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"content": "\u003cp>One of the defining storylines of California’s congressional primaries this year was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085139/young-progressive-candidates-look-for-change-of-guard-in-ca-congressional-races\">a generational battle\u003c/a> within the Democratic Party driven by a wave of young, often progressive, challengers who took on their own party’s aging incumbents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This rebuke of the so-called gerontocracy targeted Congress members across the state: 75-year-old \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085544/in-redrawn-napa-valley-house-seat-voters-appear-to-stick-with-incumbent-they-know\">North Bay Rep. Mike Thompson\u003c/a>, 81-year-old Solano and Sacramento Valley Rep. John Garamendi, 81-year-old Sacramento Rep. Doris Matsui, 87-year-old South Los Angeles Rep. Maxine Waters and 71-year-old San Fernando Valley Rep. Brad Sherman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How did they do?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Challengers to Sherman, Waters and Garamendi fell short of the second-place finish needed to advance under California’s top-two primary system. Each incumbent represents a safe blue district, setting them up for a smooth path to reelection in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento City Councilmember Mai Vang, 41, had the greatest success of any challenger, running a close race against Matsui. As of Tuesday afternoon, with 95% of votes counted, Vang is nearly 2 percentage points ahead of Matsui. In the North Bay, former venture capitalist Eric Jones, 35, is still sweating out the final results, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/congress-4th-district\">sitting less than 2 percentage points\u003c/a> behind Republican business owner Ray Riehle in a contest for second to face Thompson in the runoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results hint at what it takes to mount a successful generational challenge. Age alone, it turns out, is not enough. Candidates and analysts point to name recognition, money and redistricting as key factors shaping the outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to have a reason other than ‘the person is old,’” said Christian Grose, a political science professor at the University of Southern California. “You have to have a case to make for why you would be better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086912\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sacramento City Councilmember Mai Vang is running against incumbent Doris Matsui for the congressional District 7. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Mai Vang Campaign)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Challengers were generally more successful when they could articulate ideological differences, Grose said. For instance, Vang has criticized Matsui for accepting funding from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), not calling the war in Gaza a genocide and previously voting to fund Immigration and Customs Enforcement, though her position has changed in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Progressivism, I think, helps in a primary,” Grose said. “A left progressive can get people’s attention, especially with the crowd of [the] governor’s election too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vang also attributes her strong showing to a clear progressive platform, running for something instead of against someone.[aside postID=news_12082765 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2274165052-scaled-e1778866234143.jpg']“Are you for working families? Are you for making their lives better?” Vang said. “It can’t just be that you’re anti-Trump. You’ve got to be for these bold issues for our working families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addisu Demissie, a veteran Democratic political consultant and former campaign manager for Gov. Gavin Newsom’s 2018 bid, \u003ca href=\"https://omny.fm/shows/kqed-segmented-audio/establishment-democrats-largely-prevail-in-primary-races\">told KQED\u003c/a> last week that results prove name recognition remains among the biggest obstacles for newcomers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it’s necessarily an indictment of those candidates or even that much of a celebration of incumbents and incumbency as much as voters tend to go with the name,” Demissie said. “And the name frankly has probably provided for you, in some way, constituent services or representation over the course of several years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matsui was first elected in a 2005 special election to fill her husband’s seat after he died of pneumonia; the Matsui name has represented the Sacramento area for a combined 47 years. Waters is also a nationally recognized figure who first took her seat in 1991, and Sherman has served in Congress since 1997.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if voters want generational change broadly, they tend to be less likely to vote against their own representative, Grose said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you ask somebody, ‘Do you want younger people in Congress? Do you want to say goodbye to 80-year-olds?’ People say yes,” Grose said. “But when you ask them about their own Congress member, they really like their own member.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086915\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086915\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Obama and Biden White House climate aide Jake Levine ran against incumbent Brad Sherman for the congressional District 32. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Jake Levin Campaign)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jake Levine, a 42-year-old former White House climate aide under Presidents Obama and Biden, said his loss to Sherman should not be interpreted as a rejection of the generational message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that that is less a reflection of whether people want a new generation and more a reflection of some of the structural aspects of this race,” Levine said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levine believes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064834/how-prop-50-just-rewrote-californias-2026-congressional-map\">California’s redistricting under Proposition 50\u003c/a>, whose new maps debuted in this month’s election, worked against him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really supported Prop. 50, but at the same time, for my district, that made our district significantly more Republican in terms of its complexion,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other cases, Grose said redistricting could work against incumbents like Matsui and Thompson by bringing in a swath of new voters who may be unfamiliar with them, weakening their name recognition advantage. Nearly half of Thompson’s District 4 is now new territory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086017\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086017\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eric Jones, Democratic candidate for California’s 4th Congressional District, center, speaks to a supporter at his watch party at Three Mile Brewing in Davis on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Levine also argues the state Democratic Party “intentionally make[s] it very difficult for challengers,” noting that he was not allowed to speak at the California Democratic Party convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones, who challenged Thompson in the North Bay, agreed on this point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Democratic Party is a party built to protect incumbency,” Jones said. “You see that the way the party chooses to endorse, where the California Democratic Party has never once in its history endorsed against a congressional incumbent. And I think that is the biggest uphill battle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is rare for the state party to back a challenger, but not unprecedented. In 2018, the party endorsed former state Sen. Kevin de León for U.S. Senate over then-Sen. Dianne Feinstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With California’s count still ongoing, Jones’ campaign manager Brian Parvizshahi said he remains confident Jones will advance to the general election, where he expects to make up ground.[aside postID=news_12086288 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2277856381.jpg']“When you expand the electorate [from the primary to the general election] … they typically become much more young and much more working class and more people of color. And that’s who makes up Eric Jones’ base,” Parvizshahi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parvizshahi previously ran Rep. Ro Khanna’s 2014 and 2016 campaigns against Rep. Mike Honda. In 2014, Khanna gained 17 points between the primary and general election. He lost, but returned to defeat Honda in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parvizshahi believes Jones could follow a similar trajectory, arguing that the longer runway to November offers time to build name recognition and that a younger, more diverse general election electorate could help him close the current 16-point gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s never good for an incumbent to be under 50%,” Parvizshahi said. Thompson is currently sitting at 38% of the vote. “That’s pretty damning. That’s 62% of the electorate saying, ‘I do not want you as my congressman.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic strategist Orrin Evans said if Jones does squeak through to the general election, it would indicate voters have an appetite for the generational change message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If two out of five made it through, I would say that’s a pretty good night for the kids,” Evans said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Money proved to be the biggest hurdle for Sacramento City Councilmember Vang. She raised roughly $800,000, significantly less than Matsui’s $1.5 million. Matsui also loaned her campaign an additional $1.4 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always knew we were going to be outspent,” Vang said. “The only way to beat money is to have organized people. And that’s what we did. We knocked on thousands of doors and spoke to thousands of voters. We did it because this region is ready for change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086029\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086029\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Congressional candidate Saikat Chakrabarti converses with his supporters during an election night event at The Chapel on June 3, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Money didn’t guarantee challengers would sail through to the general election. Compared to Thompson’s $3.4 million, Jones raised $3 million and poured in an additional $5.2 million of his own money and still found himself fighting for second place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Saikat Chakrabarti announced his intent to run for Rep. Nancy Pelosi’s seat before the 86-year-old said she would not run for reelection. Chakrabarti’s incredible $8.8 million in loans to his campaign also did not get him into the runoff, which has been called for state Sen. Scott Wiener and San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the many hurdles these young challengers face, Grose said this cycle gave them their best shot at a congressional seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They would do really bad in a crowded field of 40-somethings in an open seat,” he said. “Trying to run against an old person who’s an incumbent is the better strategy for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>One of the defining storylines of California’s congressional primaries this year was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085139/young-progressive-candidates-look-for-change-of-guard-in-ca-congressional-races\">a generational battle\u003c/a> within the Democratic Party driven by a wave of young, often progressive, challengers who took on their own party’s aging incumbents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This rebuke of the so-called gerontocracy targeted Congress members across the state: 75-year-old \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085544/in-redrawn-napa-valley-house-seat-voters-appear-to-stick-with-incumbent-they-know\">North Bay Rep. Mike Thompson\u003c/a>, 81-year-old Solano and Sacramento Valley Rep. John Garamendi, 81-year-old Sacramento Rep. Doris Matsui, 87-year-old South Los Angeles Rep. Maxine Waters and 71-year-old San Fernando Valley Rep. Brad Sherman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How did they do?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Challengers to Sherman, Waters and Garamendi fell short of the second-place finish needed to advance under California’s top-two primary system. Each incumbent represents a safe blue district, setting them up for a smooth path to reelection in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento City Councilmember Mai Vang, 41, had the greatest success of any challenger, running a close race against Matsui. As of Tuesday afternoon, with 95% of votes counted, Vang is nearly 2 percentage points ahead of Matsui. In the North Bay, former venture capitalist Eric Jones, 35, is still sweating out the final results, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/congress-4th-district\">sitting less than 2 percentage points\u003c/a> behind Republican business owner Ray Riehle in a contest for second to face Thompson in the runoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results hint at what it takes to mount a successful generational challenge. Age alone, it turns out, is not enough. Candidates and analysts point to name recognition, money and redistricting as key factors shaping the outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to have a reason other than ‘the person is old,’” said Christian Grose, a political science professor at the University of Southern California. “You have to have a case to make for why you would be better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086912\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sacramento City Councilmember Mai Vang is running against incumbent Doris Matsui for the congressional District 7. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Mai Vang Campaign)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Challengers were generally more successful when they could articulate ideological differences, Grose said. For instance, Vang has criticized Matsui for accepting funding from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), not calling the war in Gaza a genocide and previously voting to fund Immigration and Customs Enforcement, though her position has changed in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Progressivism, I think, helps in a primary,” Grose said. “A left progressive can get people’s attention, especially with the crowd of [the] governor’s election too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vang also attributes her strong showing to a clear progressive platform, running for something instead of against someone.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Are you for working families? Are you for making their lives better?” Vang said. “It can’t just be that you’re anti-Trump. You’ve got to be for these bold issues for our working families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addisu Demissie, a veteran Democratic political consultant and former campaign manager for Gov. Gavin Newsom’s 2018 bid, \u003ca href=\"https://omny.fm/shows/kqed-segmented-audio/establishment-democrats-largely-prevail-in-primary-races\">told KQED\u003c/a> last week that results prove name recognition remains among the biggest obstacles for newcomers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it’s necessarily an indictment of those candidates or even that much of a celebration of incumbents and incumbency as much as voters tend to go with the name,” Demissie said. “And the name frankly has probably provided for you, in some way, constituent services or representation over the course of several years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matsui was first elected in a 2005 special election to fill her husband’s seat after he died of pneumonia; the Matsui name has represented the Sacramento area for a combined 47 years. Waters is also a nationally recognized figure who first took her seat in 1991, and Sherman has served in Congress since 1997.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if voters want generational change broadly, they tend to be less likely to vote against their own representative, Grose said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you ask somebody, ‘Do you want younger people in Congress? Do you want to say goodbye to 80-year-olds?’ People say yes,” Grose said. “But when you ask them about their own Congress member, they really like their own member.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086915\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086915\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Obama and Biden White House climate aide Jake Levine ran against incumbent Brad Sherman for the congressional District 32. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Jake Levin Campaign)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jake Levine, a 42-year-old former White House climate aide under Presidents Obama and Biden, said his loss to Sherman should not be interpreted as a rejection of the generational message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that that is less a reflection of whether people want a new generation and more a reflection of some of the structural aspects of this race,” Levine said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levine believes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064834/how-prop-50-just-rewrote-californias-2026-congressional-map\">California’s redistricting under Proposition 50\u003c/a>, whose new maps debuted in this month’s election, worked against him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really supported Prop. 50, but at the same time, for my district, that made our district significantly more Republican in terms of its complexion,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other cases, Grose said redistricting could work against incumbents like Matsui and Thompson by bringing in a swath of new voters who may be unfamiliar with them, weakening their name recognition advantage. Nearly half of Thompson’s District 4 is now new territory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086017\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086017\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eric Jones, Democratic candidate for California’s 4th Congressional District, center, speaks to a supporter at his watch party at Three Mile Brewing in Davis on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Levine also argues the state Democratic Party “intentionally make[s] it very difficult for challengers,” noting that he was not allowed to speak at the California Democratic Party convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones, who challenged Thompson in the North Bay, agreed on this point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Democratic Party is a party built to protect incumbency,” Jones said. “You see that the way the party chooses to endorse, where the California Democratic Party has never once in its history endorsed against a congressional incumbent. And I think that is the biggest uphill battle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is rare for the state party to back a challenger, but not unprecedented. In 2018, the party endorsed former state Sen. Kevin de León for U.S. Senate over then-Sen. Dianne Feinstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With California’s count still ongoing, Jones’ campaign manager Brian Parvizshahi said he remains confident Jones will advance to the general election, where he expects to make up ground.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“When you expand the electorate [from the primary to the general election] … they typically become much more young and much more working class and more people of color. And that’s who makes up Eric Jones’ base,” Parvizshahi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parvizshahi previously ran Rep. Ro Khanna’s 2014 and 2016 campaigns against Rep. Mike Honda. In 2014, Khanna gained 17 points between the primary and general election. He lost, but returned to defeat Honda in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parvizshahi believes Jones could follow a similar trajectory, arguing that the longer runway to November offers time to build name recognition and that a younger, more diverse general election electorate could help him close the current 16-point gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s never good for an incumbent to be under 50%,” Parvizshahi said. Thompson is currently sitting at 38% of the vote. “That’s pretty damning. That’s 62% of the electorate saying, ‘I do not want you as my congressman.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic strategist Orrin Evans said if Jones does squeak through to the general election, it would indicate voters have an appetite for the generational change message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If two out of five made it through, I would say that’s a pretty good night for the kids,” Evans said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Money proved to be the biggest hurdle for Sacramento City Councilmember Vang. She raised roughly $800,000, significantly less than Matsui’s $1.5 million. Matsui also loaned her campaign an additional $1.4 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always knew we were going to be outspent,” Vang said. “The only way to beat money is to have organized people. And that’s what we did. We knocked on thousands of doors and spoke to thousands of voters. We did it because this region is ready for change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086029\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086029\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Congressional candidate Saikat Chakrabarti converses with his supporters during an election night event at The Chapel on June 3, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Money didn’t guarantee challengers would sail through to the general election. Compared to Thompson’s $3.4 million, Jones raised $3 million and poured in an additional $5.2 million of his own money and still found himself fighting for second place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Saikat Chakrabarti announced his intent to run for Rep. Nancy Pelosi’s seat before the 86-year-old said she would not run for reelection. Chakrabarti’s incredible $8.8 million in loans to his campaign also did not get him into the runoff, which has been called for state Sen. Scott Wiener and San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the many hurdles these young challengers face, Grose said this cycle gave them their best shot at a congressional seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They would do really bad in a crowded field of 40-somethings in an open seat,” he said. “Trying to run against an old person who’s an incumbent is the better strategy for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"headTitle": "Why California Takes Forever to Count Ballots | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California still has lots of ballots left to count, more than one week after the primary. Republicans, including President Donald Trump, have seized on the slow count to spread conspiracy theories of election fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what’s actually behind the holdup? KQED’s Marisa Lagos explains why California counts ballots so slowly, and what could help speed up the count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC3430716356&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086054/ballots-are-all-in-but-california-election-results-could-take-weeks-to-settle-why\">Ballots Are All In, but California Election Results Could Take Weeks to Settle. Why?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>Episode transcript\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:00] I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra and welcome to The Bay, local news to keep you rooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:08] So it’s been more than a week since election day. And while many primary races have already been called, California’s still counting votes, and will be for a while. California is notoriously slow at counting ballots, making us an easy target for Republicans spreading conspiracies of election fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:00:33] This tremendous evidence is nothing but evidence. The election was rigged. It was a dirty election. And it’s happening again right now in California. It’s happening right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:48] But there’s actually a pretty clear explanation for the wait, including the fact that California has one of the most accessible election systems in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:01:00] We have a number of policies that have been enacted that are really aimed at giving everybody every opportunity to vote that we can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:11] Today, what’s behind California’s slow vote count and what it would take to speed it up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:25] Well, Marisa, am I trippin’ or are ballots taking a long time to count?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:01:30] You’re not trippin’, but they always kinda take a long time to count in California these days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:37] Marisa Lagos is a politics and government correspondent for KQED. She’s also co-host of the Political Breakdown podcast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:01:46] We are sitting here on Tuesday, a week out. So 7.7 million ballots have been processed so far, and there’s 1.7 billion left. So it’s not an insignificant number, but it’s the bulk of the ballots. And it’s, I think, out of line with what we’ve seen maybe in previous elections. What feels more urgent this year is we did have this messy governor’s race. And so there’s a lot of attention on it. And we were one of the only primaries last week. So I think there’s been a sort of outsized amount of attention and frustration at the slow count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:25] And I guess, like, what effects are you seeing so far of this long count? I mean, like it’s this affecting confidence, for example, in our election process here in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:02:37] I’d say the long count does affect folks’ opinions of the election and their beliefs in the integrity of it, but I think the bigger factor is the president and other Republicans using it as a way to undercut confidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:02:53] Four days, and they aren’t even close to coming up with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kristen Welker \u003c/strong>[00:02:56] That’s how they count the votes in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:02:57] You know why they’re doing that? Because they’re cheating on the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kristen Welker \u003c/strong>[00:02:59] Do you have evidence to support that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:03:01] All I have to do is look.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:03:03] President Trump has been attacking California’s election almost since the polls closed last Tuesday. He also had a pretty explosive interview with Kristen Welker on Meet the Press this weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:03:14] Do you think it’s appropriate that they have an election and five days later, they’re nowhere close to picking a winner?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kristen Welker \u003c/strong>[00:03:20] State and local officials acknowledge they are slow. They’re urging —\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:03:23] No, they are crooked. They’re crooked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kristen Welker \u003c/strong>[00:03:25] — urging the votes to be counted quickly. That’s how they vote in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:03:27] They are crooked, just like you’re crooked, your press is crooked, and meet the press is crooked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:03:32] I think if you didn’t have these attacks from folks up to and including President Trump, there probably wouldn’t be quite so much kind of consternation and concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:41] That’s one of the reasons why I think we wanted to talk to you about this, because I do think it is maybe worth just sort of unpacking for people, like how this count even happens. So why does California take so long to count its votes?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:03:57] I think there’s almost like three buckets of things here when we talk about delays. One is the policies that exist in California that send every voter a mail-in ballot that allow ballots to arrive within a week after election day, as long as they’re postmarked by then. And then there’s the resources, right? Just like, do county registrars have the money, the staff, the actual physical space? To do this counting quickly. And then there’s voter behavior. And I think that this election year, we’ve really seen that that has a big effect. What we did see this year based on tracking data analysis by some very smart people, smarter than me, is that Democrats were holding onto their ballots. It did seem like just the upheaval in the governor’s race, the sort of crowded nature of it, the exit of Eric Swalwell in April, the sudden rise of Xavier Becerra, all of that kind of contributed to this phenomenon of Democrats, progressives, I think in particular, waiting until the last minute. And so in a state where Democrats outnumber Republicans two to one, that’s going to really slow down the process. And it’s also going to create what’s called a red mirage, where you had the sort of initial results look stronger for Republicans and conservative candidates than what the ultimate vote count is going to look like. And I think that combination of the large number of ballots coming in late, and so that kind of slowing down the count, plus that red mirages has given an opening to folks like President Trump to kind of call things into question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:05:41] You mentioned a bunch of these policies that we have in California that are really about expanding voter access. So what exactly is the process of counting ballots in California given these policies?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:05:56] We, during the pandemic especially, really expanded mail-in voting. So essentially every voter gets a mail- in ballot now. In recent elections, we’ve seen up to 80% of people vote by mail, so that in itself can cause delays because when ballots are being processed, essentially, if you go in and vote in person, all the checks of security to make sure you’re the person you’re saying you are and your signature matches and your address is correct happens before they hand you the ballot. When you mail in the ballot, that happens on the back end. And so what you have is election officials with stacks and stacks and boxes and boxes where they have to go through one by one and essentially verify that each individual ballot is valid, then they have run it through the system. And in some cases, you also have situations where say a signature doesn’t match. And so in some counties, they might reach out to you and say, Hey, did you file this ballot? The fact that you the ballots can arrive to a week after election day, obviously. Do even more, you know, to extend that. Provisional ballots, people can go in and say, oh, you know, I missed the registration deadline or I missed my address changed, and they’re allowed to cast a ballot in person. But that ballot then on the back end also has to be verified. So, I mean, the irony of a lot of the attacks on our slow process is that it exists to ensure integrity. It exists to insure that people are who they say they are, that they’re voting only once, that they are voting properly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Shirley Weber \u003c/strong>[00:07:37] It’s unfortunate that people don’t believe we count fast. We do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:07:38] You know, one of the biggest defenders of our election system has been the Secretary of State, Shirley Weber, who oversees this entire system. And she’s pretty bullish that what’s happening is working and it’s slow because election officials are being careful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Shirley Weber \u003c/strong>[00:07:53] You want to be fast or you want to be accurate? I prefer, I choose accurate. We’ll be accurate and fast at the same time, but, and we’re always looking at new ways that we can improve our system, but I’m not going to toss out accurate in order to be fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:08:13] We’ll have more with KQED’s Marisa Lagos right after this break. By the way, if you like the deep dives into local news that we bring you here on the Bay, consider becoming a KQED member. We can’t do this work without you. Just go to donate.kqed.org/podcasts. We’ll be right back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:08:45] It sounds like we should all feel pretty confident then that we are getting the most accurate count possible, even though it’s slow. But I know your colleague, Guy Marzorati, talked with an election official in Yolo County about what it might take to speed up this process. What does he say about that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:09:06] Jesse Salinas is the registrar of voters in Yolo County. He’s also head of the state association representing county election officials around the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jesse Salinas \u003c/strong>[00:09:15] There’s multiple layers of review to make sure that anybody whose vote is being counted has been vetted properly and verified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:09:25] And Yolo County is obviously not the biggest county around, but Jesse Salinas says that essentially resources would really help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jesse Salinas \u003c/strong>[00:09:33] If I had more space, if I have more staff, and I had more equipment to scan, I could pick up some of the speed. So yes, that would happen, right? So there’s a capacity issue and a resource issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:09:51] If the state or federal governments were willing to put more money into these county election offices, they could hire more staff. Maybe they could count ballots around the clock in the days after the election, not take a break, right? Because you can’t have people working like 24 hours a day. So, Jesse Salinas really feels like a lot of the pressure being put on county officials is not fair because we’ve essentially done everything we can to assure that more people can vote. But we haven’t actually given the government officials responsible for counting those votes enough resources to do so in a timely manner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jesse Salinas \u003c/strong>[00:10:26] People don’t understand why is it taking so long? Well, there’s a reason why. We’re not twiddling our thumbs. We are working hard every day for months and going into the election and, of course, on election night and then afterwards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:10:45] On the one hand, Marisa, I feel like an, I mean, obviously I think everyone agrees that an accurate count and also increased voter access is a good thing. But on the other hand, this feels maybe not so good for voter confidence in our elections, especially at a time when the legitimacy of our elections are being questioned by Republicans. So how do I sort of make sense of that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:11:11] I mean, I think what’s wild about all of this is that prior to 2020, when President Trump started promoting these baseless election conspiracies, the people most likely to vote by mail were Republicans. California historically saw rural counties, places where people had to drive a long way to get to a voting center. They saw elderly or older, especially white voters. Be the most likely to vote absentee. And so, to me, I think that speaks to the sort of ridiculous nature of this. I also just, on a personal level, wanna underscore the counterfactuals here. I mean, going back to 2020, how is it that the president believes that there was a vast Democratic conspiracy to throw the election to Joe Biden, but to give Congress to Republicans, right? Click. I mean, I can go on, but we’ve seen this over and over where it’s very much cherry-picking not just individual elections, but individual races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:12:15] And I guess looking ahead to November, if I may, I know the House majority is on the line. These are races that could control Congress. And I have to imagine we’re probably going to hear more of the same, if not more, of these sort of baseless claims of voter fraud over our count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:12:33] I am incredibly concerned for what the president could try to do. You know, you see in Los Angeles, the U.S. Acting attorney there, Bill Essayli, a former Republican member of the state assembly saying that they’re, you know, investigating voting in L.A. And getting into a fight over what information the county will provide. We’ve seen the Department of Justice under President Trump go to blue states and try to demand voter rolls and other information. We all still remember the president’s threats that he could deploy National Guard troops or ICE agents. You know, look, there’s not the resources for them to have ICE agents at every polling place. But I think even the sort of whisper of those types of threats could deter people from participating, and that’s a threat. Every time this type of rhetoric is out there, it does undermine people’s beliefs and it sort of stratifies us further. So we can both reject these baseless theories and stand by our very hardworking election officials who are, by the way, from both parties. And we also can demand more from our largely Democratic leaders in this state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco-Northern California Local.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California still has lots of ballots left to count, more than one week after the primary. Republicans, including President Donald Trump, have seized on the slow count to spread conspiracy theories of election fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what’s actually behind the holdup? KQED’s Marisa Lagos explains why California counts ballots so slowly, and what could help speed up the count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC3430716356&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086054/ballots-are-all-in-but-california-election-results-could-take-weeks-to-settle-why\">Ballots Are All In, but California Election Results Could Take Weeks to Settle. Why?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>Episode transcript\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:00] I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra and welcome to The Bay, local news to keep you rooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:08] So it’s been more than a week since election day. And while many primary races have already been called, California’s still counting votes, and will be for a while. California is notoriously slow at counting ballots, making us an easy target for Republicans spreading conspiracies of election fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:00:33] This tremendous evidence is nothing but evidence. The election was rigged. It was a dirty election. And it’s happening again right now in California. It’s happening right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:48] But there’s actually a pretty clear explanation for the wait, including the fact that California has one of the most accessible election systems in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:01:00] We have a number of policies that have been enacted that are really aimed at giving everybody every opportunity to vote that we can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:11] Today, what’s behind California’s slow vote count and what it would take to speed it up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:25] Well, Marisa, am I trippin’ or are ballots taking a long time to count?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:01:30] You’re not trippin’, but they always kinda take a long time to count in California these days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:37] Marisa Lagos is a politics and government correspondent for KQED. She’s also co-host of the Political Breakdown podcast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:01:46] We are sitting here on Tuesday, a week out. So 7.7 million ballots have been processed so far, and there’s 1.7 billion left. So it’s not an insignificant number, but it’s the bulk of the ballots. And it’s, I think, out of line with what we’ve seen maybe in previous elections. What feels more urgent this year is we did have this messy governor’s race. And so there’s a lot of attention on it. And we were one of the only primaries last week. So I think there’s been a sort of outsized amount of attention and frustration at the slow count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:25] And I guess, like, what effects are you seeing so far of this long count? I mean, like it’s this affecting confidence, for example, in our election process here in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:02:37] I’d say the long count does affect folks’ opinions of the election and their beliefs in the integrity of it, but I think the bigger factor is the president and other Republicans using it as a way to undercut confidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:02:53] Four days, and they aren’t even close to coming up with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kristen Welker \u003c/strong>[00:02:56] That’s how they count the votes in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:02:57] You know why they’re doing that? Because they’re cheating on the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kristen Welker \u003c/strong>[00:02:59] Do you have evidence to support that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:03:01] All I have to do is look.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:03:03] President Trump has been attacking California’s election almost since the polls closed last Tuesday. He also had a pretty explosive interview with Kristen Welker on Meet the Press this weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:03:14] Do you think it’s appropriate that they have an election and five days later, they’re nowhere close to picking a winner?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kristen Welker \u003c/strong>[00:03:20] State and local officials acknowledge they are slow. They’re urging —\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:03:23] No, they are crooked. They’re crooked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kristen Welker \u003c/strong>[00:03:25] — urging the votes to be counted quickly. That’s how they vote in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:03:27] They are crooked, just like you’re crooked, your press is crooked, and meet the press is crooked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:03:32] I think if you didn’t have these attacks from folks up to and including President Trump, there probably wouldn’t be quite so much kind of consternation and concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:41] That’s one of the reasons why I think we wanted to talk to you about this, because I do think it is maybe worth just sort of unpacking for people, like how this count even happens. So why does California take so long to count its votes?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:03:57] I think there’s almost like three buckets of things here when we talk about delays. One is the policies that exist in California that send every voter a mail-in ballot that allow ballots to arrive within a week after election day, as long as they’re postmarked by then. And then there’s the resources, right? Just like, do county registrars have the money, the staff, the actual physical space? To do this counting quickly. And then there’s voter behavior. And I think that this election year, we’ve really seen that that has a big effect. What we did see this year based on tracking data analysis by some very smart people, smarter than me, is that Democrats were holding onto their ballots. It did seem like just the upheaval in the governor’s race, the sort of crowded nature of it, the exit of Eric Swalwell in April, the sudden rise of Xavier Becerra, all of that kind of contributed to this phenomenon of Democrats, progressives, I think in particular, waiting until the last minute. And so in a state where Democrats outnumber Republicans two to one, that’s going to really slow down the process. And it’s also going to create what’s called a red mirage, where you had the sort of initial results look stronger for Republicans and conservative candidates than what the ultimate vote count is going to look like. And I think that combination of the large number of ballots coming in late, and so that kind of slowing down the count, plus that red mirages has given an opening to folks like President Trump to kind of call things into question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:05:41] You mentioned a bunch of these policies that we have in California that are really about expanding voter access. So what exactly is the process of counting ballots in California given these policies?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:05:56] We, during the pandemic especially, really expanded mail-in voting. So essentially every voter gets a mail- in ballot now. In recent elections, we’ve seen up to 80% of people vote by mail, so that in itself can cause delays because when ballots are being processed, essentially, if you go in and vote in person, all the checks of security to make sure you’re the person you’re saying you are and your signature matches and your address is correct happens before they hand you the ballot. When you mail in the ballot, that happens on the back end. And so what you have is election officials with stacks and stacks and boxes and boxes where they have to go through one by one and essentially verify that each individual ballot is valid, then they have run it through the system. And in some cases, you also have situations where say a signature doesn’t match. And so in some counties, they might reach out to you and say, Hey, did you file this ballot? The fact that you the ballots can arrive to a week after election day, obviously. Do even more, you know, to extend that. Provisional ballots, people can go in and say, oh, you know, I missed the registration deadline or I missed my address changed, and they’re allowed to cast a ballot in person. But that ballot then on the back end also has to be verified. So, I mean, the irony of a lot of the attacks on our slow process is that it exists to ensure integrity. It exists to insure that people are who they say they are, that they’re voting only once, that they are voting properly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Shirley Weber \u003c/strong>[00:07:37] It’s unfortunate that people don’t believe we count fast. We do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:07:38] You know, one of the biggest defenders of our election system has been the Secretary of State, Shirley Weber, who oversees this entire system. And she’s pretty bullish that what’s happening is working and it’s slow because election officials are being careful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Shirley Weber \u003c/strong>[00:07:53] You want to be fast or you want to be accurate? I prefer, I choose accurate. We’ll be accurate and fast at the same time, but, and we’re always looking at new ways that we can improve our system, but I’m not going to toss out accurate in order to be fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:08:13] We’ll have more with KQED’s Marisa Lagos right after this break. By the way, if you like the deep dives into local news that we bring you here on the Bay, consider becoming a KQED member. We can’t do this work without you. Just go to donate.kqed.org/podcasts. We’ll be right back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:08:45] It sounds like we should all feel pretty confident then that we are getting the most accurate count possible, even though it’s slow. But I know your colleague, Guy Marzorati, talked with an election official in Yolo County about what it might take to speed up this process. What does he say about that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:09:06] Jesse Salinas is the registrar of voters in Yolo County. He’s also head of the state association representing county election officials around the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jesse Salinas \u003c/strong>[00:09:15] There’s multiple layers of review to make sure that anybody whose vote is being counted has been vetted properly and verified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:09:25] And Yolo County is obviously not the biggest county around, but Jesse Salinas says that essentially resources would really help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jesse Salinas \u003c/strong>[00:09:33] If I had more space, if I have more staff, and I had more equipment to scan, I could pick up some of the speed. So yes, that would happen, right? So there’s a capacity issue and a resource issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:09:51] If the state or federal governments were willing to put more money into these county election offices, they could hire more staff. Maybe they could count ballots around the clock in the days after the election, not take a break, right? Because you can’t have people working like 24 hours a day. So, Jesse Salinas really feels like a lot of the pressure being put on county officials is not fair because we’ve essentially done everything we can to assure that more people can vote. But we haven’t actually given the government officials responsible for counting those votes enough resources to do so in a timely manner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jesse Salinas \u003c/strong>[00:10:26] People don’t understand why is it taking so long? Well, there’s a reason why. We’re not twiddling our thumbs. We are working hard every day for months and going into the election and, of course, on election night and then afterwards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:10:45] On the one hand, Marisa, I feel like an, I mean, obviously I think everyone agrees that an accurate count and also increased voter access is a good thing. But on the other hand, this feels maybe not so good for voter confidence in our elections, especially at a time when the legitimacy of our elections are being questioned by Republicans. So how do I sort of make sense of that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:11:11] I mean, I think what’s wild about all of this is that prior to 2020, when President Trump started promoting these baseless election conspiracies, the people most likely to vote by mail were Republicans. California historically saw rural counties, places where people had to drive a long way to get to a voting center. They saw elderly or older, especially white voters. Be the most likely to vote absentee. And so, to me, I think that speaks to the sort of ridiculous nature of this. I also just, on a personal level, wanna underscore the counterfactuals here. I mean, going back to 2020, how is it that the president believes that there was a vast Democratic conspiracy to throw the election to Joe Biden, but to give Congress to Republicans, right? Click. I mean, I can go on, but we’ve seen this over and over where it’s very much cherry-picking not just individual elections, but individual races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:12:15] And I guess looking ahead to November, if I may, I know the House majority is on the line. These are races that could control Congress. And I have to imagine we’re probably going to hear more of the same, if not more, of these sort of baseless claims of voter fraud over our count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:12:33] I am incredibly concerned for what the president could try to do. You know, you see in Los Angeles, the U.S. Acting attorney there, Bill Essayli, a former Republican member of the state assembly saying that they’re, you know, investigating voting in L.A. And getting into a fight over what information the county will provide. We’ve seen the Department of Justice under President Trump go to blue states and try to demand voter rolls and other information. We all still remember the president’s threats that he could deploy National Guard troops or ICE agents. You know, look, there’s not the resources for them to have ICE agents at every polling place. But I think even the sort of whisper of those types of threats could deter people from participating, and that’s a threat. Every time this type of rhetoric is out there, it does undermine people’s beliefs and it sort of stratifies us further. So we can both reject these baseless theories and stand by our very hardworking election officials who are, by the way, from both parties. And we also can demand more from our largely Democratic leaders in this state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "San José Approves New Immigrant Funding in City Budget, With Cuts and Reserve Spending",
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"content": "\u003cp>San José’s City Council unanimously approved a spending plan to fill a $50.3 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075812/mahan-calls-for-belt-tightening-in-san-jose-budget-plan\">shortfall\u003c/a> on Tuesday afternoon, largely through a mix of cuts and tapping budget reserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $1.7 billion general fund budget shrinks funding for parts of Mayor Matt Mahan’s ambitious program to reduce unsheltered homelessness but comes with new money to help immigrant residents dealing with the increased threat of deportation from the Trump administration. The blow to the budget was softened by voters’ approval this month of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/santaclara/measure-a\">Measure A\u003c/a>, which increased the city’s hotel tax from 10% to 12%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a fiscally responsible, service-sustaining and focus-driven budget,” Mahan said. “Even in a difficult budget climate, we have much to be proud of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, the budget for the 2026-27 fiscal year cuts a net 19 positions throughout the city workforce, while 66 positions funded through one-time dollars will not be extended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Mahan took office in 2023, the city has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12072666/san-jose-mayor-matt-mahan-wants-to-be-governor-heres-a-look-into-his-signature-homelessness-program\">built out\u003c/a> a system of tiny homes with more than 2,000 beds for people experiencing homelessness, helping to bring unsheltered homelessness down 10% from 2023 to 2025. But the amount of money needed to operate the shelter system has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12072999/tiny-homes-big-ambitions-matt-mahans-run-for-governor-spotlights-his-shelter-strategy\">outstripped\u003c/a> dedicated homeless funding and requires an ongoing infusion of general fund dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget approved by the council will close a 56-tent sanctioned encampment on Taylor Street, saving $1.2 million in the upcoming fiscal year. It will also reduce funding for BeautifySJ, the city’s blight reduction program, by $4.2 million. The program will require less funding after city workers cleared two large encampments, one along Coyote Creek and another in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052645/san-jose-begins-clearing-columbus-park-the-citys-biggest-homeless-encampment\">Columbus Park\u003c/a>, over the last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City leaders remain optimistic that ongoing negotiations with Santa Clara County will result in the county picking up some of the cost of the city’s shelter system, easing the future hit on the general fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009247\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009247\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents sit along Coyote Creek in Roosevelt Park in San José on April 9, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Despite the gloomy fiscal outlook, the council agreed to put $1 million toward nonprofits that provide immigrant defense and legal services for residents facing deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we talk about immigration services, we’re talking about keeping families together, helping people navigate complex legal systems and making sure our neighbors can live with dignity and without fear,” Councilmember Peter Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a Monday public comment session on the budget plan, advocates pointed to increased fears in response to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083600/santa-clara-county-leaders-say-theyll-fight-planned-ice-facility-in-gilroy\">planned\u003c/a> U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention center in Gilroy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Families are already living in fear and uncertainty, workers are already facing risks, children are already worried about the possibility of being separated from their loved ones,” said Joanna Becerra, with the nonprofit Amigos de Guadalupe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The best way to respond to an emergency is to ensure our community is ready before it happens,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the budget shortfall is closed through the use of the city’s Budget Stabilization Reserve, drawing the rainy day fund down from $87.5 million to just $25 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A stagnant local economy and sluggish real estate sales, along with higher-than-expected retirement costs, have left San José with an ongoing shortfall projected at $26.8 million for 2027-28 and $11.8 million in 2028-29. City budget analysts warned that those deficits could grow if new \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/06/rob-bonta-blackjack-regulations-gambling/\">state regulations\u003c/a> on cardrooms result in lower tax revenue from Bay 101 Casino and Casino Matrix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the city is expected to bring in $6.8 million in the upcoming fiscal year from Measure A, which is winning approval from roughly two-thirds of San José voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A contingency budget plan released by the city manager that did not include that additional revenue called for cuts to Sunday library hours and a downtown police foot patrol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would be having a very, very different discussion in trying to do a greater cut on many of our services today” if Measure A had failed, Councilmember Rosemary Kamei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12085548 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/GettyImages-77152290-e1560402492305.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of progressive supervisors had advocated for city staffers to explore changing San José’s business tax to bring in more revenue, but the idea was not included in the final budget plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax is currently assessed based on employee headcount. A potential shift to a gross receipts tax could raise revenue without penalizing employment — but also create new challenges for collection and administration, a city report found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now is not the time to explore an increase to the business tax,” Vice Mayor Pam Foley said. “I am concerned about the impacts on San José’s small businesses as well as our ability to attract large businesses to relocate to San José.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Council members acknowledged that difficult budget conversations would likely carry into next year. But they agreed to tap reserves and shift existing funds in order to avoid deeper cuts initially proposed by the city manager — such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083535/san-jose-budget-cuts-could-doom-library-history-and-culture-space\">limiting public access to the California Room\u003c/a>, a wing of the Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Library dedicated to local history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ralph Pearce, a part-time clerk in the California Room, said the collection provides value to both advanced researchers and visiting schoolchildren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not just about looking back,” he said during Monday’s public comment. “We’re about helping the city of San José move forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San José’s City Council unanimously approved a spending plan to fill a $50.3 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075812/mahan-calls-for-belt-tightening-in-san-jose-budget-plan\">shortfall\u003c/a> on Tuesday afternoon, largely through a mix of cuts and tapping budget reserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $1.7 billion general fund budget shrinks funding for parts of Mayor Matt Mahan’s ambitious program to reduce unsheltered homelessness but comes with new money to help immigrant residents dealing with the increased threat of deportation from the Trump administration. The blow to the budget was softened by voters’ approval this month of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/santaclara/measure-a\">Measure A\u003c/a>, which increased the city’s hotel tax from 10% to 12%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a fiscally responsible, service-sustaining and focus-driven budget,” Mahan said. “Even in a difficult budget climate, we have much to be proud of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, the budget for the 2026-27 fiscal year cuts a net 19 positions throughout the city workforce, while 66 positions funded through one-time dollars will not be extended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Mahan took office in 2023, the city has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12072666/san-jose-mayor-matt-mahan-wants-to-be-governor-heres-a-look-into-his-signature-homelessness-program\">built out\u003c/a> a system of tiny homes with more than 2,000 beds for people experiencing homelessness, helping to bring unsheltered homelessness down 10% from 2023 to 2025. But the amount of money needed to operate the shelter system has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12072999/tiny-homes-big-ambitions-matt-mahans-run-for-governor-spotlights-his-shelter-strategy\">outstripped\u003c/a> dedicated homeless funding and requires an ongoing infusion of general fund dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget approved by the council will close a 56-tent sanctioned encampment on Taylor Street, saving $1.2 million in the upcoming fiscal year. It will also reduce funding for BeautifySJ, the city’s blight reduction program, by $4.2 million. The program will require less funding after city workers cleared two large encampments, one along Coyote Creek and another in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052645/san-jose-begins-clearing-columbus-park-the-citys-biggest-homeless-encampment\">Columbus Park\u003c/a>, over the last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City leaders remain optimistic that ongoing negotiations with Santa Clara County will result in the county picking up some of the cost of the city’s shelter system, easing the future hit on the general fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009247\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009247\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents sit along Coyote Creek in Roosevelt Park in San José on April 9, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Despite the gloomy fiscal outlook, the council agreed to put $1 million toward nonprofits that provide immigrant defense and legal services for residents facing deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we talk about immigration services, we’re talking about keeping families together, helping people navigate complex legal systems and making sure our neighbors can live with dignity and without fear,” Councilmember Peter Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a Monday public comment session on the budget plan, advocates pointed to increased fears in response to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083600/santa-clara-county-leaders-say-theyll-fight-planned-ice-facility-in-gilroy\">planned\u003c/a> U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention center in Gilroy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Families are already living in fear and uncertainty, workers are already facing risks, children are already worried about the possibility of being separated from their loved ones,” said Joanna Becerra, with the nonprofit Amigos de Guadalupe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The best way to respond to an emergency is to ensure our community is ready before it happens,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the budget shortfall is closed through the use of the city’s Budget Stabilization Reserve, drawing the rainy day fund down from $87.5 million to just $25 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A stagnant local economy and sluggish real estate sales, along with higher-than-expected retirement costs, have left San José with an ongoing shortfall projected at $26.8 million for 2027-28 and $11.8 million in 2028-29. City budget analysts warned that those deficits could grow if new \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/06/rob-bonta-blackjack-regulations-gambling/\">state regulations\u003c/a> on cardrooms result in lower tax revenue from Bay 101 Casino and Casino Matrix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the city is expected to bring in $6.8 million in the upcoming fiscal year from Measure A, which is winning approval from roughly two-thirds of San José voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A contingency budget plan released by the city manager that did not include that additional revenue called for cuts to Sunday library hours and a downtown police foot patrol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would be having a very, very different discussion in trying to do a greater cut on many of our services today” if Measure A had failed, Councilmember Rosemary Kamei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of progressive supervisors had advocated for city staffers to explore changing San José’s business tax to bring in more revenue, but the idea was not included in the final budget plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax is currently assessed based on employee headcount. A potential shift to a gross receipts tax could raise revenue without penalizing employment — but also create new challenges for collection and administration, a city report found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now is not the time to explore an increase to the business tax,” Vice Mayor Pam Foley said. “I am concerned about the impacts on San José’s small businesses as well as our ability to attract large businesses to relocate to San José.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Council members acknowledged that difficult budget conversations would likely carry into next year. But they agreed to tap reserves and shift existing funds in order to avoid deeper cuts initially proposed by the city manager — such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083535/san-jose-budget-cuts-could-doom-library-history-and-culture-space\">limiting public access to the California Room\u003c/a>, a wing of the Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Library dedicated to local history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ralph Pearce, a part-time clerk in the California Room, said the collection provides value to both advanced researchers and visiting schoolchildren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not just about looking back,” he said during Monday’s public comment. “We’re about helping the city of San José move forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California county election workers are still \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086054/ballots-are-all-in-but-california-election-results-could-take-weeks-to-settle-why\">counting votes\u003c/a> from last week’s primary, and President Donald Trump is once again alleging, without evidence, that the state’s election system is rigged. Scott and Marisa talk to David Becker, executive director and founder of the nonpartisan, non-profit Center for Election Innovation & Research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Track the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results\">latest election results here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California county election workers are still \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086054/ballots-are-all-in-but-california-election-results-could-take-weeks-to-settle-why\">counting votes\u003c/a> from last week’s primary, and President Donald Trump is once again alleging, without evidence, that the state’s election system is rigged. Scott and Marisa talk to David Becker, executive director and founder of the nonpartisan, non-profit Center for Election Innovation & Research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Track the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results\">latest election results here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Republican Steve Hilton claimed the second spot in California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/governor\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">primary for governor\u003c/a> on Tuesday, edging out Democrat Tom Steyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton will face former U.S Health and Human Services Secretary \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086471/becerra-advances-in-california-governor-race-as-hilton-steyer-battle-for-second-spot\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Xavier Becerra\u003c/a>, a Democrat, in the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton, a former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071133/former-fox-news-host-steve-hilton-lays-out-vision-for-california-governorship\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">political adviser\u003c/a> in the United Kingdom and Fox News host, was able to consolidate Republican voters after winning an endorsement from President Donald Trump. But his path to victory in November promises to be an uphill climb: No Republican has been elected governor of California since 2006.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What an incredible honor to be chosen by Californians to lead the movement for change in the greatest state in the greatest nation on earth,” Hilton said in a statement. “I can’t wait to get started on the most high-energy campaign this state has ever seen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Republicans voted early at higher rates than in the state’s last primary for governor in 2022. Many reliable Democratic voters cast their ballots \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086054/ballots-are-all-in-but-california-election-results-could-take-weeks-to-settle-why\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">later than usual\u003c/a>, perhaps due to the tight contest for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, the vote-by-mail ballots cast on Election Day trended more Democratic than early votes, increasing Becerra and Steyer’s vote share and decreasing Hilton’s share in recent counts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with millions of ballots left to count, Steyer’s path remained narrow — he needed to lead Hilton by overwhelming margins in the updates coming from deep blue Los Angeles and the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003cem>Associated Press\u003c/em> made its call on Tuesday when Steyer no longer had a path to victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12086054 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-PRIMARYVOTERVOX-21-BL-KQED.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democratic investor spent a record $216 million of his own fortune on the campaign. He racked up endorsements from progressive leaders and unions, including the powerful California Teachers Association, and laid out a platform that relied heavily on expanding state programs through new taxes on corporations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his career as a hedge fund manager, which included investments in fossil fuel companies and private prisons, may have turned off Democrats wary of billionaire power. These vulnerabilities were amplified by over $36 million in outside spending by business groups against Steyer, led by utility PG&E. Steyer had proposed to appoint regulators who would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083747/pge-spends-millions-against-tom-steyer-whats-behind-clash\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">lower utility\u003c/a> profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This campaign proved that business-as-usual depends on politics-as-usual, and there is no going back,” Steyer said in a statement. “We must continue to fight for a system where democracy serves Californians, not corporations — and where you do not have to be a billionaire to run on single-payer, or on breaking up monopolies, or on calling out a corrupt system when you see it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton began to separate from the other leading Republican in the race, Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, after Trump’s endorsement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pre-election survey from the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies found 37% of likely Republican voters said the endorsement made them more likely to back Hilton, compared to just 6% who said it made them less likely to support him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Trump endorsement that was a propellant in the primary could prove to be an anchor for Hilton in the general election. That same Berkeley IGS survey found 57% of likely voters believe “fighting Trump administration policies” is a very important issue in considering who to support for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Republican Steve Hilton claimed the second spot in California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/governor\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">primary for governor\u003c/a> on Tuesday, edging out Democrat Tom Steyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton will face former U.S Health and Human Services Secretary \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086471/becerra-advances-in-california-governor-race-as-hilton-steyer-battle-for-second-spot\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Xavier Becerra\u003c/a>, a Democrat, in the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton, a former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071133/former-fox-news-host-steve-hilton-lays-out-vision-for-california-governorship\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">political adviser\u003c/a> in the United Kingdom and Fox News host, was able to consolidate Republican voters after winning an endorsement from President Donald Trump. But his path to victory in November promises to be an uphill climb: No Republican has been elected governor of California since 2006.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What an incredible honor to be chosen by Californians to lead the movement for change in the greatest state in the greatest nation on earth,” Hilton said in a statement. “I can’t wait to get started on the most high-energy campaign this state has ever seen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Republicans voted early at higher rates than in the state’s last primary for governor in 2022. Many reliable Democratic voters cast their ballots \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086054/ballots-are-all-in-but-california-election-results-could-take-weeks-to-settle-why\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">later than usual\u003c/a>, perhaps due to the tight contest for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, the vote-by-mail ballots cast on Election Day trended more Democratic than early votes, increasing Becerra and Steyer’s vote share and decreasing Hilton’s share in recent counts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with millions of ballots left to count, Steyer’s path remained narrow — he needed to lead Hilton by overwhelming margins in the updates coming from deep blue Los Angeles and the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003cem>Associated Press\u003c/em> made its call on Tuesday when Steyer no longer had a path to victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democratic investor spent a record $216 million of his own fortune on the campaign. He racked up endorsements from progressive leaders and unions, including the powerful California Teachers Association, and laid out a platform that relied heavily on expanding state programs through new taxes on corporations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his career as a hedge fund manager, which included investments in fossil fuel companies and private prisons, may have turned off Democrats wary of billionaire power. These vulnerabilities were amplified by over $36 million in outside spending by business groups against Steyer, led by utility PG&E. Steyer had proposed to appoint regulators who would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083747/pge-spends-millions-against-tom-steyer-whats-behind-clash\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">lower utility\u003c/a> profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This campaign proved that business-as-usual depends on politics-as-usual, and there is no going back,” Steyer said in a statement. “We must continue to fight for a system where democracy serves Californians, not corporations — and where you do not have to be a billionaire to run on single-payer, or on breaking up monopolies, or on calling out a corrupt system when you see it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton began to separate from the other leading Republican in the race, Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, after Trump’s endorsement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pre-election survey from the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies found 37% of likely Republican voters said the endorsement made them more likely to back Hilton, compared to just 6% who said it made them less likely to support him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Trump endorsement that was a propellant in the primary could prove to be an anchor for Hilton in the general election. That same Berkeley IGS survey found 57% of likely voters believe “fighting Trump administration policies” is a very important issue in considering who to support for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-helped-strike-down-the-100000-h-1b-fee-now-the-fight-moves-to-appeals",
"title": "California Helped Strike Down the $100,000 H-1B Fee. Now, the Fight Moves to Appeals",
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"headTitle": "California Helped Strike Down the $100,000 H-1B Fee. Now, the Fight Moves to Appeals | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Since the H-1B program was introduced in 1990, the visa has been the\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058586/silicon-valley-dreams-at-risk-current-h-1bs-sidestep-trumps-100k-fee-for-now\"> primary pathway\u003c/a> for Silicon Valley companies to take advantage of foreign talent. And vice versa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of that is now back in play after a federal judge\u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/H1B%20Order.pdf\"> blocked\u003c/a> a $100,000 visa fee this week, which the Trump administration imposed on employers in a September 2025 proclamation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Court Judge Leo Sorokin concluded the policy was an unauthorized, “arbitrary and capricious” tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Proclamation expresses concern about the share of foreign workers filling jobs in the science and technology fields, specifically focusing on the IT sector,” Sorokin wrote. “However, [it] fails to consider or discuss these policy concerns as they pertain to other human-services sectors, such as education and healthcare.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sorokin sided with 20 states in a lawsuit, led by California, which alleged that the executive branch exceeded its authority and violated the Administrative Procedure Act, which governs how federal agencies develop and issue regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This tax was an attack on America’s ability to attract and retain the high-skilled talent that strengthens our economy and helps us meet critical workforce needs,” California Attorney General Rob Bonta said in a statement, adding that California “remains open for business, open to talent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074482\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074482\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/GettyImages-2262729717-scaled-e1773182284895.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1413\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump speaks during a press briefing at the White House on Feb. 20, 2026, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Chen Mengtong/China News Service/VCG via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In making their case, the states argued the higher visa costs, which previously ranged from \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-sues-over-trump-administration%E2%80%99s-unlawful-new-100k-fee-h\">$960 to $7,595\u003c/a>, would lead to severe staffing shortages in public school systems, state universities, and public healthcare facilities that rely on foreign workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration argued the visa restrictions were within the executive branch’s authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The H-1B program has been abused for decades, and President Trump finally took action to fix it. A federal judge in Washington already upheld a nearly identical order, and the Administration is confident this order will be reversed on appeal,” White House Spokeswoman Taylor Rogers wrote KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/09/restriction-on-entry-of-certain-nonimmigrant-workers/\">Proclamation 10973\u003c/a> sought to discourage companies from hiring skilled foreign workers over American workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really shooting us in the foot,” immigration attorney Emily Neumann said on KQED shortly afterward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deep-pocketed technology companies are the biggest users, with more than 70% of approvals going to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11707158/indian-entrepreneurs-with-no-green-cards-pursue-silicon-valley-dreams-elsewhere\">workers from India\u003c/a>, but the H-1B visa also helps to fill vacancies for doctors and teachers. Trump’s proposal meant big changes to the longstanding H-1B visa application system, and the many tech companies, big and small, that came to rely on it over the last three decades.[aside postID=news_12084655 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GavinNewsomAP.jpg']Until the Trump administration clarified that current visa holders weren’t affected, the proposal prompted much of corporate America to push out\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101911349/trump-dropped-a-100000-fee-on-h-1b-visas-and-sent-silicon-valley-spinning\"> emergency advisories\u003c/a> to all employees on H-1B visas, asking them not to leave the U.S. if they were here, or come back immediately within 24 hours if they were abroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce also sued the administration in federal court over the fee hike, and it has appealed a denial of a summary judgment in December. That ruling left the higher fee in effect, at least until September 2026, when it is scheduled to expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another lawsuit was filed in federal court in San Francisco in October by nurses, schools, religious groups and labor organizations, setting up the possibility of divided rulings in three appellate court circuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has a tremendous effect for employers and for people’s lives, and so I think it’s something that the Supreme Court’s gonna take up, and perhaps even relatively soon,” Erwin Chemerinsky, dean of the law school at the University of California, Berkeley, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chemerinsky said that, in\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/02/27/nx-s1-5722909/learning-resources-ceo-talks-about-scotus-decision-on-trumps-tariffs\"> Learning Resources, Inc. v. Trump\u003c/a> earlier this year, the Supreme Court ruled 6-3 against the administration in a way that bodes well for Silicon Valley and other industries keen to restore the H1-B.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The states have a good shot of winning their case, and I say that based on the tariffs decision from Feb. 20,” Chemerinsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue has stoked infighting among the Trump administration’s top advisers, and not for the first time, as the President targeted the H1-B and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11707255/what-silicon-valley-could-lose-if-trump-revokes-h-1b-spousal-work-visas\"> similar visas\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825766/trump-suspends-work-visas-and-silicon-valley-isnt-happy\"> during his first term\u003c/a> in the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Trump’s tech advisers, including White House AI and crypto czar David Sacks, former Andreessen Horowitz partner Sriram Krishnan, who resigned from the White House two days ago, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023367/what-big-tech-sees-in-donald-trump\">Elon Musk\u003c/a>, himself a former H-1B holder, came down lopsidedly for the program. This put them at odds with the nativist wing of the administration, which has helped drive Trump’s crackdown on immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Since the H-1B program was introduced in 1990, the visa has been the\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058586/silicon-valley-dreams-at-risk-current-h-1bs-sidestep-trumps-100k-fee-for-now\"> primary pathway\u003c/a> for Silicon Valley companies to take advantage of foreign talent. And vice versa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of that is now back in play after a federal judge\u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/H1B%20Order.pdf\"> blocked\u003c/a> a $100,000 visa fee this week, which the Trump administration imposed on employers in a September 2025 proclamation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Court Judge Leo Sorokin concluded the policy was an unauthorized, “arbitrary and capricious” tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Proclamation expresses concern about the share of foreign workers filling jobs in the science and technology fields, specifically focusing on the IT sector,” Sorokin wrote. “However, [it] fails to consider or discuss these policy concerns as they pertain to other human-services sectors, such as education and healthcare.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sorokin sided with 20 states in a lawsuit, led by California, which alleged that the executive branch exceeded its authority and violated the Administrative Procedure Act, which governs how federal agencies develop and issue regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This tax was an attack on America’s ability to attract and retain the high-skilled talent that strengthens our economy and helps us meet critical workforce needs,” California Attorney General Rob Bonta said in a statement, adding that California “remains open for business, open to talent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074482\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074482\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/GettyImages-2262729717-scaled-e1773182284895.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1413\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump speaks during a press briefing at the White House on Feb. 20, 2026, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Chen Mengtong/China News Service/VCG via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In making their case, the states argued the higher visa costs, which previously ranged from \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-sues-over-trump-administration%E2%80%99s-unlawful-new-100k-fee-h\">$960 to $7,595\u003c/a>, would lead to severe staffing shortages in public school systems, state universities, and public healthcare facilities that rely on foreign workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration argued the visa restrictions were within the executive branch’s authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The H-1B program has been abused for decades, and President Trump finally took action to fix it. A federal judge in Washington already upheld a nearly identical order, and the Administration is confident this order will be reversed on appeal,” White House Spokeswoman Taylor Rogers wrote KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/09/restriction-on-entry-of-certain-nonimmigrant-workers/\">Proclamation 10973\u003c/a> sought to discourage companies from hiring skilled foreign workers over American workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really shooting us in the foot,” immigration attorney Emily Neumann said on KQED shortly afterward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deep-pocketed technology companies are the biggest users, with more than 70% of approvals going to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11707158/indian-entrepreneurs-with-no-green-cards-pursue-silicon-valley-dreams-elsewhere\">workers from India\u003c/a>, but the H-1B visa also helps to fill vacancies for doctors and teachers. Trump’s proposal meant big changes to the longstanding H-1B visa application system, and the many tech companies, big and small, that came to rely on it over the last three decades.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Until the Trump administration clarified that current visa holders weren’t affected, the proposal prompted much of corporate America to push out\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101911349/trump-dropped-a-100000-fee-on-h-1b-visas-and-sent-silicon-valley-spinning\"> emergency advisories\u003c/a> to all employees on H-1B visas, asking them not to leave the U.S. if they were here, or come back immediately within 24 hours if they were abroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce also sued the administration in federal court over the fee hike, and it has appealed a denial of a summary judgment in December. That ruling left the higher fee in effect, at least until September 2026, when it is scheduled to expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another lawsuit was filed in federal court in San Francisco in October by nurses, schools, religious groups and labor organizations, setting up the possibility of divided rulings in three appellate court circuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has a tremendous effect for employers and for people’s lives, and so I think it’s something that the Supreme Court’s gonna take up, and perhaps even relatively soon,” Erwin Chemerinsky, dean of the law school at the University of California, Berkeley, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chemerinsky said that, in\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/02/27/nx-s1-5722909/learning-resources-ceo-talks-about-scotus-decision-on-trumps-tariffs\"> Learning Resources, Inc. v. Trump\u003c/a> earlier this year, the Supreme Court ruled 6-3 against the administration in a way that bodes well for Silicon Valley and other industries keen to restore the H1-B.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The states have a good shot of winning their case, and I say that based on the tariffs decision from Feb. 20,” Chemerinsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue has stoked infighting among the Trump administration’s top advisers, and not for the first time, as the President targeted the H1-B and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11707255/what-silicon-valley-could-lose-if-trump-revokes-h-1b-spousal-work-visas\"> similar visas\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825766/trump-suspends-work-visas-and-silicon-valley-isnt-happy\"> during his first term\u003c/a> in the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Trump’s tech advisers, including White House AI and crypto czar David Sacks, former Andreessen Horowitz partner Sriram Krishnan, who resigned from the White House two days ago, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023367/what-big-tech-sees-in-donald-trump\">Elon Musk\u003c/a>, himself a former H-1B holder, came down lopsidedly for the program. This put them at odds with the nativist wing of the administration, which has helped drive Trump’s crackdown on immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Oakland’s Measure E Tax Is Failing, Threatening a Push to Boost Ailing City Services",
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"content": "\u003cp>A parcel tax that Mayor Barbara Lee hoped would bolster Oakland’s sparse budget and ailing city services will not pass, Lee and other city officials acknowledged after Alameda County election results showed it \u003ca href=\"https://alamedacountyca.gov/rovresults/259/\">trailing by over 8,500 votes Monday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The failure of Measure E, proposed by a coalition of city labor unions to bolster crime prevention, emergency response and homelessness resources, is likely to kill many of the mayor’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084482/oakland-mayor-barbara-lee-signals-shell-run-for-full-term-in-november\">budget aspirations\u003c/a> amid a significant shortfall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Measure E will not move forward based on the results of the election, and we will not be able to implement what we proposed in the Measure E Spending Plan,” Lee said in a statement. “However, my administration submitted a balanced and responsible budget to the City Council — one built only on revenue we can reliably count on, with no staff layoffs and a clear commitment to core services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the run-up to the election, Lee had warned that if Measure E failed, Oakland’s city services could further deteriorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am less than one year in office, and it’s crystal clear to me that we as a city do lack the resources to provide the basic services that residents need and deserve,” Lee said during a press conference announcing her 2026 budget plan last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had pinned increases in fire and police funding, investments in preventing illegal dumping, and maintenance of state-funded homelessness services on an estimated $34 million in annual revenue that the tax would have generated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12020359\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12020359 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland Fire Department Station 28 on Jan. 5, 2025, located on Grass Valley Road in the East Oakland Hills. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Measure E, she told voters in May, is “the difference between maintaining the status quo and actually moving the needle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revenue from a $192 annual residential parcel tax would have been used to replace outdated equipment that the city said is significantly beyond its useful life and in danger of failing, including five fire engines, two ladder trucks and two ambulances. It also would have maintained 190 temporary emergency shelter beds that will be taken offline this summer due to state funding cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firefighter union president Seth Olyer said his crew’s engine is 30 years old and has triple the recommended amount of service time for a piece of front-line equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has more time in the Fire Department than I do, and I’m considered an old guy,” he said. The International Association of Firefighters Local 55, which represents Oakland, is one of the unions that funded and backed Measure E.[aside label=\"Live 2026 Election Results\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/alameda,Alameda County: Stay informed with the latest results for elected leaders and measures passed' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2026/05/Aside-Results-2026-Local-Elections-Alameda-County-1200x1200@2x.png]“The very real concern is that we’re unable to respond … because of aging equipment and aging fire apparatus,” Olyer told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push for Measure E came as Lee laid out her midcycle budget plan, meant to ensure the city stays on track with its biennial goals \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043553/alternative-oakland-budget-aims-to-halt-fire-station-closures-boost-police-staffing\">laid out in 2025\u003c/a>. Earlier this year, the city projected it would fall $40 million short of the funding needed to maintain its approved budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland has long maintained a structural budget deficit, spending more than it generates. And in recent years, it has lost at least $24 million in federal funding from the Trump administration and $5 million more in state homelessness funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee said her team patched this year’s budget hole by freezing vacant positions and reducing contract services, but Measure E would have funded sorely needed cleanliness and public safety resources laid out in the mayor’s spending plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was also projected to fund 52 full-time equivalent positions, including 10 violence interrupters; 19 staffers to address homeless encampments, illegal dumping and park maintenance; and 22 sworn police officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joshua Rauh, a finance professor at Stanford University, said that without those police positions specifically, the city could also risk revenue from another parcel tax it passed in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://acvote.alamedacountyca.gov/acvote-assets/02_election_information/PDFs/20241105/en/Measures/32%20-%20Measure%20NN%20-%20City%20of%20Oakland%20-%20Citywide%20Violence%20Reduction%20Services.pdf\">Measure NN\u003c/a>, which generates approximately $47 million a year for public safety expenses, includes a provision that if the city doesn’t budget for a minimum of 700 sworn police officers, the collection of the tax would be suspended for that fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Councilmember Janani Ramachandran, who heads Oakland’s finance committee, said the council plans to vote on a \u003ca href=\"https://oakland.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=8057097&GUID=27F5385B-B445-4E76-9D0C-5203E69AD044&Options=&Search=\">declaration of fiscal necessity\u003c/a> that would allow it to collect the revenue without complying with the sworn officer minimum this year. She said the city won’t meet that target because of a “recruitment and retention issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038002\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An Oakland Police Department squad car in downtown Oakland on April 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The budget currently includes 678 sworn officer positions, but the Police Department’s latest tally shows that 68 of those are vacant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure E also would have funded an additional police academy meant to boost recruitment. The biennial budget funded five, two of which have already occurred.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was trailing in early returns throughout election night, and continued to lag after Alameda County’s latest batch of election results on Monday afternoon, with 54% of votes against it. It needed a simple majority to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additional returns are expected Friday, but city officials are mostly considering the measure defeated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The voters of Oakland sent a clear message with the defeat of Measure E. It is abundantly clear that residents expect City Hall to do a more efficient and effective job of delivering services with the resources we already have,” City Council President Kevin Jenkins said in a statement Tuesday, as he and other members of the council’s budget team proposed a slate of amendments to Lee’s budget plan, counting out Measure E funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038313\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038313\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janani Ramachandran speaks with campaign organizers in Oakland on June 26, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Rauh said the result mirrors tax propositions struggling or failing across the state — including San Francisco business tax \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085528/san-francisco-props-c-d-trailing\">Measures C and D\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he and Ramachandran also noted that Oaklanders, specifically, are discontent with how the city has managed some of the state’s highest local taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramachandran acknowledged the city’s record of financial mismanagement, including a 2024 fiasco that resulted in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029499/oakland-halts-plan-close-4-fire-stations-amid-budget-crisis\">closed fire stations and staff layoffs\u003c/a> after $63 million in budgeted revenue from the sale of the Oakland Coliseum didn’t materialize. That sale still isn’t final.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s still the reputation of the city, that [it] wants to spend, spend, spend and put together a million programs that go shallow, not deep into solving these problems,” Ramachandran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the current council has taken steps to reprioritize spending more effectively, but “that’s a massive shift that not all voters see yet, understandably.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Mayor Barbara Lee acknowledged that the parcel tax she had hoped would bring in revenue to improve basic services like police, fire and street cleanliness will not pass.",
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"title": "Oakland’s Measure E Tax Is Failing, Threatening a Push to Boost Ailing City Services | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A parcel tax that Mayor Barbara Lee hoped would bolster Oakland’s sparse budget and ailing city services will not pass, Lee and other city officials acknowledged after Alameda County election results showed it \u003ca href=\"https://alamedacountyca.gov/rovresults/259/\">trailing by over 8,500 votes Monday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The failure of Measure E, proposed by a coalition of city labor unions to bolster crime prevention, emergency response and homelessness resources, is likely to kill many of the mayor’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084482/oakland-mayor-barbara-lee-signals-shell-run-for-full-term-in-november\">budget aspirations\u003c/a> amid a significant shortfall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Measure E will not move forward based on the results of the election, and we will not be able to implement what we proposed in the Measure E Spending Plan,” Lee said in a statement. “However, my administration submitted a balanced and responsible budget to the City Council — one built only on revenue we can reliably count on, with no staff layoffs and a clear commitment to core services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the run-up to the election, Lee had warned that if Measure E failed, Oakland’s city services could further deteriorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am less than one year in office, and it’s crystal clear to me that we as a city do lack the resources to provide the basic services that residents need and deserve,” Lee said during a press conference announcing her 2026 budget plan last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had pinned increases in fire and police funding, investments in preventing illegal dumping, and maintenance of state-funded homelessness services on an estimated $34 million in annual revenue that the tax would have generated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12020359\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12020359 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland Fire Department Station 28 on Jan. 5, 2025, located on Grass Valley Road in the East Oakland Hills. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Measure E, she told voters in May, is “the difference between maintaining the status quo and actually moving the needle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revenue from a $192 annual residential parcel tax would have been used to replace outdated equipment that the city said is significantly beyond its useful life and in danger of failing, including five fire engines, two ladder trucks and two ambulances. It also would have maintained 190 temporary emergency shelter beds that will be taken offline this summer due to state funding cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firefighter union president Seth Olyer said his crew’s engine is 30 years old and has triple the recommended amount of service time for a piece of front-line equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has more time in the Fire Department than I do, and I’m considered an old guy,” he said. The International Association of Firefighters Local 55, which represents Oakland, is one of the unions that funded and backed Measure E.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The very real concern is that we’re unable to respond … because of aging equipment and aging fire apparatus,” Olyer told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push for Measure E came as Lee laid out her midcycle budget plan, meant to ensure the city stays on track with its biennial goals \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043553/alternative-oakland-budget-aims-to-halt-fire-station-closures-boost-police-staffing\">laid out in 2025\u003c/a>. Earlier this year, the city projected it would fall $40 million short of the funding needed to maintain its approved budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland has long maintained a structural budget deficit, spending more than it generates. And in recent years, it has lost at least $24 million in federal funding from the Trump administration and $5 million more in state homelessness funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee said her team patched this year’s budget hole by freezing vacant positions and reducing contract services, but Measure E would have funded sorely needed cleanliness and public safety resources laid out in the mayor’s spending plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was also projected to fund 52 full-time equivalent positions, including 10 violence interrupters; 19 staffers to address homeless encampments, illegal dumping and park maintenance; and 22 sworn police officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joshua Rauh, a finance professor at Stanford University, said that without those police positions specifically, the city could also risk revenue from another parcel tax it passed in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://acvote.alamedacountyca.gov/acvote-assets/02_election_information/PDFs/20241105/en/Measures/32%20-%20Measure%20NN%20-%20City%20of%20Oakland%20-%20Citywide%20Violence%20Reduction%20Services.pdf\">Measure NN\u003c/a>, which generates approximately $47 million a year for public safety expenses, includes a provision that if the city doesn’t budget for a minimum of 700 sworn police officers, the collection of the tax would be suspended for that fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Councilmember Janani Ramachandran, who heads Oakland’s finance committee, said the council plans to vote on a \u003ca href=\"https://oakland.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=8057097&GUID=27F5385B-B445-4E76-9D0C-5203E69AD044&Options=&Search=\">declaration of fiscal necessity\u003c/a> that would allow it to collect the revenue without complying with the sworn officer minimum this year. She said the city won’t meet that target because of a “recruitment and retention issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038002\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An Oakland Police Department squad car in downtown Oakland on April 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The budget currently includes 678 sworn officer positions, but the Police Department’s latest tally shows that 68 of those are vacant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure E also would have funded an additional police academy meant to boost recruitment. The biennial budget funded five, two of which have already occurred.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was trailing in early returns throughout election night, and continued to lag after Alameda County’s latest batch of election results on Monday afternoon, with 54% of votes against it. It needed a simple majority to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additional returns are expected Friday, but city officials are mostly considering the measure defeated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The voters of Oakland sent a clear message with the defeat of Measure E. It is abundantly clear that residents expect City Hall to do a more efficient and effective job of delivering services with the resources we already have,” City Council President Kevin Jenkins said in a statement Tuesday, as he and other members of the council’s budget team proposed a slate of amendments to Lee’s budget plan, counting out Measure E funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038313\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038313\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janani Ramachandran speaks with campaign organizers in Oakland on June 26, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Rauh said the result mirrors tax propositions struggling or failing across the state — including San Francisco business tax \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085528/san-francisco-props-c-d-trailing\">Measures C and D\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he and Ramachandran also noted that Oaklanders, specifically, are discontent with how the city has managed some of the state’s highest local taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramachandran acknowledged the city’s record of financial mismanagement, including a 2024 fiasco that resulted in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029499/oakland-halts-plan-close-4-fire-stations-amid-budget-crisis\">closed fire stations and staff layoffs\u003c/a> after $63 million in budgeted revenue from the sale of the Oakland Coliseum didn’t materialize. That sale still isn’t final.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s still the reputation of the city, that [it] wants to spend, spend, spend and put together a million programs that go shallow, not deep into solving these problems,” Ramachandran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the current council has taken steps to reprioritize spending more effectively, but “that’s a massive shift that not all voters see yet, understandably.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Congress to Grill San Francisco Schools Chief Maria Su About Gender, Ethnic Studies",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco has been thrust into the culture wars over K-12 education, as its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sfusd\">public schools chief\u003c/a> prepares to testify before Congress on Wednesday about parental rights and “inappropriate” course curriculum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Superintendent Maria Su has been summoned to appear before the House of Representatives’ Committee on Education and the Workforce for a hearing “to help ensure that children are protected and federal funds are spent responsibly,” committee chairman Tim Walberg, R-Michigan, wrote in an April letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Su and the heads of Chicago and Loudoun County, Virginia schools, Macquline King and Aaron Spence, are likely to face questions about policies relating to gender identity and parental disclosure and course content on topics like race and sexuality, as the Trump administration moves to increase oversight on these topics by threatening federal funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/2EcqVktFkNg\">streamed live on YouTube\u003c/a>, begins at 7:15 a.m. PDT. Su agreed to attend the hearing voluntarily, though Walberg warned that she could be required to appear. Chicago Public Schools chief King was subpoenaed after she initially declined the invitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas Dee, a professor at Stanford University’s Graduate School of Education, said he expects Su to face questions about the district’s ethnic studies curriculum, which was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046122/sfusd-was-a-pioneer-in-ethnic-studies-now-the-program-could-be-put-on-pause\">lauded as a national model\u003c/a> for more than a decade before it came under scrutiny last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She could also have to answer for the district’s practices around notifying parents that they can opt students out of instruction related to sexual orientation and gender ideology, and policies that allow students to use bathrooms, locker rooms and participate on sports teams based on gender identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12036911\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12036911\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250418-SFUSD-06-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250418-SFUSD-06-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250418-SFUSD-06-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250418-SFUSD-06-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250418-SFUSD-06-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250418-SFUSD-06-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250418-SFUSD-06-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The San Francisco Unified School District Administrative Offices in San Francisco on April 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Those policies are at the center of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086634/white-house-opens-probe-into-san-francisco-schools-over-gender-ideology\">compliance review\u003c/a> that the U.S. Department of Justice launched into the San Francisco Unified School District and three smaller Northern California school districts on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SFUSD … has previously advised its teachers that neither parental permission nor notification are required to teach or discuss [sexual orientation and gender ideology] topics,” the DOJ wrote in a press release announcing the SFUSD probe. “Further, [sexual orientation and gender ideology] topics appear to be embedded in California’s social studies and history classes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district did not comment on the DOJ’s review, but in written testimony Su submitted ahead of Wednesday’s hearing, she said she’s focused on core academic responsibilities, including reading, writing and math skills, and preparing students for college and their future careers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That work requires us to create the conditions in which learning can happen. Students need safe schools. Families need clear communication. Teachers need support,” Su wrote.[aside postID=news_12081794 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/SanFranciscoK8SchoolGetty.jpg']“Creating a sense of belonging for every student so that they feel welcomed and supported in their learning environment is how we do our core job: teaching,” Su continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dee said it’s hard to predict what, if any, consequences the hearing could have, but he noted that recent similar hearings featuring the heads of Ivy League universities and other K-12 education leaders, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985335/berkeley-schools-chief-rejects-allegations-of-pervasive-antisemitism-in-capitol-hill-testimony\">Berkeley’s superintendent\u003c/a>, over antisemitism in schools, led to three university presidents’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/14/us/columbia-president-nemat-shafik-resigns.html\">resignations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It may be an antecedent to some other norm-breaking behavior, maybe withholding appropriated funds for schools,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since taking office, the Trump administration has repeatedly \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/ending-radical-indoctrination-in-k-12-schooling/\">threatened to withhold federal funding\u003c/a> from schools that have protections for transgender students or programs promoting diversity, equity and inclusion. Congress is also considering multiple bills that would prohibit instruction on gender ideology and strengthen parental rights related to their children’s gender expression at federally funded schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://go.boarddocs.com/ca/sfusd/Board.nsf/files/DUUU8L7AD439/%24file/SFUSD%202026-27%20Recommended%20Budget%201st%20Reading.pdf\">SFUSD’s draft budget\u003c/a> for next year currently includes just over $48 million in federal funding. It already accounts for a more than $12 million revenue reduction as the Department of Education restructures and cuts funding for programs that serve low-income, migrant and multilingual student groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While threats to pull funding or increase oversight are real, Dee also suspects that the true intent of Wednesday’s hearing is more theatrical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some members of Congress, especially in an election year, would rather talk about anything other than their unrelenting support for an unpopular president and an unpopular war and economic precarity,” Dee told KQED. “It’s common in situations like this for people to turn to education and other venues where they can spin out conversations about cultural war issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I suspect this is mostly an effort to generate useful and distracting soundbites in an election cycle,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco has been thrust into the culture wars over K-12 education, as its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sfusd\">public schools chief\u003c/a> prepares to testify before Congress on Wednesday about parental rights and “inappropriate” course curriculum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Superintendent Maria Su has been summoned to appear before the House of Representatives’ Committee on Education and the Workforce for a hearing “to help ensure that children are protected and federal funds are spent responsibly,” committee chairman Tim Walberg, R-Michigan, wrote in an April letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Su and the heads of Chicago and Loudoun County, Virginia schools, Macquline King and Aaron Spence, are likely to face questions about policies relating to gender identity and parental disclosure and course content on topics like race and sexuality, as the Trump administration moves to increase oversight on these topics by threatening federal funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/2EcqVktFkNg\">streamed live on YouTube\u003c/a>, begins at 7:15 a.m. PDT. Su agreed to attend the hearing voluntarily, though Walberg warned that she could be required to appear. Chicago Public Schools chief King was subpoenaed after she initially declined the invitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas Dee, a professor at Stanford University’s Graduate School of Education, said he expects Su to face questions about the district’s ethnic studies curriculum, which was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046122/sfusd-was-a-pioneer-in-ethnic-studies-now-the-program-could-be-put-on-pause\">lauded as a national model\u003c/a> for more than a decade before it came under scrutiny last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She could also have to answer for the district’s practices around notifying parents that they can opt students out of instruction related to sexual orientation and gender ideology, and policies that allow students to use bathrooms, locker rooms and participate on sports teams based on gender identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12036911\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12036911\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250418-SFUSD-06-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250418-SFUSD-06-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250418-SFUSD-06-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250418-SFUSD-06-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250418-SFUSD-06-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250418-SFUSD-06-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250418-SFUSD-06-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The San Francisco Unified School District Administrative Offices in San Francisco on April 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Those policies are at the center of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086634/white-house-opens-probe-into-san-francisco-schools-over-gender-ideology\">compliance review\u003c/a> that the U.S. Department of Justice launched into the San Francisco Unified School District and three smaller Northern California school districts on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SFUSD … has previously advised its teachers that neither parental permission nor notification are required to teach or discuss [sexual orientation and gender ideology] topics,” the DOJ wrote in a press release announcing the SFUSD probe. “Further, [sexual orientation and gender ideology] topics appear to be embedded in California’s social studies and history classes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district did not comment on the DOJ’s review, but in written testimony Su submitted ahead of Wednesday’s hearing, she said she’s focused on core academic responsibilities, including reading, writing and math skills, and preparing students for college and their future careers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That work requires us to create the conditions in which learning can happen. Students need safe schools. Families need clear communication. Teachers need support,” Su wrote.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Creating a sense of belonging for every student so that they feel welcomed and supported in their learning environment is how we do our core job: teaching,” Su continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dee said it’s hard to predict what, if any, consequences the hearing could have, but he noted that recent similar hearings featuring the heads of Ivy League universities and other K-12 education leaders, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985335/berkeley-schools-chief-rejects-allegations-of-pervasive-antisemitism-in-capitol-hill-testimony\">Berkeley’s superintendent\u003c/a>, over antisemitism in schools, led to three university presidents’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/14/us/columbia-president-nemat-shafik-resigns.html\">resignations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It may be an antecedent to some other norm-breaking behavior, maybe withholding appropriated funds for schools,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since taking office, the Trump administration has repeatedly \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/ending-radical-indoctrination-in-k-12-schooling/\">threatened to withhold federal funding\u003c/a> from schools that have protections for transgender students or programs promoting diversity, equity and inclusion. Congress is also considering multiple bills that would prohibit instruction on gender ideology and strengthen parental rights related to their children’s gender expression at federally funded schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://go.boarddocs.com/ca/sfusd/Board.nsf/files/DUUU8L7AD439/%24file/SFUSD%202026-27%20Recommended%20Budget%201st%20Reading.pdf\">SFUSD’s draft budget\u003c/a> for next year currently includes just over $48 million in federal funding. It already accounts for a more than $12 million revenue reduction as the Department of Education restructures and cuts funding for programs that serve low-income, migrant and multilingual student groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While threats to pull funding or increase oversight are real, Dee also suspects that the true intent of Wednesday’s hearing is more theatrical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some members of Congress, especially in an election year, would rather talk about anything other than their unrelenting support for an unpopular president and an unpopular war and economic precarity,” Dee told KQED. “It’s common in situations like this for people to turn to education and other venues where they can spin out conversations about cultural war issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I suspect this is mostly an effort to generate useful and distracting soundbites in an election cycle,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco lawmakers hoping to ban smoking on outdoor patios at bars, restaurants and other spots are putting the legislation on hold, for now, following swift \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083893/could-san-francisco-ban-smoking-on-bar-patios\">backlash from bar owners\u003c/a> and other nightlife venues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The anti-smoking legislation was scheduled to come up during the June 8 land use and transportation committee meeting. It is now continued to the call of the committee chair, a technical term that essentially means it’s paused indefinitely, as supervisors — many of whom have not weighed in publicly — and Mayor Daniel Lurie meet with bar owners to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084031/bar-owners-health-advocates-clash-over-smoking-ban-on-outdoor-patios-in-san-francisco\">continue conversations about the idea\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have gotten a lot of communication from the public on both sides of the issue, folks who are supportive and folks who are not supportive,” Supervisor Myrna Melgar, who put forward the proposal, said at a recent supervisors committee hearing about the outdoor smoking legislation. “Most importantly, I have engaged with some of my colleagues and the mayor, who has offered to help us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bar stewards pushing back against the effort to curb smoking on outdoor patios have said it would deter certain customers, and could push smokers onto sidewalks and disturb neighbors. Many bars, which already operate on thin margins, have struggled to bounce back after the coronavirus pandemic and amid \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/693362/drinking-rate-new-low-alcohol-concerns-surge.aspx\">declining drinking rates\u003c/a>, especially among younger patrons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This ordinance would not reduce smoking. It will relocate it,” reads a letter from Stuart Watts, president of the North Beach Business Association, in opposition to the smoking ban. “We are also deeply concerned about the enforcement burden this ordinance places on small business owners.”[aside postID=news_12084031 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/CigaretteButts.jpg']But supporters said it would close a loophole in existing anti-smoking legislation and clear the air for a healthier experience for all patrons on outdoor patios. Tobacco products are already banned indoors at bars, restaurants and shared areas of apartments and hotels, as well as outdoors at public parks and venues like farmers’ markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many other Bay Area cities, including Oakland and San Jose, have passed similar laws banning smoking on patios and public outdoor spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisors have not set a date for when the smoking legislation could come back before the board, so smoking outdoors at bar patios is likely to remain allowed this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would love to be able to enjoy a drink at an outdoor patio without choking on toxic cigarette smoke,” said Ruth Malone, a registered nurse who wrote in support of the proposal. “Customers aside, it is truly not okay to force bar employees to be exposed to secondhand smoke just to do their jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco lawmakers hoping to ban smoking on outdoor patios at bars, restaurants and other spots are putting the legislation on hold, for now, following swift \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083893/could-san-francisco-ban-smoking-on-bar-patios\">backlash from bar owners\u003c/a> and other nightlife venues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The anti-smoking legislation was scheduled to come up during the June 8 land use and transportation committee meeting. It is now continued to the call of the committee chair, a technical term that essentially means it’s paused indefinitely, as supervisors — many of whom have not weighed in publicly — and Mayor Daniel Lurie meet with bar owners to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084031/bar-owners-health-advocates-clash-over-smoking-ban-on-outdoor-patios-in-san-francisco\">continue conversations about the idea\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have gotten a lot of communication from the public on both sides of the issue, folks who are supportive and folks who are not supportive,” Supervisor Myrna Melgar, who put forward the proposal, said at a recent supervisors committee hearing about the outdoor smoking legislation. “Most importantly, I have engaged with some of my colleagues and the mayor, who has offered to help us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bar stewards pushing back against the effort to curb smoking on outdoor patios have said it would deter certain customers, and could push smokers onto sidewalks and disturb neighbors. Many bars, which already operate on thin margins, have struggled to bounce back after the coronavirus pandemic and amid \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/693362/drinking-rate-new-low-alcohol-concerns-surge.aspx\">declining drinking rates\u003c/a>, especially among younger patrons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This ordinance would not reduce smoking. It will relocate it,” reads a letter from Stuart Watts, president of the North Beach Business Association, in opposition to the smoking ban. “We are also deeply concerned about the enforcement burden this ordinance places on small business owners.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But supporters said it would close a loophole in existing anti-smoking legislation and clear the air for a healthier experience for all patrons on outdoor patios. Tobacco products are already banned indoors at bars, restaurants and shared areas of apartments and hotels, as well as outdoors at public parks and venues like farmers’ markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many other Bay Area cities, including Oakland and San Jose, have passed similar laws banning smoking on patios and public outdoor spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisors have not set a date for when the smoking legislation could come back before the board, so smoking outdoors at bar patios is likely to remain allowed this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would love to be able to enjoy a drink at an outdoor patio without choking on toxic cigarette smoke,” said Ruth Malone, a registered nurse who wrote in support of the proposal. “Customers aside, it is truly not okay to force bar employees to be exposed to secondhand smoke just to do their jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In San Francisco, both Propositions D and C — competing measures on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sanfrancisco\">June ballot\u003c/a> — failed to get the majority vote needed to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition D, known as the Overpaid CEO Act, would have changed the basis for the city’s existing Top Executive Pay Tax from the median pay of a business’s employees in San Francisco to all of its employees, regardless of location.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure had widespread support from local labor unions and progressive groups, who said the funding generated by the increased tax measure, projected at around $300 million annually, was much needed as San Francisco faces millions of dollars in federal funding cuts and a $600 million budget shortfall over the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But critics said it threatened to drive away big companies, whose tax revenue is critical to the city’s economic recovery in the wake of the coronavirus pandemic. It had 53.6% of voters saying “no” as of the latest vote count on Monday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C was created to defeat the Overpaid CEO Act by offering an alternative, and failed after receiving 65.9% “no” votes. Rather than increasing taxes on large corporations, Proposition C would have decreased taxes on small to mid-sized businesses by raising the threshold for a tax exemption from businesses with $5 million in gross receipts to $7.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This proposal would have also increased the scheduled Top Executive Pay Tax rate for the year 2027, but frozen any increase in the following years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085915\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085915\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602-SFPROPOSITIONSPREWRITE-JY-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602-SFPROPOSITIONSPREWRITE-JY-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602-SFPROPOSITIONSPREWRITE-JY-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602-SFPROPOSITIONSPREWRITE-JY-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor and congressional candidate Connie Chan speaks with the media at a Proposition D watch party at the Rustic in San Francisco on Tuesday, June 2, 2026. Proposition D, known as the Overpaid CEO Act, would change the base comparison for the city’s existing Top Executive Pay Tax from the median pay of a business’s employees in San Francisco to all of its employees. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition C, which included the Bay Area Council, GrowSF and the city’s Chamber of Commerce, said their measure would ease tax burdens on smaller businesses. They also pointed out that Proposition D would undo portions of Proposition M, which voters passed in November 2024. That measure lowered some taxes on large businesses after the pandemic, when several left San Francisco, to encourage more big corporations to stay in place or come to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initial returns marked a victory for Mayor Daniel Lurie, who came out against both measures, saying they were designed to confuse voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voters recognize that our recovery depends on creating opportunity through jobs, thriving small businesses and attracting investment — not making it harder for employers to grow here. Everyone must pay their fair share, and we can uphold our values and invest in our future without standing in the way of opportunity,” Lurie said in a statement on Monday. “That’s the approach reflected in the budget I recently proposed: protecting healthcare, food assistance and other critical services while continuing to invest in housing, childcare and economic recovery. We can protect critical services and create opportunity at the same time. A stronger economy is what makes both possible.”[aside label=\"Live 2026 Election Results\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sanfrancisco,San Francisco: Stay informed with the latest results for elected leaders and measures passed' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2026/05/Aside-Results-2026-Local-Elections-San-Francisco-1200x1200@2x.png]In other races, San Franciscans overwhelmingly backed Proposition A, which would issue a $535 million bond to upgrade earthquake safety and emergency response facilities across the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition B, which would change term limits in San Francisco so that no one may serve more than two four-year terms on the Board of Supervisors or as mayor, passed with about 53% of voters in support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Current law limits individuals to two consecutive terms, allowing them to run again after leaving office for four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those supporting the measure said it would make elections more competitive, incentivize new ideas and promote different leaders from the community by requiring elected officials to step aside after eight years in office. The measure had widespread support on the current Board of Supervisors, with endorsements from Supervisors Bilal Mahmood, Alan Wong, Matt Dorsey, Jackie Fielder and Myrna Melgar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But critics of the idea stressed that experience matters, especially when it comes to government and politics. They also said elections already offer the opportunity for new candidates to run and voters have the power to reject an incumbent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents included current Supervisors Rafael Mandelman and Chyanne Chen, as well as former San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown and former Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue of whether elected officials should face term limits has percolated in Democratic circles since the death of Sen. Dianne Feinstein. An effort to explore term limits failed to make its way through the California Democratic Party earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In San Francisco, both Propositions D and C — competing measures on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sanfrancisco\">June ballot\u003c/a> — failed to get the majority vote needed to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition D, known as the Overpaid CEO Act, would have changed the basis for the city’s existing Top Executive Pay Tax from the median pay of a business’s employees in San Francisco to all of its employees, regardless of location.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure had widespread support from local labor unions and progressive groups, who said the funding generated by the increased tax measure, projected at around $300 million annually, was much needed as San Francisco faces millions of dollars in federal funding cuts and a $600 million budget shortfall over the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But critics said it threatened to drive away big companies, whose tax revenue is critical to the city’s economic recovery in the wake of the coronavirus pandemic. It had 53.6% of voters saying “no” as of the latest vote count on Monday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C was created to defeat the Overpaid CEO Act by offering an alternative, and failed after receiving 65.9% “no” votes. Rather than increasing taxes on large corporations, Proposition C would have decreased taxes on small to mid-sized businesses by raising the threshold for a tax exemption from businesses with $5 million in gross receipts to $7.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This proposal would have also increased the scheduled Top Executive Pay Tax rate for the year 2027, but frozen any increase in the following years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085915\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085915\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602-SFPROPOSITIONSPREWRITE-JY-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602-SFPROPOSITIONSPREWRITE-JY-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602-SFPROPOSITIONSPREWRITE-JY-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602-SFPROPOSITIONSPREWRITE-JY-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor and congressional candidate Connie Chan speaks with the media at a Proposition D watch party at the Rustic in San Francisco on Tuesday, June 2, 2026. Proposition D, known as the Overpaid CEO Act, would change the base comparison for the city’s existing Top Executive Pay Tax from the median pay of a business’s employees in San Francisco to all of its employees. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition C, which included the Bay Area Council, GrowSF and the city’s Chamber of Commerce, said their measure would ease tax burdens on smaller businesses. They also pointed out that Proposition D would undo portions of Proposition M, which voters passed in November 2024. That measure lowered some taxes on large businesses after the pandemic, when several left San Francisco, to encourage more big corporations to stay in place or come to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initial returns marked a victory for Mayor Daniel Lurie, who came out against both measures, saying they were designed to confuse voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voters recognize that our recovery depends on creating opportunity through jobs, thriving small businesses and attracting investment — not making it harder for employers to grow here. Everyone must pay their fair share, and we can uphold our values and invest in our future without standing in the way of opportunity,” Lurie said in a statement on Monday. “That’s the approach reflected in the budget I recently proposed: protecting healthcare, food assistance and other critical services while continuing to invest in housing, childcare and economic recovery. We can protect critical services and create opportunity at the same time. A stronger economy is what makes both possible.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In other races, San Franciscans overwhelmingly backed Proposition A, which would issue a $535 million bond to upgrade earthquake safety and emergency response facilities across the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition B, which would change term limits in San Francisco so that no one may serve more than two four-year terms on the Board of Supervisors or as mayor, passed with about 53% of voters in support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Current law limits individuals to two consecutive terms, allowing them to run again after leaving office for four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those supporting the measure said it would make elections more competitive, incentivize new ideas and promote different leaders from the community by requiring elected officials to step aside after eight years in office. The measure had widespread support on the current Board of Supervisors, with endorsements from Supervisors Bilal Mahmood, Alan Wong, Matt Dorsey, Jackie Fielder and Myrna Melgar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But critics of the idea stressed that experience matters, especially when it comes to government and politics. They also said elections already offer the opportunity for new candidates to run and voters have the power to reject an incumbent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents included current Supervisors Rafael Mandelman and Chyanne Chen, as well as former San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown and former Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue of whether elected officials should face term limits has percolated in Democratic circles since the death of Sen. Dianne Feinstein. An effort to explore term limits failed to make its way through the California Democratic Party earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/los-angeles\">Los Angeles\u003c/a> mayoral candidate Nithya Raman gained enough votes by Sunday evening to edge out reality TV personality Spencer Pratt, putting her in second-place for now in the closely-watched race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The L.A. City Council member and the reality star are separated by about 3,100 votes in the race for a runoff spot against incumbent Mayor Karen Bass in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Associated Press\u003c/em> has called one runoff spot for Bass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Votes are still being counted, and the L.A. County Registrar of Voters will receive ballots postmarked by Election Day up until seven days later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where the race stands now\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On election night, Pratt had collected enough votes to put him squarely in the second spot, with a significant lead over Raman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But by late Friday, Raman had gone from just over 20% of the vote on election night to about 25%. Meanwhile, Pratt lost a couple of percentage points since Tuesday night’s early returns. Thursday’s release put Raman at 24.89% to Pratt’s 28.24%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And by Sunday, Raman passed Pratt — with 27.12% of the votes to Pratt’s 26.69%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" title=\"Interactive or visual content\" sandbox=\"allow-same-origin allow-forms allow-scripts allow-downloads allow-popups allow-popups-to-escape-sandbox allow-top-navigation-by-user-activation\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/29227513/embed?auto=1\" style=\"width: 100%; height: 675px;\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a development some election watchers predicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think she has a shot at catching Pratt, but I think it’s a long shot,” said Zev Yaroslavsky, director of the Los Angeles Initiative at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs, last week. “It requires her to get a large percentage of the votes that remain to be counted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raman, who is a member of the Democratic Socialists of America, is likely to benefit from the later vote tally, Yaroslavsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The later votes tend to be more Democratic and more progressive and that inures to her benefit,” Yaroslavsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[Note: Katy Yaroslavsky, his daughter-in-law, is far out in front in her \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/politics/voter-guides/2026-election-california-primary-la-live-results-la-city-council-districts-1-3-5-7-9-11-13-15#d5\">reelection bid for CD5.\u003c/a>]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why there were some doubts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday night, Raman was about 40,000 votes behind Pratt, and on Wednesday night, she was about 38,000 votes behind Pratt, Yaroslavsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He predicted she needed to gain much more than 2,000 votes a day to eclipse the 38,000 vote deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She really has to get the preponderance of the votes that will be coming in in the next week or so,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul Mitchell, a Democratic strategist whose company tracks ballot return data, said Republicans were reflected heavily in the early returns, but as the vote counts continue, more Democrats will be represented..[aside postID=news_12086288 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2277856381.jpg']Whether that would be enough to give Raman the boost she needs is still up for question, Mitchell said last week. He noted that Pratt was losing votes in every vote update, but not all of those votes are going to Raman. They’re split between her and Bass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While [Pratt] will drop every release, I’m not sure that Raman will increase fast enough to meet and surpass him,” Mitchell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He explained a theory that many Bass and Raman voters held onto their ballots ahead of Election Day and that many of them were likely “establishment voters,” meaning they leaned toward the incumbent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ So I think that in the end, we might find that [Pratt] hangs on, and the reason why he hung on is because the people who were voting at the end, the Democrats, were voting more for Karen Bass,” Mitchell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s next?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>L.A. County election officials said they \u003ca href=\"https://content.lavote.gov/docs/rrcc/documents/canvass-update-schedule-06022026-5-29-update.pdf\">plan to release\u003c/a> new vote count results every day until June 12, and regular updates until June 26.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county’s final official results must be certified by July 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "City Councilmember Nithya Raman passed Spencer Pratt in the primary contest for L.A. mayor after vote returns counted Sunday.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/los-angeles\">Los Angeles\u003c/a> mayoral candidate Nithya Raman gained enough votes by Sunday evening to edge out reality TV personality Spencer Pratt, putting her in second-place for now in the closely-watched race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The L.A. City Council member and the reality star are separated by about 3,100 votes in the race for a runoff spot against incumbent Mayor Karen Bass in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Associated Press\u003c/em> has called one runoff spot for Bass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Votes are still being counted, and the L.A. County Registrar of Voters will receive ballots postmarked by Election Day up until seven days later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where the race stands now\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On election night, Pratt had collected enough votes to put him squarely in the second spot, with a significant lead over Raman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But by late Friday, Raman had gone from just over 20% of the vote on election night to about 25%. Meanwhile, Pratt lost a couple of percentage points since Tuesday night’s early returns. Thursday’s release put Raman at 24.89% to Pratt’s 28.24%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And by Sunday, Raman passed Pratt — with 27.12% of the votes to Pratt’s 26.69%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" title=\"Interactive or visual content\" sandbox=\"allow-same-origin allow-forms allow-scripts allow-downloads allow-popups allow-popups-to-escape-sandbox allow-top-navigation-by-user-activation\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/29227513/embed?auto=1\" style=\"width: 100%; height: 675px;\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a development some election watchers predicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think she has a shot at catching Pratt, but I think it’s a long shot,” said Zev Yaroslavsky, director of the Los Angeles Initiative at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs, last week. “It requires her to get a large percentage of the votes that remain to be counted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raman, who is a member of the Democratic Socialists of America, is likely to benefit from the later vote tally, Yaroslavsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The later votes tend to be more Democratic and more progressive and that inures to her benefit,” Yaroslavsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[Note: Katy Yaroslavsky, his daughter-in-law, is far out in front in her \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/politics/voter-guides/2026-election-california-primary-la-live-results-la-city-council-districts-1-3-5-7-9-11-13-15#d5\">reelection bid for CD5.\u003c/a>]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why there were some doubts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday night, Raman was about 40,000 votes behind Pratt, and on Wednesday night, she was about 38,000 votes behind Pratt, Yaroslavsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He predicted she needed to gain much more than 2,000 votes a day to eclipse the 38,000 vote deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She really has to get the preponderance of the votes that will be coming in in the next week or so,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul Mitchell, a Democratic strategist whose company tracks ballot return data, said Republicans were reflected heavily in the early returns, but as the vote counts continue, more Democrats will be represented..\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Whether that would be enough to give Raman the boost she needs is still up for question, Mitchell said last week. He noted that Pratt was losing votes in every vote update, but not all of those votes are going to Raman. They’re split between her and Bass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While [Pratt] will drop every release, I’m not sure that Raman will increase fast enough to meet and surpass him,” Mitchell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He explained a theory that many Bass and Raman voters held onto their ballots ahead of Election Day and that many of them were likely “establishment voters,” meaning they leaned toward the incumbent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ So I think that in the end, we might find that [Pratt] hangs on, and the reason why he hung on is because the people who were voting at the end, the Democrats, were voting more for Karen Bass,” Mitchell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s next?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>L.A. County election officials said they \u003ca href=\"https://content.lavote.gov/docs/rrcc/documents/canvass-update-schedule-06022026-5-29-update.pdf\">plan to release\u003c/a> new vote count results every day until June 12, and regular updates until June 26.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county’s final official results must be certified by July 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After a mistrial last week, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> judge has set a new trial date for an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053319/how-the-anti-abortion-movement-is-impacting-california\">anti-abortion\u003c/a> activist who posted a video on social media allegedly threatening a Planned Parenthood clinic escort, raising questions about the limits of political speech online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anastasia Rogers, a member of the anti-abortion group \u003ca href=\"https://thesurvivors.us/\">The Survivors\u003c/a>, was charged with violating California’s version of the federal Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances Act, which prohibits videotaping and distributing videos of reproductive health patients, employees or volunteers for the purpose of intimidating them from becoming or remaining in that role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney’s office alleges that a video Rogers posted on social media, which features the words “Unalive them” over a clip of a San Francisco Planned Parenthood clinic escort, violated the FACES Act by threatening the person pictured. But Rogers’ attorneys argued in court that the clip was taken out of context, and her behavior was protected political speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers’ criminal proceedings ended in a mistrial last week, after a jury failed to come to a unanimous decision. According to Rogers’ counsel, Michael Millen, the majority of jurors found her not guilty on both counts, citing a lack of evidence that her intention was to intimidate the volunteer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He filed a motion asking the judge to dismiss the case on Monday. A pre-trial conference to discuss that motion is set for June 29, ahead of a new trial slated to begin June 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Millen said he believes under normal circumstances, the DA’s office would drop a case with such a seemingly low chance of success based on the initial jury’s leanings, but that this particular instance hasn’t been because of “political overtones.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this was a robbery case, a carjacking case, and nine or 10 jurors said ‘not guilty,’ I assure you they would never retry the case,” he said.[aside postID=news_12071206 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260122-STEVE-HILTON-ON-PB-MD-04-KQED-1.jpg']The case centers around a \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/reels/DND93rcPFRI/\">14-second video\u003c/a> Rogers posted on Instagram in August, mimicking an internet trend set to a Pinkpantheress song, that juxtaposed clinic volunteers and pro-life protesters’ methods of “help[ing] women entering Planned Parenthood.” The video features a clip of Rogers with the text “Unalive them with kindness,” followed by a clip of a volunteer in a ‘clinic escort’ vest with the text “Unalive them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unalive” is internet slang often used instead of “kill” to skirt some social media apps’ content guidelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit alleges that the post threatened the life of the escort pictured, but Millen said Rogers was referring to what happens to fetuses during an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ What she was trying to communicate was what the escorts do is ‘unalive’ their children, and given complications that can result from abortions gone wrong, actually injure or sometimes even kill the women who are going in,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The video has garnered nearly 400,000 views.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers was arrested outside of the same clinic in December on a warrant tied to the video. She said at the time that she was arrested for “sidewalk counseling,” or handing out pregnancy resource pamphlets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney’s office did not respond to a request for comment on the charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Desmond Meagley contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After a mistrial last week, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> judge has set a new trial date for an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053319/how-the-anti-abortion-movement-is-impacting-california\">anti-abortion\u003c/a> activist who posted a video on social media allegedly threatening a Planned Parenthood clinic escort, raising questions about the limits of political speech online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anastasia Rogers, a member of the anti-abortion group \u003ca href=\"https://thesurvivors.us/\">The Survivors\u003c/a>, was charged with violating California’s version of the federal Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances Act, which prohibits videotaping and distributing videos of reproductive health patients, employees or volunteers for the purpose of intimidating them from becoming or remaining in that role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney’s office alleges that a video Rogers posted on social media, which features the words “Unalive them” over a clip of a San Francisco Planned Parenthood clinic escort, violated the FACES Act by threatening the person pictured. But Rogers’ attorneys argued in court that the clip was taken out of context, and her behavior was protected political speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers’ criminal proceedings ended in a mistrial last week, after a jury failed to come to a unanimous decision. According to Rogers’ counsel, Michael Millen, the majority of jurors found her not guilty on both counts, citing a lack of evidence that her intention was to intimidate the volunteer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He filed a motion asking the judge to dismiss the case on Monday. A pre-trial conference to discuss that motion is set for June 29, ahead of a new trial slated to begin June 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Millen said he believes under normal circumstances, the DA’s office would drop a case with such a seemingly low chance of success based on the initial jury’s leanings, but that this particular instance hasn’t been because of “political overtones.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this was a robbery case, a carjacking case, and nine or 10 jurors said ‘not guilty,’ I assure you they would never retry the case,” he said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The case centers around a \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/reels/DND93rcPFRI/\">14-second video\u003c/a> Rogers posted on Instagram in August, mimicking an internet trend set to a Pinkpantheress song, that juxtaposed clinic volunteers and pro-life protesters’ methods of “help[ing] women entering Planned Parenthood.” The video features a clip of Rogers with the text “Unalive them with kindness,” followed by a clip of a volunteer in a ‘clinic escort’ vest with the text “Unalive them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unalive” is internet slang often used instead of “kill” to skirt some social media apps’ content guidelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit alleges that the post threatened the life of the escort pictured, but Millen said Rogers was referring to what happens to fetuses during an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ What she was trying to communicate was what the escorts do is ‘unalive’ their children, and given complications that can result from abortions gone wrong, actually injure or sometimes even kill the women who are going in,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The video has garnered nearly 400,000 views.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers was arrested outside of the same clinic in December on a warrant tied to the video. She said at the time that she was arrested for “sidewalk counseling,” or handing out pregnancy resource pamphlets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney’s office did not respond to a request for comment on the charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Desmond Meagley contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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