnessed the abductions. Antunes related the terrifying tale to NPR on his mobile phone from a city in Northern Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Nuevo Laredo is more dangerous than San Pedro Sula, Honduras,\" Antunes says, \"which is where I fled from.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Mexican government has been cooperating with Trump's immigration agenda after the president threatened that country with steep tariffs in June. In addition to accepting migrants returned under MPP, Mexico has deployed security forces to its own borders to block migrants from going north.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acting Commissioner of Customs and Border Protection Mark Morgan called Mexico's help \"a game changer.\" As a result, the number of migrants in U.S. Border Patrol custody \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/sw-border-migration\">has dropped dramatically\u003c/a> in the past two months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Morgan says he was unaware asylum-seekers waiting in Mexico are being disappeared and extorted by gangsters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I haven't heard anything like that,\" he said in a recent roundtable with reporters, \"not with respect to the MPP program.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CBP chief may be getting his misinformation from Mexican officials. The chief investigator for the Office for Disappeared Persons in Nuevo Laredo, Edwin Aceves Garcia, said in an interview: \"We have received no reports of kidnappings and extortion of migrants. Those are just rumors. You can't believe everything those people say.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the case of Aaron Mendez, the kidnapped pastor, a spokesman for the state prosecutor's office in Ciudad Victoria said he remains missing and the investigation continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the brazen crimes committed against migrants stuck in Nuevo Laredo, some of them are abandoning their asylum requests and returning home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's dangerous here. Lots of things can happen,\" says Liceth Morales, her lip trembling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 40-year-old Honduran woman fled the city of Choluteca with her 6-year-old son, Leytan, when thugs repeatedly robbed her small store. Then, as she tells it, when they arrived at the Nuevo Laredo bus station last month, young men with tattoos and ball caps grabbed her and her son and held them prisoner for three weeks in a succession of safe houses. Ultimately, she says, her family in San Antonio paid $8,000 in ransom for her freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11763710\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/ap_19207735646765_wide-e0458159c833b52d1f6398b8ff43c79ae0cadd0c-1-1020x574.jpg\"]\"When they released us, we immediately crossed the bridge to the U.S. to ask for asylum,\" she says. \"But they sent me right back over here.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contemplating a two-month wait in this treacherous border city for her court hearing in Laredo, Liceth and Leytan Morales decided to go back to Choluteca via the free daily bus to southern Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez, the shelter operator, says most of the other migrants in his shelter are choosing to do the same — return home. The Mexican government points to crime and violence in Nuevo Laredo as a reason for migrants to consider leaving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez and others said they believe the bus trips to Tapachula, a city near the Mexico-Guatemala border, are a transparent attempt by Mexican authorities to persuade migrants to return to their homes in Central America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crime in Nuevo Laredo \"is the perfect excuse to get rid of them because the government doesn't want them here,\" said the priest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">NPR\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In border towns such as Nuevo Laredo, more than 30,000 asylum-seekers are waiting for their day in U.S. immigration court. But criminal elements prey on these migrants who fled their homes. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>One day last week in Nuevo Laredo, Mexico, a fearsome gun battle broke out on the main boulevard to the airport, as drivers careened off the thoroughfare in terror while rival narcos blasted away at each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cartel of the Northeast operates with impunity here, cruising around town in armored, olive-drab pickups with \u003cem>Tropas del Infierno\u003c/em>, Spanish for \"Soldiers from Hell,\" emblazoned on the doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And a pastor named Aaron Mendez remains missing after being kidnapped from the Love Migrant House, a shelter he operated. One news report says extortionists grabbed Mendez when he refused to turn over Cuban migrants they wanted to shake down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>This is where the U.S. is sending migrants who have asked for asylum after crossing the Rio Grande near Laredo, Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 30,000 migrants have been sent back to Mexican border cities to await their day in U.S. immigration court under the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11758516/fear-confusion-and-separation-as-trump-administration-sends-migrants-back-to-mexico\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\"remain in Mexico\" program\u003c/a>. They are sent back from U.S. ports of entry and given a date — generally two to four months in the future — to return and make their case for asylum before an immigration judge on a video link. About 4,500 of them have been sent to Nuevo Laredo, where mayhem is rampant and extorting migrants has become the cartel's latest income stream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program is officially known as the Migrant Protection Protocols, or MPP. In Spanish, the acronym is PPM.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"For me, it's P-M-M, or Plan of Lies to Migrants,\" says Father Julio Lopez, director of the Nazareth Migrant House. \"Because there is no protection.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez is anxious these days. He won't talk about organized crime in his city — it's too risky. But he has plenty to say about MPP. He's seen firsthand the asylum-seekers who cower in fear in the city's six shelters, including his own, leaving only briefly to buy food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexico's National Immigration Institute has been providing migrants with free bus trips to Monterrey, two-and-a-half hours away, and Tapachula, 36 hours away, to get them out of crime-ridden Nuevo Laredo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11770292\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2048px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2019/08/27/criminals-target-migrants-in-mexico-seeking-u-s-asylum/liceth-and-leytan-morales-asylum-seekers-from-honduras-have-decided-to-return-home-after-they-were-kidnapped-for-three-weeks-in-nuevo-laredo-and-their-family-in-texas-paid-8000-ransom-for-their-fr/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11770292\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2048\" height=\"1535\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11770292\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1020x764.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1200x899.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1920x1439.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2048px) 100vw, 2048px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Liceth and Leytan Morales, asylum-seekers from Honduras, have decided to return home after they were kidnapped for three weeks in Nuevo Laredo and their family in Texas paid $8,000 ransom for their freedom. \u003ccite>(John Burnett/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But even that may not be safe. According to a witness account, several pickups full of mafiosos recently screeched to a stop in front of a government-contracted bus that had just left the central bus station. They ordered a dozen migrants off the bus, ordered them into their vehicles, and drove off, leaving the rest of the passengers shocked and frantic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cesar Antunes was on an earlier bus that departed, just before the bus that was ambushed. Antunes said he learned what happened to the second bus when both buses arrived in Monterrey and he spoke with one of the remaining passengers who witnessed the abductions. Antunes related the terrifying tale to NPR on his mobile phone from a city in Northern Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Nuevo Laredo is more dangerous than San Pedro Sula, Honduras,\" Antunes says, \"which is where I fled from.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Mexican government has been cooperating with Trump's immigration agenda after the president threatened that country with steep tariffs in June. In addition to accepting migrants returned under MPP, Mexico has deployed security forces to its own borders to block migrants from going north.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acting Commissioner of Customs and Border Protection Mark Morgan called Mexico's help \"a game changer.\" As a result, the number of migrants in U.S. Border Patrol custody \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/sw-border-migration\">has dropped dramatically\u003c/a> in the past two months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Morgan says he was unaware asylum-seekers waiting in Mexico are being disappeared and extorted by gangsters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I haven't heard anything like that,\" he said in a recent roundtable with reporters, \"not with respect to the MPP program.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CBP chief may be getting his misinformation from Mexican officials. The chief investigator for the Office for Disappeared Persons in Nuevo Laredo, Edwin Aceves Garcia, said in an interview: \"We have received no reports of kidnappings and extortion of migrants. Those are just rumors. You can't believe everything those people say.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the case of Aaron Mendez, the kidnapped pastor, a spokesman for the state prosecutor's office in Ciudad Victoria said he remains missing and the investigation continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the brazen crimes committed against migrants stuck in Nuevo Laredo, some of them are abandoning their asylum requests and returning home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's dangerous here. Lots of things can happen,\" says Liceth Morales, her lip trembling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 40-year-old Honduran woman fled the city of Choluteca with her 6-year-old son, Leytan, when thugs repeatedly robbed her small store. Then, as she tells it, when they arrived at the Nuevo Laredo bus station last month, young men with tattoos and ball caps grabbed her and her son and held them prisoner for three weeks in a succession of safe houses. Ultimately, she says, her family in San Antonio paid $8,000 in ransom for her freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\"When they released us, we immediately crossed the bridge to the U.S. to ask for asylum,\" she says. \"But they sent me right back over here.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contemplating a two-month wait in this treacherous border city for her court hearing in Laredo, Liceth and Leytan Morales decided to go back to Choluteca via the free daily bus to southern Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez, the shelter operator, says most of the other migrants in his shelter are choosing to do the same — return home. The Mexican government points to crime and violence in Nuevo Laredo as a reason for migrants to consider leaving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez and others said they believe the bus trips to Tapachula, a city near the Mexico-Guatemala border, are a transparent attempt by Mexican authorities to persuade migrants to return to their homes in Central America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crime in Nuevo Laredo \"is the perfect excuse to get rid of them because the government doesn't want them here,\" said the priest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">NPR\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "My Grandfather, A Killer",
"title": "My Grandfather, A Killer",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>On rare occasions, Dad and I would get together for lunch. It was 2014, and I had just started a job at NPR. Dad was retired and lived 60 miles away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From what I remember, we ate dim sum, which meant driving through the heart of downtown Los Angeles, the massive skyscrapers glistening in the afternoon sun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was quiet in the car. I was thinking about how Mom and Dad used to make this commute to LA every day for work. Two hours in the morning, two hours at night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11767453\" label=\"Bay Area Activist Shot in PI\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad interrupted my thoughts, pointing to a building on the side of the freeway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Did you know that my dad killed somebody in that place?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Wait, what?\" I responded, almost missing the moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I never met my grandfather, Lolo Vicente, but I'd heard stories about him. On our living room wall, there's a picture of him. He was handsome. Dad said he was strict, but he never talked about him coming to America, much less that he killed someone. When I asked Dad why it had taken him so long to tell me, he said it's because I never asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A million thoughts raced through my head. Lolo was in America? Why was Lolo in America? Who did he kill? Did he go to prison?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the main question tugging at me was what this all meant for the story of my family's history in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768295\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0087_custom-c0585b545430b16710a9af0cf79faf63be15644e-e1566155580832.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768295\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0087_custom-c0585b545430b16710a9af0cf79faf63be15644e-e1566155580832.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1222\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The author's father, Manolo Guerra, stands for a portrait at his home in Moreno Valley, Calif., on Aug. 7. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The murder had suddenly shattered my view of the quintessential immigrant narrative — the story my parents embodied. They both came to the United States from the Philippines in the 1980s looking for a better life. Dad became a citizen; Mom, a green card holder. They worked hard, bought a house in the suburbs and raised three children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My grandfather had taken a darker path. The fact that this violence was a part of my American story scared me. I hated how it might feed into the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/03/30/upshot/crime-immigration-myth.html?module=inline\">false\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/13/upshot/illegal-immigration-crime-rates-research.html\">narrative\u003c/a> that immigrants drive up crime rates. The story also enticed me. I needed to find answers to my questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the story of my Lolo — which means \"grandfather\" in Tagalog, a language native to the Philippines. The reason I'm here is because of him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768296\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0125_custom-c9645c2e7b06ad2ca7ca309cb317dc0510e8d865-e1566155627245.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0125_custom-c9645c2e7b06ad2ca7ca309cb317dc0510e8d865-e1566155627245.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1332\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trophies and ribbons won by the Guerra sisters are on display in the garage of their father, Manolo Guerra. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>America's \"Little Brown Brothers\" \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I first found Lolo's mug shot, I thought he looked handsome. He was only 24, with soft features and slick black hair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He had come to America six years earlier, in 1926. He grew up poor in a small province in the Philippines and was part of a mass migration that, \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/philippines-culture-migration\">by one estimate\u003c/a>, brought 150,000 Filipinos to America between 1907 and 1930. These were mostly single young men who boarded steamships to travel thousands of miles from the Philippines to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, it was relatively easy to immigrate to the U.S. from the Philippines, which in the 1930s was still \u003ca href=\"https://history.house.gov/Exhibitions-and-Publications/APA/Historical-Essays/Exclusion-and-Empire/The-Philippines/\">a U.S. territory\u003c/a>. The agricultural sector needed cheap labor, and Filipinos, who were considered noncitizen nationals, fulfilled that role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768297\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0006_custom-1882b5ad05ee6114c851da325a2def1eb5d017ee-e1566155844678.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768297\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0006_custom-1882b5ad05ee6114c851da325a2def1eb5d017ee-e1566155844678.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Manolo Guerra points himself out in an old family portrait. He's standing in the photo with his father, Vicente Guerra, his mother, Isabel Guerra, and his older brother Greg. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768298\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0103_custom-628870066d5a5490411611fdb6372e0377ff79a8-e1566155896220.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768298\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0103_custom-628870066d5a5490411611fdb6372e0377ff79a8-e1566155896220.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1332\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A family photo at the home of Manolo Guerra. The author, Denise Guerra, appears on the far left alongside her sister, mother, father, sister and brother-in-law. Her two nieces appear seated in the front row. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While most of these Filipinos worked in farming, men like my grandfather ended up in cities as low-wage domestic workers. In Los Angeles, he became a \"houseboy.\" Family lore said he cleaned house for actor George Raft, who appeared in the original \u003cem>Scarface\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For newly arrived immigrants like Lolo, life in America was hard, and the reception was not always warm. Filipino men were known as America's \"little brown brothers,\" a phrase coined by William Howard Taft, who before winning the White House in the 1908 election, served as the first American governor-general of the Philippines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"perspectives_201601138926\" label=\"Perspectives: Filipino Pride\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White America's view could be summed up in a 1929 \u003cem>Los Angeles Times \u003c/em>op-ed titled \"The Filipino Invasion.\" The author describes Filipinos as \"good boys, most of them trained on battleships or as houseboys to neatness, cleanliness and quiet courtesy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I can only imagine how emasculating this must have felt for Lolo and other young Filipino men. But you wouldn't be able to tell by looking at photographs of them from the time. Outside of work they wore fedoras, \u003ca href=\"https://www.esquiremag.ph/style/fashion/filipino-mens-fashion-a2289-20190401-lfrm6\">pressed zoot suits\u003c/a> and shiny wingtip shoes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthony Ocampo, a sociologist at California State Polytechnic University and author of the book \u003cem>The Latinos of Asia: How Filipino Americans Break the Rules of Race, \u003c/em>said dressing like that offered a form of mental self-preservation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think part of the reason they did that is because having traveled 7,000 miles across the Pacific Ocean, being able to present themselves in that way gave them some sort of dignity,\" Ocampo said. \"That the journey was worth it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768306\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768306\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Guerra sits at his home. In the 1980s, Guerra immigrated to the U.S. from the Philippines in search of a better life. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Of course, it wasn't strictly about self-preservation, said Ocampo. They also did it to attract women, especially at the local taxi-dance halls, where men could hire women to dance with them. The dance halls gave immigrants an outlet to socialize with one another and spend some of their hard-earned money — typically 10 cents per dance — in hopes of finding some companionship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women were usually white, and given racist attitudes and miscegenation laws, that dynamic would eventually spark violence against the Filipino community by white men enraged over the \u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=_yD8ND6gMUsC&pg=PA21#v=onepage&q&f=false\">influx of migrant laborers in the area\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most notorious incident happened in Watsonville, an agricultural community in Northern California. In 1930, a mob of about 500 white men and youth opened fire at a dance hall popular with the local Filipino community where white women were being employed. Over five days, roaming mobs assaulted Filipinos with pistols, clubs and whips. They dragged Filipinos from their homes and beat them. Filipinos were thrown off bridges. One man, Fermin Tobera, 22, was shot to death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was out to run the Filipinos out of the country,\" one participant told the \u003cem>Oakland Tribune\u003c/em>. \"We're going to get rid of them, that's what.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Murder \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next year, a woman would again be at the center of violence involving Filipinos. This time, it involved my Lolo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To this day, no one in my family can say for certain what drove my grandfather to murder. But according to an Associated Press report dated Sept. 23, 1931, it all had to do with \"an American girl.\" The headline of the story read, \"Oriental Killed, One Shot in Love Feud.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to my dad, Lolo was in a restaurant bathroom when two men cornered him and slit his neck, leaving Lolo bleeding and facedown on a toilet. Someone found Lolo and was able to get help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad doesn't know what prompted the attack, but he remembers the scar that it left on the back of Lolo's neck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After his recovery, Lolo went looking for his attackers, and one day, while cruising the streets of a busy downtown corridor, Lolo spotted two men leaving a theater. He told a friend to get the car ready. Lolo had a gun and was set on revenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shooting took place close to a popular dance hall where Filipinos hung out, near city hall. His victims were John Lopez, shot in the leg, and Joseph Retotar, a Filipino, who died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Records for the two men are hard to come by. Based on what I could find, Retotar was about the same age as Lolo. And that love feud? While the article suggests it was over an American, no one in the family can say for sure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years I agonized. If only I had her name or the details of the others involved, then just maybe I could figure out what really happened. It had to be in the case file. I went to the Los Angeles County Hall of Records to look for it, but when the archivist took the decades-old microfilm out of its box, it fell apart. This mystery woman was now a ghost on decrepit microfilm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768307\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768307\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Guerra and wife's house in the suburban community of Moreno Valley. The couple bought the home after immigrating to the U.S. and raised three children there. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Return to the Philippines\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo was caught, tried by a jury and found guilty of second-degree murder. He was sentenced to five years to life at San Quentin State Prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was out in seven years. Dad said Lolo talked about marking his cell with chalk every year he spent there. When he was released, he took his hand, swiped the chalk marks off the wall and cried aloud, \"Goodbye!\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's unclear why Lolo was released from prison so early, but a handwritten note in his prison records offers a clue. It appears to read, \"repat Paroled 5/5/39.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Repat\" is a likely reference to the government's efforts to repatriate Filipinos under a 1935 law signed by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in response to anger among white workers about Filipino men taking U.S. jobs. The measure came a year after the Tydings-McDuffie Act — a law that set the Philippines on the path to independence but that also reclassified Filipinos already in the U.S. as \"aliens.\" Taken together, the two laws were blamed for separating Filipino families, given that Tydings-McDuffie capped Filipino immigration at 50 people per year, making it near impossible for anyone who was repatriated to return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Lolo was heading back to the Philippines in 1939, World War II was raging in Europe. In the Pacific, Japanese forces had taken over several Chinese cities. The U.S. was on guard — its interests in the Philippines could be next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo's niece, my Tita Letty Francisco, remembers that the war may be the reason for Lolo's parole. Back then, it was common for prisoners to be recruited to fight the Japanese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1941, Japan bombed Pearl Harbor, Hawaii. Within hours, it invaded the Philippines. Lolo became a second lieutenant in the guerrilla army fighting the Japanese alongside U.S. forces. He even got a new nickname. Instead of Vicente Guerra, they called him Vicente Bakal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768304\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768304\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"599\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vicente Guerra is pictured during his time as a second lieutenant in the guerilla force fighting the Japanese in World War II. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Denise Guerra)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Bakal is iron,\" said Tita Letty. She said he could be loving toward his family, but when it came to war, Lolo showed no remorse for killing the Japanese. She remembers Lolo's fury after the Japanese bombed the home he shared with the woman he ended up marrying in the Philippines, Lola Isabel. He'd even brag about how many lives he took, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But according to Dad, there was at least one death that troubled Lolo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the time he was tasked with killing a Filipina who had been accused of working as an informant for the Japanese. She was labeled a \"Makapili,\" the name Filipinos gave those who aided the Japanese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the war, the Japanese would take informants, place bags over their heads, cut two holes for their eyes and ask them to identify Filipinos. Once identified, the Japanese would shoot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo's secret mission to kill this woman meant he couldn't use a gun, because it would make noise, so he and others used a piece of wood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"' They keep hitting her and hitting her, and she won't die,'\" Dad remembered Lolo telling him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So what they did, they just digged a hole. But when they put her there, she's still alive. So they keep hitting her,\" Dad said, his tone solemn like I imagine Lolo's must have been when recounting the story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After that, Lolo asked his boss to transfer him to another assignment. He couldn't take it anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I think back on this story, it makes me angry. How could he have killed someone so brutally? Even if it was in the service of his country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad takes me back to reality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is war,\" he said. \"What did you expect?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Enforcer \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was about five years after our car ride that Dad and I went to where the murder took place in downtown LA. The street corner looks like a restored loft with some shops. It's loud, bustling. Traffic and construction noise fills the air. In one direction, I see homeless men. In another, a man on a dockless scooter riding by.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's here, almost a century ago, that Lolo's life in America took a turn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad's silent, taking it all in. My thoughts are elsewhere, and I wonder how Lolo's environment shaped his actions. Did life in America encourage the worst in him? Turn him more angry? More violent? What if he had never come to the U.S.? Would he have avoided all the bloodshed? Or was it all inevitable?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think about another influence in Lolo's life, Ted Lewin. He was an American who built one of the biggest gaming operations in Manila. In a 1959 profile, \u003ca href=\"http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,865128,00.html\">\u003cem>Time\u003c/em> magazine described\u003c/a> Lewin, saying he had \"a taste for dark shirts, penthouses, air-conditioned Cadillacs and shadowy wheelings and dealings. In and out of Manila, in the past two decades, he has turned many a fast peso.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"filipino-americans\" label=\"Related Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo worked for Lewin as an enforcer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When they see something or they found out something in the casino that you are cheating, they would beat the hell out of them,\" said Dad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad said Lolo would tell him stories about taking a hammer and smashing each finger of a cheater's hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo became a top boss for Lewin. He was feared and respected. When Lewin was forced out of the trade by the Philippine government, Lolo took his experience and used it to establish his own businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He had a fleet of taxis and operated distilleries. Ever the hustler, he at one point took a job at customs, where he accepted bribes for letting folks smuggle goods into the islands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This allowed him to give his kids the opportunity to attend college in the Philippines, drive nice cars and establish political and business connections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad used that to build his own business selling electronics in the Philippines. It did well at first but then fell into bankruptcy. He looked at America and saw a second chance. And thanks in part to Lolo's war service, Dad was eventually able to gain citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He's retired now, after 40 years in manufacturing. He and my mom worked all the time, and because of that, my family enjoyed full bellies and college educations. The quintessential American Dream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>My family, my country \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked Dad why his life in America was so different from Lolo's. He said it's because each generation will be better off than the one before it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Remember during [his] time, they are all illiterate. They didn't go to high school,\" Dad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You go to another country, especially an industrialized country like America, most of them turned out to be drivers, busboys or work as a maid because they don't have schooling.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad never went back to the Philippines, even for Lolo's funeral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Even when I die, I already bought our family plot, because most people when they die, they go home, but this is my home, so I will just stay here,\" Dad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My parents are already dead. My only brother is dead. So there's no more thing for me to go to the Philippines.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768305\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768305\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"550\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85-160x110.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Guerra says a prayer in the chapel he constructed in his garage. He has never returned to the Philippines since coming to America in the 1980s. \"My parents are already dead. My only brother is dead. So there's no more thing for me to go to the Philippines,\" he said. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When I think about Lolo's history in America — the murder, the war, his thuggery — my biggest question is still whether he was a monster. Or would he have made different choices if America had been kinder? If you exist in a land where you're constantly seen as a villain, do you inevitably become one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite Lolo's violence, Dad believes he was a good father, a good friend. Tita Letty remembers him as kind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I'm not so sure. But the blood he shed is part of my family's story. It's part of America's.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=My+Grandfather%2C+A+Killer+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Denise Guerra, a second-generation Filipino American, never met her grandfather. When she finally learned a long-held family secret, it shattered her view of the quintessential immigrant narrative.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On rare occasions, Dad and I would get together for lunch. It was 2014, and I had just started a job at NPR. Dad was retired and lived 60 miles away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From what I remember, we ate dim sum, which meant driving through the heart of downtown Los Angeles, the massive skyscrapers glistening in the afternoon sun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was quiet in the car. I was thinking about how Mom and Dad used to make this commute to LA every day for work. Two hours in the morning, two hours at night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad interrupted my thoughts, pointing to a building on the side of the freeway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Did you know that my dad killed somebody in that place?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Wait, what?\" I responded, almost missing the moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I never met my grandfather, Lolo Vicente, but I'd heard stories about him. On our living room wall, there's a picture of him. He was handsome. Dad said he was strict, but he never talked about him coming to America, much less that he killed someone. When I asked Dad why it had taken him so long to tell me, he said it's because I never asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A million thoughts raced through my head. Lolo was in America? Why was Lolo in America? Who did he kill? Did he go to prison?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the main question tugging at me was what this all meant for the story of my family's history in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768295\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0087_custom-c0585b545430b16710a9af0cf79faf63be15644e-e1566155580832.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768295\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0087_custom-c0585b545430b16710a9af0cf79faf63be15644e-e1566155580832.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1222\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The author's father, Manolo Guerra, stands for a portrait at his home in Moreno Valley, Calif., on Aug. 7. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The murder had suddenly shattered my view of the quintessential immigrant narrative — the story my parents embodied. They both came to the United States from the Philippines in the 1980s looking for a better life. Dad became a citizen; Mom, a green card holder. They worked hard, bought a house in the suburbs and raised three children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My grandfather had taken a darker path. The fact that this violence was a part of my American story scared me. I hated how it might feed into the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/03/30/upshot/crime-immigration-myth.html?module=inline\">false\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/13/upshot/illegal-immigration-crime-rates-research.html\">narrative\u003c/a> that immigrants drive up crime rates. The story also enticed me. I needed to find answers to my questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the story of my Lolo — which means \"grandfather\" in Tagalog, a language native to the Philippines. The reason I'm here is because of him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768296\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0125_custom-c9645c2e7b06ad2ca7ca309cb317dc0510e8d865-e1566155627245.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0125_custom-c9645c2e7b06ad2ca7ca309cb317dc0510e8d865-e1566155627245.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1332\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trophies and ribbons won by the Guerra sisters are on display in the garage of their father, Manolo Guerra. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>America's \"Little Brown Brothers\" \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I first found Lolo's mug shot, I thought he looked handsome. He was only 24, with soft features and slick black hair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He had come to America six years earlier, in 1926. He grew up poor in a small province in the Philippines and was part of a mass migration that, \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/philippines-culture-migration\">by one estimate\u003c/a>, brought 150,000 Filipinos to America between 1907 and 1930. These were mostly single young men who boarded steamships to travel thousands of miles from the Philippines to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, it was relatively easy to immigrate to the U.S. from the Philippines, which in the 1930s was still \u003ca href=\"https://history.house.gov/Exhibitions-and-Publications/APA/Historical-Essays/Exclusion-and-Empire/The-Philippines/\">a U.S. territory\u003c/a>. The agricultural sector needed cheap labor, and Filipinos, who were considered noncitizen nationals, fulfilled that role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768297\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0006_custom-1882b5ad05ee6114c851da325a2def1eb5d017ee-e1566155844678.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768297\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0006_custom-1882b5ad05ee6114c851da325a2def1eb5d017ee-e1566155844678.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Manolo Guerra points himself out in an old family portrait. He's standing in the photo with his father, Vicente Guerra, his mother, Isabel Guerra, and his older brother Greg. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768298\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0103_custom-628870066d5a5490411611fdb6372e0377ff79a8-e1566155896220.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768298\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0103_custom-628870066d5a5490411611fdb6372e0377ff79a8-e1566155896220.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1332\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A family photo at the home of Manolo Guerra. The author, Denise Guerra, appears on the far left alongside her sister, mother, father, sister and brother-in-law. Her two nieces appear seated in the front row. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While most of these Filipinos worked in farming, men like my grandfather ended up in cities as low-wage domestic workers. In Los Angeles, he became a \"houseboy.\" Family lore said he cleaned house for actor George Raft, who appeared in the original \u003cem>Scarface\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For newly arrived immigrants like Lolo, life in America was hard, and the reception was not always warm. Filipino men were known as America's \"little brown brothers,\" a phrase coined by William Howard Taft, who before winning the White House in the 1908 election, served as the first American governor-general of the Philippines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White America's view could be summed up in a 1929 \u003cem>Los Angeles Times \u003c/em>op-ed titled \"The Filipino Invasion.\" The author describes Filipinos as \"good boys, most of them trained on battleships or as houseboys to neatness, cleanliness and quiet courtesy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I can only imagine how emasculating this must have felt for Lolo and other young Filipino men. But you wouldn't be able to tell by looking at photographs of them from the time. Outside of work they wore fedoras, \u003ca href=\"https://www.esquiremag.ph/style/fashion/filipino-mens-fashion-a2289-20190401-lfrm6\">pressed zoot suits\u003c/a> and shiny wingtip shoes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthony Ocampo, a sociologist at California State Polytechnic University and author of the book \u003cem>The Latinos of Asia: How Filipino Americans Break the Rules of Race, \u003c/em>said dressing like that offered a form of mental self-preservation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think part of the reason they did that is because having traveled 7,000 miles across the Pacific Ocean, being able to present themselves in that way gave them some sort of dignity,\" Ocampo said. \"That the journey was worth it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768306\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768306\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Guerra sits at his home. In the 1980s, Guerra immigrated to the U.S. from the Philippines in search of a better life. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Of course, it wasn't strictly about self-preservation, said Ocampo. They also did it to attract women, especially at the local taxi-dance halls, where men could hire women to dance with them. The dance halls gave immigrants an outlet to socialize with one another and spend some of their hard-earned money — typically 10 cents per dance — in hopes of finding some companionship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women were usually white, and given racist attitudes and miscegenation laws, that dynamic would eventually spark violence against the Filipino community by white men enraged over the \u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=_yD8ND6gMUsC&pg=PA21#v=onepage&q&f=false\">influx of migrant laborers in the area\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most notorious incident happened in Watsonville, an agricultural community in Northern California. In 1930, a mob of about 500 white men and youth opened fire at a dance hall popular with the local Filipino community where white women were being employed. Over five days, roaming mobs assaulted Filipinos with pistols, clubs and whips. They dragged Filipinos from their homes and beat them. Filipinos were thrown off bridges. One man, Fermin Tobera, 22, was shot to death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was out to run the Filipinos out of the country,\" one participant told the \u003cem>Oakland Tribune\u003c/em>. \"We're going to get rid of them, that's what.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Murder \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next year, a woman would again be at the center of violence involving Filipinos. This time, it involved my Lolo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To this day, no one in my family can say for certain what drove my grandfather to murder. But according to an Associated Press report dated Sept. 23, 1931, it all had to do with \"an American girl.\" The headline of the story read, \"Oriental Killed, One Shot in Love Feud.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to my dad, Lolo was in a restaurant bathroom when two men cornered him and slit his neck, leaving Lolo bleeding and facedown on a toilet. Someone found Lolo and was able to get help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad doesn't know what prompted the attack, but he remembers the scar that it left on the back of Lolo's neck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After his recovery, Lolo went looking for his attackers, and one day, while cruising the streets of a busy downtown corridor, Lolo spotted two men leaving a theater. He told a friend to get the car ready. Lolo had a gun and was set on revenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shooting took place close to a popular dance hall where Filipinos hung out, near city hall. His victims were John Lopez, shot in the leg, and Joseph Retotar, a Filipino, who died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Records for the two men are hard to come by. Based on what I could find, Retotar was about the same age as Lolo. And that love feud? While the article suggests it was over an American, no one in the family can say for sure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years I agonized. If only I had her name or the details of the others involved, then just maybe I could figure out what really happened. It had to be in the case file. I went to the Los Angeles County Hall of Records to look for it, but when the archivist took the decades-old microfilm out of its box, it fell apart. This mystery woman was now a ghost on decrepit microfilm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768307\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768307\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Guerra and wife's house in the suburban community of Moreno Valley. The couple bought the home after immigrating to the U.S. and raised three children there. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Return to the Philippines\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo was caught, tried by a jury and found guilty of second-degree murder. He was sentenced to five years to life at San Quentin State Prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was out in seven years. Dad said Lolo talked about marking his cell with chalk every year he spent there. When he was released, he took his hand, swiped the chalk marks off the wall and cried aloud, \"Goodbye!\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's unclear why Lolo was released from prison so early, but a handwritten note in his prison records offers a clue. It appears to read, \"repat Paroled 5/5/39.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Repat\" is a likely reference to the government's efforts to repatriate Filipinos under a 1935 law signed by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in response to anger among white workers about Filipino men taking U.S. jobs. The measure came a year after the Tydings-McDuffie Act — a law that set the Philippines on the path to independence but that also reclassified Filipinos already in the U.S. as \"aliens.\" Taken together, the two laws were blamed for separating Filipino families, given that Tydings-McDuffie capped Filipino immigration at 50 people per year, making it near impossible for anyone who was repatriated to return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Lolo was heading back to the Philippines in 1939, World War II was raging in Europe. In the Pacific, Japanese forces had taken over several Chinese cities. The U.S. was on guard — its interests in the Philippines could be next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo's niece, my Tita Letty Francisco, remembers that the war may be the reason for Lolo's parole. Back then, it was common for prisoners to be recruited to fight the Japanese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1941, Japan bombed Pearl Harbor, Hawaii. Within hours, it invaded the Philippines. Lolo became a second lieutenant in the guerrilla army fighting the Japanese alongside U.S. forces. He even got a new nickname. Instead of Vicente Guerra, they called him Vicente Bakal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768304\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768304\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"599\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vicente Guerra is pictured during his time as a second lieutenant in the guerilla force fighting the Japanese in World War II. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Denise Guerra)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Bakal is iron,\" said Tita Letty. She said he could be loving toward his family, but when it came to war, Lolo showed no remorse for killing the Japanese. She remembers Lolo's fury after the Japanese bombed the home he shared with the woman he ended up marrying in the Philippines, Lola Isabel. He'd even brag about how many lives he took, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But according to Dad, there was at least one death that troubled Lolo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the time he was tasked with killing a Filipina who had been accused of working as an informant for the Japanese. She was labeled a \"Makapili,\" the name Filipinos gave those who aided the Japanese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the war, the Japanese would take informants, place bags over their heads, cut two holes for their eyes and ask them to identify Filipinos. Once identified, the Japanese would shoot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo's secret mission to kill this woman meant he couldn't use a gun, because it would make noise, so he and others used a piece of wood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"' They keep hitting her and hitting her, and she won't die,'\" Dad remembered Lolo telling him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So what they did, they just digged a hole. But when they put her there, she's still alive. So they keep hitting her,\" Dad said, his tone solemn like I imagine Lolo's must have been when recounting the story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After that, Lolo asked his boss to transfer him to another assignment. He couldn't take it anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I think back on this story, it makes me angry. How could he have killed someone so brutally? Even if it was in the service of his country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad takes me back to reality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is war,\" he said. \"What did you expect?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Enforcer \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was about five years after our car ride that Dad and I went to where the murder took place in downtown LA. The street corner looks like a restored loft with some shops. It's loud, bustling. Traffic and construction noise fills the air. In one direction, I see homeless men. In another, a man on a dockless scooter riding by.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's here, almost a century ago, that Lolo's life in America took a turn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad's silent, taking it all in. My thoughts are elsewhere, and I wonder how Lolo's environment shaped his actions. Did life in America encourage the worst in him? Turn him more angry? More violent? What if he had never come to the U.S.? Would he have avoided all the bloodshed? Or was it all inevitable?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think about another influence in Lolo's life, Ted Lewin. He was an American who built one of the biggest gaming operations in Manila. In a 1959 profile, \u003ca href=\"http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,865128,00.html\">\u003cem>Time\u003c/em> magazine described\u003c/a> Lewin, saying he had \"a taste for dark shirts, penthouses, air-conditioned Cadillacs and shadowy wheelings and dealings. In and out of Manila, in the past two decades, he has turned many a fast peso.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo worked for Lewin as an enforcer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When they see something or they found out something in the casino that you are cheating, they would beat the hell out of them,\" said Dad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad said Lolo would tell him stories about taking a hammer and smashing each finger of a cheater's hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo became a top boss for Lewin. He was feared and respected. When Lewin was forced out of the trade by the Philippine government, Lolo took his experience and used it to establish his own businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He had a fleet of taxis and operated distilleries. Ever the hustler, he at one point took a job at customs, where he accepted bribes for letting folks smuggle goods into the islands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This allowed him to give his kids the opportunity to attend college in the Philippines, drive nice cars and establish political and business connections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad used that to build his own business selling electronics in the Philippines. It did well at first but then fell into bankruptcy. He looked at America and saw a second chance. And thanks in part to Lolo's war service, Dad was eventually able to gain citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He's retired now, after 40 years in manufacturing. He and my mom worked all the time, and because of that, my family enjoyed full bellies and college educations. The quintessential American Dream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>My family, my country \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked Dad why his life in America was so different from Lolo's. He said it's because each generation will be better off than the one before it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Remember during [his] time, they are all illiterate. They didn't go to high school,\" Dad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You go to another country, especially an industrialized country like America, most of them turned out to be drivers, busboys or work as a maid because they don't have schooling.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad never went back to the Philippines, even for Lolo's funeral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Even when I die, I already bought our family plot, because most people when they die, they go home, but this is my home, so I will just stay here,\" Dad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My parents are already dead. My only brother is dead. So there's no more thing for me to go to the Philippines.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768305\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768305\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"550\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85-160x110.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Guerra says a prayer in the chapel he constructed in his garage. He has never returned to the Philippines since coming to America in the 1980s. \"My parents are already dead. My only brother is dead. So there's no more thing for me to go to the Philippines,\" he said. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When I think about Lolo's history in America — the murder, the war, his thuggery — my biggest question is still whether he was a monster. Or would he have made different choices if America had been kinder? If you exist in a land where you're constantly seen as a villain, do you inevitably become one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite Lolo's violence, Dad believes he was a good father, a good friend. Tita Letty remembers him as kind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I'm not so sure. But the blood he shed is part of my family's story. It's part of America's.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=My+Grandfather%2C+A+Killer+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Netflix Curbs Tobacco Use Onscreen, But Not Pot. What's Up With That?",
"title": "Netflix Curbs Tobacco Use Onscreen, But Not Pot. What's Up With That?",
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"content": "\u003cp>When is it wrong to show cigarette smoking on television, but OK to depict people smoking cannabis products, particularly in programming popular among young teenagers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Netflix recently announced it would curb depictions of cigarette smoking in original programming intended for general audiences, after a \u003ca href=\"https://truthinitiative.org/research-resources/tobacco-pop-culture/while-you-were-streaming-smoking-demand\">Truth Initiative study\u003c/a> showed its monster summer hit, \u003cem>Stranger Things, \u003c/em>featured more tobacco use than any other program on streaming, broadcast or cable. There's tobacco in every single episode.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tobacco advertising has been banned on TV and in the movies for decades; when it comes to characters smoking cigarettes onscreen, restrictions are largely self-imposed. The Walt Disney Company is one of the few studios with a comprehensive and public policy about \u003ca href=\"https://www.thewaltdisneycompany.com/wp-content/uploads/Smoking-in-Movies.pdf\">depicting tobacco use in movies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"marijuana\" label=\"Coverage of Marijuana in California\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what about smoking pot? The Netflix show \u003cem>On My Block\u003c/em> is rated TV-14, for audiences, aged 14 and older — exactly the same rating as \u003cem>Stranger Things\u003c/em>. The very first scene of \u003cem>On My Block\u003c/em>, about high school students in Los Angeles, features kids doing bong hits at a party. There's a loveable, pot-smoking grandma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the Netflix romantic comedy, \u003cem>Always Be My Maybe\u003c/em> is rated PG-13. One of its main characters smokes weed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This troubles Stanton Glantz, a professor of medicine at the University of California, San Francisco, who for years has studied the cardiovascular effects of tobacco smoke, and the effects of tobacco marketing — direct and indirect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Rating a film for 14 year olds that's promoting substance abuse — it's like the peak of risk,\" he says. Glantz says although pot is widely regarded as holistic and harmless, compared to cigarettes, that's not accurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Marijuana is not harmless,\" he says. \"Secondhand marijuana smoke has the same kind of adverse effects on your blood vessels that smoking a cigarette does. Chemically it's not all that different from cigarette smoke, except that the psychoactive agent is different.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Study after study has shown a correlation between kids' exposure to cigarettes in the media and their later use of tobacco, Glantz says. There aren't as many similar studies about pot, although some have \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3008330/\">begun to emerge\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as pot legalization gains momentum, using it is becoming normalized in popular culture. A couple of years ago, Netflix showed up at a pop-up event at a West Hollywood dispensary and provided \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/tv-and-radio/2017/aug/25/netflix-marijuana-strains-original-shows\">weed varieties based on some of its most popular shows.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These days, cannabis — as opposed to tobacco — can help make a certain kind of company seem cool, says \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em> opinion writer Alyssa Rosenberg. \"Marijuana has sort of a better lobbying message right now than tobacco does,\" she observes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Stanton Glantz, professor of medicine at the University of California, San Francisco']'Netflix ought to be adopting a policy that, you know, is not only based on the bombproof science we have on tobacco, but brings common sense into the discussion for these other exposures.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Rosenberg points out that for much of the 20th century, Big Tobacco actively — and successfully — promoted cigarettes in movies and on TV. \"They were planting stories about how Paul Newman was learning to light two cigarettes at a time for a role,\" she says. \"They supplied green rooms [with cigarettes]. They focused on trying to get stars to smoke on-air during tapings of \u003cem>The Merv Griffin Show\u003c/em>. They tried to push fashion editorials to show models smoking.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, Rosenberg says, it's perhaps disingenuous for filmmakers or studios to argue, as Netflix does today, that smoking onscreen is an artistic expression when much of it, historically, came out of marketing departments — product placement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glantz worries that kind of product placement might happen again with weed, once it becomes widely commercialized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And Netflix ought to be adopting a policy that, you know, is not only based on the bombproof science we have on tobacco,\" he says, \"but brings common sense into the discussion for these other exposures.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, Netflix isn't the only company with a role to play here. Other leading streaming companies haven't made public any policies about the onscreen use of tobacco or cannabis.Netflix, Hulu and Amazon did not respond to NPR's requests for comment in regards to such policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But earlier this month, attorneys general from 43 states and territories \u003ca href=\"https://www.naag.org/assets/redesign/files/2019-08-06%20NAAG%20Letter%20to%20Producers%20--.pdf\">signed a letter sent\u003c/a> to streaming companies, asking for better practices when it comes to showing tobacco use on screen. Some public health experts think pot should be next on the agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Netflix+Curbs+Tobacco+Use+Onscreen%2C+But+Not+Pot.+What%27s+Up+With+That%3F&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "TV networks have standards that minimize tobacco use on shows, and Netflix now does, too. But streaming companies lack public policies about smoking cannabis onscreen, and doctors say that hurts kids.",
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"description": "TV networks have standards that minimize tobacco use on shows, and Netflix now does, too. But streaming companies lack public policies about smoking cannabis onscreen, and doctors say that hurts kids.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When is it wrong to show cigarette smoking on television, but OK to depict people smoking cannabis products, particularly in programming popular among young teenagers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Netflix recently announced it would curb depictions of cigarette smoking in original programming intended for general audiences, after a \u003ca href=\"https://truthinitiative.org/research-resources/tobacco-pop-culture/while-you-were-streaming-smoking-demand\">Truth Initiative study\u003c/a> showed its monster summer hit, \u003cem>Stranger Things, \u003c/em>featured more tobacco use than any other program on streaming, broadcast or cable. There's tobacco in every single episode.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tobacco advertising has been banned on TV and in the movies for decades; when it comes to characters smoking cigarettes onscreen, restrictions are largely self-imposed. The Walt Disney Company is one of the few studios with a comprehensive and public policy about \u003ca href=\"https://www.thewaltdisneycompany.com/wp-content/uploads/Smoking-in-Movies.pdf\">depicting tobacco use in movies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what about smoking pot? The Netflix show \u003cem>On My Block\u003c/em> is rated TV-14, for audiences, aged 14 and older — exactly the same rating as \u003cem>Stranger Things\u003c/em>. The very first scene of \u003cem>On My Block\u003c/em>, about high school students in Los Angeles, features kids doing bong hits at a party. There's a loveable, pot-smoking grandma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the Netflix romantic comedy, \u003cem>Always Be My Maybe\u003c/em> is rated PG-13. One of its main characters smokes weed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This troubles Stanton Glantz, a professor of medicine at the University of California, San Francisco, who for years has studied the cardiovascular effects of tobacco smoke, and the effects of tobacco marketing — direct and indirect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Rating a film for 14 year olds that's promoting substance abuse — it's like the peak of risk,\" he says. Glantz says although pot is widely regarded as holistic and harmless, compared to cigarettes, that's not accurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Marijuana is not harmless,\" he says. \"Secondhand marijuana smoke has the same kind of adverse effects on your blood vessels that smoking a cigarette does. Chemically it's not all that different from cigarette smoke, except that the psychoactive agent is different.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Study after study has shown a correlation between kids' exposure to cigarettes in the media and their later use of tobacco, Glantz says. There aren't as many similar studies about pot, although some have \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3008330/\">begun to emerge\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as pot legalization gains momentum, using it is becoming normalized in popular culture. A couple of years ago, Netflix showed up at a pop-up event at a West Hollywood dispensary and provided \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/tv-and-radio/2017/aug/25/netflix-marijuana-strains-original-shows\">weed varieties based on some of its most popular shows.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These days, cannabis — as opposed to tobacco — can help make a certain kind of company seem cool, says \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em> opinion writer Alyssa Rosenberg. \"Marijuana has sort of a better lobbying message right now than tobacco does,\" she observes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Rosenberg points out that for much of the 20th century, Big Tobacco actively — and successfully — promoted cigarettes in movies and on TV. \"They were planting stories about how Paul Newman was learning to light two cigarettes at a time for a role,\" she says. \"They supplied green rooms [with cigarettes]. They focused on trying to get stars to smoke on-air during tapings of \u003cem>The Merv Griffin Show\u003c/em>. They tried to push fashion editorials to show models smoking.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, Rosenberg says, it's perhaps disingenuous for filmmakers or studios to argue, as Netflix does today, that smoking onscreen is an artistic expression when much of it, historically, came out of marketing departments — product placement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glantz worries that kind of product placement might happen again with weed, once it becomes widely commercialized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And Netflix ought to be adopting a policy that, you know, is not only based on the bombproof science we have on tobacco,\" he says, \"but brings common sense into the discussion for these other exposures.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, Netflix isn't the only company with a role to play here. Other leading streaming companies haven't made public any policies about the onscreen use of tobacco or cannabis.Netflix, Hulu and Amazon did not respond to NPR's requests for comment in regards to such policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But earlier this month, attorneys general from 43 states and territories \u003ca href=\"https://www.naag.org/assets/redesign/files/2019-08-06%20NAAG%20Letter%20to%20Producers%20--.pdf\">signed a letter sent\u003c/a> to streaming companies, asking for better practices when it comes to showing tobacco use on screen. Some public health experts think pot should be next on the agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Netflix+Curbs+Tobacco+Use+Onscreen%2C+But+Not+Pot.+What%27s+Up+With+That%3F&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "California's Largest Legal Weed Farms Face Conflict From Winemakers",
"title": "California's Largest Legal Weed Farms Face Conflict From Winemakers",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Santa Rita Hills, nestled in Santa Barbara County, are ideal for pinot noir, a notoriously finicky grape. That's why Kathy Joseph came here to plant Fiddlestix Vineyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"marijuana\" label=\"More Coverage of Marijuana in California\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The plants are over 20 years old, which comes through in the wines we make. The topography is just right; the proximity to the ocean is incredible,\" Joseph says. \"Difficult to find a pinot noir district this good.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neighboring grape vines extend to the west as far as the eye can see. In the other direction, there's a new neighbor in town. This spring, a cannabis farmer started building hoop houses on the 100-acre parcel. So far, a quarter of the land is growing pot. Joseph has seen plenty of vegetable farms there before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've lived together with other vegetables, lettuces and cauliflower, and broccoli and snap peas, and walnuts very happily,\" she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this new crop is different. In June, Joseph learned that the fungicide she has been spraying on her grapes for decades could be drifting onto the cannabis. Unlike food crops, cannabis can't be sold if there's any trace of fungicide or pesticide in it,\u003ca href=\"https://bcc.ca.gov/about_us/documents/17-261_required_testing_chart.pdf\"> according to state law\u003c/a>. So while the county investigates, she's using a more expensive and far less effective spray on the grapevines that are nearest to the cannabis farm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767540\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph-800x599.jpg\" alt=\"Kathy Joseph looks out over the recently planted cannabis farm from her ATV. Her pinot noir grapevines are growing to her right.\" width=\"800\" height=\"599\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11767540\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kathy Joseph looks out over the recently planted cannabis farm from her ATV. Her pinot noir grapevines are growing to her right. \u003ccite>(Claire Heddles/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"We may lose crop because we can't protect it,\" Joseph says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joseph, and other Santa Barbara County\u003ca href=\"https://www.concernedcarpinterians.com/uploads/1/2/4/0/124047528/press_release__hoops_litigation_.pdf\"> residents in the southern city of Carpinteria\u003c/a>, say the county has been excessively permissive toward cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767541\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Vintner Kathy Joseph has learned that the fungicide she has been spraying on her grapes for decades could be drifting onto the cannabis, forcing her to use a more expensive and far less effective spray on the grapevines that are nearest to the cannabis farm.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11767541\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vintner Kathy Joseph has learned that the fungicide she has been spraying on her grapes for decades could be drifting onto the cannabis, forcing her to use a more expensive and far less effective spray on the grapevines that are nearest to the cannabis farm. \u003ccite>(Claire Heddles/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"I have nothing against cannabis. It existed whether it was legal or not legal, and this just allows it to be controlled a little bit more responsibly,\" Joseph says. \"But that isn't what happened.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB64\"> passed Proposition 64 in 2016\u003c/a> with 57% of voters in favor of legalizing recreational marijuana, but regulation of cannabis cultivation was left largely up to the counties. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than half of California's counties decided to ban recreational cannabis cultivation, \u003ca href=\"https://www.counties.org/county-cannabis-ordinances\">according to local ordinances\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the counties that do permit cannabis cultivation, Santa Barbara has issued the most legal permits in the state. Proposition 64 banned licenses for over\u003ca href=\"https://static.cdfa.ca.gov/MCCP/document/2017%201228%20Licensing%20Workshop%20Presentation.pdf\"> 1 acre of land until 2023\u003c/a>, but farmers can still \"stack\" licenses or combine small permits for neighboring plots of land. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe width=\"560\" height=\"800\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/ca-cannabis-permits-20190808/\" frameborder=\"0\" allow=\"accelerometer; autoplay; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's what the cannabis farmer neighboring Fiddlestix Vineyard did. John De Friel has nearly 100 separate permits for neighboring plots of land, creating two of the largest legal pot farms in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says conflicts with other farmers are as old as agriculture itself. He's just the latest newcomer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's just farmers learning to farm next to each other, which is not new for California,\" De Friel says of his Raw Garden farm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the heart of his operation, there is a warehouse full of shipping container-sized refrigerators. Here, he and his team examine and crossbreed thousands of seeds in pursuit of the perfect cannabis plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our focus really has been just asking what can this plant do?\" De Friel says. \"How many different traits are there to make measurements on? How do we make the best measurements?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He takes the same scientific and strategic approach to most things. For example, when California legalized recreational pot, he called each of the Santa Barbara County supervisors and went to 65 planning meetings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767542\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fiddlestix-vineyards-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Fiddlestix Vineyard sits right next to John De Friel's cannabis farm's hoop houses.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11767542\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fiddlestix-vineyards.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fiddlestix-vineyards-160x90.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fiddlestix Vineyard sits right next to John De Friel's cannabis farm's hoop houses. \u003ccite>(Claire Heddles/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"We participated in the political process, we went to public meetings, we gave feedback,\" De Friel says, \"We exercised our First Amendment right to the freedom of speech.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county listened to De Friel and other cannabis farmers and passed one of the most\u003ca href=\"http://cannabis.countyofsb.org/\"> cultivation-friendly ordinances\u003c/a> in the state. Up until July, Santa Barbara didn't have a cap on the number of acres that could be cultivated countywide. County Supervisor Das Williams says the county aimed to bring as much cannabis farming as possible into the legal sector. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Maybe we were a little too permissive at first,\" Williams says. \"Now we're getting to be more restrictive.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other traditional California agriculture is also facing challenges living side by side with the new crop. In Carpinteria, avocado farmers are facing a similar dilemma as north county winemakers. Scott Van Der Kar has an avocado, lemon and cherimoya farm and can't spray the pesticides he has been using for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767544\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Scott Van Der Kar shows the scarring caused by avocado thrips after he couldn't spray his usual pesticides.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11767544\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Scott Van Der Kar shows the scarring caused by avocado thrips after he couldn't spray his usual pesticides. \u003ccite>(Claire Heddles/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Trying to accommodate the cannabis growers is really difficult for us, the growers who have been here who have a food crop,\" Van Der Kar says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But cannabis isn't a new crop to California or Santa Barbara County, it's just newly regulated and newly taxable. Peter Rupert teaches economics at UC Santa Barbara and studies the economics of cannabis. His findings suggest the county's wine is\u003ca href=\"https://www.sbcountywines.com/uploads/2/2/1/6/22166752/2018.pdf\"> valued at about $120 million\u003c/a>, while its cannabis is worth about $180 million, but on a tiny\u003ca href=\"https://efp.ucsb.edu/Cannabis/implan_InitialAssessment.pdf\"> fraction of the land\u003c/a>. He says the county is positioning itself to earn significant tax dollars from cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Growing here in California is easy,\" Rupert says. \"My guess is once they open interstate commerce in cannabis, you know California will really take over.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But farmers and winemakers like Kathy Joseph say they hope the budding industry won't hurt traditional crops in the meantime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Unlike food crops, cannabis can't be sold if there's any trace of fungicide or pesticide in it, according to state law.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Santa Rita Hills, nestled in Santa Barbara County, are ideal for pinot noir, a notoriously finicky grape. That's why Kathy Joseph came here to plant Fiddlestix Vineyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The plants are over 20 years old, which comes through in the wines we make. The topography is just right; the proximity to the ocean is incredible,\" Joseph says. \"Difficult to find a pinot noir district this good.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neighboring grape vines extend to the west as far as the eye can see. In the other direction, there's a new neighbor in town. This spring, a cannabis farmer started building hoop houses on the 100-acre parcel. So far, a quarter of the land is growing pot. Joseph has seen plenty of vegetable farms there before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've lived together with other vegetables, lettuces and cauliflower, and broccoli and snap peas, and walnuts very happily,\" she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this new crop is different. In June, Joseph learned that the fungicide she has been spraying on her grapes for decades could be drifting onto the cannabis. Unlike food crops, cannabis can't be sold if there's any trace of fungicide or pesticide in it,\u003ca href=\"https://bcc.ca.gov/about_us/documents/17-261_required_testing_chart.pdf\"> according to state law\u003c/a>. So while the county investigates, she's using a more expensive and far less effective spray on the grapevines that are nearest to the cannabis farm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767540\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph-800x599.jpg\" alt=\"Kathy Joseph looks out over the recently planted cannabis farm from her ATV. Her pinot noir grapevines are growing to her right.\" width=\"800\" height=\"599\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11767540\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kathy Joseph looks out over the recently planted cannabis farm from her ATV. Her pinot noir grapevines are growing to her right. \u003ccite>(Claire Heddles/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"We may lose crop because we can't protect it,\" Joseph says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joseph, and other Santa Barbara County\u003ca href=\"https://www.concernedcarpinterians.com/uploads/1/2/4/0/124047528/press_release__hoops_litigation_.pdf\"> residents in the southern city of Carpinteria\u003c/a>, say the county has been excessively permissive toward cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767541\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Vintner Kathy Joseph has learned that the fungicide she has been spraying on her grapes for decades could be drifting onto the cannabis, forcing her to use a more expensive and far less effective spray on the grapevines that are nearest to the cannabis farm.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11767541\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vintner Kathy Joseph has learned that the fungicide she has been spraying on her grapes for decades could be drifting onto the cannabis, forcing her to use a more expensive and far less effective spray on the grapevines that are nearest to the cannabis farm. \u003ccite>(Claire Heddles/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"I have nothing against cannabis. It existed whether it was legal or not legal, and this just allows it to be controlled a little bit more responsibly,\" Joseph says. \"But that isn't what happened.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB64\"> passed Proposition 64 in 2016\u003c/a> with 57% of voters in favor of legalizing recreational marijuana, but regulation of cannabis cultivation was left largely up to the counties. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than half of California's counties decided to ban recreational cannabis cultivation, \u003ca href=\"https://www.counties.org/county-cannabis-ordinances\">according to local ordinances\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the counties that do permit cannabis cultivation, Santa Barbara has issued the most legal permits in the state. Proposition 64 banned licenses for over\u003ca href=\"https://static.cdfa.ca.gov/MCCP/document/2017%201228%20Licensing%20Workshop%20Presentation.pdf\"> 1 acre of land until 2023\u003c/a>, but farmers can still \"stack\" licenses or combine small permits for neighboring plots of land. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe width=\"560\" height=\"800\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/ca-cannabis-permits-20190808/\" frameborder=\"0\" allow=\"accelerometer; autoplay; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's what the cannabis farmer neighboring Fiddlestix Vineyard did. John De Friel has nearly 100 separate permits for neighboring plots of land, creating two of the largest legal pot farms in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says conflicts with other farmers are as old as agriculture itself. He's just the latest newcomer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's just farmers learning to farm next to each other, which is not new for California,\" De Friel says of his Raw Garden farm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the heart of his operation, there is a warehouse full of shipping container-sized refrigerators. Here, he and his team examine and crossbreed thousands of seeds in pursuit of the perfect cannabis plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our focus really has been just asking what can this plant do?\" De Friel says. \"How many different traits are there to make measurements on? How do we make the best measurements?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He takes the same scientific and strategic approach to most things. For example, when California legalized recreational pot, he called each of the Santa Barbara County supervisors and went to 65 planning meetings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767542\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fiddlestix-vineyards-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Fiddlestix Vineyard sits right next to John De Friel's cannabis farm's hoop houses.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11767542\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fiddlestix-vineyards.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fiddlestix-vineyards-160x90.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fiddlestix Vineyard sits right next to John De Friel's cannabis farm's hoop houses. \u003ccite>(Claire Heddles/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"We participated in the political process, we went to public meetings, we gave feedback,\" De Friel says, \"We exercised our First Amendment right to the freedom of speech.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county listened to De Friel and other cannabis farmers and passed one of the most\u003ca href=\"http://cannabis.countyofsb.org/\"> cultivation-friendly ordinances\u003c/a> in the state. Up until July, Santa Barbara didn't have a cap on the number of acres that could be cultivated countywide. County Supervisor Das Williams says the county aimed to bring as much cannabis farming as possible into the legal sector. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Maybe we were a little too permissive at first,\" Williams says. \"Now we're getting to be more restrictive.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other traditional California agriculture is also facing challenges living side by side with the new crop. In Carpinteria, avocado farmers are facing a similar dilemma as north county winemakers. Scott Van Der Kar has an avocado, lemon and cherimoya farm and can't spray the pesticides he has been using for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767544\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Scott Van Der Kar shows the scarring caused by avocado thrips after he couldn't spray his usual pesticides.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11767544\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Scott Van Der Kar shows the scarring caused by avocado thrips after he couldn't spray his usual pesticides. \u003ccite>(Claire Heddles/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Trying to accommodate the cannabis growers is really difficult for us, the growers who have been here who have a food crop,\" Van Der Kar says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But cannabis isn't a new crop to California or Santa Barbara County, it's just newly regulated and newly taxable. Peter Rupert teaches economics at UC Santa Barbara and studies the economics of cannabis. His findings suggest the county's wine is\u003ca href=\"https://www.sbcountywines.com/uploads/2/2/1/6/22166752/2018.pdf\"> valued at about $120 million\u003c/a>, while its cannabis is worth about $180 million, but on a tiny\u003ca href=\"https://efp.ucsb.edu/Cannabis/implan_InitialAssessment.pdf\"> fraction of the land\u003c/a>. He says the county is positioning itself to earn significant tax dollars from cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Growing here in California is easy,\" Rupert says. \"My guess is once they open interstate commerce in cannabis, you know California will really take over.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But farmers and winemakers like Kathy Joseph say they hope the budding industry won't hurt traditional crops in the meantime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Trump on Friday indicated that he supported new legislation on “intelligent” background checks for gun purchases after recent mass shootings in California, Texas and Ohio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On background checks, we have tremendous support for really common-sense, sensible, important background checks,” Trump told reporters at the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president said the issue “isn’t a question of NRA, Republican or Democrat,” and added that he had spoken with the head of the National Rifle Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will see where NRA will be, but we need meaningful background checks,” Trump said. “We don’t want people who are mentally ill, people who are sick, having guns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump touted his “great relationship” with the gun rights group, despite his apparent willingness to break from it on gun legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif.']‘This extraordinary moment in our history requires all of us to take extraordinary action to save lives.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They supported me very early and that’s been a great decision they made — we have Justice Kavanaugh, we have Justice Gorsuch, and they feel very strongly about the Second Amendment,” he said, referring to the two justices he got confirmed to the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s remarks come one day after House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., penned a \u003ca href=\"https://www.speaker.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/08.08.19-Trump-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">letter\u003c/a> to urge the president to use his constitutional powers to call the Senate back into session to consider two gun control bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The House of Representatives passed the legislation in February, which would strengthen existing background check laws to include guns sold at shows, online and through person-to-person sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This extraordinary moment in our history requires all of us to take extraordinary action to save lives,” Pelosi wrote to Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky. has so far refused to take the legislation for a vote in the Senate. He said Thursday \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/749570316\">the Senate would discuss various gun control measures\u003c/a> when it returns to Washington in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president told reporters that McConnell is “on board.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will tell you I spoke to Mitch McConnell yesterday,” Trump said. “He’s totally on board. He said, ‘I’ve been waiting for your call.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"More on Gun Control\" tag=\"gun-control\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with \u003ca href=\"https://www.whas11.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">WHAS\u003c/a> radio in Kentucky, McConnell said the Senate would likely debate background checks, “red flag” laws and assault weapons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we can’t do is fail to pass something,” McConnell said, adding, “The urgency of this is not lost on any of us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats and Republicans in the Senate are likely to disagree about what proposals to focus on, but Trump told reporters he had a “great talk” with Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., about the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that the Republicans are going to be great and lead the charge, along with the Democrats,” Trump said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked what Trump would tell students who may be nervous about starting school after mass shootings, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/ABCPolitics/status/1159845634993618944\">the president said\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Go and really study hard, and some day you’ll grow up and maybe be President of the United States or do something else that’s fantastic. They have nothing to fear, they have nothing to worry about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Trump+Says+He+Supports+%27Intelligent%27+Background+Checks&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They supported me very early and that’s been a great decision they made — we have Justice Kavanaugh, we have Justice Gorsuch, and they feel very strongly about the Second Amendment,” he said, referring to the two justices he got confirmed to the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s remarks come one day after House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., penned a \u003ca href=\"https://www.speaker.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/08.08.19-Trump-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">letter\u003c/a> to urge the president to use his constitutional powers to call the Senate back into session to consider two gun control bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The House of Representatives passed the legislation in February, which would strengthen existing background check laws to include guns sold at shows, online and through person-to-person sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This extraordinary moment in our history requires all of us to take extraordinary action to save lives,” Pelosi wrote to Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky. has so far refused to take the legislation for a vote in the Senate. He said Thursday \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/749570316\">the Senate would discuss various gun control measures\u003c/a> when it returns to Washington in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president told reporters that McConnell is “on board.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will tell you I spoke to Mitch McConnell yesterday,” Trump said. “He’s totally on board. He said, ‘I’ve been waiting for your call.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Facebook announced plans in June to launch a new digital currency called Libra, the news sent monetary officials scrambling in China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because since 2014, the People’s Bank of China has been looking into building its own, centrally controlled cryptocurrency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Martin Chorzempa, a research fellow at the Peterson Institute of International Economics']‘If Facebook is able to attract and turn a good number of its current users of Facebook and WhatsApp into Libra coin holders and users, it could immediately leapfrog all of what China has done in terms of building up users.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will keep a close eye on the new global digital currency,” Wang Xin, research director at China’s central bank, said of Libra at a conference in early July in Beijing. “We had an early start … but lots of work is needed to consolidate our lead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A digital currency would allow China’s central bank to record every single transaction with high precision in real time. China’s mobile payments already capture vast troves of data; estimates of nearly 2 billion accounts are registered between the two major platforms, Alibaba’s Alipay and Tencent’s WeChat Pay\u003cem>. \u003c/em>A centralized digital currency would further cement China’s dominance in financial technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“China relies on the mobile payments sector immensely. We have had a long lead time [over Libra] with the success of WeChat and Alipay, but Libra represents a huge threat on mobile payments,” says Chuanwei Zou, chief economist at Bitmain, a large Chinese company that sells equipment used to create or “mine” cryptocurrencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facebook hopes to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/06/18/733809352/facebook-announces-plans-for-libra-its-own-cryptocurrency\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">roll out Libra\u003c/a> in the first half of 2020, presenting the most significant competition to China’s cryptocurrency ambitions. The U.S. social media company has 2.5 billion users, more than twice the amount commanded by WeChat. That gives Facebook an immediate leg up in the race for a global cryptocurrency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Facebook is able to attract and turn a good number of its current users of Facebook and WhatsApp into Libra coin holders and users, it could immediately leapfrog all of what China has done in terms of building up users,” says Martin Chorzempa, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.piie.com/experts/senior-research-staff/martin-chorzempa\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">research fellow at\u003c/a> the Peterson Institute of International Economics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facebook is building a global coalition of partners, each with a stake in the Libra Association, a nonprofit organization registered in Switzerland that will manage the cryptocurrency day to day. Facebook says it has already signed on 27 partners, including Visa, PayPal and Lyft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Chuanwei Zou, chief economist at Bitmain']‘Having a global currency is a demonstration of a country’s influence. It reflects the competitiveness of your country’s economy.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At stake in the cryptocurrency competition is control over financial data collection and the ability to conduct trade worldwide. The United States currently has an effective veto power over the global financial transactions system because so much of the world’s commerce is done in U.S. dollars, allowing it to sanction its enemies and let its companies operate globally with little to no transaction costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>China has long sought to unseat the dollar as the world’s top currency with the yuan, also known as the renminbi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Having a global currency is a demonstration of a country’s influence. It reflects the competitiveness of your country’s economy,” says Bitmain’s Zou. “The fear is that Libra might replace renminbi’s position in the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Libra will draw its value from a combination of major currencies, such as the dollar and the euro. Facebook has not said whether the yuan will be included. Depending on the final ratio, the new money could rely heavily on the dollar for stability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>China was once the biggest miner of Bitcoin and other cryptocurrencies, thanks to the country’s cheap and plentiful hydropower used to fuel the processing power needed to create new digital coins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in 2017, Chinese regulators began a crackdown on Bitcoin and other digital currencies that persists to this day. The authorities wiped out private exchanges and banned the creation of new cryptocurrencies, over concerns that they would enable an exodus of money and destabilize the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_11756199,news_11755366,forum_2010101866365' label='KQED coverage of cryptocurrency']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should Libra take off, China might be convinced to loosen up its restrictive cryptocurrency regulations to allow big Chinese technology companies such as Alibaba and Tencent to issue competing digital currencies. Zhou Xiaochuan, the former director of the People’s Bank of China, floated the idea of allowing “commercial entities” to issue tokens in a speech this month, according to a transcript.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, China could also ban Libra from its cyberspace, just as it has already barred access to Facebook and its suite of products, Instagram and WhatsApp. But such a gamble might only work if Libra is not widely adopted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem for China is if Libra is really successful around the world and it’s banned in China then China is in a losing position and its companies might be in a disadvantage in the digital economy versus companies that are able to accept Libra,” says the Peterson Institute’s Chorzempa. “That’s quite a scary prospect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facebook executives are framing Libra as a necessary move to challenge China’s advances in cryptocurrencies and the new money’s record-keeping technology known as blockchain. “I believe that if America does not lead innovation in the digital currency and payments area, others will,” David Marcus, the man in charge of making Libra happen, told members of the House Financial Services Committee in \u003ca href=\"https://financialservices.house.gov/uploadedfiles/hhrg-116-ba00-wstate-marcusd-20190717.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">prepared testimony\u003c/a> on July 17.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, bipartisan \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2019/07/15/treasury-secretary-mnuchin-will-hold-a-news-conference-on-cryptocurrencies-at-2-pm-et.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">concerns over the potential\u003c/a> use of the Libra in illicit activities could delay its launch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2019 NPR. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At stake in the cryptocurrency competition is control over financial data collection and the ability to conduct trade worldwide. The United States currently has an effective veto power over the global financial transactions system because so much of the world’s commerce is done in U.S. dollars, allowing it to sanction its enemies and let its companies operate globally with little to no transaction costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>China has long sought to unseat the dollar as the world’s top currency with the yuan, also known as the renminbi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Having a global currency is a demonstration of a country’s influence. It reflects the competitiveness of your country’s economy,” says Bitmain’s Zou. “The fear is that Libra might replace renminbi’s position in the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Libra will draw its value from a combination of major currencies, such as the dollar and the euro. Facebook has not said whether the yuan will be included. Depending on the final ratio, the new money could rely heavily on the dollar for stability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>China was once the biggest miner of Bitcoin and other cryptocurrencies, thanks to the country’s cheap and plentiful hydropower used to fuel the processing power needed to create new digital coins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in 2017, Chinese regulators began a crackdown on Bitcoin and other digital currencies that persists to this day. The authorities wiped out private exchanges and banned the creation of new cryptocurrencies, over concerns that they would enable an exodus of money and destabilize the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should Libra take off, China might be convinced to loosen up its restrictive cryptocurrency regulations to allow big Chinese technology companies such as Alibaba and Tencent to issue competing digital currencies. Zhou Xiaochuan, the former director of the People’s Bank of China, floated the idea of allowing “commercial entities” to issue tokens in a speech this month, according to a transcript.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, China could also ban Libra from its cyberspace, just as it has already barred access to Facebook and its suite of products, Instagram and WhatsApp. But such a gamble might only work if Libra is not widely adopted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem for China is if Libra is really successful around the world and it’s banned in China then China is in a losing position and its companies might be in a disadvantage in the digital economy versus companies that are able to accept Libra,” says the Peterson Institute’s Chorzempa. “That’s quite a scary prospect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facebook executives are framing Libra as a necessary move to challenge China’s advances in cryptocurrencies and the new money’s record-keeping technology known as blockchain. “I believe that if America does not lead innovation in the digital currency and payments area, others will,” David Marcus, the man in charge of making Libra happen, told members of the House Financial Services Committee in \u003ca href=\"https://financialservices.house.gov/uploadedfiles/hhrg-116-ba00-wstate-marcusd-20190717.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">prepared testimony\u003c/a> on July 17.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, bipartisan \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2019/07/15/treasury-secretary-mnuchin-will-hold-a-news-conference-on-cryptocurrencies-at-2-pm-et.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">concerns over the potential\u003c/a> use of the Libra in illicit activities could delay its launch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Facebook%27s+Digital+Money+Plan+Raises+Stakes+For+China%27s+Cryptocurrency+Ambitions&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated at 5:22 p.m. ET\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump announced Friday that Guatemala has agreed to sign a “\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/WhiteHouse/status/1154861528539160576?s=20\">safe third-country asylum agreement\u003c/a>” as part of his strategy for reducing the flow of migrants to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump made the announcement before reporters in the Oval Office as Guatemalan interior minister Enrique Degenhart signed the agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He called it “a very important” signing. “It’s going to be terrific for them and terrific for the United States,” Trump said, adding the agreement “will usher in a new era and investment and growth for Guatemala.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement comes after days of threats by Trump to Guatemala that included potential tariffs on Guatemalan goods, taxes on remittances sent home by Guatemalans living in the U.S. and, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/07/25/745132775/trump-administration-considering-travel-ban-on-guatemalans-after-asylum-snub\">a potential travel ban on Guatemalan nationals to the U.S. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the agreement, migrants traveling through Guatemala from countries such as Honduras and El Salvador would have to claim asylum in Guatemala instead of the U.S. Getting Guatemala to sign the agreement was a key component of Trump’s strategy for reducing illegal migration to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='asylum' label='crisis at the border']Earlier this month, Guatemala’s high court blocked its government from signing the deal with the United States, which led to Trump’s threats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s not clear whether the agreement is legal or how it will be implemented. The Guatemalan Congress is supposed to ratify such treaties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Guatemalan business leaders had pressured the government of President Jimmy Morales to make a deal with Trump. The U.S. is Guatemala’s top trading partner, and tariffs on Guatemalan goods coming into the U.S. could devastate the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump said another component of the deal will make it easier for Guatemalans to legally come to the U.S. as farmworkers. He said other countries would also soon be signing similar asylum agreements with the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Refugees International President Eric Schwartz said Guatemala is “in no way safe for refugees and asylum-seekers.” He said the agreement “also violates U.S. law and will put some of the most vulnerable people in Central America in grave danger. At the moment, it is not clear exactly what arrangement has been reached in light of the Guatemalan Constitutional Court’s provisional decision against a third-country agreement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Trump+Signs+Agreement+With+Guatemala+To+Limit+Asylum+Seekers&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
"title": "City Arts & Lectures",
"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.cityarts.net/",
"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
"subscribe": {
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/City-Arts-and-Lectures-p692/",
"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
"title": "Close All Tabs",
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"info": "Close All Tabs breaks down how digital culture shapes our world through thoughtful insights and irreverent humor.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
"link": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cubnByLm9yZy9yc3MvcG9kY2FzdC5waHA_aWQ9NTEwMzEy",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/4s8b",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
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