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"content": "\u003cp>When Derrick Neal moved back to the Los Angeles area from Florida last year, after his mother died, he needed to find a job quickly to keep paying his bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neal, 40, has been working ever since he turned 18, mostly in retail jobs at big chain stores like Walmart and Home Depot. In L.A. last May, he started delivering groceries for the supermarket chain Vons and was surprised how much he enjoyed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He likes arriving at work in the morning and seeing all his routes for the day, he says. Vons provides him with a company phone and a van with compartments that he fills with various delivery items.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Veena Dubal, UC Hastings law professor\"]‘Proposition 22 is essentially a blueprint for how to lower labor standards across the board.’[/pullquote]“It’s like I am bringing the whole store to the customer,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neal says he has felt especially good about doing his job during the pandemic, delivering food to the elderly or sick who would otherwise have to risk their health by going to the grocery store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The job has been a lifeline for him, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There weren’t many people hiring at the start of the pandemic,” Neal said. “So I was happy to get the job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After one of his shifts in December, Neal says he and other non-union delivery employees were called to a meeting by their managers and informed they would all be laid off by the end of February. Independent contractors working through DoorDash were going to take over their jobs, they were told.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was devastating,” Neal said. On top of that, he also had to move out of his apartment that month after his landlord sold the building. Unable to find another place he can afford, he has been living in his car since then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neal says he doesn’t understand the company’s decision, particularly given how much delivery work has recently been available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I were able to talk to them, I would just ask them, ‘Why?’ ” Neal said. “Who did the cost analysis on this and deemed that it was more cost efficient to go with independent contractors than the people we already have, that are there day in and day out, blood sweat and tears, going through it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11855989\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 968px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Derrick-Neal-e1611086411183.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11855989\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Derrick-Neal-e1611086411183.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"968\" height=\"943\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Derrick-Neal-e1611086411183.png 968w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Derrick-Neal-e1611086411183-800x779.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Derrick-Neal-e1611086411183-160x156.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 968px) 100vw, 968px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Derrick Neal, a Vons delivery driver in Los Angeles, says it is devastating to know he will soon lose his job, especially after recently being kicked out of his apartment. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Derrick Neal)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vons is one of many grocery chains owned by Albertsons, the second-largest grocery company in the country. Earlier this month, Albertsons announced it would discontinue its in-house delivery services in parts of California and other states starting late February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company has not specified how many delivery employees will be replaced by DoorDash contractors, but the United Food and Commercial Workers union estimates it will be in the high hundreds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This decision will allow us to compete in the growing home delivery market more effectively,” Albertsons spokeswoman Christine Wilcox said in a statement. She added, “Albertsons Companies Divisions plans to offer positions to each impacted associate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilcox did not respond to a request for clarification on the nature of these jobs and the process by which they will be offered to delivery employees like Neal. The company has also not provided proof of any legal commitment to offering new jobs, or any guarantees of equivalent pay, benefits and job locations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The replacement of employees by contractors is exactly what labor advocates warned would happen with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843123/prop-22-explained-why-gig-companies-are-spending-huge-money-on-an-unprecedented-measure\">Proposition 22\u003c/a>, which California voters approved in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not surprised that it happened this quickly, because what the Proposition 22 worker category that was created does is significantly lower labor costs for corporations,” said Veena Dubal, a UC Hastings law professor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 creates a new sub-employee category that allows app-based delivery and transportation gig companies to legally deny workers access to employee benefits like overtime, unemployment insurance and a guaranteed minimum wage. Instead, companies have to offer workers in this category certain watered-down employee benefits like health care subsidies and the option to purchase insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposition was written by DoorDash, Uber, Lyft and other gig companies, which collectively spent over $200 million on the campaign, making it the most expensive ballot measure in state history. Now that the measure is law, it has nullified recent efforts by all three branches of California government to force gig companies to classify their workers as employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dubal says logistics and delivery employees will just be the first to lose their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 22 is essentially a blueprint for how to lower labor standards across the board,” she said. “For those who have been thinking of this as a whole different type of work, as something that would never affect them, this is really the time to start paying attention. This model of work is coming for you and your job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Venture capitalists already see opportunity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shawn Carolan is a partner at Menlo Ventures. In a recent opinion piece titled “What Proposition 22 Now Makes Possible” published on \u003ca href=\"https://www.theinformation.com/articles/what-proposition-22-now-makes-possible\">The Information\u003c/a>, he said there’s potential for this new labor category to extend to fields like nursing, executive assistance, tutoring, programming, agricultural work and even zoo keeping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]Executives at most gig companies have always \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3668606\">described their businesses\u003c/a> as “platforms” that connect independent workers to customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that argument doesn’t add up for David Weil, dean of the Heller School for Social Policy and Management at Brandeis University. Even though the work is through an app, he says, the business strategy is nothing new.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is just a part of the evolution of the erosion of workplace standards that has happened in lots of different ways,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weil came up with the term “fissuring” to describe \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11827591/how-we-got-here-part-2-the-attack-on-worker-power\">what is happening to American workplaces\u003c/a>. Since the 1970s, executives have increasingly replaced full-time employee jobs with part-time, subcontracted and outsourced work. Weil says gig companies are just pushing that fissuring further by labeling their workers independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"prop-22\"]“They’re using the platform as a way to get out of the obligation of actually treating those workers as employees,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DoorDash declined an interview with KQED. But in a statement, a spokesperson said the company provided a vital service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“DoorDash has always supported local economies, and as e-commerce and delivery have become even more important for many businesses during these challenging times, we remain committed to helping brick-and-mortar local merchants reach consumers with the best of their neighborhood,” DoorDash spokesman Taylor Bennett said in a press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news of Albertsons’ new arrangement with DoorDash has spurred other grocery delivery workers in California to unionize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t tell you how many times I’ve told people that I feel so lucky to have this job,” said Leigh Littlefield, a Bay Area delivery worker for Safeway, another grocery chain owned by Albertsons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Littlefield is one of 250 delivery workers for Safeway that just joined the United Food and Commercial Workers International union. They first started organizing to receive guaranteed benefits, she says, after managers began blocking them from working the minimum number of hours required to qualify. The effort was well underway when they got wind of the DoorDash threat, which Littlefield says spurred workers to quickly finish unionizing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers wrote into their contract that employees could not have shifts replaced by DoorDash, Littlefield says. “If we didn’t have this contract,” she says, “I imagine we would have been laid off with everyone else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Derrick Neal was not part of a union. He’s living out of his car, trying to figure out what to do next. He hopes he can find another job with some kind of safety net.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In America, that is becoming harder and harder to find.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Just two months after California voters passed Proposition 22, grocery giant Albertsons announced plans to replace many of its delivery employees in California with DoorDash contractors.",
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"title": "'Coming for You and Your Job': With Prop. 22, Are Grocery Staff Layoffs Just the Beginning? | KQED",
"description": "Just two months after California voters passed Proposition 22, grocery giant Albertsons announced plans to replace many of its delivery employees in California with DoorDash contractors.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Derrick Neal moved back to the Los Angeles area from Florida last year, after his mother died, he needed to find a job quickly to keep paying his bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neal, 40, has been working ever since he turned 18, mostly in retail jobs at big chain stores like Walmart and Home Depot. In L.A. last May, he started delivering groceries for the supermarket chain Vons and was surprised how much he enjoyed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He likes arriving at work in the morning and seeing all his routes for the day, he says. Vons provides him with a company phone and a van with compartments that he fills with various delivery items.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s like I am bringing the whole store to the customer,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neal says he has felt especially good about doing his job during the pandemic, delivering food to the elderly or sick who would otherwise have to risk their health by going to the grocery store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The job has been a lifeline for him, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There weren’t many people hiring at the start of the pandemic,” Neal said. “So I was happy to get the job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After one of his shifts in December, Neal says he and other non-union delivery employees were called to a meeting by their managers and informed they would all be laid off by the end of February. Independent contractors working through DoorDash were going to take over their jobs, they were told.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was devastating,” Neal said. On top of that, he also had to move out of his apartment that month after his landlord sold the building. Unable to find another place he can afford, he has been living in his car since then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neal says he doesn’t understand the company’s decision, particularly given how much delivery work has recently been available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I were able to talk to them, I would just ask them, ‘Why?’ ” Neal said. “Who did the cost analysis on this and deemed that it was more cost efficient to go with independent contractors than the people we already have, that are there day in and day out, blood sweat and tears, going through it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11855989\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 968px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Derrick-Neal-e1611086411183.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11855989\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Derrick-Neal-e1611086411183.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"968\" height=\"943\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Derrick-Neal-e1611086411183.png 968w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Derrick-Neal-e1611086411183-800x779.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Derrick-Neal-e1611086411183-160x156.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 968px) 100vw, 968px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Derrick Neal, a Vons delivery driver in Los Angeles, says it is devastating to know he will soon lose his job, especially after recently being kicked out of his apartment. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Derrick Neal)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vons is one of many grocery chains owned by Albertsons, the second-largest grocery company in the country. Earlier this month, Albertsons announced it would discontinue its in-house delivery services in parts of California and other states starting late February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company has not specified how many delivery employees will be replaced by DoorDash contractors, but the United Food and Commercial Workers union estimates it will be in the high hundreds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This decision will allow us to compete in the growing home delivery market more effectively,” Albertsons spokeswoman Christine Wilcox said in a statement. She added, “Albertsons Companies Divisions plans to offer positions to each impacted associate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilcox did not respond to a request for clarification on the nature of these jobs and the process by which they will be offered to delivery employees like Neal. The company has also not provided proof of any legal commitment to offering new jobs, or any guarantees of equivalent pay, benefits and job locations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The replacement of employees by contractors is exactly what labor advocates warned would happen with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843123/prop-22-explained-why-gig-companies-are-spending-huge-money-on-an-unprecedented-measure\">Proposition 22\u003c/a>, which California voters approved in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not surprised that it happened this quickly, because what the Proposition 22 worker category that was created does is significantly lower labor costs for corporations,” said Veena Dubal, a UC Hastings law professor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 creates a new sub-employee category that allows app-based delivery and transportation gig companies to legally deny workers access to employee benefits like overtime, unemployment insurance and a guaranteed minimum wage. Instead, companies have to offer workers in this category certain watered-down employee benefits like health care subsidies and the option to purchase insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposition was written by DoorDash, Uber, Lyft and other gig companies, which collectively spent over $200 million on the campaign, making it the most expensive ballot measure in state history. Now that the measure is law, it has nullified recent efforts by all three branches of California government to force gig companies to classify their workers as employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dubal says logistics and delivery employees will just be the first to lose their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 22 is essentially a blueprint for how to lower labor standards across the board,” she said. “For those who have been thinking of this as a whole different type of work, as something that would never affect them, this is really the time to start paying attention. This model of work is coming for you and your job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Venture capitalists already see opportunity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shawn Carolan is a partner at Menlo Ventures. In a recent opinion piece titled “What Proposition 22 Now Makes Possible” published on \u003ca href=\"https://www.theinformation.com/articles/what-proposition-22-now-makes-possible\">The Information\u003c/a>, he said there’s potential for this new labor category to extend to fields like nursing, executive assistance, tutoring, programming, agricultural work and even zoo keeping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“They’re using the platform as a way to get out of the obligation of actually treating those workers as employees,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DoorDash declined an interview with KQED. But in a statement, a spokesperson said the company provided a vital service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“DoorDash has always supported local economies, and as e-commerce and delivery have become even more important for many businesses during these challenging times, we remain committed to helping brick-and-mortar local merchants reach consumers with the best of their neighborhood,” DoorDash spokesman Taylor Bennett said in a press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news of Albertsons’ new arrangement with DoorDash has spurred other grocery delivery workers in California to unionize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t tell you how many times I’ve told people that I feel so lucky to have this job,” said Leigh Littlefield, a Bay Area delivery worker for Safeway, another grocery chain owned by Albertsons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Littlefield is one of 250 delivery workers for Safeway that just joined the United Food and Commercial Workers International union. They first started organizing to receive guaranteed benefits, she says, after managers began blocking them from working the minimum number of hours required to qualify. The effort was well underway when they got wind of the DoorDash threat, which Littlefield says spurred workers to quickly finish unionizing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers wrote into their contract that employees could not have shifts replaced by DoorDash, Littlefield says. “If we didn’t have this contract,” she says, “I imagine we would have been laid off with everyone else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Derrick Neal was not part of a union. He’s living out of his car, trying to figure out what to do next. He hopes he can find another job with some kind of safety net.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In America, that is becoming harder and harder to find.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "treat-us-right-oakland-fast-food-workers-rally-for-safer-conditions-and-a-living-wage",
"title": "‘Treat Us Right’: Oakland Fast Food Workers Rally for Safer Conditions and a Living Wage",
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"headTitle": "‘Treat Us Right’: Oakland Fast Food Workers Rally for Safer Conditions and a Living Wage | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>McDonald’s employees in Oakland were among hundreds of workers in more than a dozen cities across the country who walked off the job Friday, demanding higher wages and safer pandemic-related working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early afternoon, a caravan of approximately 20 cars of workers and union leaders creeped noisily into the drive-thru of a McDonald’s in Oakland’s Fruitvale District, horns blaring, a banner hung up on the restaurant’s facade imploring Congress to pass another recovery bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Maria Ruiz, McDonald's employee for 20 years\"]‘It’s about time that we stood up for ourselves and fought for better working conditions and for better wages nationwide. It’s in the spirit of Dr. Martin Luther King.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have too many workers in our society, in our communities, especially here in the community of Oakland, that are making such low wages,” said Gary Jimenez, vice president of the Alameda Labor Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a shame and embarrassment,” Jimenez said. “We need to be paying people that work 40 hours a week enough to exist on 40 hours a week.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rally, staged on what would have been Martin Luther King Jr.’s 92nd birthday, was organized locally by the Service Employees International Union Local 1021 as part of “Fight for 15,” an ongoing nationwide campaign to increase the federal minimum wage, which has stagnated at $7.25 an hour for over a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11855737\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1783px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-3-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11855737\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-3-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1783\" height=\"2560\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-3-scaled.jpg 1783w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-3-800x1149.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-3-1020x1465.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-3-160x230.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-3-1070x1536.jpg 1070w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-3-1426x2048.jpg 1426w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-3-1920x2757.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1783px) 100vw, 1783px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">McDonald’s employee Cleotilde Cuaya and her son Alejandro at Friday’s car caravan strike to demand better working conditions and a $15 national minimum wage. \u003ccite>(Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s been really bad working for McDonald’s, really bad working conditions from the point that this company does not give [us] appropriate PPE to work. So it’s been disastrous,” Maria Ruiz, from San Jose, who has worked at a McDonald’s for 20 years, said through an interpreter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We decided to do it on MLK’s birthday because we thought it was appropriate,” Ruiz said. “It’s about time that we stood up for ourselves and fought for better working conditions and for better wages nationwide. It’s in the spirit of Dr. Martin Luther King.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, California lawmakers authorized a yearly increase in the minimum wage, which will hit $15 an hour for most businesses in 2022 (it just went up to $13). Many cities in the state, including Oakland ($14.14/hour) and others in the Bay Area, have instituted even higher minimums.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local organizers noted this progress and said they were joining the national day of action “in solidarity with workers across the country who have not yet won $15 an hour.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers at the rally also demanded more influence on the job and enhanced safety measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of people congregating and working in really close conditions, which is dangerous,” Maria Sabina Alegria, who works at the McDonald’s in downtown Oakland, said through an interpreter. “There’s times where they have to do many things at the same time, because things are not working. Sometimes they’re grabbing the money and the food at the same time because of unsanitary conditions that they have here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fast food workers, Joseph Bryant, president of SEIU Local 1021, added, “have faced just some of the most unbearable conditions as they risk their lives each and every day in the pandemic making sure that communities have the food that they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re here today to say, ‘Treat the workers right. Respect them,’ ” he said. “For far too long, the big corporations have tried to frame the workers as expendable. But we know they’re essential.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11855744\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-2-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11855744\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-2-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-2-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-2-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-2-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-2-2048x1368.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-2-1920x1282.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gary Jimenez, vice president of the Alameda Labor Council, raises a fist in solidarity as the car caravan heads through the McDonald’s drive-thru in the Fruitvale District. \u003ccite>(Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the pandemic, a slew of complaints have been filed by workers at McDonald’s and other fast food chains, both locally and across the country, claiming their employers did not provide adequate safety equipment, enforce social distancing or allow those with coronavirus symptoms to take paid sick leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='labor']In June, workers at a McDonald’s on Telegraph Avenue in Oakland’s Temescal neighborhood \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11824634/oakland-mcdonalds-workers-sue-management-over-covid-19-outbreak\">sued their employer\u003c/a> for unsafe, crowded working conditions that they said resulted in at least 11 workers at the restaurant contracting COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later in the summer, outbreaks of the virus were reported at nine other McDonald’s outlets within 15 miles of the Temescal location, with more than 70 workers and their families testing positive or exhibiting symptoms, according to reporters from the investigative \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-15/mcdonalds-fails-manage-covid-outbreaks-seiu-steps-in\">news outlet Reveal\u003c/a>, based on a review of formal complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For its part, McDonald’s — along with many of its franchisees — has claimed to be an industry leader in protecting its workers against the virus, imposing multiple safety procedures in consultation with prominent health clinics for advice on how to “further enhance hygiene and cleanliness practices in support of customer and crew safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Reveal reported, complaints filed by McDonald’s employees in 37 states suggest otherwise, depicting many of the chain’s restaurants – both franchises and corporate-owned – as COVID-19 incubators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11855738\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-4-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11855738\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-4-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-4-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-4-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-4-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-4-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-4-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-4-2048x1368.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-4-1920x1282.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers hold a banner outside the McDonald’s in the Fruitvale neighborhood as the car caravan inches past. \u003ccite>(Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“In California, what we want is for workers to be protected from infection and death that has been way too rampant in fast food since the beginning of the pandemic,” said SEIU International President Mary Kay Henry as she stood in front of a McDonald’s location on Market Street in West Oakland, where the car caravan headed after Fruitvale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She accused the restaurant’s managers of retaliating against workers for complaining about inadequate health and safety conditions, a lack of PPE and not allowing workers to self-quarantine at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so what we’re hoping is today’s strike sends a message to Congress to do the right thing on the emergency relief for all essential workers and everybody in the country,” Henry said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The McDonald's workers were among hundreds of others in more than a dozen cities who walked off the job Friday, demanding higher wages and safer pandemic-related working conditions.",
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"title": "‘Treat Us Right’: Oakland Fast Food Workers Rally for Safer Conditions and a Living Wage | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>McDonald’s employees in Oakland were among hundreds of workers in more than a dozen cities across the country who walked off the job Friday, demanding higher wages and safer pandemic-related working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early afternoon, a caravan of approximately 20 cars of workers and union leaders creeped noisily into the drive-thru of a McDonald’s in Oakland’s Fruitvale District, horns blaring, a banner hung up on the restaurant’s facade imploring Congress to pass another recovery bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It’s about time that we stood up for ourselves and fought for better working conditions and for better wages nationwide. It’s in the spirit of Dr. Martin Luther King.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have too many workers in our society, in our communities, especially here in the community of Oakland, that are making such low wages,” said Gary Jimenez, vice president of the Alameda Labor Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a shame and embarrassment,” Jimenez said. “We need to be paying people that work 40 hours a week enough to exist on 40 hours a week.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rally, staged on what would have been Martin Luther King Jr.’s 92nd birthday, was organized locally by the Service Employees International Union Local 1021 as part of “Fight for 15,” an ongoing nationwide campaign to increase the federal minimum wage, which has stagnated at $7.25 an hour for over a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11855737\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1783px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-3-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11855737\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-3-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1783\" height=\"2560\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-3-scaled.jpg 1783w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-3-800x1149.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-3-1020x1465.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-3-160x230.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-3-1070x1536.jpg 1070w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-3-1426x2048.jpg 1426w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-3-1920x2757.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1783px) 100vw, 1783px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">McDonald’s employee Cleotilde Cuaya and her son Alejandro at Friday’s car caravan strike to demand better working conditions and a $15 national minimum wage. \u003ccite>(Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s been really bad working for McDonald’s, really bad working conditions from the point that this company does not give [us] appropriate PPE to work. So it’s been disastrous,” Maria Ruiz, from San Jose, who has worked at a McDonald’s for 20 years, said through an interpreter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We decided to do it on MLK’s birthday because we thought it was appropriate,” Ruiz said. “It’s about time that we stood up for ourselves and fought for better working conditions and for better wages nationwide. It’s in the spirit of Dr. Martin Luther King.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, California lawmakers authorized a yearly increase in the minimum wage, which will hit $15 an hour for most businesses in 2022 (it just went up to $13). Many cities in the state, including Oakland ($14.14/hour) and others in the Bay Area, have instituted even higher minimums.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local organizers noted this progress and said they were joining the national day of action “in solidarity with workers across the country who have not yet won $15 an hour.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers at the rally also demanded more influence on the job and enhanced safety measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of people congregating and working in really close conditions, which is dangerous,” Maria Sabina Alegria, who works at the McDonald’s in downtown Oakland, said through an interpreter. “There’s times where they have to do many things at the same time, because things are not working. Sometimes they’re grabbing the money and the food at the same time because of unsanitary conditions that they have here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fast food workers, Joseph Bryant, president of SEIU Local 1021, added, “have faced just some of the most unbearable conditions as they risk their lives each and every day in the pandemic making sure that communities have the food that they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re here today to say, ‘Treat the workers right. Respect them,’ ” he said. “For far too long, the big corporations have tried to frame the workers as expendable. But we know they’re essential.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11855744\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-2-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11855744\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-2-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-2-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-2-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-2-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-2-2048x1368.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-2-1920x1282.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gary Jimenez, vice president of the Alameda Labor Council, raises a fist in solidarity as the car caravan heads through the McDonald’s drive-thru in the Fruitvale District. \u003ccite>(Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the pandemic, a slew of complaints have been filed by workers at McDonald’s and other fast food chains, both locally and across the country, claiming their employers did not provide adequate safety equipment, enforce social distancing or allow those with coronavirus symptoms to take paid sick leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In June, workers at a McDonald’s on Telegraph Avenue in Oakland’s Temescal neighborhood \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11824634/oakland-mcdonalds-workers-sue-management-over-covid-19-outbreak\">sued their employer\u003c/a> for unsafe, crowded working conditions that they said resulted in at least 11 workers at the restaurant contracting COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later in the summer, outbreaks of the virus were reported at nine other McDonald’s outlets within 15 miles of the Temescal location, with more than 70 workers and their families testing positive or exhibiting symptoms, according to reporters from the investigative \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-15/mcdonalds-fails-manage-covid-outbreaks-seiu-steps-in\">news outlet Reveal\u003c/a>, based on a review of formal complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For its part, McDonald’s — along with many of its franchisees — has claimed to be an industry leader in protecting its workers against the virus, imposing multiple safety procedures in consultation with prominent health clinics for advice on how to “further enhance hygiene and cleanliness practices in support of customer and crew safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Reveal reported, complaints filed by McDonald’s employees in 37 states suggest otherwise, depicting many of the chain’s restaurants – both franchises and corporate-owned – as COVID-19 incubators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11855738\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-4-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11855738\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-4-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-4-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-4-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-4-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-4-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-4-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-4-2048x1368.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-4-1920x1282.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers hold a banner outside the McDonald’s in the Fruitvale neighborhood as the car caravan inches past. \u003ccite>(Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“In California, what we want is for workers to be protected from infection and death that has been way too rampant in fast food since the beginning of the pandemic,” said SEIU International President Mary Kay Henry as she stood in front of a McDonald’s location on Market Street in West Oakland, where the car caravan headed after Fruitvale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She accused the restaurant’s managers of retaliating against workers for complaining about inadequate health and safety conditions, a lack of PPE and not allowing workers to self-quarantine at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so what we’re hoping is today’s strike sends a message to Congress to do the right thing on the emergency relief for all essential workers and everybody in the country,” Henry said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "new-google-union-triples-in-size-in-first-week-but-faces-formidable-challenges",
"title": "New Google Union Triples in Size in First Week, But Faces Formidable Challenges",
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"headTitle": "New Google Union Triples in Size in First Week, But Faces Formidable Challenges | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The new union at Alphabet, the parent company of Google, launched publicly last week with around 225 workers. Now, according to union leaders, its ranks are north of 700, and growing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the organizers of the Alphabet Workers Union is software engineer Alexander Peterson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peterson remembers how he felt the day he got his software engineering job at Google in 2016. “I was thrilled. It was this magical place where we all work together,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peterson said he totally nerded out on what was going on at the company, like Google’s “\u003ca href=\"https://cloud.google.com/infrastructure\">planet-scale\u003c/a>” computer and its “\u003ca href=\"https://cloud.google.com/blog/products/infrastructure/announcing-googles-grace-hopper-subsea-cable-system\">oceanic cable\u003c/a>” for data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But since then, Peterson has become increasingly disenchanted. He participated in a walkout in 2018, when 20,000 Google workers protested the company’s handling of sexual harassment claims, as well its lack of diversity and the second-class status given to the temps and contractors who account for over half of its workers. The following year, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11668872/google-employees-quit-in-protest-over-military-artificial-intelligence-program\">supported his co-workers who opposed Google’s contracts\u003c/a> with the military.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really want to save Alphabet from itself, stop it from becoming just another one of these huge, inhuman, faceless entities that just bulldozes humanity for the sake of profit,” he said of the nascent union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, some of Peterson’s fellow organizers wrote an \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2021/01/04/opinion/google-union.html\">op-ed for the New York Times\u003c/a> detailing some of their grievances and underscoring their key goal of increasing the amount of influence employees have in the company’s operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Growing Activism in the Silicon Valley\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Although not the first labor movement in Silicon Valley, the formation of the \u003ca href=\"https://alphabetworkersunion.org/\">Alphabet Workers Union\u003c/a> marks the largest organizing effort so far among white collar employees of a prominent tech giant. It comes from years of growing worker activism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until now, there have been two tracks of labor organizing in Silicon Valley. The first includes service workers who over the last decade have been fighting for higher pay and better benefits. The second: white collar workers, many of whom have been subjected to a second-class tier as temporary contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past decade, service workers at companies like Apple and Facebook have\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10598627/growing-labor-movement-shakes-up-silicon-valley\"> joined large unions\u003c/a> like the Teamsters and the Service Employees International Union. During a major subcontracting scandal at Microsoft in the 1990s, employees there also formed a small union called the \u003ca href=\"https://washtech.org/\">Washington Alliance of Technology Workers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11853806 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/RS33537_GettyImages-1056086262-qut-1020x680.jpg'] Following the election of President Trump in 2016, a growing number of software engineers and product developers began to question Silicon Valley contracts with the U.S. military and police departments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They formed into activist groups like the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11681049/the-latest-tech-disruption-labor-organizing\">Tech Workers Coalition\u003c/a> and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11679302/in-a-direct-challenge-to-their-employers-tech-workers-begin-to-organize\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> publicly challenged\u003c/a> management decisions. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714714/time-is-up-employee-unrest-grows-at-silicon-valley-companies\">Google walkout\u003c/a> in 2018 was the most dramatic public showing of this growing discontent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, a group of about 80 subcontracted white-collar workers at a Google office in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, joined the U.S. Steelworkers union (\u003ca href=\"https://www.vice.com/en/article/y3zav5/google-contractors-say-their-work-is-being-shipped-to-poland-after-unionizing\">and faced retaliation\u003c/a> as a result.) That same year, employees at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839817/how-a-scrappy-group-of-tech-workers-formed-one-of-the-only-unions-in-the-industry\">Kickstarter formed their own\u003c/a> “enterprise” union, solely for employees of the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not everyone involved in recent Silicon Valley activism has joined the new Google union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those critical of the effort is Amr Gaber, a software engineer at the company who has been involved in worker activism there for years. He has specifically criticized the union’s partnership with the Communications Workers of America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had relationships with a wide range of unions and worker support groups before CWA showed up,” he recently said on Twitter. “But CWA was the only group that pulled these stunts of marking territory and publicly taking credit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the new union doesn’t represent a majority of workers at Google, it’s what’s called a “minority union.” And unlike many other trade unions, it includes a variety of workers, from software engineers to cafeteria staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fledgling union is also not yet recognized by the National Labor Relations Board or by Google itself, which in a statement responding to the union’s formation, said it “would continue engaging directly with all our employees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Barriers to Organizing\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Silicon Valley companies like Google have done a lot to make it difficult for workers to form unions, said Chris Tilly, a professor of urban planning at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of barriers to building worker solidarity within Google,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tilly said it used to be easier to organize at places like manufacturing companies, where large numbers of workers were doing similar tasks on similar contracts. But Google, like many other companies, tech and otherwise, has been effective at “fissuring” workers, hiring some as contractors, others as temps and also outsourcing labor around the globe, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers are in different physical locations and the contractors have different employers, making in-person organizing all the more difficult. They also have a very disparate set of employment statuses at the company — different wages, benefit packages, contracts and protections — creating a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11741371/two-tiered-caste-system-the-world-of-white-collar-contracting-in-silicon-valley\">two-tier class system\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tilly said this makes it particularly tricky to organize workers around common goals. “It also creates all kinds of divisions among workers and it potentially means different groups of workers can be pitted against each other,” he said. Temps, contractors or overseas workers, for instance, may now be seen as a threat to full-time employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The concentration of wealth at these companies also plays a role in dampening unionization efforts. Companies like Google and Facebook have been able to generate large profits with a smaller number of full-time employees. They can afford to offer relatively high pay, benefit packages and perks to keep most workers satisfied, without letting them have much say in how the companies operate or what they produce.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Opposition\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>There has also long been an anti-union streak in Silicon Valley, \u003ca href=\"https://www.jacobinmag.com/2021/01/google-alphabet-workers-union-tech\">as Jacobin editor Alex Press noted\u003c/a> in an article about the formation of the Google’s union. She referred to a famous quote by Robert Noyce, who co-founded Intel in 1968: “If we had the work rules that unionized companies have, we’d all go out of business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Solana, a venture capitalist at Founders Fund, is an open critic of the new union. The union, he wrote on Twitter, is “appropriating the language of exploited coal miners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/micsolana/status/1346142918600437760\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others naysayers of the effort have criticized the broad extent of grievances among union members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But labor lawyer and activist Caitlin Vega says what Google workers want is actually not much different from what workers want in any union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every union is about worker power and workers getting a say about what’s happening on the job,” she said. “And I think even when you read back to some of the earliest unions — the unions of teenage girls who were working in garment shops — their demands were also not always simple.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corporations have made unionizing harder by concentrating wealth, fissuring workplaces, subcontracting and relying on temporary workers, Vega said, and the Google union is organized in a way that responds to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Peterson, the Google software engineer, has one big hope for the union: He wants to send a message to other workers in Silicon Valley that they are not alone.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The fledgling Alphabet Workers Union is carving out a new path for labor organizing in Silicon Valley, a place that has not often been friendly to collective bargaining efforts.",
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"title": "New Google Union Triples in Size in First Week, But Faces Formidable Challenges | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The new union at Alphabet, the parent company of Google, launched publicly last week with around 225 workers. Now, according to union leaders, its ranks are north of 700, and growing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the organizers of the Alphabet Workers Union is software engineer Alexander Peterson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peterson remembers how he felt the day he got his software engineering job at Google in 2016. “I was thrilled. It was this magical place where we all work together,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peterson said he totally nerded out on what was going on at the company, like Google’s “\u003ca href=\"https://cloud.google.com/infrastructure\">planet-scale\u003c/a>” computer and its “\u003ca href=\"https://cloud.google.com/blog/products/infrastructure/announcing-googles-grace-hopper-subsea-cable-system\">oceanic cable\u003c/a>” for data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But since then, Peterson has become increasingly disenchanted. He participated in a walkout in 2018, when 20,000 Google workers protested the company’s handling of sexual harassment claims, as well its lack of diversity and the second-class status given to the temps and contractors who account for over half of its workers. The following year, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11668872/google-employees-quit-in-protest-over-military-artificial-intelligence-program\">supported his co-workers who opposed Google’s contracts\u003c/a> with the military.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really want to save Alphabet from itself, stop it from becoming just another one of these huge, inhuman, faceless entities that just bulldozes humanity for the sake of profit,” he said of the nascent union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, some of Peterson’s fellow organizers wrote an \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2021/01/04/opinion/google-union.html\">op-ed for the New York Times\u003c/a> detailing some of their grievances and underscoring their key goal of increasing the amount of influence employees have in the company’s operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Growing Activism in the Silicon Valley\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Although not the first labor movement in Silicon Valley, the formation of the \u003ca href=\"https://alphabetworkersunion.org/\">Alphabet Workers Union\u003c/a> marks the largest organizing effort so far among white collar employees of a prominent tech giant. It comes from years of growing worker activism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until now, there have been two tracks of labor organizing in Silicon Valley. The first includes service workers who over the last decade have been fighting for higher pay and better benefits. The second: white collar workers, many of whom have been subjected to a second-class tier as temporary contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past decade, service workers at companies like Apple and Facebook have\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10598627/growing-labor-movement-shakes-up-silicon-valley\"> joined large unions\u003c/a> like the Teamsters and the Service Employees International Union. During a major subcontracting scandal at Microsoft in the 1990s, employees there also formed a small union called the \u003ca href=\"https://washtech.org/\">Washington Alliance of Technology Workers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Following the election of President Trump in 2016, a growing number of software engineers and product developers began to question Silicon Valley contracts with the U.S. military and police departments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They formed into activist groups like the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11681049/the-latest-tech-disruption-labor-organizing\">Tech Workers Coalition\u003c/a> and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11679302/in-a-direct-challenge-to-their-employers-tech-workers-begin-to-organize\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> publicly challenged\u003c/a> management decisions. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714714/time-is-up-employee-unrest-grows-at-silicon-valley-companies\">Google walkout\u003c/a> in 2018 was the most dramatic public showing of this growing discontent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, a group of about 80 subcontracted white-collar workers at a Google office in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, joined the U.S. Steelworkers union (\u003ca href=\"https://www.vice.com/en/article/y3zav5/google-contractors-say-their-work-is-being-shipped-to-poland-after-unionizing\">and faced retaliation\u003c/a> as a result.) That same year, employees at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839817/how-a-scrappy-group-of-tech-workers-formed-one-of-the-only-unions-in-the-industry\">Kickstarter formed their own\u003c/a> “enterprise” union, solely for employees of the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not everyone involved in recent Silicon Valley activism has joined the new Google union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those critical of the effort is Amr Gaber, a software engineer at the company who has been involved in worker activism there for years. He has specifically criticized the union’s partnership with the Communications Workers of America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had relationships with a wide range of unions and worker support groups before CWA showed up,” he recently said on Twitter. “But CWA was the only group that pulled these stunts of marking territory and publicly taking credit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the new union doesn’t represent a majority of workers at Google, it’s what’s called a “minority union.” And unlike many other trade unions, it includes a variety of workers, from software engineers to cafeteria staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fledgling union is also not yet recognized by the National Labor Relations Board or by Google itself, which in a statement responding to the union’s formation, said it “would continue engaging directly with all our employees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Barriers to Organizing\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Silicon Valley companies like Google have done a lot to make it difficult for workers to form unions, said Chris Tilly, a professor of urban planning at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of barriers to building worker solidarity within Google,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tilly said it used to be easier to organize at places like manufacturing companies, where large numbers of workers were doing similar tasks on similar contracts. But Google, like many other companies, tech and otherwise, has been effective at “fissuring” workers, hiring some as contractors, others as temps and also outsourcing labor around the globe, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers are in different physical locations and the contractors have different employers, making in-person organizing all the more difficult. They also have a very disparate set of employment statuses at the company — different wages, benefit packages, contracts and protections — creating a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11741371/two-tiered-caste-system-the-world-of-white-collar-contracting-in-silicon-valley\">two-tier class system\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tilly said this makes it particularly tricky to organize workers around common goals. “It also creates all kinds of divisions among workers and it potentially means different groups of workers can be pitted against each other,” he said. Temps, contractors or overseas workers, for instance, may now be seen as a threat to full-time employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The concentration of wealth at these companies also plays a role in dampening unionization efforts. Companies like Google and Facebook have been able to generate large profits with a smaller number of full-time employees. They can afford to offer relatively high pay, benefit packages and perks to keep most workers satisfied, without letting them have much say in how the companies operate or what they produce.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Opposition\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>There has also long been an anti-union streak in Silicon Valley, \u003ca href=\"https://www.jacobinmag.com/2021/01/google-alphabet-workers-union-tech\">as Jacobin editor Alex Press noted\u003c/a> in an article about the formation of the Google’s union. She referred to a famous quote by Robert Noyce, who co-founded Intel in 1968: “If we had the work rules that unionized companies have, we’d all go out of business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Solana, a venture capitalist at Founders Fund, is an open critic of the new union. The union, he wrote on Twitter, is “appropriating the language of exploited coal miners.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Others naysayers of the effort have criticized the broad extent of grievances among union members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But labor lawyer and activist Caitlin Vega says what Google workers want is actually not much different from what workers want in any union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every union is about worker power and workers getting a say about what’s happening on the job,” she said. “And I think even when you read back to some of the earliest unions — the unions of teenage girls who were working in garment shops — their demands were also not always simple.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corporations have made unionizing harder by concentrating wealth, fissuring workplaces, subcontracting and relying on temporary workers, Vega said, and the Google union is organized in a way that responds to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Peterson, the Google software engineer, has one big hope for the union: He wants to send a message to other workers in Silicon Valley that they are not alone.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "slammed-many-california-casinos-are-still-open-and-some-workers-are-worried",
"title": "'Slammed': Many California Casinos Are Still Open, and Some Workers Are Worried",
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"headTitle": "‘Slammed’: Many California Casinos Are Still Open, and Some Workers Are Worried | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>As California continues to grapple with a worsening winter surge of COVID-19 cases, some businesses remain able to operate outside the purview of state shutdown orders aimed to protect public health during the pandemic. Tribal resorts and casinos in California operate under federal law on federally protected sovereign land known as rancherias – so they’re not required to comply with orders issued by Gov. Newsom or county officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Graton Resort and Casino, located on tribal land in Rohnert Park, came under criticism for announcing that it would host a 4,000-person New Year’s Eve party. After a public-shaming, the Sonoma County casino \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/local-politics/article/Sonoma-casino-cancels-controversial-indoor-New-15827599.php\">canceled the event\u003c/a> last week and “apologized for any inconvenience” in a statement online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonoma County Public Health Officer Sundari Mase recently \u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/graton-casino-new-years-eve-2020-party-sonoma-county-coronavirus/9042379/\">told ABC7 News\u003c/a> the department was working with the casino to mitigate risk, “in terms of limiting indoor capacity to 20% of what’s normal, in terms of enforcing facial coverings or masks and social distancing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the casino may not be adhering to that 20% capacity threshold, according to some employees who say their employer’s practices make them fear for their safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a poker table, we’re sitting seven players, plus a dealer. That’s eight people sitting at a table that’s 6 feet long,” said an employee of the Graton Resort and Casino who asked to remain anonymous for fear of losing his job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Graton Resort and Casino employee\"]‘It’s scary … I don’t even understand why we’re open, honestly.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The employee, who has worked there for several years, told KQED the casino was “slammed” the last week of December. As the coronavirus surged through the state and regional businesses limited their capacity or shut down entirely, poker players continued traveling to the few places still open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They all started traveling up here,” he said, adding that many players are traveling over two hours to spend the day playing poker. “We’re sitting with these people for eight hours a day. They’re playing 10, 12 hours a day in the same room with the same seats, the same people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While players are required to have masks on inside and cannot eat at the poker table, they’re allowed to smoke and can sit in the food court and eat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s scary … I don’t even understand why we’re open, honestly,” he said. But he added that the holidays are one of the biggest times for business and the poker room had every available seat filled on Wednesday, Thursday and Friday over the Christmas holiday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Federated Indians of Graton Rancheria continue to work closely with the Sonoma County Public Health Officer,” said Greg Sarris, Tribal Chairman of the Federated Indians of Graton Rancheria in an emailed statement to KQED. The casino will remain open “on a limited basis and [it] continues to exceed all CDC safety requirements,” the statement said, adding that team members are tested for COVID-19 every two weeks and that they wear “digital devices that ensure social distancing.” The statement also said casino bars will continue to remain closed, and alcohol service ends at 9 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the elements of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/community/reopen-guidance.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CDC’s guidance\u003c/a> is to “maintain safe behavioral practices,” which includes social distancing of 6 feet. But as evidenced by images sent by the employee, social distancing is nearly impossible at a poker table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of us are scared for our families and community,” the employee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='worker-safety']With the most recent surge, as someone who is constantly thinking about numbers, the employee said it’s hard to avoid thinking about the potential impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We in the poker industry, we’re math people — we’re statistics people,” he said. “I can’t help but think about California’s positivity rate — 2% to 3% right now. And if you apply that to 105 people [the poker room capacity], statistically two to three people in that room are positive at any given point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Jan. 1, 2021 a new California law, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/COVID-19/ab685.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Assembly Bill 685\u003c/a>, went into effect. The law requires employers to notify employees who may have been exposed to COVID-19 and to report workplace outbreaks to the local health department. It also expands the power of California’s Division of Occupational Safety and Health by allowing Cal/OSHA to shut down worksites that expose employees to an “imminent hazard” related to COVID-19. But Cal/OSHA would not have the authority to shut down any work site on tribal land, as those lands fall outside state jurisdiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Resources:\u003c/h3>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/coronavirus/AB6852020FAQs.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">COVID-19 Infection Prevention Requirements (AB 685)\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://files.covid19.ca.gov/pdf/responding-to-covid19-workplace--en.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Responding to COVID-19 in the Workplace for Employers\u003c/a>: California Department of Public Health guidance for employers on how to respond to cases of COVID-19 in the workplace\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://covid19.ca.gov/industry-guidance/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Industry Guidance to Reduce Risk\u003c/a>: Information and resources for reopening businesses and facilities safely in California\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/coronavirus/COVID19FAQs.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Cal/OSHA COVID-19 Emergency Temporary Standards\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "As COVID-19 continues to ravage California, some businesses remain outside the purview of state law: resorts and casinos operating under federal law on tribal land.",
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"title": "'Slammed': Many California Casinos Are Still Open, and Some Workers Are Worried | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As California continues to grapple with a worsening winter surge of COVID-19 cases, some businesses remain able to operate outside the purview of state shutdown orders aimed to protect public health during the pandemic. Tribal resorts and casinos in California operate under federal law on federally protected sovereign land known as rancherias – so they’re not required to comply with orders issued by Gov. Newsom or county officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Graton Resort and Casino, located on tribal land in Rohnert Park, came under criticism for announcing that it would host a 4,000-person New Year’s Eve party. After a public-shaming, the Sonoma County casino \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/local-politics/article/Sonoma-casino-cancels-controversial-indoor-New-15827599.php\">canceled the event\u003c/a> last week and “apologized for any inconvenience” in a statement online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonoma County Public Health Officer Sundari Mase recently \u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/graton-casino-new-years-eve-2020-party-sonoma-county-coronavirus/9042379/\">told ABC7 News\u003c/a> the department was working with the casino to mitigate risk, “in terms of limiting indoor capacity to 20% of what’s normal, in terms of enforcing facial coverings or masks and social distancing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the casino may not be adhering to that 20% capacity threshold, according to some employees who say their employer’s practices make them fear for their safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a poker table, we’re sitting seven players, plus a dealer. That’s eight people sitting at a table that’s 6 feet long,” said an employee of the Graton Resort and Casino who asked to remain anonymous for fear of losing his job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The employee, who has worked there for several years, told KQED the casino was “slammed” the last week of December. As the coronavirus surged through the state and regional businesses limited their capacity or shut down entirely, poker players continued traveling to the few places still open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They all started traveling up here,” he said, adding that many players are traveling over two hours to spend the day playing poker. “We’re sitting with these people for eight hours a day. They’re playing 10, 12 hours a day in the same room with the same seats, the same people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While players are required to have masks on inside and cannot eat at the poker table, they’re allowed to smoke and can sit in the food court and eat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s scary … I don’t even understand why we’re open, honestly,” he said. But he added that the holidays are one of the biggest times for business and the poker room had every available seat filled on Wednesday, Thursday and Friday over the Christmas holiday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Federated Indians of Graton Rancheria continue to work closely with the Sonoma County Public Health Officer,” said Greg Sarris, Tribal Chairman of the Federated Indians of Graton Rancheria in an emailed statement to KQED. The casino will remain open “on a limited basis and [it] continues to exceed all CDC safety requirements,” the statement said, adding that team members are tested for COVID-19 every two weeks and that they wear “digital devices that ensure social distancing.” The statement also said casino bars will continue to remain closed, and alcohol service ends at 9 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the elements of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/community/reopen-guidance.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CDC’s guidance\u003c/a> is to “maintain safe behavioral practices,” which includes social distancing of 6 feet. But as evidenced by images sent by the employee, social distancing is nearly impossible at a poker table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of us are scared for our families and community,” the employee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>With the most recent surge, as someone who is constantly thinking about numbers, the employee said it’s hard to avoid thinking about the potential impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We in the poker industry, we’re math people — we’re statistics people,” he said. “I can’t help but think about California’s positivity rate — 2% to 3% right now. And if you apply that to 105 people [the poker room capacity], statistically two to three people in that room are positive at any given point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Jan. 1, 2021 a new California law, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/COVID-19/ab685.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Assembly Bill 685\u003c/a>, went into effect. The law requires employers to notify employees who may have been exposed to COVID-19 and to report workplace outbreaks to the local health department. It also expands the power of California’s Division of Occupational Safety and Health by allowing Cal/OSHA to shut down worksites that expose employees to an “imminent hazard” related to COVID-19. But Cal/OSHA would not have the authority to shut down any work site on tribal land, as those lands fall outside state jurisdiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Resources:\u003c/h3>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/coronavirus/AB6852020FAQs.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">COVID-19 Infection Prevention Requirements (AB 685)\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://files.covid19.ca.gov/pdf/responding-to-covid19-workplace--en.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Responding to COVID-19 in the Workplace for Employers\u003c/a>: California Department of Public Health guidance for employers on how to respond to cases of COVID-19 in the workplace\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://covid19.ca.gov/industry-guidance/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Industry Guidance to Reduce Risk\u003c/a>: Information and resources for reopening businesses and facilities safely in California\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/coronavirus/COVID19FAQs.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Cal/OSHA COVID-19 Emergency Temporary Standards\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Coronavirus Erases Recent Wage Gains for Many California Workers, Report Finds",
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"content": "\u003cp>In the five years before the COVID-19 pandemic, low-income Californians had begun to see substantial wage gains that were slowly chipping away at the long-growing income inequality gap between the state’s haves and have-nots. But the coronavirus pandemic is “likely stripping away many of these gains,” according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/incoming-inequality-and-economic-opportunity-in-california-december-2020.pdf\">new report\u003c/a> from the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current coronavirus-induced recession has hit low-income workers the hardest, while higher-income workers, largely able to work from home, have escaped relatively unscathed. And the extent of the job losses among low-wage workers — particularly African Americans, Latinos, workers without college degrees and women — has remained worryingly high through the fall, researchers found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This could be “exacerbating that kind of pattern of recession and recovery that’s worse for low-income families,” said lead author Sarah Bohn, PPIC’s vice president of research. “In fact, these unemployment rate differences across income are a bit worse today than they were during the Great Recession.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/4640148/embed?auto=1\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report’s findings are underscored by recent troubling new estimates of monthly poverty rates in the Golden State from a group of researchers at Columbia University’s Center on Poverty and Social Policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The monthly poverty rate in October was actually higher than rates during April and May, despite the fact that the unemployment rate declined over that time,” Zachary Parolin, who led the research, said during a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KpEDmPgDy34&t=1353s\">livestreamed data release\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because the federal CARES Act stimulus checks and expansion of unemployment benefits have mostly expired. With \u003ca href=\"http://cbrtcfj.createsend1.com/t/ViewEmail/j/EBA4E15BEBE2FE412540EF23F30FEDED\">unemployment ticking up\u003c/a> as California’s new regional shutdown orders go into effect, the picture is likely even worse now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parolin’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.povertycenter.columbia.edu/news-internal/2020/covid-projecting-monthly-poverty\">estimates\u003c/a> replicate the U.S. Census Bureau’s annual Supplemental Poverty Measure, which unlike the Official Poverty Measure, accounts for safety net benefits and the cost of living — a measure \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/california/article234920662.html\">California consistently tops\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taken together, the two sets of research paint an alarming picture of deepening poverty and inequality that could take years, if not decades, for California to dig itself out of.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers are already mulling solutions, although ambitious proposals made at this time of year often get reined in by fiscal realities later in the spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"income-inequality\"]Last week, Assemblymember Phil Ting, a San Francisco Democrat who chairs the budget committee, announced \u003ca href=\"https://a19.asmdc.org/sites/a19.asmdc.org/files/pdf/2021-22-assembly-budget-blueprint.pdf\">his priorities\u003c/a> for the session. They included transitional kindergarten for all 4-year-olds, more financial aid for college students, more money for low-income families through the state’s earned income tax credit and making parents who don’t work eligible for the state’s young child tax credit of up to $1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our major priority is making sure we do everything to get money into the pockets of the most vulnerable Californians,” Ting said. “So many Californians are struggling. They’re on the brink of homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toni Symonds, chief consultant for the Assembly Committee on Jobs, Economic Development, and the Economy, speaking on a panel about the new poverty data, said that lawmakers are considering expanding subsidized child care for essential workers, salary subsidies for part-time workers at businesses reopening after regional shutdowns and food assistance, such as the $365 the state offered to families with children last spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Fleming, spokesperson for the Assembly Republican Caucus, said that Republican lawmakers, too, are focused on getting money into people’s pockets as quickly as possible. GOP lawmakers are considering bills to redirect funding from California’s floundering high-speed rail to education, fix the state’s beleaguered Employment Development Department and repeal Assembly Bill 5, which makes it harder to classify workers as contractors. Above all, he said, they’ll advocate to keep businesses open and schools in person as much as possible in the coming months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Governor Newsom’s COVID shutdowns have disproportionately targeted those industries that provide jobs to low-income families,” said Senate Republican Leader Shannon Grove of Bakersfield in a statement. “Democrat policies have left them with fewer jobs, more unpaid bills, and less opportunity for their children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 id=\"h-a-recent-history-of-economic-inequality\">\u003cstrong>Recent History of Economic Inequality\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The gap between California’s haves and have-nots has widened markedly since 1980, with the loss of manufacturing jobs, more automation, rising incomes for highly educated workers, declining collective bargaining power and rising numbers of less-educated immigrants, the PPIC report noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1980, wages for the 10% of families with the highest incomes were 7.4 times higher than for families in the bottom 10%. By 2019, that gap had widened to 9.8 times higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/4640254/embed?auto=1\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recessions have historically made inequality worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The highest-income families generally take a hit of up to 7% then recover within a few years. Meanwhile, the lowest-income families often face “much steeper and deeper declines,” of up to 20% in wages, PPIC’s Bohn explained. In three of the last four recessions, it has taken them a decade on average to recover their pre-recession wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But following the recovery from the Great Recession, things were looking up. A historically long period of economic growth had seen incomes for the poorest Californians rise from $20,000 in 2014 to $27,000 in 2019, a 34% increase that outpaced income growth for the highest earners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the pandemic hit, putting entire low-wage sectors out of work, like restaurants, retail, entertainment, tourism and beauty and barber shops. In the spring, as many as 44% of workers in families with incomes below $30,000 were either unemployed, working part time though they preferred to work full time or had stopped looking for jobs, according to the report. By the fall, that percentage had only dropped slightly, to about 37%.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 id=\"h-are-solutions-on-the-horizon\">\u003cstrong>Solutions on the Horizon? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The billions of dollars that the CARES Act pumped into California lifted an estimated 3.5 million residents out of poverty in April, Columbia’s Parolin said. But that number dropped to 600,000 in October as unemployment benefits dried up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/4639899/embed?auto=1\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2020/11/californians-pandemic-aid-ends-unemployment-eviction/?\">750,000 Californians\u003c/a> stand to lose unemployment benefits on Dec. 26, so if Congress doesn’t agree on a new stimulus package soon, California will see rising poverty rates in January, Parolin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether California’s short-term poverty rates stay high will largely depend on how Congress and the incoming Biden administration negotiate future stimulus packages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parolin said the federal government could quickly reduce monthly poverty by increasing the maximum benefit for food stamps by at least 15%, which it did during the Great Recession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is clear to me is we need another round of stimulus last month and the month before, if not right now,” said Amy Everitt, president of Golden State Opportunity, a nonprofit that has advocated for expanding the state’s earned income tax credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bohn emphasized that the state has policy options, too, and that Californians are hungry to fight inequality. In a September survey, PPIC found that 59% of residents thought the state should do more to reduce the gap between rich and poor. The idea was especially popular among African Americans, Asian Americans and Latino residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The PPIC report included a list of short-term state policy suggestions: targeting relief to hard-hit businesses, expanding safety-net benefits including to undocumented workers, investing in job training for workers in sectors like leisure and hospitality that may not recover, and expanding subsidies for child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bohn warned that “over the long term, getting jobs back is not sufficient for improving the score of inequality.” The report recommends that the state improve long-term economic mobility by investing in access to high-quality child care and higher education, and taking “corrective policy actions” to reverse long-standing underinvestment in low-income and communities of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Riverside County Supervisor V. Manuel Perez said more funding for child care is “essential” to getting families out of poverty, as is improving broadband access, which he called an “issue of civil rights” for children of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His largely Latino district, which encompasses the Coachella and Palo Verde valleys, is a microcosm of California’s persistent inequality, he said, even though “there’s a picture out there that the Coachella Valley is a playground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Quite frankly, it is for those that have, and it’s not for those that don’t,” Perez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article is part of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-divide/?\">California Divide,\u003c/a> a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequality and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the five years before the COVID-19 pandemic, low-income Californians had begun to see substantial wage gains that were slowly chipping away at the long-growing income inequality gap between the state’s haves and have-nots. But the coronavirus pandemic is “likely stripping away many of these gains,” according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/incoming-inequality-and-economic-opportunity-in-california-december-2020.pdf\">new report\u003c/a> from the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current coronavirus-induced recession has hit low-income workers the hardest, while higher-income workers, largely able to work from home, have escaped relatively unscathed. And the extent of the job losses among low-wage workers — particularly African Americans, Latinos, workers without college degrees and women — has remained worryingly high through the fall, researchers found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This could be “exacerbating that kind of pattern of recession and recovery that’s worse for low-income families,” said lead author Sarah Bohn, PPIC’s vice president of research. “In fact, these unemployment rate differences across income are a bit worse today than they were during the Great Recession.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/4640148/embed?auto=1\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report’s findings are underscored by recent troubling new estimates of monthly poverty rates in the Golden State from a group of researchers at Columbia University’s Center on Poverty and Social Policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The monthly poverty rate in October was actually higher than rates during April and May, despite the fact that the unemployment rate declined over that time,” Zachary Parolin, who led the research, said during a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KpEDmPgDy34&t=1353s\">livestreamed data release\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because the federal CARES Act stimulus checks and expansion of unemployment benefits have mostly expired. With \u003ca href=\"http://cbrtcfj.createsend1.com/t/ViewEmail/j/EBA4E15BEBE2FE412540EF23F30FEDED\">unemployment ticking up\u003c/a> as California’s new regional shutdown orders go into effect, the picture is likely even worse now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parolin’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.povertycenter.columbia.edu/news-internal/2020/covid-projecting-monthly-poverty\">estimates\u003c/a> replicate the U.S. Census Bureau’s annual Supplemental Poverty Measure, which unlike the Official Poverty Measure, accounts for safety net benefits and the cost of living — a measure \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/california/article234920662.html\">California consistently tops\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taken together, the two sets of research paint an alarming picture of deepening poverty and inequality that could take years, if not decades, for California to dig itself out of.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers are already mulling solutions, although ambitious proposals made at this time of year often get reined in by fiscal realities later in the spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last week, Assemblymember Phil Ting, a San Francisco Democrat who chairs the budget committee, announced \u003ca href=\"https://a19.asmdc.org/sites/a19.asmdc.org/files/pdf/2021-22-assembly-budget-blueprint.pdf\">his priorities\u003c/a> for the session. They included transitional kindergarten for all 4-year-olds, more financial aid for college students, more money for low-income families through the state’s earned income tax credit and making parents who don’t work eligible for the state’s young child tax credit of up to $1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our major priority is making sure we do everything to get money into the pockets of the most vulnerable Californians,” Ting said. “So many Californians are struggling. They’re on the brink of homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toni Symonds, chief consultant for the Assembly Committee on Jobs, Economic Development, and the Economy, speaking on a panel about the new poverty data, said that lawmakers are considering expanding subsidized child care for essential workers, salary subsidies for part-time workers at businesses reopening after regional shutdowns and food assistance, such as the $365 the state offered to families with children last spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Fleming, spokesperson for the Assembly Republican Caucus, said that Republican lawmakers, too, are focused on getting money into people’s pockets as quickly as possible. GOP lawmakers are considering bills to redirect funding from California’s floundering high-speed rail to education, fix the state’s beleaguered Employment Development Department and repeal Assembly Bill 5, which makes it harder to classify workers as contractors. Above all, he said, they’ll advocate to keep businesses open and schools in person as much as possible in the coming months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Governor Newsom’s COVID shutdowns have disproportionately targeted those industries that provide jobs to low-income families,” said Senate Republican Leader Shannon Grove of Bakersfield in a statement. “Democrat policies have left them with fewer jobs, more unpaid bills, and less opportunity for their children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 id=\"h-a-recent-history-of-economic-inequality\">\u003cstrong>Recent History of Economic Inequality\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The gap between California’s haves and have-nots has widened markedly since 1980, with the loss of manufacturing jobs, more automation, rising incomes for highly educated workers, declining collective bargaining power and rising numbers of less-educated immigrants, the PPIC report noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1980, wages for the 10% of families with the highest incomes were 7.4 times higher than for families in the bottom 10%. By 2019, that gap had widened to 9.8 times higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/4640254/embed?auto=1\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recessions have historically made inequality worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The highest-income families generally take a hit of up to 7% then recover within a few years. Meanwhile, the lowest-income families often face “much steeper and deeper declines,” of up to 20% in wages, PPIC’s Bohn explained. In three of the last four recessions, it has taken them a decade on average to recover their pre-recession wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But following the recovery from the Great Recession, things were looking up. A historically long period of economic growth had seen incomes for the poorest Californians rise from $20,000 in 2014 to $27,000 in 2019, a 34% increase that outpaced income growth for the highest earners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the pandemic hit, putting entire low-wage sectors out of work, like restaurants, retail, entertainment, tourism and beauty and barber shops. In the spring, as many as 44% of workers in families with incomes below $30,000 were either unemployed, working part time though they preferred to work full time or had stopped looking for jobs, according to the report. By the fall, that percentage had only dropped slightly, to about 37%.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 id=\"h-are-solutions-on-the-horizon\">\u003cstrong>Solutions on the Horizon? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The billions of dollars that the CARES Act pumped into California lifted an estimated 3.5 million residents out of poverty in April, Columbia’s Parolin said. But that number dropped to 600,000 in October as unemployment benefits dried up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/4639899/embed?auto=1\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2020/11/californians-pandemic-aid-ends-unemployment-eviction/?\">750,000 Californians\u003c/a> stand to lose unemployment benefits on Dec. 26, so if Congress doesn’t agree on a new stimulus package soon, California will see rising poverty rates in January, Parolin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether California’s short-term poverty rates stay high will largely depend on how Congress and the incoming Biden administration negotiate future stimulus packages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parolin said the federal government could quickly reduce monthly poverty by increasing the maximum benefit for food stamps by at least 15%, which it did during the Great Recession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is clear to me is we need another round of stimulus last month and the month before, if not right now,” said Amy Everitt, president of Golden State Opportunity, a nonprofit that has advocated for expanding the state’s earned income tax credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bohn emphasized that the state has policy options, too, and that Californians are hungry to fight inequality. In a September survey, PPIC found that 59% of residents thought the state should do more to reduce the gap between rich and poor. The idea was especially popular among African Americans, Asian Americans and Latino residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The PPIC report included a list of short-term state policy suggestions: targeting relief to hard-hit businesses, expanding safety-net benefits including to undocumented workers, investing in job training for workers in sectors like leisure and hospitality that may not recover, and expanding subsidies for child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bohn warned that “over the long term, getting jobs back is not sufficient for improving the score of inequality.” The report recommends that the state improve long-term economic mobility by investing in access to high-quality child care and higher education, and taking “corrective policy actions” to reverse long-standing underinvestment in low-income and communities of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Riverside County Supervisor V. Manuel Perez said more funding for child care is “essential” to getting families out of poverty, as is improving broadband access, which he called an “issue of civil rights” for children of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His largely Latino district, which encompasses the Coachella and Palo Verde valleys, is a microcosm of California’s persistent inequality, he said, even though “there’s a picture out there that the Coachella Valley is a playground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Quite frankly, it is for those that have, and it’s not for those that don’t,” Perez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article is part of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-divide/?\">California Divide,\u003c/a> a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequality and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California Attorney General Xavier Becerra on Monday asked a judge to order Amazon to comply with subpoenas his office issued nearly four months ago as part of an investigation into how the company is protecting workers from the coronavirus at its facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra said the online sales giant hasn't provided enough information on its coronavirus safety steps and the status of infections and deaths at its shipping facilities across California. The attorney general \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11850090/why-some-advocates-say-ag-becerra-makes-sense-as-bidens-health-secretary\">is President-elect Joe Biden's pick\u003c/a> to be the first Latino to lead the Health and Human Services Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Attorney General Xavier Becerra\"]'While Amazon continues to operate profitably, it has been less than forthcoming about its operations and its practices to protect its workers.'[/pullquote]\"We're investigating because we got reports, information, complaints about conditions, incidents,\" Becerra said. While the investigation is ongoing, \"we believe that it merits looking into Amazon's protocols, practices, based on information that we have received.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company did not immediately respond to a request for comment left through an email that the company provides for members of the media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra wants a Sacramento County Superior Court judge to find that the company hasn't given specific details on its coronavirus prevention efforts in response to subpoenas issued Aug. 19, including its sick leave policies and cleaning procedures. He also wants access to the company's raw data on the number of infections and deaths at its facilities in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We urgently need to know about complaints made by Amazon associates to the company about working conditions, potential retaliation taken against employees who raise these workplace safety concerns,\" he said. \"We don't have time to drag our feet ... our state finds itself in the thick of this pandemic.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His office wants to know which facilities have the highest infection rates, how the company defines which employees have been diagnosed with the virus, any contacts it has had with health officials, and documents related to any lawsuits or investigations by either individuals or other agencies. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra routinely declines comment on ongoing investigations, but called a virtual news conference to criticize Amazon for making billions of dollars during the pandemic as consumers increasingly turn to online purchases over brick-and-mortar stores — profits that he said are built on the labor of employees who put themselves at risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company projects sales will top $100 billion in the final quarter of 2020, and in the third quarter \"its revenues soared while its profits tripled compared to 2019,\" Becerra said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"While Amazon continues to operate profitably, it has been less than forthcoming about its operations and its practices to protect its workers.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the subpoenas followed months of informal communications with the company over its health and safety policies. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Coronavirus Coverage' tag='coronavirus']The company has missed several chances to comply, he said, but he said the investigation is continuing and he has made no decision on whether its practices are adequate — in part because he has not received enough information from the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The probe began last spring, his office said in seeking the court order, and officials first sent Amazon a letter in May seeking information. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra's court filing lists media reports about three Amazon workers' deaths, but said the company mentioned none of them in its responses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra's office first publicly disclosed the investigation in a court filing in July in a San Francisco Superior Court case in which an employee accused the company of not doing enough to safeguard staff, such as requiring social distancing and cleaning equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA, more formally the known as the state's Division of Occupational Safety and Health, and the San Francisco Department of Public Health have also launched investigations, according to that court filing. Officials in other states have also launched investigations into Amazon workers' complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California Attorney General Xavier Becerra on Monday asked a judge to order Amazon to comply with subpoenas his office issued nearly four months ago as part of an investigation into how the company is protecting workers from the coronavirus at its facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra said the online sales giant hasn't provided enough information on its coronavirus safety steps and the status of infections and deaths at its shipping facilities across California. The attorney general \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11850090/why-some-advocates-say-ag-becerra-makes-sense-as-bidens-health-secretary\">is President-elect Joe Biden's pick\u003c/a> to be the first Latino to lead the Health and Human Services Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\"We're investigating because we got reports, information, complaints about conditions, incidents,\" Becerra said. While the investigation is ongoing, \"we believe that it merits looking into Amazon's protocols, practices, based on information that we have received.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company did not immediately respond to a request for comment left through an email that the company provides for members of the media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra wants a Sacramento County Superior Court judge to find that the company hasn't given specific details on its coronavirus prevention efforts in response to subpoenas issued Aug. 19, including its sick leave policies and cleaning procedures. He also wants access to the company's raw data on the number of infections and deaths at its facilities in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We urgently need to know about complaints made by Amazon associates to the company about working conditions, potential retaliation taken against employees who raise these workplace safety concerns,\" he said. \"We don't have time to drag our feet ... our state finds itself in the thick of this pandemic.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His office wants to know which facilities have the highest infection rates, how the company defines which employees have been diagnosed with the virus, any contacts it has had with health officials, and documents related to any lawsuits or investigations by either individuals or other agencies. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra routinely declines comment on ongoing investigations, but called a virtual news conference to criticize Amazon for making billions of dollars during the pandemic as consumers increasingly turn to online purchases over brick-and-mortar stores — profits that he said are built on the labor of employees who put themselves at risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company projects sales will top $100 billion in the final quarter of 2020, and in the third quarter \"its revenues soared while its profits tripled compared to 2019,\" Becerra said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"While Amazon continues to operate profitably, it has been less than forthcoming about its operations and its practices to protect its workers.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the subpoenas followed months of informal communications with the company over its health and safety policies. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The company has missed several chances to comply, he said, but he said the investigation is continuing and he has made no decision on whether its practices are adequate — in part because he has not received enough information from the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The probe began last spring, his office said in seeking the court order, and officials first sent Amazon a letter in May seeking information. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra's court filing lists media reports about three Amazon workers' deaths, but said the company mentioned none of them in its responses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra's office first publicly disclosed the investigation in a court filing in July in a San Francisco Superior Court case in which an employee accused the company of not doing enough to safeguard staff, such as requiring social distancing and cleaning equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA, more formally the known as the state's Division of Occupational Safety and Health, and the San Francisco Department of Public Health have also launched investigations, according to that court filing. Officials in other states have also launched investigations into Amazon workers' complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Most mornings, Paulino Ramos sat under the small tree at the entrance of a busy Home Depot parking lot near Downtown Los Angeles. Other day laborers hanging around on the corner knew they could find their friend there, waiting in the shade for construction jobs. But in early September, they noticed Ramos, the sturdily built demolition worker, looked weak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He lost a lot of weight and he looked sad,” says Fernando Sanchez, a day laborer whose main trade is roofing. He stares at the ground as he talks about Ramos. “I think when someone thinks they’re going to die, they know; they can feel it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the morning of Sept. 7, Labor Day, Ramos was sitting in his spot under the tree with his head down, hunched over in pain. One worker thought Ramos was having a heart attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was saying, ‘I have pain in my chest,’ and he couldn’t breathe,” says Jorge Nicolás, organizer of the Central American Resource Center of Los Angeles (CARECEN) Day Labor Center, located on the Home Depot parking lot. “One of the workers here took him to the ER. And after that, we never saw him again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramos, a low-wage day laborer desperate to earn a paycheck, became one of the more than 290,000 people who have died from COVID-19 in the United States. The coronavirus pandemic has hit the country’s Latino population especially hard. In Los Angeles County, \u003ca href=\"http://dashboard.publichealth.lacounty.gov/covid19_surveillance_dashboard/\">Latinos make up 51% of COVID-19 deaths,\u003c/a> according to the L.A. Department of Public Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramos was 53. He was alone here in the U.S.; he lived apart from his family in Mexico for many years. He often told Nicolás that he was eager to return home to the state of Puebla to be with his wife and three kids, and his grandkids that he’d never met.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He died shortly after he was brought to the ER.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was a loving father, a loving husband, and he always tried to provide for his family,” says Nicolás. “That’s the reason he came [to the U.S.], to be able to provide a better opportunity for his kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramos’ story reflects the reality of day laborers on the edge of poverty in this pandemic. The once-abundant construction jobs available in this parking lot have all but dried up since March, and Ramos could no longer afford to pay his rent. Before he died, he received a $300 grant from CARECEN and the National Day Laborer Organizing Network to assist with basic expenses. In a video he recorded for the organizations’ donors, Ramos said: “I am grateful I got help, so at least I can eat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside the tiny, open-air CARECEN Day Labor Center, which provides economic programs for day laborers, workers constructed a makeshift memorial to honor Ramos. There’s a small table with now-wilted flowers, prayer candles and photos. A black-and-white image shows Ramos in the hospital bed, hooked-up to machines and tubes as he battled COVID-19. But the color photograph the workers pinned above the memorial reminds them of the man they all knew: a quiet friend with graying black hair, a mustache and a little smile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11850742\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/12/paulino-ramos-image-df3c7a190381f97c9960cfaaedda98ee545996d8-scaled-e1607709922287.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11850742\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ramos, 53, spent over a decade working demolition jobs across L.A. He supported his wife and children in Mexico, and dreamed of one day returning home. \u003ccite>(Danny Hajek/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There’s worry at this corner of the parking lot that workers like Ramos are more vulnerable to complications from COVID-19. Ramos spent over a decade working demolition jobs across L.A., where he risked exposure to hazardous materials like asbestos, mold and concrete dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are strong chemicals in the old buildings we work in,” says Jesús Monge, one of the workers standing outside The Home Depot. Monge’s been a painter since arriving in the U.S. from El Salvador in 1981. “A lot of workers here have damaged their lungs, including me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11848307,news_11849641,news_11849585 label='Related Coverage']Employers are required to provide protective equipment at job sites, but Monge says they rarely do. Even in a pandemic, he says day laborers often go without personal protective equipment because workers can’t afford the expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employers don’t offer health insurance, and day laborers don’t have access to sick pay. There’s pressure to show up to work, even if an individual is overcome by symptoms of COVID-19, like Ramos experienced. And like many day laborers at this parking lot, Ramos was undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mario Guerra, a welder waiting on the corner, says he wonders if he’ll suffer the same fate as his friend. “I don’t know if I’ll ever go home to El Salvador or if I’ll die here,” he says. “I want to see my mom and my daughter but — that’s life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paulino Ramos dreamed of returning home, too. Last week, his remains were sent back to his family in Mexico. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2020 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=A+Day+Laborer+Who+Dreamed+Of+Returning+Home+To+Mexico+Dies+Of+COVID-19&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Most mornings, Paulino Ramos sat under the small tree at the entrance of a busy Home Depot parking lot near Downtown Los Angeles. Other day laborers hanging around on the corner knew they could find their friend there, waiting in the shade for construction jobs. But in early September, they noticed Ramos, the sturdily built demolition worker, looked weak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He lost a lot of weight and he looked sad,” says Fernando Sanchez, a day laborer whose main trade is roofing. He stares at the ground as he talks about Ramos. “I think when someone thinks they’re going to die, they know; they can feel it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the morning of Sept. 7, Labor Day, Ramos was sitting in his spot under the tree with his head down, hunched over in pain. One worker thought Ramos was having a heart attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was saying, ‘I have pain in my chest,’ and he couldn’t breathe,” says Jorge Nicolás, organizer of the Central American Resource Center of Los Angeles (CARECEN) Day Labor Center, located on the Home Depot parking lot. “One of the workers here took him to the ER. And after that, we never saw him again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramos, a low-wage day laborer desperate to earn a paycheck, became one of the more than 290,000 people who have died from COVID-19 in the United States. The coronavirus pandemic has hit the country’s Latino population especially hard. In Los Angeles County, \u003ca href=\"http://dashboard.publichealth.lacounty.gov/covid19_surveillance_dashboard/\">Latinos make up 51% of COVID-19 deaths,\u003c/a> according to the L.A. Department of Public Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramos was 53. He was alone here in the U.S.; he lived apart from his family in Mexico for many years. He often told Nicolás that he was eager to return home to the state of Puebla to be with his wife and three kids, and his grandkids that he’d never met.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He died shortly after he was brought to the ER.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was a loving father, a loving husband, and he always tried to provide for his family,” says Nicolás. “That’s the reason he came [to the U.S.], to be able to provide a better opportunity for his kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramos’ story reflects the reality of day laborers on the edge of poverty in this pandemic. The once-abundant construction jobs available in this parking lot have all but dried up since March, and Ramos could no longer afford to pay his rent. Before he died, he received a $300 grant from CARECEN and the National Day Laborer Organizing Network to assist with basic expenses. In a video he recorded for the organizations’ donors, Ramos said: “I am grateful I got help, so at least I can eat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside the tiny, open-air CARECEN Day Labor Center, which provides economic programs for day laborers, workers constructed a makeshift memorial to honor Ramos. There’s a small table with now-wilted flowers, prayer candles and photos. A black-and-white image shows Ramos in the hospital bed, hooked-up to machines and tubes as he battled COVID-19. But the color photograph the workers pinned above the memorial reminds them of the man they all knew: a quiet friend with graying black hair, a mustache and a little smile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11850742\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/12/paulino-ramos-image-df3c7a190381f97c9960cfaaedda98ee545996d8-scaled-e1607709922287.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11850742\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ramos, 53, spent over a decade working demolition jobs across L.A. He supported his wife and children in Mexico, and dreamed of one day returning home. \u003ccite>(Danny Hajek/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There’s worry at this corner of the parking lot that workers like Ramos are more vulnerable to complications from COVID-19. Ramos spent over a decade working demolition jobs across L.A., where he risked exposure to hazardous materials like asbestos, mold and concrete dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are strong chemicals in the old buildings we work in,” says Jesús Monge, one of the workers standing outside The Home Depot. Monge’s been a painter since arriving in the U.S. from El Salvador in 1981. “A lot of workers here have damaged their lungs, including me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Employers are required to provide protective equipment at job sites, but Monge says they rarely do. Even in a pandemic, he says day laborers often go without personal protective equipment because workers can’t afford the expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employers don’t offer health insurance, and day laborers don’t have access to sick pay. There’s pressure to show up to work, even if an individual is overcome by symptoms of COVID-19, like Ramos experienced. And like many day laborers at this parking lot, Ramos was undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mario Guerra, a welder waiting on the corner, says he wonders if he’ll suffer the same fate as his friend. “I don’t know if I’ll ever go home to El Salvador or if I’ll die here,” he says. “I want to see my mom and my daughter but — that’s life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paulino Ramos dreamed of returning home, too. Last week, his remains were sent back to his family in Mexico. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2020 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=A+Day+Laborer+Who+Dreamed+Of+Returning+Home+To+Mexico+Dies+Of+COVID-19&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "google-illegally-fired-and-spied-on-workers-who-tried-to-organize-labor-agency-says",
"title": "Google Illegally Fired and Spied on Workers Who Tried to Organize, Labor Agency Says",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This post has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google illegally fired two employees involved in labor organizing last year, the National Labor Relations Board alleged in a complaint on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tech giant also violated federal labor law, the agency said, by surveilling employees who viewed a union organizing presentation, interrogating others, unfairly enforcing some rules and maintaining policies that “discourage” workers from protected organizing activities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"google,labor\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint said Google’s actions amounted to “interfering with, restraining and coercing employees in the exercise of the rights guaranteed” by the National Labor Relations Act, the 1935 law that guarantees workers the right to unionize and to band together to improve their working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google is “confident in our decision and legal position,” the company said in a statement. While the company supports workers’ protected labor rights, the employees in question had taken actions that were “a serious violation of our policies and an unacceptable breach of a trusted responsibility,” it said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google, which is owned by Alphabet Inc., has been rocked by employee activism in recent years over issues including\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/11/01/662851489/google-employees-plan-global-walkout-to-protest-companys-treatment-of-women\"> sexual harassment\u003c/a>, its work with the U.S. government and the company’s treatment of its large contract workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal labor agency has been investigating Google for a year, after several employees fired in late 2019 filed charges of unfair labor practices. Wednesday’s complaint accused Google of violating the rights of two of those employees, Laurence Berland and Kathryn Spiers. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, it’s a terrible miscalculation on the part of these companies to kind of close ranks and fight back so aggressively,” Berland said in an interview with KQED. “I think that probably, they correctly calculate that it will give them a short-term sort of win, if you can think of it as winning to be oppressing their own workforce.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berland was one of four employees fired days before Thanksgiving 2019 for what Google described at the time as data security violations, including accessing and sharing information from other employees’ work materials and calendars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spiers was fired soon after. After the company hired a consulting firm known for anti-union work, Spiers created a pop-up notification reminding Google employees of their right to organize. Google said Spiers was fired for abusing her access to internal tools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This complaint makes clear that workers have the right to speak to issues of ethical business and the composition of management,” Berland said in a statement on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Laurence Berland']‘You know, it’s a terrible miscalculation on the part of these companies to kind of close ranks and fight back so aggressively, I think that probably, they correctly calculate that it will give them a short term sort of win, if you can think of it as winning to be oppressing their own workforce’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Google does not settle the complaint, the agency’s case will be brought to trial in front of an administrative judge, who could order the company to reinstate Berland and Spiers and give them back pay with interest and stock options to make them whole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Colleagues and strangers believe I abused my role because of lies told by Google management while they were retaliating against me,” Spiers said in a statement. “The NLRB can order Google to reinstate me, but it cannot reverse the harm done to my credibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency’s complaint did not include allegations about the firings of three other employees dismissed at the same time as Berland, who had also filed charges with the NLRB. They had protested Google’s work with Customs and Border Protection and the hiring of a former Trump administration official, according to Laurie Burgess, the employees’ lawyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to UC Hastings labor law professor Veena Dubal, their lack of inclusion doesn’t add up to much of a deterrent to managerial misbehavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aside from bad press, there is not a lot that is going to happen that will hurt Google. And the toothlessness of federal labor law, again, is the problem,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burgess said in a statement those employees intend “to vigorously appeal the dismissed charges to the NLRB to ensure that the right to engage in this type of protected activity is not encroached upon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Rachael Myrow contributed to this story. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Editor’s note: \u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003cem>Google is among NPR’s financial supporters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2020 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Google+Illegally+Fired+And+Spied+On+Workers+Who+Tried+To+Organize%2C+Labor+Agency+Says&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This post has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google illegally fired two employees involved in labor organizing last year, the National Labor Relations Board alleged in a complaint on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tech giant also violated federal labor law, the agency said, by surveilling employees who viewed a union organizing presentation, interrogating others, unfairly enforcing some rules and maintaining policies that “discourage” workers from protected organizing activities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint said Google’s actions amounted to “interfering with, restraining and coercing employees in the exercise of the rights guaranteed” by the National Labor Relations Act, the 1935 law that guarantees workers the right to unionize and to band together to improve their working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google is “confident in our decision and legal position,” the company said in a statement. While the company supports workers’ protected labor rights, the employees in question had taken actions that were “a serious violation of our policies and an unacceptable breach of a trusted responsibility,” it said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google, which is owned by Alphabet Inc., has been rocked by employee activism in recent years over issues including\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/11/01/662851489/google-employees-plan-global-walkout-to-protest-companys-treatment-of-women\"> sexual harassment\u003c/a>, its work with the U.S. government and the company’s treatment of its large contract workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal labor agency has been investigating Google for a year, after several employees fired in late 2019 filed charges of unfair labor practices. Wednesday’s complaint accused Google of violating the rights of two of those employees, Laurence Berland and Kathryn Spiers. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, it’s a terrible miscalculation on the part of these companies to kind of close ranks and fight back so aggressively,” Berland said in an interview with KQED. “I think that probably, they correctly calculate that it will give them a short-term sort of win, if you can think of it as winning to be oppressing their own workforce.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berland was one of four employees fired days before Thanksgiving 2019 for what Google described at the time as data security violations, including accessing and sharing information from other employees’ work materials and calendars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spiers was fired soon after. After the company hired a consulting firm known for anti-union work, Spiers created a pop-up notification reminding Google employees of their right to organize. Google said Spiers was fired for abusing her access to internal tools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This complaint makes clear that workers have the right to speak to issues of ethical business and the composition of management,” Berland said in a statement on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘You know, it’s a terrible miscalculation on the part of these companies to kind of close ranks and fight back so aggressively, I think that probably, they correctly calculate that it will give them a short term sort of win, if you can think of it as winning to be oppressing their own workforce’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Google does not settle the complaint, the agency’s case will be brought to trial in front of an administrative judge, who could order the company to reinstate Berland and Spiers and give them back pay with interest and stock options to make them whole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Colleagues and strangers believe I abused my role because of lies told by Google management while they were retaliating against me,” Spiers said in a statement. “The NLRB can order Google to reinstate me, but it cannot reverse the harm done to my credibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency’s complaint did not include allegations about the firings of three other employees dismissed at the same time as Berland, who had also filed charges with the NLRB. They had protested Google’s work with Customs and Border Protection and the hiring of a former Trump administration official, according to Laurie Burgess, the employees’ lawyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to UC Hastings labor law professor Veena Dubal, their lack of inclusion doesn’t add up to much of a deterrent to managerial misbehavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aside from bad press, there is not a lot that is going to happen that will hurt Google. And the toothlessness of federal labor law, again, is the problem,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burgess said in a statement those employees intend “to vigorously appeal the dismissed charges to the NLRB to ensure that the right to engage in this type of protected activity is not encroached upon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Rachael Myrow contributed to this story. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Editor’s note: \u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003cem>Google is among NPR’s financial supporters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2020 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Google+Illegally+Fired+And+Spied+On+Workers+Who+Tried+To+Organize%2C+Labor+Agency+Says&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "SF Transportation Agency Faces Huge Layoff as COVID-19 Fiscal Crisis Deepens",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5:30 p.m. Monday, Nov. 30\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing continuing catastrophic revenue losses amid the COVID-19 pandemic, San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency officials say that more than 1,200 of its nearly 6,000 employees may face layoffs. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the likely impacts of the projected layoffs: significant further cuts to Muni's already much-reduced service, a prospect SFMTA director Jeffrey Tumlin called \"devastating and heartbreaking.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I spent half the day last Wednesday, the day before Thanksgiving, sobbing on Zoom calls, talking to my labor unions about this reality,\" Tumlin said in an interview Monday. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>News of the projected layoffs was included in an all-staff \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/20418110/sfmta-budget-update-nov-30-2020.pdf\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">presentation\u003c/a> that senior SFMTA officials delivered in an online call Monday morning. A nearly identical \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/sites/default/files/reports-and-documents/2020/11/12-1-20_item_11_budget_update.pdf\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">presentation\u003c/a>, to be discussed at Tuesday's meeting of the agency board, was later made public on the SFMTA website. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jeffrey Tumlin, SFMTA director\"]'Our buses are full. We're having to turn away hundreds of essential workers every day, and having to do another 20% service cut... That is completely devastating to everything we're trying to do as an agency.'[/pullquote]\"Like our peer agencies, the city at large and families throughout our community, the pandemic has resulted in losses at the SFMTA,\" agency spokeswoman Kristen Holland said in an emailed statement. \"We do not expect our revenues to fully return for years to come. Our finances are eroding and require a rapid and immediate response.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency's budget scenario forecasts a budget deficit of $68 million in the current fiscal year, which ends next June 30. The situation is projected to be far worse in the 12 months starting next July 1, with a shortfall projected at $168 million. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The document outlines the SFMTA's struggle to continue to operate service and balance its budget as fare receipts and other key sources of revenue, such as parking fees and fines, plunge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Revenue losses now make it impossible to not assume service reduction and layoffs,\" the presentation said. \"Too many risk scenarios point to deficits that cannot be closed without a workforce reduction.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency says hundreds of jobs could be on the line during the remaining seven months of this fiscal year, with much more drastic cuts possible in the 2021-22 fiscal period. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While emphasizing that the agency faces significant financial uncertainties, the SFMTA presentation said layoffs could range from 989 to 1,226 full-time workers in fiscal 2021-22, or about 18% to 22% of the agency workforce. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency added that the cuts are certain to affect operations, which besides the Muni transit service, include running the city's parking program, overseeing the city's taxi industry and rental bicycle and scooter programs, transportation planning and street safety initiatives. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Exactly what programs would be cut and how many employees would be affected in each part of the agency isn't yet known. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SFMTA has already slashed Muni service by 30%. It has suspended runs on routes with relatively low ridership and refocused service on routes it has identified as particularly important to the city's transit-dependent essential workforce. Runs have been added to heavily used lines such as the 8-Bayshore, 9-San Bruno, 14-Mission and 38-Geary. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tumlin said layoffs could damage service in both the short and long term. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our buses are full,\" Tumlin said. \"We're having to turn away hundreds of essential workers every day, and having to do another 20% service cut on top of the 30% service cuts we've already done, that is completely devastating to everything we're trying to do as an agency.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The impact of layoffs and further service reductions could last well into the future, he added. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cuts could mean \"there's no path for downtown San Francisco to return as a major employment center. There can't be recovery of urban economies without transit,\" he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>'Dire and Gloomy and Scary'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Roger Marenco, president of Transport Workers Union Local 250-A, which represents about 2,000 Muni operators, said Monday he hoped to work with agency management to reduce the scope of the cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The situation looks and sounds dire and gloomy and scary,\" Marenco said. He said Local 250-A is formulating a plan \"that involves 10 or 12 steps so as to avoid layoffs or deter layoffs to a later date.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those steps would include hiring no new bus operators \"for the next six, eight, 10, 12 months,\" a measure designed to keep current drivers employed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That's No. 1,\" Marenco said. \"No. 2 would be beefing up parking citations. ... We all hate parking citations, that's a fact. But on the flip side it is one of the larger sources of funding for the agency.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='muni']Parking fees and fines made up about 28% of the SFMTA's projected revenue for the 2019-20 fiscal year. But that cash stream dried up as the agency stopped enforcing parking meters and residential parking zones after shelter-at-home orders were imposed last March. The SFMTA now estimates that parking revenue will fall $220 million below budgeted levels for the period from July 1, 2019 through June 30, 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marenco said a renewed emphasis on collecting transit fares would also be crucial to increasing SFMTA revenue and heading off layoffs. The agency's latest projections estimate that it will collect about $250 million less in fares during the fiscal 2019-2022 than had been budgeted — a shortfall due to a 70% decline in ridership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SFMTA's Tumlin said earlier this month that Muni would resume fare enforcement beginning Dec. 1, an announcement that brought immediate pushback from transit activists who argued that such a move will impose an additional burden on riders who are themselves struggling financially because of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muni and the SFMTA, like virtually all large transit operators across the county, has managed to stave off draconian budget cuts so far only because of federal emergency aid. The CARES Act approved in March provided $1.3 billion to Bay Area public transit systems. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muni's share of that funding was $374 million, and Monday's presentation made it clear that without that aid, the system would have been forced to make deep cuts far earlier than those being discussed now. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Transit agencies nationwide have appealed for another round of operating aid, and as much as $32 billion would be provided in already-approved House legislation. But that aid, like other pandemic relief, has been stalled by major disagreements between House and Senate leadership on the size of a new relief package. \u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Confronting a Transit 'Death Spiral'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Tumlin said Monday that another round of federal aid is likely the agency's best hope to head off massive layoffs. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have a fairly short-term problem,\" he said. \"The trouble is the unique economics of public transit, which are known as 'the death spiral.' Because we're dependent on fares, and because people have mobility choices, if we have a loss of fare revenue, we have a loss of service. And if we have a loss of service, that makes our service less attractive, which means additional loss of fare revenue, which means additional cuts in service.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tumlin said the path to full recovery requires resolving the pandemic through public health measures and making vaccines widely available. But he added that the fix for the COVID-driven fiscal crisis is more straightforward and criticized the federal government for being slow to act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is unconscionable to me that in a nation like the United States of America, that the very people who have carried us through this pandemic, who have delivered essential workers to work, are now at risk of losing their paychecks and their health care,\" Tumlin said. \"... These folks are heroes.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muni is only the latest in a growing list of Bay Area transit agencies forced to contemplate — or go ahead with — worker layoffs. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the Golden Gate Bridge, Highway and Transportation District \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11847305/golden-gate-bridge-district-considers-layoffs-major-toll-hike-as-covid-19-fiscal-crisis-deepens\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">voted to lay off 146 employees\u003c/a>, virtually all of them in the agency's bus and ferry operations. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART, which is staring at a budget deficit of $177 million in fiscal 2021-22, has launched an early retirement incentive program to see how far it can shrink its 3,600-member workforce without resorting to layoffs. Exactly how many employees take advantage of the initiative won't be known until later this month. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5:30 p.m. Monday, Nov. 30\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing continuing catastrophic revenue losses amid the COVID-19 pandemic, San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency officials say that more than 1,200 of its nearly 6,000 employees may face layoffs. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the likely impacts of the projected layoffs: significant further cuts to Muni's already much-reduced service, a prospect SFMTA director Jeffrey Tumlin called \"devastating and heartbreaking.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I spent half the day last Wednesday, the day before Thanksgiving, sobbing on Zoom calls, talking to my labor unions about this reality,\" Tumlin said in an interview Monday. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>News of the projected layoffs was included in an all-staff \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/20418110/sfmta-budget-update-nov-30-2020.pdf\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">presentation\u003c/a> that senior SFMTA officials delivered in an online call Monday morning. A nearly identical \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/sites/default/files/reports-and-documents/2020/11/12-1-20_item_11_budget_update.pdf\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">presentation\u003c/a>, to be discussed at Tuesday's meeting of the agency board, was later made public on the SFMTA website. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\"Like our peer agencies, the city at large and families throughout our community, the pandemic has resulted in losses at the SFMTA,\" agency spokeswoman Kristen Holland said in an emailed statement. \"We do not expect our revenues to fully return for years to come. Our finances are eroding and require a rapid and immediate response.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency's budget scenario forecasts a budget deficit of $68 million in the current fiscal year, which ends next June 30. The situation is projected to be far worse in the 12 months starting next July 1, with a shortfall projected at $168 million. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The document outlines the SFMTA's struggle to continue to operate service and balance its budget as fare receipts and other key sources of revenue, such as parking fees and fines, plunge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Revenue losses now make it impossible to not assume service reduction and layoffs,\" the presentation said. \"Too many risk scenarios point to deficits that cannot be closed without a workforce reduction.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency says hundreds of jobs could be on the line during the remaining seven months of this fiscal year, with much more drastic cuts possible in the 2021-22 fiscal period. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While emphasizing that the agency faces significant financial uncertainties, the SFMTA presentation said layoffs could range from 989 to 1,226 full-time workers in fiscal 2021-22, or about 18% to 22% of the agency workforce. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency added that the cuts are certain to affect operations, which besides the Muni transit service, include running the city's parking program, overseeing the city's taxi industry and rental bicycle and scooter programs, transportation planning and street safety initiatives. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Exactly what programs would be cut and how many employees would be affected in each part of the agency isn't yet known. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SFMTA has already slashed Muni service by 30%. It has suspended runs on routes with relatively low ridership and refocused service on routes it has identified as particularly important to the city's transit-dependent essential workforce. Runs have been added to heavily used lines such as the 8-Bayshore, 9-San Bruno, 14-Mission and 38-Geary. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tumlin said layoffs could damage service in both the short and long term. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our buses are full,\" Tumlin said. \"We're having to turn away hundreds of essential workers every day, and having to do another 20% service cut on top of the 30% service cuts we've already done, that is completely devastating to everything we're trying to do as an agency.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The impact of layoffs and further service reductions could last well into the future, he added. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cuts could mean \"there's no path for downtown San Francisco to return as a major employment center. There can't be recovery of urban economies without transit,\" he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>'Dire and Gloomy and Scary'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Roger Marenco, president of Transport Workers Union Local 250-A, which represents about 2,000 Muni operators, said Monday he hoped to work with agency management to reduce the scope of the cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The situation looks and sounds dire and gloomy and scary,\" Marenco said. He said Local 250-A is formulating a plan \"that involves 10 or 12 steps so as to avoid layoffs or deter layoffs to a later date.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those steps would include hiring no new bus operators \"for the next six, eight, 10, 12 months,\" a measure designed to keep current drivers employed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That's No. 1,\" Marenco said. \"No. 2 would be beefing up parking citations. ... We all hate parking citations, that's a fact. But on the flip side it is one of the larger sources of funding for the agency.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Parking fees and fines made up about 28% of the SFMTA's projected revenue for the 2019-20 fiscal year. But that cash stream dried up as the agency stopped enforcing parking meters and residential parking zones after shelter-at-home orders were imposed last March. The SFMTA now estimates that parking revenue will fall $220 million below budgeted levels for the period from July 1, 2019 through June 30, 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marenco said a renewed emphasis on collecting transit fares would also be crucial to increasing SFMTA revenue and heading off layoffs. The agency's latest projections estimate that it will collect about $250 million less in fares during the fiscal 2019-2022 than had been budgeted — a shortfall due to a 70% decline in ridership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SFMTA's Tumlin said earlier this month that Muni would resume fare enforcement beginning Dec. 1, an announcement that brought immediate pushback from transit activists who argued that such a move will impose an additional burden on riders who are themselves struggling financially because of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muni and the SFMTA, like virtually all large transit operators across the county, has managed to stave off draconian budget cuts so far only because of federal emergency aid. The CARES Act approved in March provided $1.3 billion to Bay Area public transit systems. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muni's share of that funding was $374 million, and Monday's presentation made it clear that without that aid, the system would have been forced to make deep cuts far earlier than those being discussed now. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Transit agencies nationwide have appealed for another round of operating aid, and as much as $32 billion would be provided in already-approved House legislation. But that aid, like other pandemic relief, has been stalled by major disagreements between House and Senate leadership on the size of a new relief package. \u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Confronting a Transit 'Death Spiral'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Tumlin said Monday that another round of federal aid is likely the agency's best hope to head off massive layoffs. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have a fairly short-term problem,\" he said. \"The trouble is the unique economics of public transit, which are known as 'the death spiral.' Because we're dependent on fares, and because people have mobility choices, if we have a loss of fare revenue, we have a loss of service. And if we have a loss of service, that makes our service less attractive, which means additional loss of fare revenue, which means additional cuts in service.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tumlin said the path to full recovery requires resolving the pandemic through public health measures and making vaccines widely available. But he added that the fix for the COVID-driven fiscal crisis is more straightforward and criticized the federal government for being slow to act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is unconscionable to me that in a nation like the United States of America, that the very people who have carried us through this pandemic, who have delivered essential workers to work, are now at risk of losing their paychecks and their health care,\" Tumlin said. \"... These folks are heroes.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muni is only the latest in a growing list of Bay Area transit agencies forced to contemplate — or go ahead with — worker layoffs. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the Golden Gate Bridge, Highway and Transportation District \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11847305/golden-gate-bridge-district-considers-layoffs-major-toll-hike-as-covid-19-fiscal-crisis-deepens\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">voted to lay off 146 employees\u003c/a>, virtually all of them in the agency's bus and ferry operations. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART, which is staring at a budget deficit of $177 million in fiscal 2021-22, has launched an early retirement incentive program to see how far it can shrink its 3,600-member workforce without resorting to layoffs. Exactly how many employees take advantage of the initiative won't be known until later this month. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>This is the first episode of \u003cem>By The People, \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/thebay\">The Bay podcast\u003c/a>’s new series highlighting the way democracy shows up in the places around us, and how we can all plug in.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One way to change your hometown? Run for office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Alex Lee, James Coleman, and Lucy Shen decided to do in the 2020 elections. All three are among a number of young, queer candidates of color who ran in local races this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfeiQTfCnzwvOkxyTf8kUNPHsaoishgMkbMpQ25W5UpHOn9bw/viewform\">\u003cem>Subscribe to The Bay’s newsletter here\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>They’re from different parts of the Bay Area – with unique relationships to their hometowns – but they all found themselves looking for change and diving into politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Coming Home and Breaking Barriers\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A number of young, queer people of color are “winning seats in towns that have not necessarily seen that sort of representation before,” says KQED Silicon Valley reporter \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/oddity_adhiti\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Adhiti Bandlamudi\u003c/a>. She’s been tracking Lee, Coleman and Shen’s progress, and notes that not only are all three of them Asian American, but they’re running for office in Bay Area cities “where they are sort of making history by even running.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee, Coleman and Shen are fairly united in their politics as “young progressives that have really liberal-leaning policies,” says Bandlamudi — running on platforms like housing affordability, demilitarizing the police and the removal of school resource officers. “These are all platforms that are new and different, that have not necessarily been the status quo in these areas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another unifying factor? All three candidates are all seeking office in their own hometowns — the places to which they’ve returned after varying degrees of time away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC7907343389&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three candidates expressed having experienced some form of backlash over their identities, says Bandlamudi, but stress that it’s been met by “how much support they received from their community, from people who are neighbors, who they grew up around, from their former teachers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They all talked about knocking on doors, talking to folks, and playing up the fact that they all grew up in the cities that they were running in,” says Bandlamudi.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Meet Alex Lee, CA Assemblymember-elect, District 25\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In November, 25-year-old Lee became the youngest state legislator in almost a century, running to represent the area encompassing Fremont, Santa Clara, San Jose, Milpitas and Newark. He’s also now the first openly bisexual state legislator in California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite being a legislative staffer for the state Assembly and being very intimately acquainted with the legislative process, or even the legislators themselves, I was in many regards an outsider,” says Lee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/VoteAlexLee2020/status/1316067928773586945\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Self-describing as a gig worker himself, Lee says that understanding the struggles working class people can experience wasn’t “this foreign concept where I have to tour somewhere, and have to talk to someone to understand the struggle. I understand it … it’s not something I have to learn secondhand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of being the first openly bisexual person in this role, Lee says that he thinks about it “a lot” — but that being first brings with it a degree of pressure, too. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s important to me as a young person, especially as a young, queer person of color, to do the job well so that we can uplift more young, queer people of color to office,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Meet Lucy Shen, Candidate for Fremont Unified School Board’s District 5 Seat\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“I never really envisioned myself in politics,” says \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/votelucyshen?lang=en\">Lucy Shen\u003c/a>. “At most I saw myself as an organizer, or at least someone who supported organizers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Shen, who is non-binary, found themselves motivated to run for Fremont School Board Area 5 by the sheer lack of any other candidates they felt they could support – and the realization that “it would really make our organizers’ job easier if we could have one of our own in an electoral position, because it could save their time and energy so that they can keep working on things that matter — instead of having to turn people out to the most basic of discussions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/votelucyshen/status/1318582750522167296\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shen was spurred into activism in 2018, by their desire to work to update the Fremont school system’s health and sexual education system to reflect the experiences of queer people — a drive that Shen says was met with homophobic reactions from some in the community. After a spell on the east coast, where Shen attended Wellesley College, the COVID-19 crisis led them to return home to their parents’ Bay Area home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just I feel like I have a very deep understanding of this place,” says Shen. “It means it’s hard to leave, for sure.” But of Fremont’s conservative aspects, Shen says that “after the sex ed thing I think we realized … how much homophobia was deeply rooted in our community, even if people don’t recognize it or admit to it.” They felt drawn once more to make a difference in the local education system, and ran for the District 5 seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even thought that bid was ultimately unsuccessful, Shen hasn’t ruled out another future run. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I realized that this was an aspect where I could effect change in a meaningful way, and in a way that I could witness myself while working with the people that I loved and trusted the most, because these are the people that I grew up with who we were able to turn out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was “community building and also future building at the same time,” says Shen.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Meet James Coleman, Councilmember-elect for South San Francisco’s District 4\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Listeners of The Bay podcast may already know the name of James Coleman. He’s the 21-year-old who ran for city council in South San Francisco after the George Floyd protests this summer, campaigning on policing and affordable housing — and won.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His opponent, Rich Garbarino, had been in office since Coleman was a child. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a campaign where many establishment figures doubted the potential — and especially since South San Francisco is a community that may be looked upon as generally apolitical, and not a really progressive community,” says Coleman. “But we proved them wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/James4SSF/status/1326010228517732352\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adhiti Bandlamudi notes South San Francisco’s mix of “a strong community of working class folks who have been there for a very, very long time” and groups that have moved in more recently to work in the biotech industry. She also observes how Coleman, who comes from a working class family and has been pursuing a degree in STEM, might be seen to bridge those two communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What South City wants is action on climate change,” says Coleman. “They want resources for child care and preschool. They want to be able to move out of their parents’ homes and build their family in a house in South San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He feels like the city is facing a lot of crises,” says Bandlamudi. “He feels that people are so fed up [with the status quo] that they were willing to take a chance on someone who they weren’t familiar with, just to see some change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coleman says he was surprised at his win, but that he believes “this is a movement that has been a long time coming.” He says he’s also ready “to work with the other incumbents and really get things done, get things passed, solve some issues, you know – have a really spirited and intense debate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to be a collaborative force on the city council,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Read the full episode transcript \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3m09REQ\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">here\u003c/a>. \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>This is the first episode of \u003cem>By The People, \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/thebay\">The Bay podcast\u003c/a>’s new series highlighting the way democracy shows up in the places around us, and how we can all plug in.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One way to change your hometown? Run for office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Alex Lee, James Coleman, and Lucy Shen decided to do in the 2020 elections. All three are among a number of young, queer candidates of color who ran in local races this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfeiQTfCnzwvOkxyTf8kUNPHsaoishgMkbMpQ25W5UpHOn9bw/viewform\">\u003cem>Subscribe to The Bay’s newsletter here\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>They’re from different parts of the Bay Area – with unique relationships to their hometowns – but they all found themselves looking for change and diving into politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Coming Home and Breaking Barriers\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A number of young, queer people of color are “winning seats in towns that have not necessarily seen that sort of representation before,” says KQED Silicon Valley reporter \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/oddity_adhiti\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Adhiti Bandlamudi\u003c/a>. She’s been tracking Lee, Coleman and Shen’s progress, and notes that not only are all three of them Asian American, but they’re running for office in Bay Area cities “where they are sort of making history by even running.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee, Coleman and Shen are fairly united in their politics as “young progressives that have really liberal-leaning policies,” says Bandlamudi — running on platforms like housing affordability, demilitarizing the police and the removal of school resource officers. “These are all platforms that are new and different, that have not necessarily been the status quo in these areas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another unifying factor? All three candidates are all seeking office in their own hometowns — the places to which they’ve returned after varying degrees of time away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC7907343389&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three candidates expressed having experienced some form of backlash over their identities, says Bandlamudi, but stress that it’s been met by “how much support they received from their community, from people who are neighbors, who they grew up around, from their former teachers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They all talked about knocking on doors, talking to folks, and playing up the fact that they all grew up in the cities that they were running in,” says Bandlamudi.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Meet Alex Lee, CA Assemblymember-elect, District 25\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In November, 25-year-old Lee became the youngest state legislator in almost a century, running to represent the area encompassing Fremont, Santa Clara, San Jose, Milpitas and Newark. He’s also now the first openly bisexual state legislator in California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite being a legislative staffer for the state Assembly and being very intimately acquainted with the legislative process, or even the legislators themselves, I was in many regards an outsider,” says Lee.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Self-describing as a gig worker himself, Lee says that understanding the struggles working class people can experience wasn’t “this foreign concept where I have to tour somewhere, and have to talk to someone to understand the struggle. I understand it … it’s not something I have to learn secondhand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of being the first openly bisexual person in this role, Lee says that he thinks about it “a lot” — but that being first brings with it a degree of pressure, too. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s important to me as a young person, especially as a young, queer person of color, to do the job well so that we can uplift more young, queer people of color to office,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Meet Lucy Shen, Candidate for Fremont Unified School Board’s District 5 Seat\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“I never really envisioned myself in politics,” says \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/votelucyshen?lang=en\">Lucy Shen\u003c/a>. “At most I saw myself as an organizer, or at least someone who supported organizers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Shen, who is non-binary, found themselves motivated to run for Fremont School Board Area 5 by the sheer lack of any other candidates they felt they could support – and the realization that “it would really make our organizers’ job easier if we could have one of our own in an electoral position, because it could save their time and energy so that they can keep working on things that matter — instead of having to turn people out to the most basic of discussions.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Bay Area agency in charge of regional transportation planning voted Friday to change course on a plan that would have required most employees of large companies to work from home in coming decades. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Metropolitan Transportation Commission instead opted for a revised proposal that will shift the focus of its effort to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of mandating that 60% of those working for large employers across the region to telecommute on any given workday — \u003ca href=\"https://sf.streetsblog.org/2020/09/23/make-60-work-from-home-permanently/\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">a scenario approved in September\u003c/a> — the amended plan focuses on ways to sharply curtail the share of commuters who drive to work from the current 65%. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative is part of \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/our-work/plans-projects/plan-bay-area-2050\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">Plan Bay Area 2050\u003c/a>, a comprehensive blueprint for transportation and housing. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under state law, the MTC must adopt a plan that would reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 19% by 2035 or the region would face the loss of at least $100 million a year in funding for traffic congestion relief and other other transportation projects. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the original 60% work-from-home requirement, a major part of the plan to cut emissions, drew immediate pushback from business groups, transit operators and elected officials who argued it would have lasting negative effects. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those consequences, critics said, could include damage to downtown business districts and an unsustainable loss of revenue for public transit agencies. Opponents also said the mandate didn’t take account of lower-wage office workers who can’t work from home or commute patterns in busy downtown areas where most workers have already abandoned driving alone to work as their commute option of choice. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nick Josefowitz, a San Francisco MTC member and chief policy officer at regional planning think tank SPUR, said the telecommuting mandate “penalized people who are walking to work, biking to work or taking public transit. And it penalized companies that have located in places where people can do that and who encourage people to do that. And it penalized cities that have made huge investments in walking and biking and transit. It was basically saying if you walk to work, you’re still being forced to work from home. And there’s no environmental benefit in that.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amended proposal takes on the issue of reducing car trips from another angle. Instead of declaring that 60% of workers must work from home on a given day by the year 2035, it mandates that “no more than 40 percent of each employer’s workforce would be eligible to commute by auto on an average workday.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revised plan approved Friday leaves it up to major employers how to reach that goal by using a broad palette of incentives — or disincentives. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inducements to use sustainable means to get to work could include free or subsidized transit passes, bike and e-bike subsidies and giveaways, on-site employee housing, housing subsidies for employees residing in walkable transit-rich communities or simply paying workers cash for walking, biking or telecommuting. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measures to discourage driving could include getting rid of parking lots and garages and imposing higher parking fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revised plan “provide a lot of flexibility,” Josefowitz said. “Ultimately I think it acknowledges that it doesn’t really matter if someone is biking to work or walking to work or taking transit — or in some cases working from home — as long as we have fewer and fewer people who are driving to work alone and causing the kind of crippling congestion the Bay Area has seen for so long and creating such environmental damage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The entire Plan Bay Area 2050, which will set priorities for how to spend hundreds of billions of dollars on transportation and housing initiatives over the next three decades, is expected to be approved. \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Bay Area agency in charge of regional transportation planning voted Friday to change course on a plan that would have required most employees of large companies to work from home in coming decades. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Metropolitan Transportation Commission instead opted for a revised proposal that will shift the focus of its effort to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of mandating that 60% of those working for large employers across the region to telecommute on any given workday — \u003ca href=\"https://sf.streetsblog.org/2020/09/23/make-60-work-from-home-permanently/\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">a scenario approved in September\u003c/a> — the amended plan focuses on ways to sharply curtail the share of commuters who drive to work from the current 65%. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative is part of \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/our-work/plans-projects/plan-bay-area-2050\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">Plan Bay Area 2050\u003c/a>, a comprehensive blueprint for transportation and housing. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under state law, the MTC must adopt a plan that would reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 19% by 2035 or the region would face the loss of at least $100 million a year in funding for traffic congestion relief and other other transportation projects. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the original 60% work-from-home requirement, a major part of the plan to cut emissions, drew immediate pushback from business groups, transit operators and elected officials who argued it would have lasting negative effects. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those consequences, critics said, could include damage to downtown business districts and an unsustainable loss of revenue for public transit agencies. Opponents also said the mandate didn’t take account of lower-wage office workers who can’t work from home or commute patterns in busy downtown areas where most workers have already abandoned driving alone to work as their commute option of choice. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nick Josefowitz, a San Francisco MTC member and chief policy officer at regional planning think tank SPUR, said the telecommuting mandate “penalized people who are walking to work, biking to work or taking public transit. And it penalized companies that have located in places where people can do that and who encourage people to do that. And it penalized cities that have made huge investments in walking and biking and transit. It was basically saying if you walk to work, you’re still being forced to work from home. And there’s no environmental benefit in that.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amended proposal takes on the issue of reducing car trips from another angle. Instead of declaring that 60% of workers must work from home on a given day by the year 2035, it mandates that “no more than 40 percent of each employer’s workforce would be eligible to commute by auto on an average workday.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revised plan approved Friday leaves it up to major employers how to reach that goal by using a broad palette of incentives — or disincentives. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inducements to use sustainable means to get to work could include free or subsidized transit passes, bike and e-bike subsidies and giveaways, on-site employee housing, housing subsidies for employees residing in walkable transit-rich communities or simply paying workers cash for walking, biking or telecommuting. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measures to discourage driving could include getting rid of parking lots and garages and imposing higher parking fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revised plan “provide a lot of flexibility,” Josefowitz said. “Ultimately I think it acknowledges that it doesn’t really matter if someone is biking to work or walking to work or taking transit — or in some cases working from home — as long as we have fewer and fewer people who are driving to work alone and causing the kind of crippling congestion the Bay Area has seen for so long and creating such environmental damage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The entire Plan Bay Area 2050, which will set priorities for how to spend hundreds of billions of dollars on transportation and housing initiatives over the next three decades, is expected to be approved. \u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "California Approves New Emergency COVID-19 Workplace Protections",
"title": "California Approves New Emergency COVID-19 Workplace Protections",
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"content": "\u003cp>The board that oversees California’s Division of Occupational Safety and Health, known as Cal/OSHA, voted unanimously late Thursday in favor of new rules that expand how far California employers must go to protect employees from COVID-19 at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The temporary emergency standard requires employers to create a COVID-19 prevention program, investigate, track and respond to COVID-19 cases in the workplace and provide free testing to workers in cases of outbreaks, among many other requirements. The state's Office of Administrative Law now has 10 working days to review and approve the rules. If approved, the rules would go into effect immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Current state workplace safety regulations require employers to keep workers safe from hazards – but they don't specifically mention COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"David Thomas, Occupational Safety and Health Standards Board chair\"]'We’ve got to lead at some point ... I don’t want to have this on my conscience that we didn’t do something when we actually had the chance to do it.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the new rules, employers would be required to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Identify and correct COVID-19 hazards\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Ensure all employees are separated from others by at least 6 feet, except where not possible\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Provide face coverings and ensure employees wear them\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Install partitions to reduce aerosol transmission where distancing isn't possible\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Investigate and respond to workplace COVID-19 cases\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Report information about cases to the local health department whenever required by law\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Ensure workers who become infected don't come to work until certain criteria are met\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Provide no-cost COVID-19 testing to all employees who may have been exposed, in case of outbreak. In a major outbreak, provide testing every two weeks until there are no new cases for a 14-day period\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>In employer-provided housing, ensure beds are spaced at least 6 feet apart in all directions\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>In employer-provided transportation, ensure vehicle operator and passengers are separated by 3 feet in all directions\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Provide training and instruction to employees on COVID-19 policies and procedures and information regarding COVID-19-related benefits to which the employee may be entitled\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The vote on whether to adopt the standard came after more than seven hours of fervent public comment from supporters and critics on both sides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members of the seven-person board listened to statements from workers in agriculture, the garment industry, food service and retail, as well as teachers and union organizers who urged the board to approve the rules, which they considered to be long overdue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employers, attorneys and business representatives also urged the board to reject the standard or delay its approval so employers had more time to prepare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point, over 550 attendees were participating in the meeting – four times the usual amount, it was noted – as, one by one, each person waited for their turn to speak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patrick Kirby, a janitor at the Westin St. Francis Hotel in San Francisco, told the board that some hotel workers were notified they had been exposed to the coronavirus, while others who had worked at the same party were not informed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never been formally trained in any of the new cleaning protocols for coronavirus,” Kirby added. “And I really hope that the way I’m using them works.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11838543 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/GettyImages-1213575009-1020x702.jpg']One Spanish-speaking garment worker told the board that existing unsanitary conditions have only gotten worse with the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an old factory. They have problems with rats and cockroaches. And now with this virus, with this pandemic, COVID-19, social distancing is nonexistent. There is no soap. There is no distancing,” he said through an interpreter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Comucha King, who said she worked in room service at a five-star hotel, said she sometimes had so many breakfast deliveries to make in the morning that she didn’t have time to sanitize the delivery cart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It doesn’t matter how much they clean the guest areas if they don’t clean the worker area,\" she said. \"The virus doesn’t care if you are a guest or a worker.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>King also said she was concerned because guests sometimes open the door to their rooms without wearing a mask.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Participants who opposed the standard argued it creates an unrealistic and infeasible burden on California employers. Some said certain elements of the standard go beyond the agency’s authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have outstanding concerns,” Robert Moutrie of the California Chamber of Commerce told the board in reference to one section of the standard that describes how employers must send workers with COVID-19 home, while continuing to pay them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do not believe that such wage issues and paid time off issues, frankly, fall under Cal/OSHA’s jurisdiction,” Moutrie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/oshsb/documents/COVID-19-Prevention-Emergency-txtbrdconsider.pdf\">draft text\u003c/a> of the rules presented to the board spanned 21 pages, and included mandates that employers provide workers with information about COVID-19 benefits they may be entitled to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After listening to the public comments that started at 10 a.m. and didn’t conclude until after dark, Board Chair David Thomas told fellow board members that delaying a decision on the rules wouldn’t help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to have this on my conscience that we didn’t do something when we actually had the chance to do it,” Thomas said, pointing to a recent uptick in COVID-19 fatalities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing the worst of this right now. It’s not going to get anything but worse. We’ve got to lead at some point,\" he said. \"Nobody else is doing it... We know what we need to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>'Simply Not Economically Viable'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Since the pandemic began, Cal/OSHA has issued guidance on how employers can protect workers from COVID-19 in different industries. But some say the agency has been weak on enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maggie Robbins, occupational and environmental health specialist for Worksafe, the labor group that submitted a petition to Cal/OSHA in May calling for the emergency rules, said specific rules would make it easier for the agency to enforce protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s much easier for a policeman to say 'You exceeded 30 miles an hour, see that sign that says the speed limit is 30 miles an hour?' It’s a little harder if what the sign says is ‘Go as fast as is safe for this roadway,” Robbins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes it clearer what the expectations on the employer are,” Robbins said. “And it will therefore make it easier for them to make citations and take less time for them to do that. The other thing is, by having those standards, it does set up more of an expectation on employers, that, ‘Oh, maybe I really need to pay attention to this more than I might have been otherwise because I was distracted by the other realities of keeping my business open during a pandemic.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many employers argue they are already following the guidelines while struggling to adjust to a constantly evolving health crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s clear many on the labor side have complaints about non-compliant, unsafe workplaces,\" said Guadalupe Sandoval of the California Farm Labor Contractors Association. \"It is also clear the proposed emergency regulation is being rushed through despite several provisions of questionable legality and enforceability. This includes compensation issues for paid sick leave in the proposed rule which are clearly outside the purview of Cal/OSHA. Cal/OSHA should simply enforce the applicable workplace safety regulations, primarily Section 3203, Injury & Illness Prevention Program requirements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the many comments delivered to the board on Thursday, Sandoval said, “[Cal/OSHA] should start with the workplaces that employ the individuals who were complaining today. There seems to be plenty there to keep Cal OSHA’s inspectors busy for quite a while.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The emergency standard also includes requirements for employer-provided housing and transportation, which would impact farmers and other agricultural employers who bring foreign guest workers to California through the H-2A visa program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Rogers, general manager and co-founder of AgSocio, a farm labor contracting business in the Salinas Valley, said at the meeting that those requirements would threaten his company’s ability to survive and would not meaningfully improve worker protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is many of us in agriculture utilize 15-passenger vans,” Rogers said, citing one example. “But the way that the standard is written, 'three feet between all passengers,' you’re talking about a van with a driver and three people in it... which is simply not economically viable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>One Spanish-speaking garment worker told the board that existing unsanitary conditions have only gotten worse with the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an old factory. They have problems with rats and cockroaches. And now with this virus, with this pandemic, COVID-19, social distancing is nonexistent. There is no soap. There is no distancing,” he said through an interpreter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Comucha King, who said she worked in room service at a five-star hotel, said she sometimes had so many breakfast deliveries to make in the morning that she didn’t have time to sanitize the delivery cart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It doesn’t matter how much they clean the guest areas if they don’t clean the worker area,\" she said. \"The virus doesn’t care if you are a guest or a worker.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>King also said she was concerned because guests sometimes open the door to their rooms without wearing a mask.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Participants who opposed the standard argued it creates an unrealistic and infeasible burden on California employers. Some said certain elements of the standard go beyond the agency’s authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have outstanding concerns,” Robert Moutrie of the California Chamber of Commerce told the board in reference to one section of the standard that describes how employers must send workers with COVID-19 home, while continuing to pay them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do not believe that such wage issues and paid time off issues, frankly, fall under Cal/OSHA’s jurisdiction,” Moutrie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/oshsb/documents/COVID-19-Prevention-Emergency-txtbrdconsider.pdf\">draft text\u003c/a> of the rules presented to the board spanned 21 pages, and included mandates that employers provide workers with information about COVID-19 benefits they may be entitled to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After listening to the public comments that started at 10 a.m. and didn’t conclude until after dark, Board Chair David Thomas told fellow board members that delaying a decision on the rules wouldn’t help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to have this on my conscience that we didn’t do something when we actually had the chance to do it,” Thomas said, pointing to a recent uptick in COVID-19 fatalities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing the worst of this right now. It’s not going to get anything but worse. We’ve got to lead at some point,\" he said. \"Nobody else is doing it... We know what we need to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>'Simply Not Economically Viable'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Since the pandemic began, Cal/OSHA has issued guidance on how employers can protect workers from COVID-19 in different industries. But some say the agency has been weak on enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maggie Robbins, occupational and environmental health specialist for Worksafe, the labor group that submitted a petition to Cal/OSHA in May calling for the emergency rules, said specific rules would make it easier for the agency to enforce protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s much easier for a policeman to say 'You exceeded 30 miles an hour, see that sign that says the speed limit is 30 miles an hour?' It’s a little harder if what the sign says is ‘Go as fast as is safe for this roadway,” Robbins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes it clearer what the expectations on the employer are,” Robbins said. “And it will therefore make it easier for them to make citations and take less time for them to do that. The other thing is, by having those standards, it does set up more of an expectation on employers, that, ‘Oh, maybe I really need to pay attention to this more than I might have been otherwise because I was distracted by the other realities of keeping my business open during a pandemic.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many employers argue they are already following the guidelines while struggling to adjust to a constantly evolving health crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s clear many on the labor side have complaints about non-compliant, unsafe workplaces,\" said Guadalupe Sandoval of the California Farm Labor Contractors Association. \"It is also clear the proposed emergency regulation is being rushed through despite several provisions of questionable legality and enforceability. This includes compensation issues for paid sick leave in the proposed rule which are clearly outside the purview of Cal/OSHA. Cal/OSHA should simply enforce the applicable workplace safety regulations, primarily Section 3203, Injury & Illness Prevention Program requirements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the many comments delivered to the board on Thursday, Sandoval said, “[Cal/OSHA] should start with the workplaces that employ the individuals who were complaining today. There seems to be plenty there to keep Cal OSHA’s inspectors busy for quite a while.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The emergency standard also includes requirements for employer-provided housing and transportation, which would impact farmers and other agricultural employers who bring foreign guest workers to California through the H-2A visa program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Rogers, general manager and co-founder of AgSocio, a farm labor contracting business in the Salinas Valley, said at the meeting that those requirements would threaten his company’s ability to survive and would not meaningfully improve worker protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is many of us in agriculture utilize 15-passenger vans,” Rogers said, citing one example. “But the way that the standard is written, 'three feet between all passengers,' you’re talking about a van with a driver and three people in it... which is simply not economically viable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
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},
"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/reveal300px.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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"link": "/radio/program/reveal",
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"rss": "http://feeds.revealradio.org/revealpodcast"
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
},
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
"title": "Science Friday",
"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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