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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/01/29/689819928/trump-administration-begins-remain-in-mexico-policy-sending-asylum-seekers-back\">MPP\u003c/a>, the U.S. government sends asylum-seeking migrants to Mexico, where they reside as they wait for court dates in the U.S. to pursue their claims for protection. The program, also known as “Remain in Mexico,” has come under \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/07/01/736908483/fear-confusion-and-separation-as-trump-administration-sends-migrants-back-to-mex\">widespread criticism\u003c/a> for failing to protect migrants with legitimate fears of returning to their homeland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McAleenan said the end of “catch and release” is a reaction, in part, to the record number of 144,000 migrants apprehended or encountered at the southern border in May. He said that 72% were unaccompanied children or families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement follows an \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/20/762948556/u-s-el-salvador-sign-new-asylum-deal-to-stem-tide-of-migrants\">agreement signed last week\u003c/a> by El Salvador and the U.S. in which the Central American nation agreed to allow some asylum-seekers to request protection there rather than the U.S. The operational details of that deal were not disclosed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the U.S. Supreme Court, by a vote of 7-2, allowed the administration to implement a rule requiring migrants to first seek asylum in “a third country.” In other words, the country through which they traveled to get to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After four years in the shadow of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/tags/491999554/brock-turner\">Brock Turner\u003c/a>, the man who sexually assaulted her, the woman once known in the media as “Emily Doe” has taken her name back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/23/762028606/chanel-miller-says-know-my-name-as-she-reflects-on-her-assault-by-brock-turner\">her new memoir\u003c/a>, \u003cem>Know My Name\u003c/em>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/tags/762734849/chanel-miller\">Chanel Miller\u003c/a> has introduced herself to a world that knew her only as a victim at the heart of a nationwide criminal justice controversy — or, in some cases, labeled her much worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related coverage\" tag=\"brock-turner\"]And she says that moment, when at last she revealed her identity \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/04/757626939/victim-of-brock-turner-sexual-assault-reveals-her-identity\">earlier this month\u003c/a>, came as “an immense relief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It almost felt like a bittersweet birthday,” Miller tells NPR’s \u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em>, “in that I was able to finally exist in the world without having to hide anything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the incident that made her story — but not her name — famous, Miller had spent much time in silence. Only \u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/da/newsroom/newsreleases/Documents/B-Turner%20VIS.pdf\">her 12-page victim’s statement\u003c/a>, which she read in court before Turner was sentenced, spoke to her experience on that January 2015 night when Turner was discovered on top of her unconscious body behind a dumpster at Stanford University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To sit under oath and inform all of us, that yes I wanted it, yes I permitted it and that you are the true victim attacked by guys for reasons unknown to you is sick, is demented, is selfish, is stupid,” Miller told Turner in court in 2016. “It shows that you were willing to go to any length to discredit me, invalidate me, and explain why it was OK to hurt me. You tried unyieldingly to save yourself, your reputation, at my expense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after she read that statement in court, describing in vivid, disturbing detail the violence and trauma she’d experienced, the judge overseeing the trial sentenced her attacker to six months in jail — much less than the six years in prison that prosecutors wanted for Turner, who had been convicted of three counts of felony sexual assault. Aaron Persky, then a California Superior Court judge, justified his light sentence at the time by saying “a prison sentence would have a severe impact on [Turner].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Turner would ultimately serve \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/09/02/492390163/brock-turner-freed-from-jail-after-serving-half-of-6-month-sentence\">just three months\u003c/a> of that sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I spoke with conviction. I felt that it was working. I felt that it was everything I could have done. So I felt relief and pride and now thought the hardest parts were behind me, but they weren’t,” Miller recalls of that hearing. “When the sentence was announced, the immediate reaction I had was humiliation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says she had struggled to include her family and friends in the legal process up to that point. Since the moment she began learning what had happened to her that night — “every detail I found out on the news,” she says — Miller remembers keeping many of her family and friends out of courtroom proceedings, hoping to “protect the people that I loved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It had even taken her some time to tell her parents about what happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was almost like I cracked in half,” she says of that conversation. “I just sort of bent over and was unable to speak. And at that point, my mom stood up and she just held me and we both cried. Because I don’t think you can assign words to that initial experience. I think you need to feel it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To most in her life, though, she didn’t talk about what was going on in court, or even say where it was she was going when there was a hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was extremely difficult to conceal that this was going on in my life,” she explains. “At the same time, I felt like it was necessary to protect myself, and I was also terrified of the investigators. I felt like I couldn’t disclose or be open about what happened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time Turner’s sentencing rolled around, Miller had relented and let some family and friends join her in the courtroom — but “as soon as the sentence was read,” she says, “I remember thinking, ‘Why did you allow them in?’ Now people are just going to get hurt again. You humiliated yourself in front of everyone you love. And this is why you should do things alone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was not just humiliated; she was also confused how a conviction backed by witnesses and material evidence could have ended like this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Had I not released my statement, I would have gone home believing that my words were worth nothing. I would never have thought, ‘Wow, that was such a courageous thing that I did,’ or ‘Wow, I’m an eloquent writer.’ I truly believed that I had failed,” she tells NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Referring to Persky, she adds: “I don’t understand how, if he is in such a high state of authority, he can overlook everything that I presented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Chanel Miller\"]‘It almost felt like a bittersweet birthday in that I was able to finally exist in the world without having to hide anything.’[/pullquote]Persky would ultimately feel the consequences of his lenient sentence. Last year voters in Santa Clara County \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2018/06/05/617071359/voters-are-deciding-whether-to-recall-aaron-persky-judge-who-sentenced-brock-tur\">recalled him\u003c/a> from the bench — the first judicial recall in the state \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/02/06/5045019/\">since 1932\u003c/a>. Earlier this month the former judge was \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2019/09/12/us/brock-turner-case-judge-fired-coaching-job/index.html\">fired from\u003c/a> his briefly held job as a girls’ tennis coach at a Bay Area high school, after his involvement in the Turner case became known to the school district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just months after the controversial sentence, around the same time Turner was released from jail, California lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/08/30/491989477/california-lawmakers-approve-mandatory-sentencing-for-rape\">passed legislation\u003c/a> mandating tougher sentences for defendants convicted of sexually assaulting unconscious victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Miller, whose memoir publishes this week, she says she’s ready to leave “Emily Doe” behind — even if she plans on keeping the lessons she learned on her long road back to trusting herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In court, it’s almost like you become deaf to support. Even if my family was continuing to say loving things in court, I felt like I was a criminal, like I was to blame, that I was being punished. Otherwise why would they — if I was good, why would they be treating me like this?” she says. “It took me a long time to figure out that no, I deserve much better — and to teach myself self-compassion, and to listen to the voices that were supporting me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Chanel+Miller%2C+Sexual+Assault+Survivor%2C+On+The+%27Immense+Relief%27+Of+Going+Public&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After four years in the shadow of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/tags/491999554/brock-turner\">Brock Turner\u003c/a>, the man who sexually assaulted her, the woman once known in the media as “Emily Doe” has taken her name back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/23/762028606/chanel-miller-says-know-my-name-as-she-reflects-on-her-assault-by-brock-turner\">her new memoir\u003c/a>, \u003cem>Know My Name\u003c/em>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/tags/762734849/chanel-miller\">Chanel Miller\u003c/a> has introduced herself to a world that knew her only as a victim at the heart of a nationwide criminal justice controversy — or, in some cases, labeled her much worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>And she says that moment, when at last she revealed her identity \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/04/757626939/victim-of-brock-turner-sexual-assault-reveals-her-identity\">earlier this month\u003c/a>, came as “an immense relief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It almost felt like a bittersweet birthday,” Miller tells NPR’s \u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em>, “in that I was able to finally exist in the world without having to hide anything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the incident that made her story — but not her name — famous, Miller had spent much time in silence. Only \u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/da/newsroom/newsreleases/Documents/B-Turner%20VIS.pdf\">her 12-page victim’s statement\u003c/a>, which she read in court before Turner was sentenced, spoke to her experience on that January 2015 night when Turner was discovered on top of her unconscious body behind a dumpster at Stanford University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To sit under oath and inform all of us, that yes I wanted it, yes I permitted it and that you are the true victim attacked by guys for reasons unknown to you is sick, is demented, is selfish, is stupid,” Miller told Turner in court in 2016. “It shows that you were willing to go to any length to discredit me, invalidate me, and explain why it was OK to hurt me. You tried unyieldingly to save yourself, your reputation, at my expense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after she read that statement in court, describing in vivid, disturbing detail the violence and trauma she’d experienced, the judge overseeing the trial sentenced her attacker to six months in jail — much less than the six years in prison that prosecutors wanted for Turner, who had been convicted of three counts of felony sexual assault. Aaron Persky, then a California Superior Court judge, justified his light sentence at the time by saying “a prison sentence would have a severe impact on [Turner].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Turner would ultimately serve \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/09/02/492390163/brock-turner-freed-from-jail-after-serving-half-of-6-month-sentence\">just three months\u003c/a> of that sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I spoke with conviction. I felt that it was working. I felt that it was everything I could have done. So I felt relief and pride and now thought the hardest parts were behind me, but they weren’t,” Miller recalls of that hearing. “When the sentence was announced, the immediate reaction I had was humiliation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says she had struggled to include her family and friends in the legal process up to that point. Since the moment she began learning what had happened to her that night — “every detail I found out on the news,” she says — Miller remembers keeping many of her family and friends out of courtroom proceedings, hoping to “protect the people that I loved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It had even taken her some time to tell her parents about what happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was almost like I cracked in half,” she says of that conversation. “I just sort of bent over and was unable to speak. And at that point, my mom stood up and she just held me and we both cried. Because I don’t think you can assign words to that initial experience. I think you need to feel it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To most in her life, though, she didn’t talk about what was going on in court, or even say where it was she was going when there was a hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was extremely difficult to conceal that this was going on in my life,” she explains. “At the same time, I felt like it was necessary to protect myself, and I was also terrified of the investigators. I felt like I couldn’t disclose or be open about what happened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time Turner’s sentencing rolled around, Miller had relented and let some family and friends join her in the courtroom — but “as soon as the sentence was read,” she says, “I remember thinking, ‘Why did you allow them in?’ Now people are just going to get hurt again. You humiliated yourself in front of everyone you love. And this is why you should do things alone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was not just humiliated; she was also confused how a conviction backed by witnesses and material evidence could have ended like this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Had I not released my statement, I would have gone home believing that my words were worth nothing. I would never have thought, ‘Wow, that was such a courageous thing that I did,’ or ‘Wow, I’m an eloquent writer.’ I truly believed that I had failed,” she tells NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Referring to Persky, she adds: “I don’t understand how, if he is in such a high state of authority, he can overlook everything that I presented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Persky would ultimately feel the consequences of his lenient sentence. Last year voters in Santa Clara County \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2018/06/05/617071359/voters-are-deciding-whether-to-recall-aaron-persky-judge-who-sentenced-brock-tur\">recalled him\u003c/a> from the bench — the first judicial recall in the state \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/02/06/5045019/\">since 1932\u003c/a>. Earlier this month the former judge was \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2019/09/12/us/brock-turner-case-judge-fired-coaching-job/index.html\">fired from\u003c/a> his briefly held job as a girls’ tennis coach at a Bay Area high school, after his involvement in the Turner case became known to the school district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just months after the controversial sentence, around the same time Turner was released from jail, California lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/08/30/491989477/california-lawmakers-approve-mandatory-sentencing-for-rape\">passed legislation\u003c/a> mandating tougher sentences for defendants convicted of sexually assaulting unconscious victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Miller, whose memoir publishes this week, she says she’s ready to leave “Emily Doe” behind — even if she plans on keeping the lessons she learned on her long road back to trusting herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In court, it’s almost like you become deaf to support. Even if my family was continuing to say loving things in court, I felt like I was a criminal, like I was to blame, that I was being punished. Otherwise why would they — if I was good, why would they be treating me like this?” she says. “It took me a long time to figure out that no, I deserve much better — and to teach myself self-compassion, and to listen to the voices that were supporting me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Chanel+Miller%2C+Sexual+Assault+Survivor%2C+On+The+%27Immense+Relief%27+Of+Going+Public&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Schiff Vows to Escalate Standoff Over Spy Complaint; 'Fake News,' Trump Scoffs",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated at 1:50 p.m. ET\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff vowed Thursday he is willing to sue the Trump administration over a dispute about the content of an as-yet-unknown complaint to the intelligence community's official watchdog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiff told reporters after a closed-door meeting with the inspector general, Michael Atkinson, that the Justice Department has opined that the material is shielded by privilege and can be withheld from lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not so, Schiff argued, and \"if we have to go to court to get this, we will have a good case.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dispute is over a complaint to Atkinson brought by someone inside the spy world over activity involving someone high-ranking, which Schiff said very likely means Trump or someone close to him. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newspapers have reported the basis of the complaint involved something Trump said to a foreign leader. Schiff said on Thursday he doesn't know whether that is accurate, but he argued the law and practice are clear: Congress oversees the spy agencies and in this case it must see the materials at issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Trump scoffs\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump denied on Thursday he said anything inappropriate to a foreign leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The\u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/trumps-communications-with-foreign-leader-are-part-of-whistleblower-complaint-that-spurred-standoff-between-spy-chief-and-congress-former-officials-say/2019/09/18/df651aa2-da60-11e9-bfb1-849887369476_story.html\"> Washington Post\u003c/a> reported that Trump, in a phone call with an unnamed foreign leader, made an unspecified promise that so alarmed one member of the intelligence community, it yielded the complaint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a series of tweets, Trump called the report fake news. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Virtually anytime I speak on the phone to a foreign leader, I understand that there may be many people listening from various U.S. agencies, not to mention those from the other country itself,\" Trump wrote, adding: \"No problem!\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump went on to wonder, \"is anybody dumb enough to believe that I would say something inappropriate with a foreign leader while on such a potentially 'heavily populated' call. I would only do what is right anyway, and only do good for the USA!\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1174696521914339328?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiff said \u003ca href=\"https://intelligence.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=693\">in an earlier statement\u003c/a> that the intelligence community's IG determined that this complaint is \"both credible and urgent, and that it should be transmitted to Congress under the clear letter of the law. The committee places the highest importance on the protection of whistle-blowers and their complaints to Congress.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiff said acting Director of National Intelligence \u003ca href=\"https://www.dni.gov/index.php/who-we-are/leadership/director-of-national-intelligence\">Joseph Maguire\u003c/a> will testify in an open session before the panel next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We will hear more. We will learn more,\" he said. And if that hearing does not answer some of these questions, Schiff said, he will confer with the House's general counsel about legal action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee later released letters it received from the inspector general:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[documentcloud url=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6422363-Sept-9-IC-IG-Letter-to-HPSCI\" notes=\"true\" text=\"true\" search=\"true\" sidebar=\"true\" pdf=\"true\" responsive=\"true\" page=\"1\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The panel also released a letter from Schiff to acting DNI Maguire:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[documentcloud url=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6422367-Schiff-Letter-to-Acting-DNI\" notes=\"true\" text=\"true\" search=\"true\" sidebar=\"true\" pdf=\"true\" responsive=\"true\" page=\"1\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The alleged phone call\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003cem>Post \u003c/em>reported that the as-yet-unknown intelligence official filed a formal complaint to the IG on Aug. 12 and that records show the president had \"conversations or interactions\" with five foreign leaders in the preceding weeks, including a phone call with Russian President Vladimir Putin and two letters from North Korean leader Kim Jong Un.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other members of Congress away from Schiff's committee say they are waiting to learn more about what's behind all the hubbub. Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, who sits on the Senate intelligence committee, said he believes his panel may be next in line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm anxious to hear more about it, but I expect we will in due course,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>New battle, old war\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contretemps over the IG complaint is the latest political battle between Schiff and Trump, who skirmished for months during the height of the Russia imbroglio. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiff was among Democrats who said there was evidence that Trump's camp colluded with the Russian attack on the 2016 election, citing the meeting that Donald Trump Jr. and other top aides took with a delegation from Moscow that year at Trump Tower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Schiff also alluded to evidence than wasn't public, including with questions about whether \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/01/17/685886359/house-intel-chairman-schiff-vows-to-get-trump-jr-phone-records-and-more\">Trump Jr.'s phone records\u003c/a> from before the Trump Tower meeting might suggest that he had spoken with his father as it was being arranged. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As it turned out, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/02/01/690652631/trumps-exult-following-reports-of-no-phone-contact-ahead-of-2016-russia-meeting\">they did not\u003c/a>, and Trump Jr. and the president have made Schiff \u003ca href=\"https://shop.donaldjtrump.com/products/pencil-neck-adam-schiff-tee\">a target of mockery\u003c/a> and one of the faces of what Trump says is baseless hounding. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president revived that leitmotif on Thursday with another post on Twitter that complained about \"PRESIDENTIAL HARASSMENT.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1174697450948497408?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NPR correspondents Claudia Grisales and Ryan Lucas contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated at 1:50 p.m. ET\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff vowed Thursday he is willing to sue the Trump administration over a dispute about the content of an as-yet-unknown complaint to the intelligence community's official watchdog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiff told reporters after a closed-door meeting with the inspector general, Michael Atkinson, that the Justice Department has opined that the material is shielded by privilege and can be withheld from lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not so, Schiff argued, and \"if we have to go to court to get this, we will have a good case.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dispute is over a complaint to Atkinson brought by someone inside the spy world over activity involving someone high-ranking, which Schiff said very likely means Trump or someone close to him. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newspapers have reported the basis of the complaint involved something Trump said to a foreign leader. Schiff said on Thursday he doesn't know whether that is accurate, but he argued the law and practice are clear: Congress oversees the spy agencies and in this case it must see the materials at issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Trump scoffs\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump denied on Thursday he said anything inappropriate to a foreign leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The\u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/trumps-communications-with-foreign-leader-are-part-of-whistleblower-complaint-that-spurred-standoff-between-spy-chief-and-congress-former-officials-say/2019/09/18/df651aa2-da60-11e9-bfb1-849887369476_story.html\"> Washington Post\u003c/a> reported that Trump, in a phone call with an unnamed foreign leader, made an unspecified promise that so alarmed one member of the intelligence community, it yielded the complaint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a series of tweets, Trump called the report fake news. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Virtually anytime I speak on the phone to a foreign leader, I understand that there may be many people listening from various U.S. agencies, not to mention those from the other country itself,\" Trump wrote, adding: \"No problem!\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump went on to wonder, \"is anybody dumb enough to believe that I would say something inappropriate with a foreign leader while on such a potentially 'heavily populated' call. I would only do what is right anyway, and only do good for the USA!\"\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Schiff said \u003ca href=\"https://intelligence.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=693\">in an earlier statement\u003c/a> that the intelligence community's IG determined that this complaint is \"both credible and urgent, and that it should be transmitted to Congress under the clear letter of the law. The committee places the highest importance on the protection of whistle-blowers and their complaints to Congress.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiff said acting Director of National Intelligence \u003ca href=\"https://www.dni.gov/index.php/who-we-are/leadership/director-of-national-intelligence\">Joseph Maguire\u003c/a> will testify in an open session before the panel next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We will hear more. We will learn more,\" he said. And if that hearing does not answer some of these questions, Schiff said, he will confer with the House's general counsel about legal action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee later released letters it received from the inspector general:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The panel also released a letter from Schiff to acting DNI Maguire:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The alleged phone call\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003cem>Post \u003c/em>reported that the as-yet-unknown intelligence official filed a formal complaint to the IG on Aug. 12 and that records show the president had \"conversations or interactions\" with five foreign leaders in the preceding weeks, including a phone call with Russian President Vladimir Putin and two letters from North Korean leader Kim Jong Un.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other members of Congress away from Schiff's committee say they are waiting to learn more about what's behind all the hubbub. Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, who sits on the Senate intelligence committee, said he believes his panel may be next in line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm anxious to hear more about it, but I expect we will in due course,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>New battle, old war\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contretemps over the IG complaint is the latest political battle between Schiff and Trump, who skirmished for months during the height of the Russia imbroglio. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiff was among Democrats who said there was evidence that Trump's camp colluded with the Russian attack on the 2016 election, citing the meeting that Donald Trump Jr. and other top aides took with a delegation from Moscow that year at Trump Tower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Schiff also alluded to evidence than wasn't public, including with questions about whether \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/01/17/685886359/house-intel-chairman-schiff-vows-to-get-trump-jr-phone-records-and-more\">Trump Jr.'s phone records\u003c/a> from before the Trump Tower meeting might suggest that he had spoken with his father as it was being arranged. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As it turned out, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/02/01/690652631/trumps-exult-following-reports-of-no-phone-contact-ahead-of-2016-russia-meeting\">they did not\u003c/a>, and Trump Jr. and the president have made Schiff \u003ca href=\"https://shop.donaldjtrump.com/products/pencil-neck-adam-schiff-tee\">a target of mockery\u003c/a> and one of the faces of what Trump says is baseless hounding. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president revived that leitmotif on Thursday with another post on Twitter that complained about \"PRESIDENTIAL HARASSMENT.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Cokie Roberts, Pioneering Journalist Who Helped Shape NPR, Dies at 75",
"title": "Cokie Roberts, Pioneering Journalist Who Helped Shape NPR, Dies at 75",
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"content": "\u003cp>Veteran journalist Cokie Roberts, who joined an upstart NPR in 1978 and left an indelible imprint on the growing network with her coverage of Washington politics before later going to ABC News, has died. She was 75.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts died Tuesday because of complications from breast cancer, according to a family statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bestselling author and Emmy Award winner, Roberts was one of NPR's most recognizable voices and is considered one of a handful of pioneering female journalists — along with Nina Totenberg, Linda Wertheimer and Susan Stamberg — who helped shape the public broadcaster's sound and culture at a time when few women held prominent roles in journalism. Having so many female voices at a national broadcaster was nothing short of revolutionary in the 1970s, NPR national political correspondent Mara Liasson recalled in an \u003ca href=\"http://www.dailyprincetonian.com/article/2019/02/liasson-q-a\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">interview\u003c/a> with \u003cem>The Daily Princetonian\u003c/em> earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We called them the Founding Mothers of NPR, or sometimes we called them the Fallopian Club,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"House Speaker Nancy Pelosi\"]'Cokie Roberts was a trailblazer who forever transformed the role of women in the newsroom and in our history books.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liasson said it wasn't so much that NPR had a mission for gender equality but that the network's pay, which was well below that of the commercial networks of the day, resulted in \"a lot of really great women who were in prominent positions there and who helped other women.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time Roberts joined ABC News in 1988 — while retaining a part-time role as a political commentator at NPR that she maintained until her death — women were increasingly commonplace at broadcast networks and newspapers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts, the daughter of former U.S. representatives, grew up walking the halls of Congress and absorbing the personalities, folkways and behind-the-scenes machinations of the nation's capital. She became a seasoned Washington insider who developed a distinctive voice as a reporter and commentator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.ket.org/public-affairs/cokie-roberts-current-politics-storied-career/\">a 2017 interview\u003c/a> with Kentucky Educational Television, Roberts reflected on her long career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is such a privilege — you have a front seat to history,\" she said. \"You do get used to it, and you shouldn't, because it is a very special thing to be able to be in the room ... when all kinds of special things are happening.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although she was the only member of her immediate family not to run for Congress, Roberts considered her role as a journalist and political analyst as her way of giving back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I do feel strongly that informing the voters about what's going on, trying to explain it in ways that people can understand, and putting the issues out there is a form of participation,\" Roberts told KET.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political journalist George Will, who worked with Roberts on ABC's \u003cem>This Week,\u003c/em> said Roberts was not just born to the political class but was a natural inhabitant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"She liked people on both sides of the aisle and had friends on both sides of the aisle,\" Will told NPR. \"If you don't like the game of politics, I don't see how you write about it well,\" he said. \"She liked the game of politics and she understood that it was a game.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Born in New Orleans as Mary Martha Corinne Morrison Claiborne Boggs, she was given the nickname Cokie by her brother, Thomas, who had trouble pronouncing Corinne.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts' father was Thomas Hale Boggs Sr., a former Democratic majority leader of the House who served in Congress for more than three decades before he disappeared on a campaign flight in Alaska in 1972. Her mother, Lindy Claiborne Boggs, took her husband's seat and served for 17 years. She also served as U.S. ambassador to the Vatican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts split her time between Louisiana and Washington as a child and attended Wellesley College in Massachusetts. Her first job was at the Washington television station WRC-TV, where she hosted a public affairs program called \u003cem>Meeting of Minds. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She married journalist Steven V. Roberts in 1966. After holding a number of other broadcast jobs, she and her husband moved in the early 1970s to Athens, Greece, where he worked for \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em> and she filed radio stories as a freelance correspondent for CBS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1977, Roberts and her family returned to Washington, where she took a job with a then-almost unknown NPR. She served as NPR's congressional correspondent for more than 10 years. While in that role, she was also a contributor to PBS's \u003cem>The MacNeil/Lehrer NewsHour.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts left NPR in 1988 to become a political correspondent for ABC's \u003cem>World News Tonight\u003c/em> with Peter Jennings. She was also a regular fill-in anchor for Ted Koppel on \u003cem>Nightline. \u003c/em>From 1992 to 2002, Roberts co-anchored ABC News' Sunday morning show \u003cem>This Week,\u003c/em> alongside Sam Donaldson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Will said that although Washington is a \"town of short leases,\" with people constantly coming and going, Roberts represented the permanent Washington, a kind of figure who was constant through decades of political change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The Washington not often denounced by people who denounce Washington because they don't know it exists,\" Will said. \"Cokie represented the durable, ongoing Washington that is a custodian of the manners of the city and the sociability of the city that makes it really function.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Cokie Roberts\"]'Don't get all involved in the politics of your institution, or competition in your institution. Just do your work and get it on the air, and then people will see if you're good.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts won numerous awards during her long career in journalism, including three Emmys and the Edward R. Murrow award. She was inducted into the Broadcasting and Cable Hall of Fame. She was recognized by American Women in Radio and Television as one of the 50 greatest women in the history of broadcasting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Much of Cokie Roberts' fame and credibility resides in her image as a rough-and-trouble woman capable of giving as good as she gets in the equally rough-and-tumble world of male dominated politics,\" Dan Nimmo wrote in \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=UZkC2D6WkHEC&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Political Commentators in the United States in the 20th Century\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1nNtI_Fv4e8\">In an interview\u003c/a> with the Television Academy Foundation, Roberts said she would often offer this advice to younger women navigating political journalism in Washington: \"Duck and file.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Don't get all involved in the politics of your institution, or competition in your institution. Just do your work and get it on the air, and then people will see if you're good,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts was the author of six books, mostly recently \u003cem>Capital Dames: The Civil War and the Women of Washington, 1848-1868,\u003c/em> which examined the role of powerful women during that era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a commentator, Roberts sometimes walked a line that threatened to eclipse her role as a dispassionate journalist. In a February 2016 op-ed, she and her husband called on \"the rational wing\" of the Republican Party to stop the nomination of Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"[Trump] is one of the least qualified candidates ever to make a serious run for the presidency,\" Roberts and her husband wrote. \"If he is nominated by a major party — let alone elected — the reputation of the United States would suffer a devastating blow around the world.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In interviews, Roberts often said she might have run for public office herself but thought she would spare her journalist husband the difficulty of what could be an awkward dynamic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I have always felt semi-guilty about it. But I've sort of assuaged my guilt by writing about it and feeling like I'm educating people about the government and how to be good voters and good citizens,\" Roberts \u003ca href=\"https://beta.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/magazine/cokie-roberts-is-a-commentator-these-days-but-she-still-prefers-facts-to-opinions/2019/03/08/08536e74-2bf1-11e9-b011-d8500644dc98_story.html\">told\u003c/a> \u003cem>The Washington Post\u003c/em> in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a great luxury to sit on the outside and analyze, or even give your opinion about how [Congress] could be fixed,\" she told the newspaper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement Tuesday, former President Barack Obama and former first lady Michelle Obama called Roberts \"a constant over forty years of a shifting media landscape and changing world, informing voters about the issues of our time and mentoring young journalists every step of the way.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said Roberts' death was \"a great official loss for our nation and a deep personal loss for all who were blessed to call Cokie a friend.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Cokie Roberts was a trailblazer who forever transformed the role of women in the newsroom and in our history books,\" Pelosi said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts is survived by her husband of 53 years; her two children, Lee Roberts and Rebecca Roberts; and six grandchildren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Cokie+Roberts%2C+Pioneering+Journalist+Who+Helped+Shape+NPR%2C+Dies+At+75&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Veteran journalist Cokie Roberts, who joined an upstart NPR in 1978 and left an indelible imprint on the growing network with her coverage of Washington politics before later going to ABC News, has died. She was 75.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts died Tuesday because of complications from breast cancer, according to a family statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bestselling author and Emmy Award winner, Roberts was one of NPR's most recognizable voices and is considered one of a handful of pioneering female journalists — along with Nina Totenberg, Linda Wertheimer and Susan Stamberg — who helped shape the public broadcaster's sound and culture at a time when few women held prominent roles in journalism. Having so many female voices at a national broadcaster was nothing short of revolutionary in the 1970s, NPR national political correspondent Mara Liasson recalled in an \u003ca href=\"http://www.dailyprincetonian.com/article/2019/02/liasson-q-a\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">interview\u003c/a> with \u003cem>The Daily Princetonian\u003c/em> earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We called them the Founding Mothers of NPR, or sometimes we called them the Fallopian Club,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liasson said it wasn't so much that NPR had a mission for gender equality but that the network's pay, which was well below that of the commercial networks of the day, resulted in \"a lot of really great women who were in prominent positions there and who helped other women.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time Roberts joined ABC News in 1988 — while retaining a part-time role as a political commentator at NPR that she maintained until her death — women were increasingly commonplace at broadcast networks and newspapers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts, the daughter of former U.S. representatives, grew up walking the halls of Congress and absorbing the personalities, folkways and behind-the-scenes machinations of the nation's capital. She became a seasoned Washington insider who developed a distinctive voice as a reporter and commentator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.ket.org/public-affairs/cokie-roberts-current-politics-storied-career/\">a 2017 interview\u003c/a> with Kentucky Educational Television, Roberts reflected on her long career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is such a privilege — you have a front seat to history,\" she said. \"You do get used to it, and you shouldn't, because it is a very special thing to be able to be in the room ... when all kinds of special things are happening.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although she was the only member of her immediate family not to run for Congress, Roberts considered her role as a journalist and political analyst as her way of giving back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I do feel strongly that informing the voters about what's going on, trying to explain it in ways that people can understand, and putting the issues out there is a form of participation,\" Roberts told KET.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political journalist George Will, who worked with Roberts on ABC's \u003cem>This Week,\u003c/em> said Roberts was not just born to the political class but was a natural inhabitant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"She liked people on both sides of the aisle and had friends on both sides of the aisle,\" Will told NPR. \"If you don't like the game of politics, I don't see how you write about it well,\" he said. \"She liked the game of politics and she understood that it was a game.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Born in New Orleans as Mary Martha Corinne Morrison Claiborne Boggs, she was given the nickname Cokie by her brother, Thomas, who had trouble pronouncing Corinne.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts' father was Thomas Hale Boggs Sr., a former Democratic majority leader of the House who served in Congress for more than three decades before he disappeared on a campaign flight in Alaska in 1972. Her mother, Lindy Claiborne Boggs, took her husband's seat and served for 17 years. She also served as U.S. ambassador to the Vatican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts split her time between Louisiana and Washington as a child and attended Wellesley College in Massachusetts. Her first job was at the Washington television station WRC-TV, where she hosted a public affairs program called \u003cem>Meeting of Minds. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She married journalist Steven V. Roberts in 1966. After holding a number of other broadcast jobs, she and her husband moved in the early 1970s to Athens, Greece, where he worked for \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em> and she filed radio stories as a freelance correspondent for CBS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1977, Roberts and her family returned to Washington, where she took a job with a then-almost unknown NPR. She served as NPR's congressional correspondent for more than 10 years. While in that role, she was also a contributor to PBS's \u003cem>The MacNeil/Lehrer NewsHour.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts left NPR in 1988 to become a political correspondent for ABC's \u003cem>World News Tonight\u003c/em> with Peter Jennings. She was also a regular fill-in anchor for Ted Koppel on \u003cem>Nightline. \u003c/em>From 1992 to 2002, Roberts co-anchored ABC News' Sunday morning show \u003cem>This Week,\u003c/em> alongside Sam Donaldson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Will said that although Washington is a \"town of short leases,\" with people constantly coming and going, Roberts represented the permanent Washington, a kind of figure who was constant through decades of political change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The Washington not often denounced by people who denounce Washington because they don't know it exists,\" Will said. \"Cokie represented the durable, ongoing Washington that is a custodian of the manners of the city and the sociability of the city that makes it really function.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts won numerous awards during her long career in journalism, including three Emmys and the Edward R. Murrow award. She was inducted into the Broadcasting and Cable Hall of Fame. She was recognized by American Women in Radio and Television as one of the 50 greatest women in the history of broadcasting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Much of Cokie Roberts' fame and credibility resides in her image as a rough-and-trouble woman capable of giving as good as she gets in the equally rough-and-tumble world of male dominated politics,\" Dan Nimmo wrote in \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=UZkC2D6WkHEC&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Political Commentators in the United States in the 20th Century\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1nNtI_Fv4e8\">In an interview\u003c/a> with the Television Academy Foundation, Roberts said she would often offer this advice to younger women navigating political journalism in Washington: \"Duck and file.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Don't get all involved in the politics of your institution, or competition in your institution. Just do your work and get it on the air, and then people will see if you're good,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts was the author of six books, mostly recently \u003cem>Capital Dames: The Civil War and the Women of Washington, 1848-1868,\u003c/em> which examined the role of powerful women during that era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a commentator, Roberts sometimes walked a line that threatened to eclipse her role as a dispassionate journalist. In a February 2016 op-ed, she and her husband called on \"the rational wing\" of the Republican Party to stop the nomination of Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"[Trump] is one of the least qualified candidates ever to make a serious run for the presidency,\" Roberts and her husband wrote. \"If he is nominated by a major party — let alone elected — the reputation of the United States would suffer a devastating blow around the world.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In interviews, Roberts often said she might have run for public office herself but thought she would spare her journalist husband the difficulty of what could be an awkward dynamic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I have always felt semi-guilty about it. But I've sort of assuaged my guilt by writing about it and feeling like I'm educating people about the government and how to be good voters and good citizens,\" Roberts \u003ca href=\"https://beta.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/magazine/cokie-roberts-is-a-commentator-these-days-but-she-still-prefers-facts-to-opinions/2019/03/08/08536e74-2bf1-11e9-b011-d8500644dc98_story.html\">told\u003c/a> \u003cem>The Washington Post\u003c/em> in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a great luxury to sit on the outside and analyze, or even give your opinion about how [Congress] could be fixed,\" she told the newspaper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement Tuesday, former President Barack Obama and former first lady Michelle Obama called Roberts \"a constant over forty years of a shifting media landscape and changing world, informing voters about the issues of our time and mentoring young journalists every step of the way.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said Roberts' death was \"a great official loss for our nation and a deep personal loss for all who were blessed to call Cokie a friend.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Cokie Roberts was a trailblazer who forever transformed the role of women in the newsroom and in our history books,\" Pelosi said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts is survived by her husband of 53 years; her two children, Lee Roberts and Rebecca Roberts; and six grandchildren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Cokie+Roberts%2C+Pioneering+Journalist+Who+Helped+Shape+NPR%2C+Dies+At+75&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Federal agents were patrolling the Rio Grande in an airboat between Laredo, Texas, and Nuevo Laredo, Mexico, in September 2012. They say a group of men in a park on the Mexican side of the river began throwing rocks at them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I just remember the boat. They started to shoot and they hit him in the heart, and he fell to the ground,\" says Priscila Arévalo, the daughter of one of the Mexican men. \"We ran away. When we came back, my papa he was already dead.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guillermo Arévalo lay on the gravel bank beside the sluggish river, bleeding profusely as the Border Patrol airboat roared away. The Arévalo family had been out for a picnic that day, and they insist no one was throwing rocks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Priscila Arévalo\"]\"The only thing we want is justice. They killed him and we haven't gotten a call. We don't even know the face of the killer. They just fled and that was that.\"[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shooting death led to changes in the Border Patrol's use-of-force policy and to an investigation of the incident. But seven years later, that probe is still incomplete. And the delay is emblematic of a larger problem when the federal government investigates a death on the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.southernborder.org/deaths_by_border_patrol\">35 fatal shootings by on-duty CBP officers since 2010\u003c/a>, according to the Southern Border Communities Coalition, an immigrant rights group. Most of them involve immigrants killed near the U.S.-Mexico border after they allegedly attacked or threatened agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Southern Border Communities Coalition brings together 60 organizations from California to Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet CBP has announced the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/cbp-use-force/case-summaries\">results of just eight internal investigations\u003c/a> into these use-of-force incidents. The agency, which had pledged transparency and to publicly release the results of its investigations, found no agent misconduct in each case. The latest completed case is three and a half years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The only thing we want is justice,\" says Priscila Arévalo, weeping. She's 16 now and only recently returned to the spot where her father died. \"They killed him and we haven't gotten a call. We don't even know the face of the killer. They just fled and that was that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When an investigation drags on for years, justice is suspended. The community is left wondering if the agent was right or wrong to fire his weapon, and whether the agent is still on the force. And victims' families are denied closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2012 river shooting is an extreme example of this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is just beyond absurd at this point,\" says Steve Shadowen, the Austin attorney who's representing the Arévalo family in a lawsuit against the U.S. government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Something has clearly gone off the rails,\" he continues. \"People used to get upset if there's not a result in six months or a year, two years at the outside. And here we are at seven years and not a peep.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Arévalo shooting was one of several rock-throwing cases that led to sweeping reforms inside CBP in 2014. Under updated rules, agents are trained to move out of the way of flying rocks and speeding vehicles, rather than shoot to kill. CBP training now stresses alternatives to deadly force, such as Tasers and pepper-ball launchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, all shootings — both fatal and non-fatal — fell from a high of 55 in 2012 to 15 in 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/cbp-use-force\">according to the agency's figures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside tag=\"border\" label=\"Related coverage\"]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reforms also included the creation of a National Use of Force Review Board, to thoroughly vet shooting incidents and then publish the findings on a timely basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They've made a lot of progress on the suite of reforms,\" says Gil Kerlikowske, commissioner of CBP at the end of the Obama presidency. \"But I think they've let some things go and I think there's certainly more that can be done.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kerlikowske, who was brought in to improve CBP's transparency and accountability, believes the reforms are unfinished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm very concerned about the timeliness of the process. What is the outcome of an investigation into the use of force? Was that use of force justified, and explain it,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP counters that if justice is slow, it's because these things take time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When there's an agent-involved shooting, first of all, state and federal prosecutors have to decide whether to file charges. Only then does CBP begin its own lengthy investigation. Those results then have to be approved by the agency's lawyer, the chief of the Border Patrol, and, finally, the commissioner. All of this has to happen before the results can be posted publicly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We do have the charge of making sure that that the investigation is done in a purposeful manner, not being rushed,\" says Joseph Westmoreland, a director with CBP's Office of Professional Responsibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He points out there were three interim commissioners in the course of 12 weeks earlier this year, and that slowed things down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Recently, the issue is there's been a change in executive leadership within CBP,\" he says. \"So in that transitional phase some of these cases got held up at the commissioner's level in the review process.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Westmoreland says the agency should be releasing the results of at least six more shooting investigations in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after seven years, the Guillermo Arévalo shooting hasn't even made it to CBP's internal affairs office. It's been sitting on a desk at the Civil Rights Division of the U.S. Department of Justice. Prosecutors there still haven't decided whether to bring charges or decline the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR asked a Justice Department spokeswoman, why the lengthy delay? Her response: \"DOJ declines to comment.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ed Chung used to work at DOJ's Civil Rights Division as a prosecutor; he's now at the Center for American Progress. Chung understands these kinds of cases are complex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"But certainly seven years from the time a particular case comes to the attention of an investigating agency to the time where a decision is made is just way too long,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"border-patrol\" label=\"More on border patrol\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP's opaqueness in following up on agent-involved shootings is troubling, says Vicki Gaubeca, president of the Southern Border Communities Coalition, the group that tracks CBP shootings. Gaubeca believes the agency is dragging its feet. She says the urgency for reform under Obama has transitioned into the Trump era of cheerleading for border security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And now that he's president of the United States,\" she says, \"then they feel emboldened to basically just do whatever they want to do.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's a pattern to these highly controversial border shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First comes the CBP statement, often followed by community outrage. Then the investigation gets under way. And finally, a deafening silence, as the years roll by and people move on and forget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say we shouldn't let that happen. Not with Guillermo Arévalo. And not with the more recent case of Claudia Patricia Gomez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just last year, the 20-year-old Guatemalan was shot in the head by a Border Patrol agent on the outskirts of Laredo, Texas, not far from the river she had just crossed illegally. The first CBP press release called the young Maya woman an assailant who was with a group of immigrants wielding \"blunt objects\" and threatening the agent. A second statement corrected that she, in fact, did not wield a weapon, but the group she was with \"rushed\" the officer and ignored orders to get on the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her parents are suing the government for wrongful death. Sixteen months after her death, there's not a word from CBP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Look, I don't think every agent is bad. There's only one person who did this,\" says her father, Gilberto Gomez, from his house in the Guatemalan highlands. \"We don't want impunity. We want justice.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CBP spokesman says their investigation is on hold because the fatal shooting of Claudia Patricia Gomez remains at the Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department. Just like the case of Guillermo Arévalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Investigations+Of+Fatal+Shootings+On+The+Border+Can+Drag+On+For+Years&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shooting death led to changes in the Border Patrol's use-of-force policy and to an investigation of the incident. But seven years later, that probe is still incomplete. And the delay is emblematic of a larger problem when the federal government investigates a death on the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.southernborder.org/deaths_by_border_patrol\">35 fatal shootings by on-duty CBP officers since 2010\u003c/a>, according to the Southern Border Communities Coalition, an immigrant rights group. Most of them involve immigrants killed near the U.S.-Mexico border after they allegedly attacked or threatened agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Southern Border Communities Coalition brings together 60 organizations from California to Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet CBP has announced the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/cbp-use-force/case-summaries\">results of just eight internal investigations\u003c/a> into these use-of-force incidents. The agency, which had pledged transparency and to publicly release the results of its investigations, found no agent misconduct in each case. The latest completed case is three and a half years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The only thing we want is justice,\" says Priscila Arévalo, weeping. She's 16 now and only recently returned to the spot where her father died. \"They killed him and we haven't gotten a call. We don't even know the face of the killer. They just fled and that was that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When an investigation drags on for years, justice is suspended. The community is left wondering if the agent was right or wrong to fire his weapon, and whether the agent is still on the force. And victims' families are denied closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2012 river shooting is an extreme example of this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is just beyond absurd at this point,\" says Steve Shadowen, the Austin attorney who's representing the Arévalo family in a lawsuit against the U.S. government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Something has clearly gone off the rails,\" he continues. \"People used to get upset if there's not a result in six months or a year, two years at the outside. And here we are at seven years and not a peep.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Arévalo shooting was one of several rock-throwing cases that led to sweeping reforms inside CBP in 2014. Under updated rules, agents are trained to move out of the way of flying rocks and speeding vehicles, rather than shoot to kill. CBP training now stresses alternatives to deadly force, such as Tasers and pepper-ball launchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, all shootings — both fatal and non-fatal — fell from a high of 55 in 2012 to 15 in 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/cbp-use-force\">according to the agency's figures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reforms also included the creation of a National Use of Force Review Board, to thoroughly vet shooting incidents and then publish the findings on a timely basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They've made a lot of progress on the suite of reforms,\" says Gil Kerlikowske, commissioner of CBP at the end of the Obama presidency. \"But I think they've let some things go and I think there's certainly more that can be done.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kerlikowske, who was brought in to improve CBP's transparency and accountability, believes the reforms are unfinished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm very concerned about the timeliness of the process. What is the outcome of an investigation into the use of force? Was that use of force justified, and explain it,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP counters that if justice is slow, it's because these things take time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When there's an agent-involved shooting, first of all, state and federal prosecutors have to decide whether to file charges. Only then does CBP begin its own lengthy investigation. Those results then have to be approved by the agency's lawyer, the chief of the Border Patrol, and, finally, the commissioner. All of this has to happen before the results can be posted publicly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We do have the charge of making sure that that the investigation is done in a purposeful manner, not being rushed,\" says Joseph Westmoreland, a director with CBP's Office of Professional Responsibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He points out there were three interim commissioners in the course of 12 weeks earlier this year, and that slowed things down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Recently, the issue is there's been a change in executive leadership within CBP,\" he says. \"So in that transitional phase some of these cases got held up at the commissioner's level in the review process.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Westmoreland says the agency should be releasing the results of at least six more shooting investigations in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after seven years, the Guillermo Arévalo shooting hasn't even made it to CBP's internal affairs office. It's been sitting on a desk at the Civil Rights Division of the U.S. Department of Justice. Prosecutors there still haven't decided whether to bring charges or decline the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR asked a Justice Department spokeswoman, why the lengthy delay? Her response: \"DOJ declines to comment.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ed Chung used to work at DOJ's Civil Rights Division as a prosecutor; he's now at the Center for American Progress. Chung understands these kinds of cases are complex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"But certainly seven years from the time a particular case comes to the attention of an investigating agency to the time where a decision is made is just way too long,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP's opaqueness in following up on agent-involved shootings is troubling, says Vicki Gaubeca, president of the Southern Border Communities Coalition, the group that tracks CBP shootings. Gaubeca believes the agency is dragging its feet. She says the urgency for reform under Obama has transitioned into the Trump era of cheerleading for border security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And now that he's president of the United States,\" she says, \"then they feel emboldened to basically just do whatever they want to do.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's a pattern to these highly controversial border shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First comes the CBP statement, often followed by community outrage. Then the investigation gets under way. And finally, a deafening silence, as the years roll by and people move on and forget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say we shouldn't let that happen. Not with Guillermo Arévalo. And not with the more recent case of Claudia Patricia Gomez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just last year, the 20-year-old Guatemalan was shot in the head by a Border Patrol agent on the outskirts of Laredo, Texas, not far from the river she had just crossed illegally. The first CBP press release called the young Maya woman an assailant who was with a group of immigrants wielding \"blunt objects\" and threatening the agent. A second statement corrected that she, in fact, did not wield a weapon, but the group she was with \"rushed\" the officer and ignored orders to get on the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her parents are suing the government for wrongful death. Sixteen months after her death, there's not a word from CBP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Look, I don't think every agent is bad. There's only one person who did this,\" says her father, Gilberto Gomez, from his house in the Guatemalan highlands. \"We don't want impunity. We want justice.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CBP spokesman says their investigation is on hold because the fatal shooting of Claudia Patricia Gomez remains at the Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department. Just like the case of Guillermo Arévalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Investigations+Of+Fatal+Shootings+On+The+Border+Can+Drag+On+For+Years&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Scientists Unveil Weed Breathalyzer, Launching Debate Over Next Steps",
"title": "Scientists Unveil Weed Breathalyzer, Launching Debate Over Next Steps",
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"content": "\u003cp>The alcohol Breathalyzer came to life slowly, over the course of decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the 1930s through the 1960s, scientists, lawmakers, police and the public quarreled over the veracity of the numbers spit out by the device, the appropriate legal limit for drivers and whether they could trust a \u003ca href=\"https://paleofuture.gizmodo.com/drunk-driving-and-the-pre-history-of-breathalyzers-1474504117\">machine over a cop's testimony\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the same debate is playing out over cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As 33 states and the District of Columbia have legalized cannabis in some form, Breathalyzer-type devices that could theoretically aid police enforcement have \u003ca href=\"https://www.digitaltrends.com/cool-tech/weed-breathalyzers-are-on-the-way/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">begun appearing\u003c/a> in various stages of development. But legal experts and scientists say there's a long way to go before those devices can actually detect a driver's impairment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Alexander Star, University of Pittsburgh\"]'If we have a suitable industrial partner, then the device by itself would be quite ready in a few months.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, a team of researchers at the University of Pittsburgh announced the latest tool to detect THC — delta-9-tetrahydrocannabinol, the main psychoactive component in cannabis — in breath.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university's Star Lab, led by Alexander Star, began developing the box-shaped device in 2016, amid a wave of cannabis legalization across the United States. Star, a chemistry professor, partnered with Ervin Sejdic, a professor of electrical and computer engineering at the same university, to build the prototype.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The device uses carbon nanotubes, which are 1/100,000 the size of human hair, to recognize the presence of THC, even when other substances are in the breath, such as alcohol. The THC molecule binds to the surface of the tubes, altering their electrical properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Nanotechnology sensors can detect THC at levels comparable to or better than mass spectrometry, which is considered the gold standard for THC detection,\" according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.engineering.pitt.edu/News/2019/Star-THC-Breathalyzer/\">the news release\u003c/a> from the university's Swanson School of Engineering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the device is nearly ready for mass production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11772415\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1684px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567720806580.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11772415 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1684\" height=\"1094\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678.jpg 1684w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678-160x104.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678-800x520.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678-1020x663.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678-1200x780.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1684px) 100vw, 1684px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">University of Pittsburgh researchers developed a prototype device that can measure the amount of THC in a person's breath. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of University of Pittsburgh)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"If we have a suitable industrial partner,\" Star told \u003cem>Here & Now'\u003c/em>s Jeremy Hobson, \"then the device by itself would be quite ready in a few months.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remaining steps, he says, include testing the prototype and correlating the device's output to the driver's level of impairment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With alcohol, you can figure out impairment by measuring the amount of alcohol in someone's blood, which you can determine from a Breathalyzer using the \"blood to breath\" — or \"partition\" — ratio. Make that translation from breath to blood to brain, and you can get a relatively accurate sense of how drunk someone is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So when it comes to these marijuana breath tests, that's the million-dollar question right now,\" says Chris Halsor, a Denver lawyer who focuses on issues around legal cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Is there a ratio that links the amount of THC in someone's breath to the amount in the person's blood — and then to exactly how stoned that person is?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No, says Sejdic. The correlation \"is basically missing, from a scientific point of view.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sejdic and Star have figured out how to set a threshold on their device to detect only a certain amount of THC, which they say will help avoid flagging cannabis use from several days prior. But without a comprehensive understanding of the correlation between that amount and the driver's level of impairment, the device may not be particularly useful to police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of that hurdle, there's the legal question of what level is safe for driving, which may be hard to answer. It took American courts several decades to settle on today's blood-alcohol concentration limit of 0.08%. States have already set \u003ca href=\"https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.ghsa.org_sites_default_files_2019-2D04_marijuanalaws-5Fapr2019-5F0.pdf&d=DwMF-g&c=E2nBno7hEddFhl23N5nD1Q&r=la2dQ1CjYh8_S5hqCXFrCN9q6fGEVmllKII03V5OuXk&m=kuUTA4q1MKTuKFftc030Z40bz067W9zu6TNorAnhKEY&s=wh3bMKXSlY4D4i2mVF-HGhNgzP_wVeA-bm_hPZqRBFM&e=\">various legal guidelines\u003c/a>, though some scientists argue that none of them are backed by hard science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Halsor, who has \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2017/07/30/523004450/scientists-still-seek-a-reliable-dui-test-for-marijuana\">taught police about marijuana DUIs for years\u003c/a>, says some officers whom he works with are hesitant about the devices. They worry that a cop with less training might use one as a crutch \"instead of actually evaluating the individuals and looking at how they're performing physically, mentally and cognitively,\" Halsor says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He advocates for a more hands-on approach: training officers to understand and detect marijuana usage without blood or breath tests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's not to say that five years from now we won't have some great device,\" Halsor says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, for now, to say that he's skeptical would be an understatement. And he says he's especially concerned about a lack of human testing as a result of federal regulations around cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related stories\" tag=\"cannabis\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Star and Sejdic understand that challenge. They say it took six months to even get started on their research because they had to get permission from the Drug Enforcement Administration to work with THC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a kind of both ethical and legal issue,\" Sejdic says. \"Given that the marijuana is still a Schedule I substance, it's difficult to actually carry out any research related to this substance.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The breakthroughs that would make this kind of device effective might happen first in Canada, Halsor says. The country's decision to legalize cannabis last year \"now opens the door to research being able to be conducted unencumbered,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the University of Pittsburgh researchers are hopeful that the U.S. might get the ball rolling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think there will be some push even for the federal government to actually allow researchers to look and correlate these levels of smoking and impairment,\" Sejdic says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until the government and the legal system catch up, they say, creating an accurate Breathalyzer-type device itself is the first step toward enforcing those \"Drive High, Get A DUI\" roadside signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Scientists+Unveil+Weed+Breathalyzer%2C+Launching+Debate+Over+Next+Steps&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, a team of researchers at the University of Pittsburgh announced the latest tool to detect THC — delta-9-tetrahydrocannabinol, the main psychoactive component in cannabis — in breath.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university's Star Lab, led by Alexander Star, began developing the box-shaped device in 2016, amid a wave of cannabis legalization across the United States. Star, a chemistry professor, partnered with Ervin Sejdic, a professor of electrical and computer engineering at the same university, to build the prototype.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The device uses carbon nanotubes, which are 1/100,000 the size of human hair, to recognize the presence of THC, even when other substances are in the breath, such as alcohol. The THC molecule binds to the surface of the tubes, altering their electrical properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Nanotechnology sensors can detect THC at levels comparable to or better than mass spectrometry, which is considered the gold standard for THC detection,\" according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.engineering.pitt.edu/News/2019/Star-THC-Breathalyzer/\">the news release\u003c/a> from the university's Swanson School of Engineering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the device is nearly ready for mass production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11772415\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1684px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567720806580.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11772415 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1684\" height=\"1094\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678.jpg 1684w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678-160x104.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678-800x520.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678-1020x663.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/thc_breathalyzer_prototype-647246cd2e16be72764f3993b20352ceeb2eddef-e1567721060678-1200x780.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1684px) 100vw, 1684px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">University of Pittsburgh researchers developed a prototype device that can measure the amount of THC in a person's breath. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of University of Pittsburgh)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"If we have a suitable industrial partner,\" Star told \u003cem>Here & Now'\u003c/em>s Jeremy Hobson, \"then the device by itself would be quite ready in a few months.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remaining steps, he says, include testing the prototype and correlating the device's output to the driver's level of impairment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With alcohol, you can figure out impairment by measuring the amount of alcohol in someone's blood, which you can determine from a Breathalyzer using the \"blood to breath\" — or \"partition\" — ratio. Make that translation from breath to blood to brain, and you can get a relatively accurate sense of how drunk someone is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So when it comes to these marijuana breath tests, that's the million-dollar question right now,\" says Chris Halsor, a Denver lawyer who focuses on issues around legal cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Is there a ratio that links the amount of THC in someone's breath to the amount in the person's blood — and then to exactly how stoned that person is?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No, says Sejdic. The correlation \"is basically missing, from a scientific point of view.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sejdic and Star have figured out how to set a threshold on their device to detect only a certain amount of THC, which they say will help avoid flagging cannabis use from several days prior. But without a comprehensive understanding of the correlation between that amount and the driver's level of impairment, the device may not be particularly useful to police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of that hurdle, there's the legal question of what level is safe for driving, which may be hard to answer. It took American courts several decades to settle on today's blood-alcohol concentration limit of 0.08%. States have already set \u003ca href=\"https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.ghsa.org_sites_default_files_2019-2D04_marijuanalaws-5Fapr2019-5F0.pdf&d=DwMF-g&c=E2nBno7hEddFhl23N5nD1Q&r=la2dQ1CjYh8_S5hqCXFrCN9q6fGEVmllKII03V5OuXk&m=kuUTA4q1MKTuKFftc030Z40bz067W9zu6TNorAnhKEY&s=wh3bMKXSlY4D4i2mVF-HGhNgzP_wVeA-bm_hPZqRBFM&e=\">various legal guidelines\u003c/a>, though some scientists argue that none of them are backed by hard science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Halsor, who has \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2017/07/30/523004450/scientists-still-seek-a-reliable-dui-test-for-marijuana\">taught police about marijuana DUIs for years\u003c/a>, says some officers whom he works with are hesitant about the devices. They worry that a cop with less training might use one as a crutch \"instead of actually evaluating the individuals and looking at how they're performing physically, mentally and cognitively,\" Halsor says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He advocates for a more hands-on approach: training officers to understand and detect marijuana usage without blood or breath tests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's not to say that five years from now we won't have some great device,\" Halsor says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, for now, to say that he's skeptical would be an understatement. And he says he's especially concerned about a lack of human testing as a result of federal regulations around cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Star and Sejdic understand that challenge. They say it took six months to even get started on their research because they had to get permission from the Drug Enforcement Administration to work with THC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a kind of both ethical and legal issue,\" Sejdic says. \"Given that the marijuana is still a Schedule I substance, it's difficult to actually carry out any research related to this substance.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The breakthroughs that would make this kind of device effective might happen first in Canada, Halsor says. The country's decision to legalize cannabis last year \"now opens the door to research being able to be conducted unencumbered,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the University of Pittsburgh researchers are hopeful that the U.S. might get the ball rolling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think there will be some push even for the federal government to actually allow researchers to look and correlate these levels of smoking and impairment,\" Sejdic says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until the government and the legal system catch up, they say, creating an accurate Breathalyzer-type device itself is the first step toward enforcing those \"Drive High, Get A DUI\" roadside signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Scientists+Unveil+Weed+Breathalyzer%2C+Launching+Debate+Over+Next+Steps&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In newspapers she was described as the \"unconscious intoxicated woman.\" In the courtroom she was called Emily Doe. On Tuesday, she let the world know that her real name is Chanel Miller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"brock-turner\" label=\"Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, Miller was attacked while unconscious after drinking too much at a fraternity party at Stanford University. Two young men on bicycles rescued her. Her attacker tried to run away but they chased him and held him down until the police arrived. Brock Turner, her attacker, was a student at Stanford and a swimming champion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year later, Turner was tried on and convicted of three counts of sexual assault. At the sentencing hearing, Miller read a powerful and lengthy statement about the effect the assault had on her life. She remembered little of what happened, a fact that was used against her by Turner's defense attorney. The aftermath was devastating. Addressing Turner directly, she told him that he \"took away my worth, my privacy ... my confidence, my own voice.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miller's statement went viral. Turner, who could have gotten 14 years in federal prison, was sentenced to six months in county jail. He served three months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"aaron-persky\" label=\"Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That decision, by Judge Aaron Persky, was met with outrage. Critics assailed Persky for being too lenient. Turner was a first-time offender, promising student and swimming champion. The judge said a tougher sentence \"would have had a severe impact on him\" — and he did not think Turner was a danger to others. He also pointed out that the victim was intoxicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of the decision started gathering signatures for a recall campaign. In June 2018, the campaign succeeded. Persky was the first California judge to be recalled in more than 80 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now Miller is telling her story in a new book due out on Sept.24 called \"Know My Name.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Victim+Of+Brock+Turner+Sexual+Assault+Reveals+Her+Identity&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Chanel Miller introduced herself to the public Tuesday ahead of the release of her memoir, \u003cem>Know My Name,\u003c/em> later in the month. The lenient sentence handed to Turner in 2016 prompted a public outcry.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, Miller was attacked while unconscious after drinking too much at a fraternity party at Stanford University. Two young men on bicycles rescued her. Her attacker tried to run away but they chased him and held him down until the police arrived. Brock Turner, her attacker, was a student at Stanford and a swimming champion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year later, Turner was tried on and convicted of three counts of sexual assault. At the sentencing hearing, Miller read a powerful and lengthy statement about the effect the assault had on her life. She remembered little of what happened, a fact that was used against her by Turner's defense attorney. The aftermath was devastating. Addressing Turner directly, she told him that he \"took away my worth, my privacy ... my confidence, my own voice.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miller's statement went viral. Turner, who could have gotten 14 years in federal prison, was sentenced to six months in county jail. He served three months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That decision, by Judge Aaron Persky, was met with outrage. Critics assailed Persky for being too lenient. Turner was a first-time offender, promising student and swimming champion. The judge said a tougher sentence \"would have had a severe impact on him\" — and he did not think Turner was a danger to others. He also pointed out that the victim was intoxicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of the decision started gathering signatures for a recall campaign. In June 2018, the campaign succeeded. Persky was the first California judge to be recalled in more than 80 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now Miller is telling her story in a new book due out on Sept.24 called \"Know My Name.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Victim+Of+Brock+Turner+Sexual+Assault+Reveals+Her+Identity&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Jessy Rosales was a sophomore at UC Riverside, she had a boyfriend and she was taking birth control pills. Then out of nowhere, she started feeling sick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just thought it was the stomach flu,” she says. “It turns out I was pregnant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosales was clear that she was not ready to have a baby. She wanted a medication abortion, where she would take one pill at the clinic and a second one at home a day or two later to induce a miscarriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just wanted the intimacy of dealing with it on my own, in the privacy of my own home,” she says. “And being able to cry if I wanted to cry or just being able to curl up in my bed right away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public university health centers in California do not perform abortions. But state lawmakers are expected to pass\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB24\"> a bill\u003c/a> in the coming weeks that would require student health centers at all 34 state campuses to provide medication abortions. If the measure becomes law, it will be the first of its kind in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters say they want to remove the obstacles women face accessing medical abortion off campus. For example, Rosales was given three off-campus referrals for abortion providers by her student health center. But the first clinic she called didn’t perform abortions after all. The second didn’t take her insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time she could get an appointment at a third clinic, she was already into the second trimester of pregnancy — too late for a medication abortion, which can only be done up to 10 weeks. Rosales ended up having a surgical procedure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The doctor kept telling me to relax … and I couldn’t because it just hurt so bad,” she recalls. “I was just afraid and alone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosales graduated last year and is now advocating for the bill (SB 24) as a reproductive justice activist with the Women’s Foundation of California. She wants other students to have easier access to the abortion pill than she did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11772339\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"It took too long for Jessy Rosales to find a clinic near the University of California, Riverside, that would provide a medication abortion and accept her insurance. She's now advocating for a state bill to make the pills available at public university health centers in California.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11772339\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-1020x573.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-1200x675.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-1920x1080.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d.jpg 1944w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">It took too long for Jessy Rosales to find a clinic near UC Riverside, that would provide a medication abortion and accept her insurance. She’s now advocating for a state bill to make the pills available at public university health centers in California. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Planned Parenthood )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the bill have organized several rallies against it. In August, about 60 protesters in yellow T-shirts gathered outside a church in Sacramento, their heads bowed as a priest led them in prayer. Then they marched around the state’s Capitol, chanting, “Don’t kill babies! Don’t kill babies!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a consortium of women’s groups that support abortion rights has promised to pay for all the required ultrasound equipment and upfront training costs of providing the abortion pill on campus, eventually universities would likely need to dip into tax dollars or student fees for ongoing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion opponents such as Michele LaMonica object to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not on my dime, not on my dime,” LaMonica says. “Tax me to help the homeless. Tax me to help social services, but don’t tax me to pay for the disposal of human life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11719509\" label=\"Previous Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurers are already required to cover abortion under California law, and state tax dollars do go toward abortions provided through Medi-Cal, the state version of Medicaid for low-income patients. However, none of the UC campuses and only some of the CSU campuses get reimbursed for health services through Medi-Cal. University officials testified during legislative hearings on the bill last year that it could be an administrative or fiscal burden to establish billing systems to provide the abortion pill on campus. They predicted that some clinical costs, as well as security and liability costs, could fall directly to the universities and get passed on to students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Up to 519 women at public universities seek a medication abortion every month in California, according to\u003ca href=\"https://www.jahonline.org/article/S1054-139X(18)30185-X/fulltext\"> a study\u003c/a> published last summer in the Journal of Adolescent Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same research found that off-campus abortion providers were an average of six miles away from public university campuses in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Gov. Jerry Brown cited this stat when \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB320\">he vetoed\u003c/a> a version of the same bill (\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB320\">SB 320\u003c/a>) last year, saying the legislation was not necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Six miles away — that’s like a $5 Uber ride,” said abortion opponent Nick Reynosa, the Northern California regional coordinator for Students for Life of America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the campaign is more about politics than need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the last decade, many pro-choice activists feel that in red states, there’s been a lot of momentum toward more abortion restrictions. This is a way to say, ‘No. Here, in blue California, we’re going to affirm or expand [the right to an abortion],’ ” Reynosa says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters don’t deny it. Phoebe Abramowitz was part of the student team that launched the campus campaign for medication abortions at UC Berkeley four years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now that we’re doing statewide advocacy, we’re hoping to set a national precedent that we can, even in these really hostile times to women and queer people, move access to abortion forward,” she says. “It’s more important now than it even was a year ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Brown vetoed the bill last year, then-gubernatorial candidate Gavin Newsom said he\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Gavin-Newsom-splits-with-Jerry-Brown-on-SF-drug-13275997.php\"> would have supported\u003c/a> it. He won the election about a month later, and advocates are optimistic that he will side with them this time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislature has until mid-September to pass the bill, and the governor has a month after that to sign or veto it. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of NPR’s reporting partnership with KQED and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.kaiserhealthnews.org/\">\u003cem>Kaiser Health News\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "State lawmakers are expected to pass a bill requiring campus health centers to provide pills used for medication abortions. If the measure becomes law, it will be the first of its kind in the U.S.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Jessy Rosales was a sophomore at UC Riverside, she had a boyfriend and she was taking birth control pills. Then out of nowhere, she started feeling sick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just thought it was the stomach flu,” she says. “It turns out I was pregnant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosales was clear that she was not ready to have a baby. She wanted a medication abortion, where she would take one pill at the clinic and a second one at home a day or two later to induce a miscarriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just wanted the intimacy of dealing with it on my own, in the privacy of my own home,” she says. “And being able to cry if I wanted to cry or just being able to curl up in my bed right away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public university health centers in California do not perform abortions. But state lawmakers are expected to pass\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB24\"> a bill\u003c/a> in the coming weeks that would require student health centers at all 34 state campuses to provide medication abortions. If the measure becomes law, it will be the first of its kind in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters say they want to remove the obstacles women face accessing medical abortion off campus. For example, Rosales was given three off-campus referrals for abortion providers by her student health center. But the first clinic she called didn’t perform abortions after all. The second didn’t take her insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time she could get an appointment at a third clinic, she was already into the second trimester of pregnancy — too late for a medication abortion, which can only be done up to 10 weeks. Rosales ended up having a surgical procedure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The doctor kept telling me to relax … and I couldn’t because it just hurt so bad,” she recalls. “I was just afraid and alone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosales graduated last year and is now advocating for the bill (SB 24) as a reproductive justice activist with the Women’s Foundation of California. She wants other students to have easier access to the abortion pill than she did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11772339\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"It took too long for Jessy Rosales to find a clinic near the University of California, Riverside, that would provide a medication abortion and accept her insurance. She's now advocating for a state bill to make the pills available at public university health centers in California.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11772339\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-1020x573.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-1200x675.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-1920x1080.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d.jpg 1944w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">It took too long for Jessy Rosales to find a clinic near UC Riverside, that would provide a medication abortion and accept her insurance. She’s now advocating for a state bill to make the pills available at public university health centers in California. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Planned Parenthood )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the bill have organized several rallies against it. In August, about 60 protesters in yellow T-shirts gathered outside a church in Sacramento, their heads bowed as a priest led them in prayer. Then they marched around the state’s Capitol, chanting, “Don’t kill babies! Don’t kill babies!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a consortium of women’s groups that support abortion rights has promised to pay for all the required ultrasound equipment and upfront training costs of providing the abortion pill on campus, eventually universities would likely need to dip into tax dollars or student fees for ongoing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion opponents such as Michele LaMonica object to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not on my dime, not on my dime,” LaMonica says. “Tax me to help the homeless. Tax me to help social services, but don’t tax me to pay for the disposal of human life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurers are already required to cover abortion under California law, and state tax dollars do go toward abortions provided through Medi-Cal, the state version of Medicaid for low-income patients. However, none of the UC campuses and only some of the CSU campuses get reimbursed for health services through Medi-Cal. University officials testified during legislative hearings on the bill last year that it could be an administrative or fiscal burden to establish billing systems to provide the abortion pill on campus. They predicted that some clinical costs, as well as security and liability costs, could fall directly to the universities and get passed on to students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Up to 519 women at public universities seek a medication abortion every month in California, according to\u003ca href=\"https://www.jahonline.org/article/S1054-139X(18)30185-X/fulltext\"> a study\u003c/a> published last summer in the Journal of Adolescent Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same research found that off-campus abortion providers were an average of six miles away from public university campuses in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Gov. Jerry Brown cited this stat when \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB320\">he vetoed\u003c/a> a version of the same bill (\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB320\">SB 320\u003c/a>) last year, saying the legislation was not necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Six miles away — that’s like a $5 Uber ride,” said abortion opponent Nick Reynosa, the Northern California regional coordinator for Students for Life of America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the campaign is more about politics than need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the last decade, many pro-choice activists feel that in red states, there’s been a lot of momentum toward more abortion restrictions. This is a way to say, ‘No. Here, in blue California, we’re going to affirm or expand [the right to an abortion],’ ” Reynosa says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters don’t deny it. Phoebe Abramowitz was part of the student team that launched the campus campaign for medication abortions at UC Berkeley four years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now that we’re doing statewide advocacy, we’re hoping to set a national precedent that we can, even in these really hostile times to women and queer people, move access to abortion forward,” she says. “It’s more important now than it even was a year ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Brown vetoed the bill last year, then-gubernatorial candidate Gavin Newsom said he\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Gavin-Newsom-splits-with-Jerry-Brown-on-SF-drug-13275997.php\"> would have supported\u003c/a> it. He won the election about a month later, and advocates are optimistic that he will side with them this time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislature has until mid-September to pass the bill, and the governor has a month after that to sign or veto it. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of NPR’s reporting partnership with KQED and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.kaiserhealthnews.org/\">\u003cem>Kaiser Health News\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "This Digital Sheriff Helps Cities Wrangle Airbnb Rules",
"title": "This Digital Sheriff Helps Cities Wrangle Airbnb Rules",
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"content": "\u003cp>Ulrik Binzer used to rent out his house north of San Francisco on Airbnb. It was enough money to pay for his family to fly to Denmark to visit relatives. But then his town suddenly banned short-term rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binzer says there was no debate — it was just an agenda item. \"No one knew about it,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It left him wondering: What's going on here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's how Binzer became a new sort of sheriff for the digital age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Millions of Airbnb-type rentals are popping up in residential neighborhoods across the United States. That leaves cities struggling to enforce rules around everything from problem party houses to investors buying up too many rental properties, which some studies say pushes up housing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binzer, who works in Silicon Valley, saw an opportunity to use technology to tame the Wild West landscape of short-term rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, he went to a town meeting and started researching the issue. He realized cities were really struggling to deal with all these short-term rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those cities was Nashville, Tennessee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We had a problem,\" says Sean Braisted, who works in Nashville's code-enforcement department. For one thing, it was hard to get homeowners to obtain rental permits and pay taxes on their rental income. And Nashville is a big party town, Braisted says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We would have problems with essentially party houses that would try to pull as many beds into one house as possible and cram as many people in there,\" he says. \"We've had complaints about people allegedly having sex parties to doing all sorts of things within short-term rental properties.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In residential neighborhoods, Nashville allows these Airbnb-type rentals only for houses occupied by their owners. The goal is to cut down on investor-owned party houses or having too many investor-owned short-term rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Braisted says the rules were hard to enforce. For one thing, you usually don't see the actual address of a property on these rental sites until you agree to rent it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in California, Binzer realized that for cities trying to enforce these rules, \"it was like bringing a knife to a gunfight.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities manage compliance manually, one property at a time, which takes time, he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They essentially go and do a drive-by, or they try to book the property so they can get the address and then they catch them and it's like a sting operation,\" he says. \"You can't do that when you have thousands of these, right?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binzer saw an opportunity to use his technology background to help cities get this rapidly growing short-term rental phenomenon under control. He got some software developers on board, and they knocked together a bare-bones startup company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We went out and started talking to cities and very quickly got to something like 20 customers\" within a couple of months, Binzer says. Today, he says his company, Host Compliance, is working with more than 300 towns and cities across the U.S. and Canada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nashville is one of them. The city is using Binzer's technology to see if properties on the short-term rental sites have the right permits. \"They crawl the Internet through those sites, and then they match those up with property records, assessor photos of the front of the properties,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Host Compliance uses artificial intelligence software to figure out the address and owner. Then, people renting without a permit are told to get one or stop renting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in Nashville, Braisted says it's working. After two years, he says, the city is bringing in 50% more money annually in short-term rental taxes. And the crackdown has found about 2,500 rental operators who were breaking the rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the country, local officials also worry about short-term rentals boosting the cost of housing. That has squeezed out people like New Orleans resident April Leigh, who owns a neighborhood small business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My boyfriend and I were in this house, and it was cheap rent that we could both afford,\" she says. \"It was close to my business, so I could bike or walk there.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says that in recent years, investors have been buying up a lot of rental properties that locals were living in and have been turning them into Airbnbs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When that happened with the house she used to live in, she says she and her boyfriend were forced to move. She says it happened to her neighbors, too. \"People have told me they're the only renters on the block — the rest is all Airbnb houses,\" Leigh says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The influx of Airbnbs made it a lot harder for her to find an affordable place to rent, she says. She was so frustrated that after she got kicked out, she decided to leave a message for the next tourists renting the house she used to live in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11770647\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"April Leigh spray-painted a message for tourists renting the New Orleans house in which she used to live after she was evicted from it and the new landlord converted it into a short-term rental property.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11770647\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-536x402.jpg 536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85.jpg 1600w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">April Leigh spray-painted a message for tourists renting the New Orleans house in which she used to live after she was evicted from it and the new landlord converted it into a short-term rental property. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of April Leigh)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"I got a can of spray paint and drove straight to the house and wrote on the sidewalk, 'This Airbnb displaced 5 people,' \" Leigh says. Her photo of the sidewalk protest \u003ca href=\"https://thelensnola.org/2018/02/10/this-airbnb-displaced-5-people-heres-the-story-behind-that-photo-that-spread-on-facebook/\">went viral\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers in cities around the country and in Canada are passing regulations to stop investors from buying up a lot of traditional rental properties and converting them into short-term rentals, Binzer says. And he's helping them enforce those rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He notes that \u003ca href=\"https://www.wbur.org/bostonomix/2019/01/01/airbnb-boston-ordinance\">Boston\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.airbnb.com/help/article/1404/denver-co\">Denver\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2018/12/12/los-angeles-passes-regulation-targeting-airbnb-rental-hosts.html\">Los Angeles\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nashvillepublicradio.org/post/nashville-phase-out-some-short-term-rentals-decisively-ending-its-yearlong-battle#stream/0\">Nashville\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://thelensnola.org/2019/08/08/short-term-rental-restrictions-fly-through-final-council-vote-advocates-partially-pleased/\">New Orleans\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcbayarea.com/news/local/San-Francisco-Unregistered-Vacation-Homes-Surge-Fraudulent-Short-Term-Rental-Applications-538513141.html\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.knkx.org/post/licenses-and-limits-new-short-term-rental-regulations-take-effect-seattle\">Seattle\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/toronto-short-term-rental-regulations-versus-other-cities-1.5121557\">Toronto \u003c/a>and \u003ca href=\"https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/british-columbia/article-airbnb-agrees-to-help-vancouver-enforce-new-short-term-rental-rules/\">Vancouver\u003c/a>, British Columbia, have all passed such regulations. \"Most of the larger cities in North America faced with some level of a housing crisis are passing these types of rules,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Different cities have taken different approaches. Some say only owner-occupants can do short-term rentals. Others say owners can rent out one property in addition to their primary residence — though Binzer says that's harder to enforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what does Airbnb think about this new digital sheriff helping cities crack down on illegal short-term rentals?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Airbnb spokesman Christopher Nulty declined to talk about any specific company. But he said, \"We just don't think that the best approach here is for cities to turn that responsibility over to another company whose sole responsibility is to tattle on people.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nulty says there are privacy concerns. And he asks, what's next? Will cities hire companies to check that if you buy a sink at Home Depot, that you've got any required plumbing permits?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binzer says he knows Airbnb and the other rental sites aren't his biggest fans. \"But I think in the long run they all realize that if this is just the Wild West, the pendulum is going to swing the other direction and there's gonna be so many restrictions that it will destroy their business,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Airbnb has gotten into \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/alltechconsidered/2014/10/16/356728035/airbnb-new-york-state-spar-over-legality-of-rentals\">legal battles\u003c/a> with cities over, among other things, how much information it needs to hand over for enforcement. Binzer says his company lets cities get around that tug of war and get what they need to enforce the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Cities are struggling to enforce rules around everything from problem party houses to investors pushing up housing costs. An entrepreneur is helping local officials deal with these short-term rentals.",
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"description": "Cities are struggling to enforce rules around everything from problem party houses to investors pushing up housing costs. An entrepreneur is helping local officials deal with these short-term rentals.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Ulrik Binzer used to rent out his house north of San Francisco on Airbnb. It was enough money to pay for his family to fly to Denmark to visit relatives. But then his town suddenly banned short-term rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binzer says there was no debate — it was just an agenda item. \"No one knew about it,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It left him wondering: What's going on here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's how Binzer became a new sort of sheriff for the digital age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Millions of Airbnb-type rentals are popping up in residential neighborhoods across the United States. That leaves cities struggling to enforce rules around everything from problem party houses to investors buying up too many rental properties, which some studies say pushes up housing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binzer, who works in Silicon Valley, saw an opportunity to use technology to tame the Wild West landscape of short-term rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, he went to a town meeting and started researching the issue. He realized cities were really struggling to deal with all these short-term rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those cities was Nashville, Tennessee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We had a problem,\" says Sean Braisted, who works in Nashville's code-enforcement department. For one thing, it was hard to get homeowners to obtain rental permits and pay taxes on their rental income. And Nashville is a big party town, Braisted says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We would have problems with essentially party houses that would try to pull as many beds into one house as possible and cram as many people in there,\" he says. \"We've had complaints about people allegedly having sex parties to doing all sorts of things within short-term rental properties.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In residential neighborhoods, Nashville allows these Airbnb-type rentals only for houses occupied by their owners. The goal is to cut down on investor-owned party houses or having too many investor-owned short-term rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Braisted says the rules were hard to enforce. For one thing, you usually don't see the actual address of a property on these rental sites until you agree to rent it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in California, Binzer realized that for cities trying to enforce these rules, \"it was like bringing a knife to a gunfight.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities manage compliance manually, one property at a time, which takes time, he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They essentially go and do a drive-by, or they try to book the property so they can get the address and then they catch them and it's like a sting operation,\" he says. \"You can't do that when you have thousands of these, right?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binzer saw an opportunity to use his technology background to help cities get this rapidly growing short-term rental phenomenon under control. He got some software developers on board, and they knocked together a bare-bones startup company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We went out and started talking to cities and very quickly got to something like 20 customers\" within a couple of months, Binzer says. Today, he says his company, Host Compliance, is working with more than 300 towns and cities across the U.S. and Canada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nashville is one of them. The city is using Binzer's technology to see if properties on the short-term rental sites have the right permits. \"They crawl the Internet through those sites, and then they match those up with property records, assessor photos of the front of the properties,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Host Compliance uses artificial intelligence software to figure out the address and owner. Then, people renting without a permit are told to get one or stop renting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in Nashville, Braisted says it's working. After two years, he says, the city is bringing in 50% more money annually in short-term rental taxes. And the crackdown has found about 2,500 rental operators who were breaking the rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the country, local officials also worry about short-term rentals boosting the cost of housing. That has squeezed out people like New Orleans resident April Leigh, who owns a neighborhood small business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My boyfriend and I were in this house, and it was cheap rent that we could both afford,\" she says. \"It was close to my business, so I could bike or walk there.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says that in recent years, investors have been buying up a lot of rental properties that locals were living in and have been turning them into Airbnbs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When that happened with the house she used to live in, she says she and her boyfriend were forced to move. She says it happened to her neighbors, too. \"People have told me they're the only renters on the block — the rest is all Airbnb houses,\" Leigh says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The influx of Airbnbs made it a lot harder for her to find an affordable place to rent, she says. She was so frustrated that after she got kicked out, she decided to leave a message for the next tourists renting the house she used to live in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11770647\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"April Leigh spray-painted a message for tourists renting the New Orleans house in which she used to live after she was evicted from it and the new landlord converted it into a short-term rental property.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11770647\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85-536x402.jpg 536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_20180205_115913-e26e58ce8b0612a83b5c75806128398315c2e5d2-s1600-c85.jpg 1600w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">April Leigh spray-painted a message for tourists renting the New Orleans house in which she used to live after she was evicted from it and the new landlord converted it into a short-term rental property. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of April Leigh)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"I got a can of spray paint and drove straight to the house and wrote on the sidewalk, 'This Airbnb displaced 5 people,' \" Leigh says. Her photo of the sidewalk protest \u003ca href=\"https://thelensnola.org/2018/02/10/this-airbnb-displaced-5-people-heres-the-story-behind-that-photo-that-spread-on-facebook/\">went viral\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers in cities around the country and in Canada are passing regulations to stop investors from buying up a lot of traditional rental properties and converting them into short-term rentals, Binzer says. And he's helping them enforce those rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He notes that \u003ca href=\"https://www.wbur.org/bostonomix/2019/01/01/airbnb-boston-ordinance\">Boston\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.airbnb.com/help/article/1404/denver-co\">Denver\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2018/12/12/los-angeles-passes-regulation-targeting-airbnb-rental-hosts.html\">Los Angeles\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nashvillepublicradio.org/post/nashville-phase-out-some-short-term-rentals-decisively-ending-its-yearlong-battle#stream/0\">Nashville\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://thelensnola.org/2019/08/08/short-term-rental-restrictions-fly-through-final-council-vote-advocates-partially-pleased/\">New Orleans\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcbayarea.com/news/local/San-Francisco-Unregistered-Vacation-Homes-Surge-Fraudulent-Short-Term-Rental-Applications-538513141.html\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.knkx.org/post/licenses-and-limits-new-short-term-rental-regulations-take-effect-seattle\">Seattle\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/toronto-short-term-rental-regulations-versus-other-cities-1.5121557\">Toronto \u003c/a>and \u003ca href=\"https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/british-columbia/article-airbnb-agrees-to-help-vancouver-enforce-new-short-term-rental-rules/\">Vancouver\u003c/a>, British Columbia, have all passed such regulations. \"Most of the larger cities in North America faced with some level of a housing crisis are passing these types of rules,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Different cities have taken different approaches. Some say only owner-occupants can do short-term rentals. Others say owners can rent out one property in addition to their primary residence — though Binzer says that's harder to enforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what does Airbnb think about this new digital sheriff helping cities crack down on illegal short-term rentals?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Airbnb spokesman Christopher Nulty declined to talk about any specific company. But he said, \"We just don't think that the best approach here is for cities to turn that responsibility over to another company whose sole responsibility is to tattle on people.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nulty says there are privacy concerns. And he asks, what's next? Will cities hire companies to check that if you buy a sink at Home Depot, that you've got any required plumbing permits?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binzer says he knows Airbnb and the other rental sites aren't his biggest fans. \"But I think in the long run they all realize that if this is just the Wild West, the pendulum is going to swing the other direction and there's gonna be so many restrictions that it will destroy their business,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Airbnb has gotten into \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/alltechconsidered/2014/10/16/356728035/airbnb-new-york-state-spar-over-legality-of-rentals\">legal battles\u003c/a> with cities over, among other things, how much information it needs to hand over for enforcement. Binzer says his company lets cities get around that tug of war and get what they need to enforce the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Criminals Target Migrants in Mexico Seeking U.S. Asylum",
"title": "Criminals Target Migrants in Mexico Seeking U.S. Asylum",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>One day last week in Nuevo Laredo, Mexico, a fearsome gun battle broke out on the main boulevard to the airport, as drivers careened off the thoroughfare in terror while rival narcos blasted away at each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cartel of the Northeast operates with impunity here, cruising around town in armored, olive-drab pickups with \u003cem>Tropas del Infierno\u003c/em>, Spanish for \"Soldiers from Hell,\" emblazoned on the doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And a pastor named Aaron Mendez remains missing after being kidnapped from the Love Migrant House, a shelter he operated. One news report says extortionists grabbed Mendez when he refused to turn over Cuban migrants they wanted to shake down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11730590,news_11726721,news_11758516,news_11763389\" label=\"The 'Remain in Mexico' Policy\"]This is where the U.S. is sending migrants who have asked for asylum after crossing the Rio Grande near Laredo, Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 30,000 migrants have been sent back to Mexican border cities to await their day in U.S. immigration court under the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11758516/fear-confusion-and-separation-as-trump-administration-sends-migrants-back-to-mexico\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\"remain in Mexico\" program\u003c/a>. They are sent back from U.S. ports of entry and given a date — generally two to four months in the future — to return and make their case for asylum before an immigration judge on a video link. About 4,500 of them have been sent to Nuevo Laredo, where mayhem is rampant and extorting migrants has become the cartel's latest income stream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program is officially known as the Migrant Protection Protocols, or MPP. In Spanish, the acronym is PPM.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"For me, it's P-M-M, or Plan of Lies to Migrants,\" says Father Julio Lopez, director of the Nazareth Migrant House. \"Because there is no protection.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez is anxious these days. He won't talk about organized crime in his city — it's too risky. But he has plenty to say about MPP. He's seen firsthand the asylum-seekers who cower in fear in the city's six shelters, including his own, leaving only briefly to buy food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexico's National Immigration Institute has been providing migrants with free bus trips to Monterrey, two-and-a-half hours away, and Tapachula, 36 hours away, to get them out of crime-ridden Nuevo Laredo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11770292\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2048px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2019/08/27/criminals-target-migrants-in-mexico-seeking-u-s-asylum/liceth-and-leytan-morales-asylum-seekers-from-honduras-have-decided-to-return-home-after-they-were-kidnapped-for-three-weeks-in-nuevo-laredo-and-their-family-in-texas-paid-8000-ransom-for-their-fr/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11770292\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2048\" height=\"1535\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11770292\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1020x764.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1200x899.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1920x1439.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2048px) 100vw, 2048px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Liceth and Leytan Morales, asylum-seekers from Honduras, have decided to return home after they were kidnapped for three weeks in Nuevo Laredo and their family in Texas paid $8,000 ransom for their freedom. \u003ccite>(John Burnett/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But even that may not be safe. According to a witness account, several pickups full of mafiosos recently screeched to a stop in front of a government-contracted bus that had just left the central bus station. They ordered a dozen migrants off the bus, ordered them into their vehicles, and drove off, leaving the rest of the passengers shocked and frantic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cesar Antunes was on an earlier bus that departed, just before the bus that was ambushed. Antunes said he learned what happened to the second bus when both buses arrived in Monterrey and he spoke with one of the remaining passengers who witnessed the abductions. Antunes related the terrifying tale to NPR on his mobile phone from a city in Northern Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Nuevo Laredo is more dangerous than San Pedro Sula, Honduras,\" Antunes says, \"which is where I fled from.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Mexican government has been cooperating with Trump's immigration agenda after the president threatened that country with steep tariffs in June. In addition to accepting migrants returned under MPP, Mexico has deployed security forces to its own borders to block migrants from going north.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acting Commissioner of Customs and Border Protection Mark Morgan called Mexico's help \"a game changer.\" As a result, the number of migrants in U.S. Border Patrol custody \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/sw-border-migration\">has dropped dramatically\u003c/a> in the past two months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Morgan says he was unaware asylum-seekers waiting in Mexico are being disappeared and extorted by gangsters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I haven't heard anything like that,\" he said in a recent roundtable with reporters, \"not with respect to the MPP program.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CBP chief may be getting his misinformation from Mexican officials. The chief investigator for the Office for Disappeared Persons in Nuevo Laredo, Edwin Aceves Garcia, said in an interview: \"We have received no reports of kidnappings and extortion of migrants. Those are just rumors. You can't believe everything those people say.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the case of Aaron Mendez, the kidnapped pastor, a spokesman for the state prosecutor's office in Ciudad Victoria said he remains missing and the investigation continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the brazen crimes committed against migrants stuck in Nuevo Laredo, some of them are abandoning their asylum requests and returning home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's dangerous here. Lots of things can happen,\" says Liceth Morales, her lip trembling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 40-year-old Honduran woman fled the city of Choluteca with her 6-year-old son, Leytan, when thugs repeatedly robbed her small store. Then, as she tells it, when they arrived at the Nuevo Laredo bus station last month, young men with tattoos and ball caps grabbed her and her son and held them prisoner for three weeks in a succession of safe houses. Ultimately, she says, her family in San Antonio paid $8,000 in ransom for her freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11763710\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/ap_19207735646765_wide-e0458159c833b52d1f6398b8ff43c79ae0cadd0c-1-1020x574.jpg\"]\"When they released us, we immediately crossed the bridge to the U.S. to ask for asylum,\" she says. \"But they sent me right back over here.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contemplating a two-month wait in this treacherous border city for her court hearing in Laredo, Liceth and Leytan Morales decided to go back to Choluteca via the free daily bus to southern Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez, the shelter operator, says most of the other migrants in his shelter are choosing to do the same — return home. The Mexican government points to crime and violence in Nuevo Laredo as a reason for migrants to consider leaving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez and others said they believe the bus trips to Tapachula, a city near the Mexico-Guatemala border, are a transparent attempt by Mexican authorities to persuade migrants to return to their homes in Central America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crime in Nuevo Laredo \"is the perfect excuse to get rid of them because the government doesn't want them here,\" said the priest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">NPR\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In border towns such as Nuevo Laredo, more than 30,000 asylum-seekers are waiting for their day in U.S. immigration court. But criminal elements prey on these migrants who fled their homes. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>One day last week in Nuevo Laredo, Mexico, a fearsome gun battle broke out on the main boulevard to the airport, as drivers careened off the thoroughfare in terror while rival narcos blasted away at each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cartel of the Northeast operates with impunity here, cruising around town in armored, olive-drab pickups with \u003cem>Tropas del Infierno\u003c/em>, Spanish for \"Soldiers from Hell,\" emblazoned on the doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And a pastor named Aaron Mendez remains missing after being kidnapped from the Love Migrant House, a shelter he operated. One news report says extortionists grabbed Mendez when he refused to turn over Cuban migrants they wanted to shake down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>This is where the U.S. is sending migrants who have asked for asylum after crossing the Rio Grande near Laredo, Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 30,000 migrants have been sent back to Mexican border cities to await their day in U.S. immigration court under the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11758516/fear-confusion-and-separation-as-trump-administration-sends-migrants-back-to-mexico\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\"remain in Mexico\" program\u003c/a>. They are sent back from U.S. ports of entry and given a date — generally two to four months in the future — to return and make their case for asylum before an immigration judge on a video link. About 4,500 of them have been sent to Nuevo Laredo, where mayhem is rampant and extorting migrants has become the cartel's latest income stream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program is officially known as the Migrant Protection Protocols, or MPP. In Spanish, the acronym is PPM.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"For me, it's P-M-M, or Plan of Lies to Migrants,\" says Father Julio Lopez, director of the Nazareth Migrant House. \"Because there is no protection.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez is anxious these days. He won't talk about organized crime in his city — it's too risky. But he has plenty to say about MPP. He's seen firsthand the asylum-seekers who cower in fear in the city's six shelters, including his own, leaving only briefly to buy food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexico's National Immigration Institute has been providing migrants with free bus trips to Monterrey, two-and-a-half hours away, and Tapachula, 36 hours away, to get them out of crime-ridden Nuevo Laredo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11770292\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2048px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2019/08/27/criminals-target-migrants-in-mexico-seeking-u-s-asylum/liceth-and-leytan-morales-asylum-seekers-from-honduras-have-decided-to-return-home-after-they-were-kidnapped-for-three-weeks-in-nuevo-laredo-and-their-family-in-texas-paid-8000-ransom-for-their-fr/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11770292\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2048\" height=\"1535\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11770292\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1020x764.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1200x899.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1920x1439.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_8637_custom-c8ff8f4f7e543ce1ab813c3b96c2a8180f0d3b1d-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2048px) 100vw, 2048px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Liceth and Leytan Morales, asylum-seekers from Honduras, have decided to return home after they were kidnapped for three weeks in Nuevo Laredo and their family in Texas paid $8,000 ransom for their freedom. \u003ccite>(John Burnett/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But even that may not be safe. According to a witness account, several pickups full of mafiosos recently screeched to a stop in front of a government-contracted bus that had just left the central bus station. They ordered a dozen migrants off the bus, ordered them into their vehicles, and drove off, leaving the rest of the passengers shocked and frantic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cesar Antunes was on an earlier bus that departed, just before the bus that was ambushed. Antunes said he learned what happened to the second bus when both buses arrived in Monterrey and he spoke with one of the remaining passengers who witnessed the abductions. Antunes related the terrifying tale to NPR on his mobile phone from a city in Northern Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Nuevo Laredo is more dangerous than San Pedro Sula, Honduras,\" Antunes says, \"which is where I fled from.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Mexican government has been cooperating with Trump's immigration agenda after the president threatened that country with steep tariffs in June. In addition to accepting migrants returned under MPP, Mexico has deployed security forces to its own borders to block migrants from going north.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acting Commissioner of Customs and Border Protection Mark Morgan called Mexico's help \"a game changer.\" As a result, the number of migrants in U.S. Border Patrol custody \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/sw-border-migration\">has dropped dramatically\u003c/a> in the past two months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Morgan says he was unaware asylum-seekers waiting in Mexico are being disappeared and extorted by gangsters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I haven't heard anything like that,\" he said in a recent roundtable with reporters, \"not with respect to the MPP program.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CBP chief may be getting his misinformation from Mexican officials. The chief investigator for the Office for Disappeared Persons in Nuevo Laredo, Edwin Aceves Garcia, said in an interview: \"We have received no reports of kidnappings and extortion of migrants. Those are just rumors. You can't believe everything those people say.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the case of Aaron Mendez, the kidnapped pastor, a spokesman for the state prosecutor's office in Ciudad Victoria said he remains missing and the investigation continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the brazen crimes committed against migrants stuck in Nuevo Laredo, some of them are abandoning their asylum requests and returning home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's dangerous here. Lots of things can happen,\" says Liceth Morales, her lip trembling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 40-year-old Honduran woman fled the city of Choluteca with her 6-year-old son, Leytan, when thugs repeatedly robbed her small store. Then, as she tells it, when they arrived at the Nuevo Laredo bus station last month, young men with tattoos and ball caps grabbed her and her son and held them prisoner for three weeks in a succession of safe houses. Ultimately, she says, her family in San Antonio paid $8,000 in ransom for her freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\"When they released us, we immediately crossed the bridge to the U.S. to ask for asylum,\" she says. \"But they sent me right back over here.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contemplating a two-month wait in this treacherous border city for her court hearing in Laredo, Liceth and Leytan Morales decided to go back to Choluteca via the free daily bus to southern Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez, the shelter operator, says most of the other migrants in his shelter are choosing to do the same — return home. The Mexican government points to crime and violence in Nuevo Laredo as a reason for migrants to consider leaving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez and others said they believe the bus trips to Tapachula, a city near the Mexico-Guatemala border, are a transparent attempt by Mexican authorities to persuade migrants to return to their homes in Central America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crime in Nuevo Laredo \"is the perfect excuse to get rid of them because the government doesn't want them here,\" said the priest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">NPR\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "My Grandfather, A Killer",
"title": "My Grandfather, A Killer",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>On rare occasions, Dad and I would get together for lunch. It was 2014, and I had just started a job at NPR. Dad was retired and lived 60 miles away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From what I remember, we ate dim sum, which meant driving through the heart of downtown Los Angeles, the massive skyscrapers glistening in the afternoon sun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was quiet in the car. I was thinking about how Mom and Dad used to make this commute to LA every day for work. Two hours in the morning, two hours at night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11767453\" label=\"Bay Area Activist Shot in PI\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad interrupted my thoughts, pointing to a building on the side of the freeway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Did you know that my dad killed somebody in that place?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Wait, what?\" I responded, almost missing the moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I never met my grandfather, Lolo Vicente, but I'd heard stories about him. On our living room wall, there's a picture of him. He was handsome. Dad said he was strict, but he never talked about him coming to America, much less that he killed someone. When I asked Dad why it had taken him so long to tell me, he said it's because I never asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A million thoughts raced through my head. Lolo was in America? Why was Lolo in America? Who did he kill? Did he go to prison?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the main question tugging at me was what this all meant for the story of my family's history in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768295\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0087_custom-c0585b545430b16710a9af0cf79faf63be15644e-e1566155580832.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768295\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0087_custom-c0585b545430b16710a9af0cf79faf63be15644e-e1566155580832.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1222\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The author's father, Manolo Guerra, stands for a portrait at his home in Moreno Valley, Calif., on Aug. 7. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The murder had suddenly shattered my view of the quintessential immigrant narrative — the story my parents embodied. They both came to the United States from the Philippines in the 1980s looking for a better life. Dad became a citizen; Mom, a green card holder. They worked hard, bought a house in the suburbs and raised three children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My grandfather had taken a darker path. The fact that this violence was a part of my American story scared me. I hated how it might feed into the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/03/30/upshot/crime-immigration-myth.html?module=inline\">false\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/13/upshot/illegal-immigration-crime-rates-research.html\">narrative\u003c/a> that immigrants drive up crime rates. The story also enticed me. I needed to find answers to my questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the story of my Lolo — which means \"grandfather\" in Tagalog, a language native to the Philippines. The reason I'm here is because of him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768296\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0125_custom-c9645c2e7b06ad2ca7ca309cb317dc0510e8d865-e1566155627245.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0125_custom-c9645c2e7b06ad2ca7ca309cb317dc0510e8d865-e1566155627245.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1332\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trophies and ribbons won by the Guerra sisters are on display in the garage of their father, Manolo Guerra. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>America's \"Little Brown Brothers\" \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I first found Lolo's mug shot, I thought he looked handsome. He was only 24, with soft features and slick black hair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He had come to America six years earlier, in 1926. He grew up poor in a small province in the Philippines and was part of a mass migration that, \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/philippines-culture-migration\">by one estimate\u003c/a>, brought 150,000 Filipinos to America between 1907 and 1930. These were mostly single young men who boarded steamships to travel thousands of miles from the Philippines to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, it was relatively easy to immigrate to the U.S. from the Philippines, which in the 1930s was still \u003ca href=\"https://history.house.gov/Exhibitions-and-Publications/APA/Historical-Essays/Exclusion-and-Empire/The-Philippines/\">a U.S. territory\u003c/a>. The agricultural sector needed cheap labor, and Filipinos, who were considered noncitizen nationals, fulfilled that role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768297\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0006_custom-1882b5ad05ee6114c851da325a2def1eb5d017ee-e1566155844678.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768297\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0006_custom-1882b5ad05ee6114c851da325a2def1eb5d017ee-e1566155844678.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Manolo Guerra points himself out in an old family portrait. He's standing in the photo with his father, Vicente Guerra, his mother, Isabel Guerra, and his older brother Greg. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768298\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0103_custom-628870066d5a5490411611fdb6372e0377ff79a8-e1566155896220.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768298\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0103_custom-628870066d5a5490411611fdb6372e0377ff79a8-e1566155896220.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1332\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A family photo at the home of Manolo Guerra. The author, Denise Guerra, appears on the far left alongside her sister, mother, father, sister and brother-in-law. Her two nieces appear seated in the front row. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While most of these Filipinos worked in farming, men like my grandfather ended up in cities as low-wage domestic workers. In Los Angeles, he became a \"houseboy.\" Family lore said he cleaned house for actor George Raft, who appeared in the original \u003cem>Scarface\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For newly arrived immigrants like Lolo, life in America was hard, and the reception was not always warm. Filipino men were known as America's \"little brown brothers,\" a phrase coined by William Howard Taft, who before winning the White House in the 1908 election, served as the first American governor-general of the Philippines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"perspectives_201601138926\" label=\"Perspectives: Filipino Pride\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White America's view could be summed up in a 1929 \u003cem>Los Angeles Times \u003c/em>op-ed titled \"The Filipino Invasion.\" The author describes Filipinos as \"good boys, most of them trained on battleships or as houseboys to neatness, cleanliness and quiet courtesy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I can only imagine how emasculating this must have felt for Lolo and other young Filipino men. But you wouldn't be able to tell by looking at photographs of them from the time. Outside of work they wore fedoras, \u003ca href=\"https://www.esquiremag.ph/style/fashion/filipino-mens-fashion-a2289-20190401-lfrm6\">pressed zoot suits\u003c/a> and shiny wingtip shoes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthony Ocampo, a sociologist at California State Polytechnic University and author of the book \u003cem>The Latinos of Asia: How Filipino Americans Break the Rules of Race, \u003c/em>said dressing like that offered a form of mental self-preservation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think part of the reason they did that is because having traveled 7,000 miles across the Pacific Ocean, being able to present themselves in that way gave them some sort of dignity,\" Ocampo said. \"That the journey was worth it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768306\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768306\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Guerra sits at his home. In the 1980s, Guerra immigrated to the U.S. from the Philippines in search of a better life. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Of course, it wasn't strictly about self-preservation, said Ocampo. They also did it to attract women, especially at the local taxi-dance halls, where men could hire women to dance with them. The dance halls gave immigrants an outlet to socialize with one another and spend some of their hard-earned money — typically 10 cents per dance — in hopes of finding some companionship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women were usually white, and given racist attitudes and miscegenation laws, that dynamic would eventually spark violence against the Filipino community by white men enraged over the \u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=_yD8ND6gMUsC&pg=PA21#v=onepage&q&f=false\">influx of migrant laborers in the area\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most notorious incident happened in Watsonville, an agricultural community in Northern California. In 1930, a mob of about 500 white men and youth opened fire at a dance hall popular with the local Filipino community where white women were being employed. Over five days, roaming mobs assaulted Filipinos with pistols, clubs and whips. They dragged Filipinos from their homes and beat them. Filipinos were thrown off bridges. One man, Fermin Tobera, 22, was shot to death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was out to run the Filipinos out of the country,\" one participant told the \u003cem>Oakland Tribune\u003c/em>. \"We're going to get rid of them, that's what.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Murder \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next year, a woman would again be at the center of violence involving Filipinos. This time, it involved my Lolo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To this day, no one in my family can say for certain what drove my grandfather to murder. But according to an Associated Press report dated Sept. 23, 1931, it all had to do with \"an American girl.\" The headline of the story read, \"Oriental Killed, One Shot in Love Feud.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to my dad, Lolo was in a restaurant bathroom when two men cornered him and slit his neck, leaving Lolo bleeding and facedown on a toilet. Someone found Lolo and was able to get help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad doesn't know what prompted the attack, but he remembers the scar that it left on the back of Lolo's neck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After his recovery, Lolo went looking for his attackers, and one day, while cruising the streets of a busy downtown corridor, Lolo spotted two men leaving a theater. He told a friend to get the car ready. Lolo had a gun and was set on revenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shooting took place close to a popular dance hall where Filipinos hung out, near city hall. His victims were John Lopez, shot in the leg, and Joseph Retotar, a Filipino, who died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Records for the two men are hard to come by. Based on what I could find, Retotar was about the same age as Lolo. And that love feud? While the article suggests it was over an American, no one in the family can say for sure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years I agonized. If only I had her name or the details of the others involved, then just maybe I could figure out what really happened. It had to be in the case file. I went to the Los Angeles County Hall of Records to look for it, but when the archivist took the decades-old microfilm out of its box, it fell apart. This mystery woman was now a ghost on decrepit microfilm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768307\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768307\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Guerra and wife's house in the suburban community of Moreno Valley. The couple bought the home after immigrating to the U.S. and raised three children there. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Return to the Philippines\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo was caught, tried by a jury and found guilty of second-degree murder. He was sentenced to five years to life at San Quentin State Prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was out in seven years. Dad said Lolo talked about marking his cell with chalk every year he spent there. When he was released, he took his hand, swiped the chalk marks off the wall and cried aloud, \"Goodbye!\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's unclear why Lolo was released from prison so early, but a handwritten note in his prison records offers a clue. It appears to read, \"repat Paroled 5/5/39.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Repat\" is a likely reference to the government's efforts to repatriate Filipinos under a 1935 law signed by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in response to anger among white workers about Filipino men taking U.S. jobs. The measure came a year after the Tydings-McDuffie Act — a law that set the Philippines on the path to independence but that also reclassified Filipinos already in the U.S. as \"aliens.\" Taken together, the two laws were blamed for separating Filipino families, given that Tydings-McDuffie capped Filipino immigration at 50 people per year, making it near impossible for anyone who was repatriated to return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Lolo was heading back to the Philippines in 1939, World War II was raging in Europe. In the Pacific, Japanese forces had taken over several Chinese cities. The U.S. was on guard — its interests in the Philippines could be next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo's niece, my Tita Letty Francisco, remembers that the war may be the reason for Lolo's parole. Back then, it was common for prisoners to be recruited to fight the Japanese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1941, Japan bombed Pearl Harbor, Hawaii. Within hours, it invaded the Philippines. Lolo became a second lieutenant in the guerrilla army fighting the Japanese alongside U.S. forces. He even got a new nickname. Instead of Vicente Guerra, they called him Vicente Bakal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768304\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768304\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"599\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vicente Guerra is pictured during his time as a second lieutenant in the guerilla force fighting the Japanese in World War II. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Denise Guerra)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Bakal is iron,\" said Tita Letty. She said he could be loving toward his family, but when it came to war, Lolo showed no remorse for killing the Japanese. She remembers Lolo's fury after the Japanese bombed the home he shared with the woman he ended up marrying in the Philippines, Lola Isabel. He'd even brag about how many lives he took, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But according to Dad, there was at least one death that troubled Lolo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the time he was tasked with killing a Filipina who had been accused of working as an informant for the Japanese. She was labeled a \"Makapili,\" the name Filipinos gave those who aided the Japanese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the war, the Japanese would take informants, place bags over their heads, cut two holes for their eyes and ask them to identify Filipinos. Once identified, the Japanese would shoot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo's secret mission to kill this woman meant he couldn't use a gun, because it would make noise, so he and others used a piece of wood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"' They keep hitting her and hitting her, and she won't die,'\" Dad remembered Lolo telling him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So what they did, they just digged a hole. But when they put her there, she's still alive. So they keep hitting her,\" Dad said, his tone solemn like I imagine Lolo's must have been when recounting the story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After that, Lolo asked his boss to transfer him to another assignment. He couldn't take it anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I think back on this story, it makes me angry. How could he have killed someone so brutally? Even if it was in the service of his country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad takes me back to reality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is war,\" he said. \"What did you expect?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Enforcer \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was about five years after our car ride that Dad and I went to where the murder took place in downtown LA. The street corner looks like a restored loft with some shops. It's loud, bustling. Traffic and construction noise fills the air. In one direction, I see homeless men. In another, a man on a dockless scooter riding by.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's here, almost a century ago, that Lolo's life in America took a turn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad's silent, taking it all in. My thoughts are elsewhere, and I wonder how Lolo's environment shaped his actions. Did life in America encourage the worst in him? Turn him more angry? More violent? What if he had never come to the U.S.? Would he have avoided all the bloodshed? Or was it all inevitable?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think about another influence in Lolo's life, Ted Lewin. He was an American who built one of the biggest gaming operations in Manila. In a 1959 profile, \u003ca href=\"http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,865128,00.html\">\u003cem>Time\u003c/em> magazine described\u003c/a> Lewin, saying he had \"a taste for dark shirts, penthouses, air-conditioned Cadillacs and shadowy wheelings and dealings. In and out of Manila, in the past two decades, he has turned many a fast peso.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"filipino-americans\" label=\"Related Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo worked for Lewin as an enforcer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When they see something or they found out something in the casino that you are cheating, they would beat the hell out of them,\" said Dad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad said Lolo would tell him stories about taking a hammer and smashing each finger of a cheater's hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo became a top boss for Lewin. He was feared and respected. When Lewin was forced out of the trade by the Philippine government, Lolo took his experience and used it to establish his own businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He had a fleet of taxis and operated distilleries. Ever the hustler, he at one point took a job at customs, where he accepted bribes for letting folks smuggle goods into the islands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This allowed him to give his kids the opportunity to attend college in the Philippines, drive nice cars and establish political and business connections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad used that to build his own business selling electronics in the Philippines. It did well at first but then fell into bankruptcy. He looked at America and saw a second chance. And thanks in part to Lolo's war service, Dad was eventually able to gain citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He's retired now, after 40 years in manufacturing. He and my mom worked all the time, and because of that, my family enjoyed full bellies and college educations. The quintessential American Dream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>My family, my country \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked Dad why his life in America was so different from Lolo's. He said it's because each generation will be better off than the one before it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Remember during [his] time, they are all illiterate. They didn't go to high school,\" Dad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You go to another country, especially an industrialized country like America, most of them turned out to be drivers, busboys or work as a maid because they don't have schooling.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad never went back to the Philippines, even for Lolo's funeral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Even when I die, I already bought our family plot, because most people when they die, they go home, but this is my home, so I will just stay here,\" Dad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My parents are already dead. My only brother is dead. So there's no more thing for me to go to the Philippines.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768305\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768305\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"550\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85-160x110.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Guerra says a prayer in the chapel he constructed in his garage. He has never returned to the Philippines since coming to America in the 1980s. \"My parents are already dead. My only brother is dead. So there's no more thing for me to go to the Philippines,\" he said. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When I think about Lolo's history in America — the murder, the war, his thuggery — my biggest question is still whether he was a monster. Or would he have made different choices if America had been kinder? If you exist in a land where you're constantly seen as a villain, do you inevitably become one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite Lolo's violence, Dad believes he was a good father, a good friend. Tita Letty remembers him as kind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I'm not so sure. But the blood he shed is part of my family's story. It's part of America's.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=My+Grandfather%2C+A+Killer+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Denise Guerra, a second-generation Filipino American, never met her grandfather. When she finally learned a long-held family secret, it shattered her view of the quintessential immigrant narrative.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On rare occasions, Dad and I would get together for lunch. It was 2014, and I had just started a job at NPR. Dad was retired and lived 60 miles away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From what I remember, we ate dim sum, which meant driving through the heart of downtown Los Angeles, the massive skyscrapers glistening in the afternoon sun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was quiet in the car. I was thinking about how Mom and Dad used to make this commute to LA every day for work. Two hours in the morning, two hours at night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad interrupted my thoughts, pointing to a building on the side of the freeway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Did you know that my dad killed somebody in that place?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Wait, what?\" I responded, almost missing the moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I never met my grandfather, Lolo Vicente, but I'd heard stories about him. On our living room wall, there's a picture of him. He was handsome. Dad said he was strict, but he never talked about him coming to America, much less that he killed someone. When I asked Dad why it had taken him so long to tell me, he said it's because I never asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A million thoughts raced through my head. Lolo was in America? Why was Lolo in America? Who did he kill? Did he go to prison?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the main question tugging at me was what this all meant for the story of my family's history in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768295\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0087_custom-c0585b545430b16710a9af0cf79faf63be15644e-e1566155580832.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768295\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0087_custom-c0585b545430b16710a9af0cf79faf63be15644e-e1566155580832.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1222\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The author's father, Manolo Guerra, stands for a portrait at his home in Moreno Valley, Calif., on Aug. 7. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The murder had suddenly shattered my view of the quintessential immigrant narrative — the story my parents embodied. They both came to the United States from the Philippines in the 1980s looking for a better life. Dad became a citizen; Mom, a green card holder. They worked hard, bought a house in the suburbs and raised three children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My grandfather had taken a darker path. The fact that this violence was a part of my American story scared me. I hated how it might feed into the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/03/30/upshot/crime-immigration-myth.html?module=inline\">false\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/13/upshot/illegal-immigration-crime-rates-research.html\">narrative\u003c/a> that immigrants drive up crime rates. The story also enticed me. I needed to find answers to my questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the story of my Lolo — which means \"grandfather\" in Tagalog, a language native to the Philippines. The reason I'm here is because of him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768296\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0125_custom-c9645c2e7b06ad2ca7ca309cb317dc0510e8d865-e1566155627245.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0125_custom-c9645c2e7b06ad2ca7ca309cb317dc0510e8d865-e1566155627245.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1332\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trophies and ribbons won by the Guerra sisters are on display in the garage of their father, Manolo Guerra. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>America's \"Little Brown Brothers\" \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I first found Lolo's mug shot, I thought he looked handsome. He was only 24, with soft features and slick black hair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He had come to America six years earlier, in 1926. He grew up poor in a small province in the Philippines and was part of a mass migration that, \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/philippines-culture-migration\">by one estimate\u003c/a>, brought 150,000 Filipinos to America between 1907 and 1930. These were mostly single young men who boarded steamships to travel thousands of miles from the Philippines to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, it was relatively easy to immigrate to the U.S. from the Philippines, which in the 1930s was still \u003ca href=\"https://history.house.gov/Exhibitions-and-Publications/APA/Historical-Essays/Exclusion-and-Empire/The-Philippines/\">a U.S. territory\u003c/a>. The agricultural sector needed cheap labor, and Filipinos, who were considered noncitizen nationals, fulfilled that role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768297\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0006_custom-1882b5ad05ee6114c851da325a2def1eb5d017ee-e1566155844678.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768297\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0006_custom-1882b5ad05ee6114c851da325a2def1eb5d017ee-e1566155844678.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Manolo Guerra points himself out in an old family portrait. He's standing in the photo with his father, Vicente Guerra, his mother, Isabel Guerra, and his older brother Greg. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768298\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0103_custom-628870066d5a5490411611fdb6372e0377ff79a8-e1566155896220.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768298\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0103_custom-628870066d5a5490411611fdb6372e0377ff79a8-e1566155896220.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1332\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A family photo at the home of Manolo Guerra. The author, Denise Guerra, appears on the far left alongside her sister, mother, father, sister and brother-in-law. Her two nieces appear seated in the front row. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While most of these Filipinos worked in farming, men like my grandfather ended up in cities as low-wage domestic workers. In Los Angeles, he became a \"houseboy.\" Family lore said he cleaned house for actor George Raft, who appeared in the original \u003cem>Scarface\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For newly arrived immigrants like Lolo, life in America was hard, and the reception was not always warm. Filipino men were known as America's \"little brown brothers,\" a phrase coined by William Howard Taft, who before winning the White House in the 1908 election, served as the first American governor-general of the Philippines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White America's view could be summed up in a 1929 \u003cem>Los Angeles Times \u003c/em>op-ed titled \"The Filipino Invasion.\" The author describes Filipinos as \"good boys, most of them trained on battleships or as houseboys to neatness, cleanliness and quiet courtesy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I can only imagine how emasculating this must have felt for Lolo and other young Filipino men. But you wouldn't be able to tell by looking at photographs of them from the time. Outside of work they wore fedoras, \u003ca href=\"https://www.esquiremag.ph/style/fashion/filipino-mens-fashion-a2289-20190401-lfrm6\">pressed zoot suits\u003c/a> and shiny wingtip shoes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthony Ocampo, a sociologist at California State Polytechnic University and author of the book \u003cem>The Latinos of Asia: How Filipino Americans Break the Rules of Race, \u003c/em>said dressing like that offered a form of mental self-preservation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think part of the reason they did that is because having traveled 7,000 miles across the Pacific Ocean, being able to present themselves in that way gave them some sort of dignity,\" Ocampo said. \"That the journey was worth it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768306\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768306\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0320_custom-175badc4bdaff2881b5f935ef6b6505fd46bb2fd-s800-c85-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Guerra sits at his home. In the 1980s, Guerra immigrated to the U.S. from the Philippines in search of a better life. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Of course, it wasn't strictly about self-preservation, said Ocampo. They also did it to attract women, especially at the local taxi-dance halls, where men could hire women to dance with them. The dance halls gave immigrants an outlet to socialize with one another and spend some of their hard-earned money — typically 10 cents per dance — in hopes of finding some companionship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women were usually white, and given racist attitudes and miscegenation laws, that dynamic would eventually spark violence against the Filipino community by white men enraged over the \u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=_yD8ND6gMUsC&pg=PA21#v=onepage&q&f=false\">influx of migrant laborers in the area\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most notorious incident happened in Watsonville, an agricultural community in Northern California. In 1930, a mob of about 500 white men and youth opened fire at a dance hall popular with the local Filipino community where white women were being employed. Over five days, roaming mobs assaulted Filipinos with pistols, clubs and whips. They dragged Filipinos from their homes and beat them. Filipinos were thrown off bridges. One man, Fermin Tobera, 22, was shot to death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was out to run the Filipinos out of the country,\" one participant told the \u003cem>Oakland Tribune\u003c/em>. \"We're going to get rid of them, that's what.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Murder \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next year, a woman would again be at the center of violence involving Filipinos. This time, it involved my Lolo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To this day, no one in my family can say for certain what drove my grandfather to murder. But according to an Associated Press report dated Sept. 23, 1931, it all had to do with \"an American girl.\" The headline of the story read, \"Oriental Killed, One Shot in Love Feud.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to my dad, Lolo was in a restaurant bathroom when two men cornered him and slit his neck, leaving Lolo bleeding and facedown on a toilet. Someone found Lolo and was able to get help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad doesn't know what prompted the attack, but he remembers the scar that it left on the back of Lolo's neck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After his recovery, Lolo went looking for his attackers, and one day, while cruising the streets of a busy downtown corridor, Lolo spotted two men leaving a theater. He told a friend to get the car ready. Lolo had a gun and was set on revenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shooting took place close to a popular dance hall where Filipinos hung out, near city hall. His victims were John Lopez, shot in the leg, and Joseph Retotar, a Filipino, who died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Records for the two men are hard to come by. Based on what I could find, Retotar was about the same age as Lolo. And that love feud? While the article suggests it was over an American, no one in the family can say for sure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years I agonized. If only I had her name or the details of the others involved, then just maybe I could figure out what really happened. It had to be in the case file. I went to the Los Angeles County Hall of Records to look for it, but when the archivist took the decades-old microfilm out of its box, it fell apart. This mystery woman was now a ghost on decrepit microfilm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768307\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768307\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0455_custom-84a3de002f71d533d87bdc201dafbf8875775473-s800-c85-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Guerra and wife's house in the suburban community of Moreno Valley. The couple bought the home after immigrating to the U.S. and raised three children there. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Return to the Philippines\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo was caught, tried by a jury and found guilty of second-degree murder. He was sentenced to five years to life at San Quentin State Prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was out in seven years. Dad said Lolo talked about marking his cell with chalk every year he spent there. When he was released, he took his hand, swiped the chalk marks off the wall and cried aloud, \"Goodbye!\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's unclear why Lolo was released from prison so early, but a handwritten note in his prison records offers a clue. It appears to read, \"repat Paroled 5/5/39.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Repat\" is a likely reference to the government's efforts to repatriate Filipinos under a 1935 law signed by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in response to anger among white workers about Filipino men taking U.S. jobs. The measure came a year after the Tydings-McDuffie Act — a law that set the Philippines on the path to independence but that also reclassified Filipinos already in the U.S. as \"aliens.\" Taken together, the two laws were blamed for separating Filipino families, given that Tydings-McDuffie capped Filipino immigration at 50 people per year, making it near impossible for anyone who was repatriated to return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Lolo was heading back to the Philippines in 1939, World War II was raging in Europe. In the Pacific, Japanese forces had taken over several Chinese cities. The U.S. was on guard — its interests in the Philippines could be next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo's niece, my Tita Letty Francisco, remembers that the war may be the reason for Lolo's parole. Back then, it was common for prisoners to be recruited to fight the Japanese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1941, Japan bombed Pearl Harbor, Hawaii. Within hours, it invaded the Philippines. Lolo became a second lieutenant in the guerrilla army fighting the Japanese alongside U.S. forces. He even got a new nickname. Instead of Vicente Guerra, they called him Vicente Bakal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768304\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768304\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"599\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/img_2491-copy-84559d54d634a915727b2c66a1b2c6f8f924956c-s800-c85-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vicente Guerra is pictured during his time as a second lieutenant in the guerilla force fighting the Japanese in World War II. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Denise Guerra)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Bakal is iron,\" said Tita Letty. She said he could be loving toward his family, but when it came to war, Lolo showed no remorse for killing the Japanese. She remembers Lolo's fury after the Japanese bombed the home he shared with the woman he ended up marrying in the Philippines, Lola Isabel. He'd even brag about how many lives he took, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But according to Dad, there was at least one death that troubled Lolo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the time he was tasked with killing a Filipina who had been accused of working as an informant for the Japanese. She was labeled a \"Makapili,\" the name Filipinos gave those who aided the Japanese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the war, the Japanese would take informants, place bags over their heads, cut two holes for their eyes and ask them to identify Filipinos. Once identified, the Japanese would shoot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo's secret mission to kill this woman meant he couldn't use a gun, because it would make noise, so he and others used a piece of wood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"' They keep hitting her and hitting her, and she won't die,'\" Dad remembered Lolo telling him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So what they did, they just digged a hole. But when they put her there, she's still alive. So they keep hitting her,\" Dad said, his tone solemn like I imagine Lolo's must have been when recounting the story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After that, Lolo asked his boss to transfer him to another assignment. He couldn't take it anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I think back on this story, it makes me angry. How could he have killed someone so brutally? Even if it was in the service of his country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad takes me back to reality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is war,\" he said. \"What did you expect?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Enforcer \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was about five years after our car ride that Dad and I went to where the murder took place in downtown LA. The street corner looks like a restored loft with some shops. It's loud, bustling. Traffic and construction noise fills the air. In one direction, I see homeless men. In another, a man on a dockless scooter riding by.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's here, almost a century ago, that Lolo's life in America took a turn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad's silent, taking it all in. My thoughts are elsewhere, and I wonder how Lolo's environment shaped his actions. Did life in America encourage the worst in him? Turn him more angry? More violent? What if he had never come to the U.S.? Would he have avoided all the bloodshed? Or was it all inevitable?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think about another influence in Lolo's life, Ted Lewin. He was an American who built one of the biggest gaming operations in Manila. In a 1959 profile, \u003ca href=\"http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,865128,00.html\">\u003cem>Time\u003c/em> magazine described\u003c/a> Lewin, saying he had \"a taste for dark shirts, penthouses, air-conditioned Cadillacs and shadowy wheelings and dealings. In and out of Manila, in the past two decades, he has turned many a fast peso.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo worked for Lewin as an enforcer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When they see something or they found out something in the casino that you are cheating, they would beat the hell out of them,\" said Dad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad said Lolo would tell him stories about taking a hammer and smashing each finger of a cheater's hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lolo became a top boss for Lewin. He was feared and respected. When Lewin was forced out of the trade by the Philippine government, Lolo took his experience and used it to establish his own businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He had a fleet of taxis and operated distilleries. Ever the hustler, he at one point took a job at customs, where he accepted bribes for letting folks smuggle goods into the islands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This allowed him to give his kids the opportunity to attend college in the Philippines, drive nice cars and establish political and business connections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad used that to build his own business selling electronics in the Philippines. It did well at first but then fell into bankruptcy. He looked at America and saw a second chance. And thanks in part to Lolo's war service, Dad was eventually able to gain citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He's retired now, after 40 years in manufacturing. He and my mom worked all the time, and because of that, my family enjoyed full bellies and college educations. The quintessential American Dream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>My family, my country \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked Dad why his life in America was so different from Lolo's. He said it's because each generation will be better off than the one before it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Remember during [his] time, they are all illiterate. They didn't go to high school,\" Dad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You go to another country, especially an industrialized country like America, most of them turned out to be drivers, busboys or work as a maid because they don't have schooling.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dad never went back to the Philippines, even for Lolo's funeral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Even when I die, I already bought our family plot, because most people when they die, they go home, but this is my home, so I will just stay here,\" Dad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My parents are already dead. My only brother is dead. So there's no more thing for me to go to the Philippines.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768305\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768305\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"550\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/npr_kat_kaye_mg_0155_custom-fb92a686c357b8bd1b2269c5e9a242486348174e-s800-c85-160x110.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Guerra says a prayer in the chapel he constructed in his garage. He has never returned to the Philippines since coming to America in the 1980s. \"My parents are already dead. My only brother is dead. So there's no more thing for me to go to the Philippines,\" he said. \u003ccite>(Kat Kaye/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When I think about Lolo's history in America — the murder, the war, his thuggery — my biggest question is still whether he was a monster. Or would he have made different choices if America had been kinder? If you exist in a land where you're constantly seen as a villain, do you inevitably become one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite Lolo's violence, Dad believes he was a good father, a good friend. Tita Letty remembers him as kind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I'm not so sure. But the blood he shed is part of my family's story. It's part of America's.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=My+Grandfather%2C+A+Killer+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Netflix Curbs Tobacco Use Onscreen, But Not Pot. What's Up With That?",
"title": "Netflix Curbs Tobacco Use Onscreen, But Not Pot. What's Up With That?",
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"content": "\u003cp>When is it wrong to show cigarette smoking on television, but OK to depict people smoking cannabis products, particularly in programming popular among young teenagers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Netflix recently announced it would curb depictions of cigarette smoking in original programming intended for general audiences, after a \u003ca href=\"https://truthinitiative.org/research-resources/tobacco-pop-culture/while-you-were-streaming-smoking-demand\">Truth Initiative study\u003c/a> showed its monster summer hit, \u003cem>Stranger Things, \u003c/em>featured more tobacco use than any other program on streaming, broadcast or cable. There's tobacco in every single episode.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tobacco advertising has been banned on TV and in the movies for decades; when it comes to characters smoking cigarettes onscreen, restrictions are largely self-imposed. The Walt Disney Company is one of the few studios with a comprehensive and public policy about \u003ca href=\"https://www.thewaltdisneycompany.com/wp-content/uploads/Smoking-in-Movies.pdf\">depicting tobacco use in movies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"marijuana\" label=\"Coverage of Marijuana in California\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what about smoking pot? The Netflix show \u003cem>On My Block\u003c/em> is rated TV-14, for audiences, aged 14 and older — exactly the same rating as \u003cem>Stranger Things\u003c/em>. The very first scene of \u003cem>On My Block\u003c/em>, about high school students in Los Angeles, features kids doing bong hits at a party. There's a loveable, pot-smoking grandma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the Netflix romantic comedy, \u003cem>Always Be My Maybe\u003c/em> is rated PG-13. One of its main characters smokes weed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This troubles Stanton Glantz, a professor of medicine at the University of California, San Francisco, who for years has studied the cardiovascular effects of tobacco smoke, and the effects of tobacco marketing — direct and indirect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Rating a film for 14 year olds that's promoting substance abuse — it's like the peak of risk,\" he says. Glantz says although pot is widely regarded as holistic and harmless, compared to cigarettes, that's not accurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Marijuana is not harmless,\" he says. \"Secondhand marijuana smoke has the same kind of adverse effects on your blood vessels that smoking a cigarette does. Chemically it's not all that different from cigarette smoke, except that the psychoactive agent is different.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Study after study has shown a correlation between kids' exposure to cigarettes in the media and their later use of tobacco, Glantz says. There aren't as many similar studies about pot, although some have \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3008330/\">begun to emerge\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as pot legalization gains momentum, using it is becoming normalized in popular culture. A couple of years ago, Netflix showed up at a pop-up event at a West Hollywood dispensary and provided \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/tv-and-radio/2017/aug/25/netflix-marijuana-strains-original-shows\">weed varieties based on some of its most popular shows.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These days, cannabis — as opposed to tobacco — can help make a certain kind of company seem cool, says \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em> opinion writer Alyssa Rosenberg. \"Marijuana has sort of a better lobbying message right now than tobacco does,\" she observes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Stanton Glantz, professor of medicine at the University of California, San Francisco']'Netflix ought to be adopting a policy that, you know, is not only based on the bombproof science we have on tobacco, but brings common sense into the discussion for these other exposures.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Rosenberg points out that for much of the 20th century, Big Tobacco actively — and successfully — promoted cigarettes in movies and on TV. \"They were planting stories about how Paul Newman was learning to light two cigarettes at a time for a role,\" she says. \"They supplied green rooms [with cigarettes]. They focused on trying to get stars to smoke on-air during tapings of \u003cem>The Merv Griffin Show\u003c/em>. They tried to push fashion editorials to show models smoking.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, Rosenberg says, it's perhaps disingenuous for filmmakers or studios to argue, as Netflix does today, that smoking onscreen is an artistic expression when much of it, historically, came out of marketing departments — product placement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glantz worries that kind of product placement might happen again with weed, once it becomes widely commercialized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And Netflix ought to be adopting a policy that, you know, is not only based on the bombproof science we have on tobacco,\" he says, \"but brings common sense into the discussion for these other exposures.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, Netflix isn't the only company with a role to play here. Other leading streaming companies haven't made public any policies about the onscreen use of tobacco or cannabis.Netflix, Hulu and Amazon did not respond to NPR's requests for comment in regards to such policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But earlier this month, attorneys general from 43 states and territories \u003ca href=\"https://www.naag.org/assets/redesign/files/2019-08-06%20NAAG%20Letter%20to%20Producers%20--.pdf\">signed a letter sent\u003c/a> to streaming companies, asking for better practices when it comes to showing tobacco use on screen. Some public health experts think pot should be next on the agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Netflix+Curbs+Tobacco+Use+Onscreen%2C+But+Not+Pot.+What%27s+Up+With+That%3F&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what about smoking pot? The Netflix show \u003cem>On My Block\u003c/em> is rated TV-14, for audiences, aged 14 and older — exactly the same rating as \u003cem>Stranger Things\u003c/em>. The very first scene of \u003cem>On My Block\u003c/em>, about high school students in Los Angeles, features kids doing bong hits at a party. There's a loveable, pot-smoking grandma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the Netflix romantic comedy, \u003cem>Always Be My Maybe\u003c/em> is rated PG-13. One of its main characters smokes weed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This troubles Stanton Glantz, a professor of medicine at the University of California, San Francisco, who for years has studied the cardiovascular effects of tobacco smoke, and the effects of tobacco marketing — direct and indirect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Rating a film for 14 year olds that's promoting substance abuse — it's like the peak of risk,\" he says. Glantz says although pot is widely regarded as holistic and harmless, compared to cigarettes, that's not accurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Marijuana is not harmless,\" he says. \"Secondhand marijuana smoke has the same kind of adverse effects on your blood vessels that smoking a cigarette does. Chemically it's not all that different from cigarette smoke, except that the psychoactive agent is different.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Study after study has shown a correlation between kids' exposure to cigarettes in the media and their later use of tobacco, Glantz says. There aren't as many similar studies about pot, although some have \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3008330/\">begun to emerge\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as pot legalization gains momentum, using it is becoming normalized in popular culture. A couple of years ago, Netflix showed up at a pop-up event at a West Hollywood dispensary and provided \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/tv-and-radio/2017/aug/25/netflix-marijuana-strains-original-shows\">weed varieties based on some of its most popular shows.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These days, cannabis — as opposed to tobacco — can help make a certain kind of company seem cool, says \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em> opinion writer Alyssa Rosenberg. \"Marijuana has sort of a better lobbying message right now than tobacco does,\" she observes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'Netflix ought to be adopting a policy that, you know, is not only based on the bombproof science we have on tobacco, but brings common sense into the discussion for these other exposures.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Rosenberg points out that for much of the 20th century, Big Tobacco actively — and successfully — promoted cigarettes in movies and on TV. \"They were planting stories about how Paul Newman was learning to light two cigarettes at a time for a role,\" she says. \"They supplied green rooms [with cigarettes]. They focused on trying to get stars to smoke on-air during tapings of \u003cem>The Merv Griffin Show\u003c/em>. They tried to push fashion editorials to show models smoking.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, Rosenberg says, it's perhaps disingenuous for filmmakers or studios to argue, as Netflix does today, that smoking onscreen is an artistic expression when much of it, historically, came out of marketing departments — product placement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glantz worries that kind of product placement might happen again with weed, once it becomes widely commercialized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And Netflix ought to be adopting a policy that, you know, is not only based on the bombproof science we have on tobacco,\" he says, \"but brings common sense into the discussion for these other exposures.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, Netflix isn't the only company with a role to play here. Other leading streaming companies haven't made public any policies about the onscreen use of tobacco or cannabis.Netflix, Hulu and Amazon did not respond to NPR's requests for comment in regards to such policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But earlier this month, attorneys general from 43 states and territories \u003ca href=\"https://www.naag.org/assets/redesign/files/2019-08-06%20NAAG%20Letter%20to%20Producers%20--.pdf\">signed a letter sent\u003c/a> to streaming companies, asking for better practices when it comes to showing tobacco use on screen. Some public health experts think pot should be next on the agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Netflix+Curbs+Tobacco+Use+Onscreen%2C+But+Not+Pot.+What%27s+Up+With+That%3F&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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},
"rightnowish": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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