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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, March 20:\u003c/strong> The Alameda County Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943467/landlord-backlash-prompts-return-to-pre-pandemic-rules-in-alameda-county\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reversed course and rejected the Fair Chance ordinance\u003c/a> on its second reading on Feb. 28, 2023. Second readings are normally considered a formality, but in this case the makeup of the board changed significantly between the first and second readings because of the deaths of two pro-tenant supervisors: Wilma Chan (replaced by Lena Tam) and Richard Valle. The board voted 2-0-2, with two supervisors voting in favor, none opposed, and Supervisors Tam and David Haubert abstaining, effectively killing the proposal for now. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board President Nate Wiley told KQED there is a possibility the proposal could come back to the board, though there is no estimation of when that might happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original story, Dec. 23, 2022:\u003c/strong> Taqwaa Bonner didn’t have a hard time getting a job when he got out of prison in 2016, after serving 30 years. Getting a car and a girlfriend wasn’t a problem either. The challenge was finding a place to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He applied for apartment after apartment around the East Bay without success. Property owners asked about his criminal history, and Bonner, 56, suspects that revealing his felony conviction landed his applications in the trash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He had family in the area, but couldn’t live with any of them because they all had rules in their leases that prohibited someone with a felony from moving in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That forced me to be homeless,” he says. For months Bonner slept in his car, sneaking into his girlfriend’s apartment when he could.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Margaretta Lin, executive director, Just Cities\"]‘All we’re asking for is to judge people based on the merits of who they are today. Period.’[/pullquote]“There is a direct pipeline from prison into homelessness,” says Margaretta Lin, executive director of Just Cities, a policy group focused on social justice, and a researcher with UC Berkeley’s Goldman School of Public Policy. She worked on a survey of more than 100 people living in Oakland’s homeless encampments and found that 73% had criminal records. National research has found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/housing.html\">formerly incarcerated people are almost 10 times more likely to experience homelessness\u003c/a> than the general public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Formerly incarcerated people face barriers to living in all forms of housing, including private rental housing, nonprofit housing and the Section 8 voucher program, Lin says: “So where can people live?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to reduce those barriers, Alameda County has become the first in the country to ban landlords from doing criminal background checks for potential tenants. Lin championed the plan after helping to pass similar \u003ca href=\"https://www.nhlp.org/nhlp-publications/fair-chance-ordinances-an-advocates-toolkit/\">“fair chance” housing policies\u003c/a> two years ago in \u003ca href=\"https://berkeley.municipal.codes/BMC/13.106.030\">Berkeley\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/news/2020/oakland-now-has-the-states-strongest-fair-chance-housing-law\">Oakland\u003c/a>. The three are among the strongest rules in the country because they allow for few exceptions. Seattle, Portland, Detroit, Minneapolis, Washington, D.C., Cook County in Illinois and other localities also place some limits on the use of criminal background checks, as does the state of New Jersey. Locally, Richmond and San Francisco also have laws in place, though they’re far more narrow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.acgov.org/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_12_06_22/GENERAL%20ADMINISTRATION/Set%20Matter%20Calendar/CDA_341608.pdf\">Alameda County’s plan (PDF)\u003c/a> only applies to unincorporated parts of the county. It doesn’t cover properties of four units or fewer if the landlord lives on site, or tenants who are subletting their space. Landlords will still be able to check sex offender registries and comply with federal laws that bar people convicted of certain drug and sex offenses from publicly funded properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936260\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11936260\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A Black man and a Latino man talk as they study a document in an office.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Taqwaa Bonner (right) speaks with Legal Services for Prisoners With Children program manager Errol Veron at their offices in Oakland on Dec. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“All we’re asking for is to judge people based on the merits of who they are today. Period,” Lin says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonner says that’s what it took for him to finally secure an apartment. As a housing advocate for \u003ca href=\"https://prisonerswithchildren.org/all-of-us-or-none/\">All of Us or None\u003c/a>, a project of Legal Services for Prisoners With Children, he became an outspoken champion of these policies locally and says a landlord offered him a spot after recognizing him from the news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They took on the moral courage and said, ‘It’s OK.’ And so for the first time in my life, 50 years old, I had a lease of my own,” says Bonner, who now lives in Dublin with his wife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all property owners have been as receptive. Many landlords have voiced fears about endangering other tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have such a responsibility to maintain the safety, peace and tranquility for the living enjoyment of the people that are paying rents in the Bay Area,” says Elizabeth Moreno, who owns apartment buildings in unincorporated areas of San Leandro and Hayward. She says landlords need every tool at their disposal to ensure a sound community for tenants, including background checks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, where a fair chance ordinance is already in place, property owners have raised concerns about the confluence of the rule with other local laws that make it tough to oust tenants, like the city and county eviction moratoriums and recently strengthened just cause protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we do make a mistake, we can’t just say, OK, we made a mistake, this didn’t work out. You can’t really get rid of them,” says Carmen Madden, who owns a 30-unit building down the street from where she grew up in East Oakland, near Mills College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, she says, the stakes feel especially high, with six tenants who she says haven’t been paying rent under the moratorium and owe around $100,000. Property owners around the county raised similar concerns. That led supervisors to amend the plan, delaying implementation until the county moratorium expires, which could come at the end of April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madden and others have also raised concerns about the law’s unintended consequences. In the absence of background checks, Madden says landlords find other ways to screen tenants, some of which she worries could worsen discrimination. Since Oakland increased protections for renters, she’s stopped looking at criminal records, but now she pays more attention to employment history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researcher Lin is currently studying the effects of Oakland and Berkeley’s fair chance policies in what she calls the nation’s first impact evaluation of such a law. Lin says preliminary results from a survey of 41 formerly incarcerated people found that about a third said they’d benefited directly from the ordinances. Final study findings won’t be out for a few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936259\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11936259\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut.jpg\" alt='A Black woman with a white shirt that reads \"All of Us or None\" and sunglasses with her house reflected in the lenses, wearing a blue cap and smiling.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The reflection of Katie Dixon’s apartment building can be seen in her sunglasses in the backyard of her home in Oakland on Dec. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Among those eagerly awaiting them is the Alameda County Probation Department, which is helping to fund the work, says Shauna Conner, the department’s community reentry and outreach director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says stable housing is essential for the clients she works with. “It’s difficult to get people to participate in other services if they’re not housed,” she says. “You’re dealing with not only potential recidivism due to homelessness, but also interruption to their ability to adjust to the reentry process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Katie Dixon, finding an apartment after years of homelessness changed everything. “In the two years that I’ve had stable housing, the whole quality of my life has improved,” says Dixon, who spent more than a decade going in and out of juvenile detention facilities, jails and prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Studies have shown that stable housing reduces the likelihood of recidivism. One of the best regarded among the studies \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/25716/412632-Supportive-Housing-for-Returning-Prisoners-Outcomes-and-Impacts-of-the-Returning-Home-Ohio-Pilot-Project.PDF\">examined the Returning Home–Ohio Pilot Program (PDF)\u003c/a>, which provided permanent supportive housing to formerly incarcerated people with a history or risk of homelessness. Researchers found that participants were 40% less likely to be rearrested and 61% less likely to be reincarcerated than a comparison group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Dixon the reasons are obvious: Without a stable place to live, someone on probation might be forced into destructive choices, like crashing with friends who are involved in criminal activities, which could lead to a probation violation, or staying in an abusive relationship that exacerbates mental health issues just to keep a roof over their head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Dixon got her own place, she’s been able to exercise, eat healthier food and meditate. Having a private space and reliable internet connection also allowed her to complete a virtual policy training program she credits for her current job as an organizer with the ACLU of Northern California.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11935806,news_11927968,news_11932895\"]Oakland property owner Madden has one vacancy to fill at the moment. One potential applicant recently got out of jail, a fact she learned from a local pastor who referred the man. Over the years she’s rented to a few people with criminal records. What the experience has shown her, more than anything, is that people reentering the community don’t get the support they need. If landlords are going to do their part, she says, the government should do its part, too, and make sure people leaving prisons and jails can succeed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I found from those programs is that after they get them in, they leave them. So all their counseling stops, everything stops. And once it all stops, they stop,” she says. “So I get very nervous about that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avoiding this “cliff” is something the probation department’s Conner thinks a lot about. She says the agency has been expanding its transition services, in part by doubling down on case management, life skills training and discharge planning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of that solves the biggest problem she sees when it comes to housing: affording it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conner sees fair chance ordinances as an important step, but, she says, “Even once we get people access, there’s still a limited pool of things that they can actually rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of a study set to be released early next year, the Council of State Governments Justice Center asked state departments of correction across the country to identify \u003ca href=\"https://csgjusticecenter.org/people/charles-francis/\">the biggest barriers to reentry housing success\u003c/a>. According to the Center’s Charles Francis, 84% named discrimination and stigma as a top concern, while 74% named restrictive policies on the part of housing providers. The top barrier, identified by 95% of respondents, was a lack of affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Alameda County Bans Criminal Background Checks on Tenants in Move to Fight Homelessness | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, March 20:\u003c/strong> The Alameda County Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943467/landlord-backlash-prompts-return-to-pre-pandemic-rules-in-alameda-county\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reversed course and rejected the Fair Chance ordinance\u003c/a> on its second reading on Feb. 28, 2023. Second readings are normally considered a formality, but in this case the makeup of the board changed significantly between the first and second readings because of the deaths of two pro-tenant supervisors: Wilma Chan (replaced by Lena Tam) and Richard Valle. The board voted 2-0-2, with two supervisors voting in favor, none opposed, and Supervisors Tam and David Haubert abstaining, effectively killing the proposal for now. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board President Nate Wiley told KQED there is a possibility the proposal could come back to the board, though there is no estimation of when that might happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original story, Dec. 23, 2022:\u003c/strong> Taqwaa Bonner didn’t have a hard time getting a job when he got out of prison in 2016, after serving 30 years. Getting a car and a girlfriend wasn’t a problem either. The challenge was finding a place to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He applied for apartment after apartment around the East Bay without success. Property owners asked about his criminal history, and Bonner, 56, suspects that revealing his felony conviction landed his applications in the trash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He had family in the area, but couldn’t live with any of them because they all had rules in their leases that prohibited someone with a felony from moving in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That forced me to be homeless,” he says. For months Bonner slept in his car, sneaking into his girlfriend’s apartment when he could.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘All we’re asking for is to judge people based on the merits of who they are today. Period.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“There is a direct pipeline from prison into homelessness,” says Margaretta Lin, executive director of Just Cities, a policy group focused on social justice, and a researcher with UC Berkeley’s Goldman School of Public Policy. She worked on a survey of more than 100 people living in Oakland’s homeless encampments and found that 73% had criminal records. National research has found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/housing.html\">formerly incarcerated people are almost 10 times more likely to experience homelessness\u003c/a> than the general public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Formerly incarcerated people face barriers to living in all forms of housing, including private rental housing, nonprofit housing and the Section 8 voucher program, Lin says: “So where can people live?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to reduce those barriers, Alameda County has become the first in the country to ban landlords from doing criminal background checks for potential tenants. Lin championed the plan after helping to pass similar \u003ca href=\"https://www.nhlp.org/nhlp-publications/fair-chance-ordinances-an-advocates-toolkit/\">“fair chance” housing policies\u003c/a> two years ago in \u003ca href=\"https://berkeley.municipal.codes/BMC/13.106.030\">Berkeley\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/news/2020/oakland-now-has-the-states-strongest-fair-chance-housing-law\">Oakland\u003c/a>. The three are among the strongest rules in the country because they allow for few exceptions. Seattle, Portland, Detroit, Minneapolis, Washington, D.C., Cook County in Illinois and other localities also place some limits on the use of criminal background checks, as does the state of New Jersey. Locally, Richmond and San Francisco also have laws in place, though they’re far more narrow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.acgov.org/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_12_06_22/GENERAL%20ADMINISTRATION/Set%20Matter%20Calendar/CDA_341608.pdf\">Alameda County’s plan (PDF)\u003c/a> only applies to unincorporated parts of the county. It doesn’t cover properties of four units or fewer if the landlord lives on site, or tenants who are subletting their space. Landlords will still be able to check sex offender registries and comply with federal laws that bar people convicted of certain drug and sex offenses from publicly funded properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936260\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11936260\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A Black man and a Latino man talk as they study a document in an office.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Taqwaa Bonner (right) speaks with Legal Services for Prisoners With Children program manager Errol Veron at their offices in Oakland on Dec. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“All we’re asking for is to judge people based on the merits of who they are today. Period,” Lin says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonner says that’s what it took for him to finally secure an apartment. As a housing advocate for \u003ca href=\"https://prisonerswithchildren.org/all-of-us-or-none/\">All of Us or None\u003c/a>, a project of Legal Services for Prisoners With Children, he became an outspoken champion of these policies locally and says a landlord offered him a spot after recognizing him from the news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They took on the moral courage and said, ‘It’s OK.’ And so for the first time in my life, 50 years old, I had a lease of my own,” says Bonner, who now lives in Dublin with his wife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all property owners have been as receptive. Many landlords have voiced fears about endangering other tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have such a responsibility to maintain the safety, peace and tranquility for the living enjoyment of the people that are paying rents in the Bay Area,” says Elizabeth Moreno, who owns apartment buildings in unincorporated areas of San Leandro and Hayward. She says landlords need every tool at their disposal to ensure a sound community for tenants, including background checks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, where a fair chance ordinance is already in place, property owners have raised concerns about the confluence of the rule with other local laws that make it tough to oust tenants, like the city and county eviction moratoriums and recently strengthened just cause protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we do make a mistake, we can’t just say, OK, we made a mistake, this didn’t work out. You can’t really get rid of them,” says Carmen Madden, who owns a 30-unit building down the street from where she grew up in East Oakland, near Mills College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, she says, the stakes feel especially high, with six tenants who she says haven’t been paying rent under the moratorium and owe around $100,000. Property owners around the county raised similar concerns. That led supervisors to amend the plan, delaying implementation until the county moratorium expires, which could come at the end of April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madden and others have also raised concerns about the law’s unintended consequences. In the absence of background checks, Madden says landlords find other ways to screen tenants, some of which she worries could worsen discrimination. Since Oakland increased protections for renters, she’s stopped looking at criminal records, but now she pays more attention to employment history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researcher Lin is currently studying the effects of Oakland and Berkeley’s fair chance policies in what she calls the nation’s first impact evaluation of such a law. Lin says preliminary results from a survey of 41 formerly incarcerated people found that about a third said they’d benefited directly from the ordinances. Final study findings won’t be out for a few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936259\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11936259\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut.jpg\" alt='A Black woman with a white shirt that reads \"All of Us or None\" and sunglasses with her house reflected in the lenses, wearing a blue cap and smiling.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The reflection of Katie Dixon’s apartment building can be seen in her sunglasses in the backyard of her home in Oakland on Dec. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Among those eagerly awaiting them is the Alameda County Probation Department, which is helping to fund the work, says Shauna Conner, the department’s community reentry and outreach director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says stable housing is essential for the clients she works with. “It’s difficult to get people to participate in other services if they’re not housed,” she says. “You’re dealing with not only potential recidivism due to homelessness, but also interruption to their ability to adjust to the reentry process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Katie Dixon, finding an apartment after years of homelessness changed everything. “In the two years that I’ve had stable housing, the whole quality of my life has improved,” says Dixon, who spent more than a decade going in and out of juvenile detention facilities, jails and prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Studies have shown that stable housing reduces the likelihood of recidivism. One of the best regarded among the studies \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/25716/412632-Supportive-Housing-for-Returning-Prisoners-Outcomes-and-Impacts-of-the-Returning-Home-Ohio-Pilot-Project.PDF\">examined the Returning Home–Ohio Pilot Program (PDF)\u003c/a>, which provided permanent supportive housing to formerly incarcerated people with a history or risk of homelessness. Researchers found that participants were 40% less likely to be rearrested and 61% less likely to be reincarcerated than a comparison group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Dixon the reasons are obvious: Without a stable place to live, someone on probation might be forced into destructive choices, like crashing with friends who are involved in criminal activities, which could lead to a probation violation, or staying in an abusive relationship that exacerbates mental health issues just to keep a roof over their head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Dixon got her own place, she’s been able to exercise, eat healthier food and meditate. Having a private space and reliable internet connection also allowed her to complete a virtual policy training program she credits for her current job as an organizer with the ACLU of Northern California.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Oakland property owner Madden has one vacancy to fill at the moment. One potential applicant recently got out of jail, a fact she learned from a local pastor who referred the man. Over the years she’s rented to a few people with criminal records. What the experience has shown her, more than anything, is that people reentering the community don’t get the support they need. If landlords are going to do their part, she says, the government should do its part, too, and make sure people leaving prisons and jails can succeed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I found from those programs is that after they get them in, they leave them. So all their counseling stops, everything stops. And once it all stops, they stop,” she says. “So I get very nervous about that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avoiding this “cliff” is something the probation department’s Conner thinks a lot about. She says the agency has been expanding its transition services, in part by doubling down on case management, life skills training and discharge planning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of that solves the biggest problem she sees when it comes to housing: affording it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conner sees fair chance ordinances as an important step, but, she says, “Even once we get people access, there’s still a limited pool of things that they can actually rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of a study set to be released early next year, the Council of State Governments Justice Center asked state departments of correction across the country to identify \u003ca href=\"https://csgjusticecenter.org/people/charles-francis/\">the biggest barriers to reentry housing success\u003c/a>. According to the Center’s Charles Francis, 84% named discrimination and stigma as a top concern, while 74% named restrictive policies on the part of housing providers. The top barrier, identified by 95% of respondents, was a lack of affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Biden Administration Announces Plan to Cut Homelessness by 25% by 2025",
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"headTitle": "Biden Administration Announces Plan to Cut Homelessness by 25% by 2025 | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Joe Biden’s administration announced Monday that it is ramping up efforts to help house people now sleeping on sidewalks and in tents and cars as a new federal report confirms what’s obvious to people in many cities: Homelessness is persisting despite increased local efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development said that in federally required tallies taken across the country earlier this year, about 582,000 people were counted as unhoused — a number that misses some people and does not include those staying with friends or family because they do not have a place of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The figure was nearly the same as it was in a survey conducted in early 2020, just before the coronavirus pandemic hit the nation hard. It was up by about 2,000 people — an increase of less than 1%.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11929283,news_11914346,news_11927968\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration aims to lower that by 25% by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My plan offers a roadmap for not only getting people into housing but also ensuring that they have access to the support, services, and income that allow them to thrive,” Biden said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/12/19/fact-sheet-biden-harris-administration-announces-plan-to-prevent-and-end-homelessness/\">2022 All In strategy\u003c/a> made public Monday follows a 2010 effort called Opening Doors, which was the nation’s first comprehensive strategy seeking to prevent and end homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ann Oliva, CEO of the National Alliance to End Homelessness and a former HUD executive who worked on the first road map, said the federal government can influence local action with financial incentives, streamlined processes and strong policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness among veterans, for example, has plummeted as a result of federal leadership, and the country also has made inroads among youth, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What they’re trying to do here is to show, as a federal government, we are going to work across agencies, we’re going to break down silos, we’re going to lead with equity, we are going to talk about upstream prevention and work on those issues,” Oliva said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal plan highlights racial and other disparities that have led to inequity in homelessness. It seeks to expand the supply of affordable housing and improve on ways to prevent people from experiencing homelessness in the first place. Potential steps include a campaign to encourage more landlords to accept government housing vouchers and encourage local governments to build more apartment complexes that are affordable for working families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration also announced a program to have federal agencies work with local officials to reduce unsheltered homelessness in select cities that have not yet been named.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, where already strikingly high rates of homelessness \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11914346/more-people-became-unhoused-across-the-bay-area-over-last-3-years-except-in-sf\">increased in every county except San Francisco\u003c/a> since 2019, the initial response to the announcement from advocates who work with unhoused people was cautiously optimistic. Still, some noted the lack of detail about what types of federal funds would be distributed to local jurisdictions and agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t talk about policy goals without revenue goals,” said Tomiquia Moss, founder and CEO of the Bay Area advocacy group All Home. “And I think that this was not explicit about where the money’s going to come from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some advocates pointed to the impact of Project Roomkey, a 2020 initiative to temporarily lease thousands of California hotel rooms as emergency shelters, which was shown to be effective at getting people into permanent housing — but shuttered earlier this year \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11921155/last-days-at-the-radisson-as-state-shelter-program-shutters-formerly-unhoused-residents-in-oakland-brace-for-next-steps\">when federal funding dried up\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m hoping that this is signaling not only commitment,” said Moss of Biden’s new plan, “but [an understanding] that in order to espouse the comprehensive strategy, you have to pay for it … One of the things that I think is going to be important for the feds to commit to is flexible resources, more abundant resources, that really allow this kind of audacious goal to be met. You can’t just have policy direction and not invest in the solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Tomiquia Moss, founder and CEO, All Home\"]‘One of the things that I think is going to be important for the feds to commit to is flexible resources … that really allow this kind of audacious goal to be met. You can’t just have policy direction and not invest in the solutions.’[/pullquote]Homelessness has become a major political issue, especially in the nation’s biggest cities and on the West Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new survey finds that Los Angeles has overtaken New York as the city with the largest unhoused population. In New York, where most people experiencing homelessness are in shelters, the total number declined to less than 62,000 this year from nearly 78,000 in 2020. Homelessness grew more slowly in Los Angeles, but still edged up to more than 65,000 from under 64,000 two years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass took office this month and promptly declared a state of emergency. New York Mayor Eric Adams last month announced a plan to treat mentally ill people and remove them from the streets and subways, even against their will. And in California, Gov. Gavin Newsom in September signed the controversial Community Assistance, Recovery and Empowerment Act, which allows courts to order treatment plans of up to two years for unhoused people with severe mental health disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s point-in-time survey reflected a balancing of opposing forces. The pandemic brought massive job losses, particularly for lower-income people, and higher rents. It also spurred an eviction moratorium and temporary federal aid, including tax credits for families that helped keep people housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The count found that homelessness declined among veterans, families, children and young adults. Most were staying in shelters, though the number of those sleeping in places not intended for habitation rose. More people had been unhoused for more than a year. Black people continued to be disproportionately likely to experience homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new count was heavily anticipated because the 2021 survey was incomplete due to the pandemic. This year’s survey wasn’t a full return to normal, however. While the individual tallies normally take place in late January, many were pushed back to February or March because of the pandemic. The local reports compiled into the national data showed that the numbers rose in some places and fell in others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Following a study that showed about 582,000 people were unhoused in 2022, the Biden administration has announced a new federal initiative to drive that number down significantly over the next three years.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Joe Biden’s administration announced Monday that it is ramping up efforts to help house people now sleeping on sidewalks and in tents and cars as a new federal report confirms what’s obvious to people in many cities: Homelessness is persisting despite increased local efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development said that in federally required tallies taken across the country earlier this year, about 582,000 people were counted as unhoused — a number that misses some people and does not include those staying with friends or family because they do not have a place of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The figure was nearly the same as it was in a survey conducted in early 2020, just before the coronavirus pandemic hit the nation hard. It was up by about 2,000 people — an increase of less than 1%.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration aims to lower that by 25% by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My plan offers a roadmap for not only getting people into housing but also ensuring that they have access to the support, services, and income that allow them to thrive,” Biden said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/12/19/fact-sheet-biden-harris-administration-announces-plan-to-prevent-and-end-homelessness/\">2022 All In strategy\u003c/a> made public Monday follows a 2010 effort called Opening Doors, which was the nation’s first comprehensive strategy seeking to prevent and end homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ann Oliva, CEO of the National Alliance to End Homelessness and a former HUD executive who worked on the first road map, said the federal government can influence local action with financial incentives, streamlined processes and strong policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness among veterans, for example, has plummeted as a result of federal leadership, and the country also has made inroads among youth, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What they’re trying to do here is to show, as a federal government, we are going to work across agencies, we’re going to break down silos, we’re going to lead with equity, we are going to talk about upstream prevention and work on those issues,” Oliva said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal plan highlights racial and other disparities that have led to inequity in homelessness. It seeks to expand the supply of affordable housing and improve on ways to prevent people from experiencing homelessness in the first place. Potential steps include a campaign to encourage more landlords to accept government housing vouchers and encourage local governments to build more apartment complexes that are affordable for working families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration also announced a program to have federal agencies work with local officials to reduce unsheltered homelessness in select cities that have not yet been named.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, where already strikingly high rates of homelessness \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11914346/more-people-became-unhoused-across-the-bay-area-over-last-3-years-except-in-sf\">increased in every county except San Francisco\u003c/a> since 2019, the initial response to the announcement from advocates who work with unhoused people was cautiously optimistic. Still, some noted the lack of detail about what types of federal funds would be distributed to local jurisdictions and agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t talk about policy goals without revenue goals,” said Tomiquia Moss, founder and CEO of the Bay Area advocacy group All Home. “And I think that this was not explicit about where the money’s going to come from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some advocates pointed to the impact of Project Roomkey, a 2020 initiative to temporarily lease thousands of California hotel rooms as emergency shelters, which was shown to be effective at getting people into permanent housing — but shuttered earlier this year \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11921155/last-days-at-the-radisson-as-state-shelter-program-shutters-formerly-unhoused-residents-in-oakland-brace-for-next-steps\">when federal funding dried up\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m hoping that this is signaling not only commitment,” said Moss of Biden’s new plan, “but [an understanding] that in order to espouse the comprehensive strategy, you have to pay for it … One of the things that I think is going to be important for the feds to commit to is flexible resources, more abundant resources, that really allow this kind of audacious goal to be met. You can’t just have policy direction and not invest in the solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Homelessness has become a major political issue, especially in the nation’s biggest cities and on the West Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new survey finds that Los Angeles has overtaken New York as the city with the largest unhoused population. In New York, where most people experiencing homelessness are in shelters, the total number declined to less than 62,000 this year from nearly 78,000 in 2020. Homelessness grew more slowly in Los Angeles, but still edged up to more than 65,000 from under 64,000 two years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass took office this month and promptly declared a state of emergency. New York Mayor Eric Adams last month announced a plan to treat mentally ill people and remove them from the streets and subways, even against their will. And in California, Gov. Gavin Newsom in September signed the controversial Community Assistance, Recovery and Empowerment Act, which allows courts to order treatment plans of up to two years for unhoused people with severe mental health disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s point-in-time survey reflected a balancing of opposing forces. The pandemic brought massive job losses, particularly for lower-income people, and higher rents. It also spurred an eviction moratorium and temporary federal aid, including tax credits for families that helped keep people housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The count found that homelessness declined among veterans, families, children and young adults. Most were staying in shelters, though the number of those sleeping in places not intended for habitation rose. More people had been unhoused for more than a year. Black people continued to be disproportionately likely to experience homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new count was heavily anticipated because the 2021 survey was incomplete due to the pandemic. This year’s survey wasn’t a full return to normal, however. While the individual tallies normally take place in late January, many were pushed back to February or March because of the pandemic. The local reports compiled into the national data showed that the numbers rose in some places and fell in others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Mayor Libby Schaaf\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After eight years at the head of Oakland’s city government,\u003c/span>\u003cb> Mayor Libby Schaaf\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">‘s tenure is coming to an end. With over two decades of experience in East Bay politics, what has she learned about Oakland? Schaaf joins us in the studio for some \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">town business\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Fusion Ignition\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On Tuesday, the U.S. Department of Energy announced that the Lawrence Livermore National Lab had achieved nuclear fusion ignition. We take a look at the scientific breakthrough that could someday revolutionize energy systems around the globe. Is it the key to solving climate change? We discuss the initial findings with San Jose Mercury News science and research reporter\u003c/span>\u003cb> Lisa Krieger\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: 2022: A Year in Photos\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We look back at the incredible work of KQED photographer Beth LaBerge and her team for this week’s Something Beautiful.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Mayor Libby Schaaf\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After eight years at the head of Oakland’s city government,\u003c/span>\u003cb> Mayor Libby Schaaf\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">‘s tenure is coming to an end. With over two decades of experience in East Bay politics, what has she learned about Oakland? Schaaf joins us in the studio for some \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">town business\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Fusion Ignition\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On Tuesday, the U.S. Department of Energy announced that the Lawrence Livermore National Lab had achieved nuclear fusion ignition. We take a look at the scientific breakthrough that could someday revolutionize energy systems around the globe. Is it the key to solving climate change? We discuss the initial findings with San Jose Mercury News science and research reporter\u003c/span>\u003cb> Lisa Krieger\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Two weeks after \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/11/california-homelessness-newsom-mayors/\">withholding $1 billion in homelessness funding\u003c/a> over lackluster local plans, Gov. Gavin Newsom announced Friday that most cities and counties would get the funds as early as next week anyway — as long as in the next round, they commit to more aggressive plans to reduce street homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s been a whiplash-inducing couple of weeks, triggered by a funding process that frustrated both the governor and the locals. Newsom dissed local applicants for seeming too complacent about a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/californias-homelessness-crisis-explained/\">dire California problem\u003c/a>, while the applicants retorted that the Newsom administration sent conflicting signals — and that in any case, state lawmakers had inadvertently given them a financial motive to lowball their goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 local mayors and county officials gathered virtually and in person in a sleek downtown Sacramento government building Friday afternoon to broadly discuss how better to tackle the state’s most pernicious crisis.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘It’s imperfect at the moment, and over the years … I hope we can evolve and consider different strategies. Now what I see is what I see on the streets. And that’s a challenge.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was nice to hear their progress, and it was nice to hear their recognition that we have to get to another level,” Newsom told reporters following the over-two-hour-long private meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a quick reversal some local leaders and advocates saw as a political stunt: The episode gave everyone a chance to air their grievances, but landed on no specific targets, while briefly risking the continuity of services for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you asked me what emerged from the meeting, I don’t know. I did not hear any specific policy changes,” said Sam Liccardo, mayor of San José. But, he added, “Nobody’s going to criticize the state or the governor at a time when it’s critical to get resources to bring people out of the cold. Lives depend on this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other local leaders said they welcomed the prodding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes, you have to provoke,” said Darrell Steinberg, mayor of Sacramento. “And then gather around a table like we did today, and actually talk about what it’s going to take to provide a further jolt to this problem.”[aside postID=\"news_11926519,news_11929283,news_11927968\" label=\"Related Posts\"]The governor sent shock waves through the state two weeks ago, just days before Election Day, when he \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-11-03/column-newsom-rejects-every-local-homeless-plan-in-state-demanding-more-ambition\">summarily rejected every local homeless action plan\u003c/a>. On the line: nearly $1 billion in homelessness funding. The plans, altogether, promised to reduce visible street homelessness by 2% between 2020 and 2024, or 2,000 fewer people statewide — which Newsom had called “simply unacceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His move triggered chaos among many of the 13 largest cities, 58 counties and 44 homeless service providers who went through the process. Many of them thought they had been approved after workshopping the plans with Newsom’s own homelessness agency, only to learn of their rejection en masse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But local governments didn’t have much of an incentive to shoot for the stars in their plans, either, because of the way the governor and Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB140\">wrote the grant\u003c/a>: In the name of accountability, they tied nearly a fifth of the $1 billion to local governments meeting their own targets. With more people falling into homelessness than they can catch, many felt ambition might set them up for failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That criticism came up during the meeting, Newsom told reporters, holding up yellow pages ripped from a notepad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We worked with 120 members of the Legislature to put this forward,” he chuckled. “And now we’re working with 75 jurisdictions on these plans … In fact, literally right here, the recommendations: ‘What specifically do you want to change in terms of these metrics and plans?’ And that’s exactly what this conversation was about going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As soon as applicants sign a pledge to submit more ambitious targets and try harder in their plans for the next $1 billion grant — the final round of flexible local homelessness funding approved in the 2021 budget — the state will start cutting checks for this round, according to Jason Elliott, Newsom’s deputy chief of staff. Those new plans are due Nov. 29. A handful of local governments will have to work with the state to adjust their current plans before seeing the funding, although Elliott declined to name which ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Punishing the emergency room\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>During the pandemic, homelessness only spiked, and experts expect to continue to see its fallout on the streets in the coming years as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/07/california-eviction-protection-lifts/\">rental assistance\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2022-10-04/la-end-covid-eviction-protections-february\">eviction bans end\u003c/a>. Between 2019 and 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">homelessness increased by at least 22,500\u003c/a>, to 173,800 people statewide, according to a CalMatters analysis of local point-in-time counts. Nearly 70% of those people were sleeping outdoors or in vehicles, while the rest stayed in shelters and transitional housing. (These biennial visual head counts on a given night \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homeless/2020/01/homeless-point-in-time-count-california-inaccurate-politicized-fresno/\">often are criticized for their inaccuracies\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet the state asked cities and counties to calculate their 2024 goals based on their lower, pre-pandemic counts of homeless people. At the time the application was due this summer, most localities simply figured they couldn’t promise to make homelessness that much better when it had already grown so much worse, and was on track to keep worsening. And being too ambitious risked failure to meet their targets and losing any shot at the bonus money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom saw what they did and cried foul. He \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article268732512.html?ac_cid=DM726120&ac_bid=1382323104\">called out the Sacramento region\u003c/a> in particular — though not by name — for its lack of ambition: Instead of promising a reduction, the local governments and service providers foresaw a 71% hike in homelessness in their report. Why? That’s exactly how much homelessness had already risen in the capital city this year. It’s also the latest data that would be available by the time communities were evaluated on their progress to qualify for \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB140\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB140\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">$180 million in bonus funding\u003c/a> statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Comparing the relatively current 2022 numbers with the 2024 goals, communities had really signed up for a 4%, or 5,000-person, reduction, according to a CalMatters analysis — which if achieved would be better than the state has done in years. Since 2015, homelessness has only \u003cem>increased\u003c/em> in California, by an average of 7% a year, or about 8,300 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the turmoil of the past couple of weeks, Steinberg said Sacramento has now put forth a new goal, promising a reduction of 15%, or 1,000 fewer unsheltered people, by 2024. How progress might be measured differently remains unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority, which promised a 10% decline, or 4,600 fewer unsheltered people between 2020 and 2024, took a similar approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the [count] alone can mean that we receive 0% of the bonus funding, of course we’re going to approach it conservatively,” said Molly Rysman, the authority’s chief program officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Newsom had a point: Some regions had set targets that would represent more than 30% growth between 2022 and their 2024 goals. Bakersfield, for example, initially promised to lower street homelessness by 1%. But after a big fall in unsheltered homelessness this year, their new goal would represent a hike of 37%, or 266 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/1ab9fe6d-c503-4542-a9ff-6f96a49bff05?src=embed\" width=\"800\" height=\"750\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development — which mandates the homeless count — has often advised against tying it to funding because shooting for a certain number could influence its accuracy. Still, the point-in-time count remains the only uniform way to measure the number of people sleeping on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s imperfect at the moment, and over the years … I hope we can evolve and consider different strategies,” Newsom said, suggesting the count can miss unhoused people who are less visible. “Now what I see is what I see on the streets. And that’s a challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal department instead advises measuring success using the count in conjunction with other outcomes, like higher placements into permanent housing or fewer returns to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I see positive trends in those other areas, and either stagnation or maybe just a slight downturn in the [count], that’s actually probably a positive thing,” a HUD spokesperson who would only speak anonymously told CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, like many other states, has seen a massive jump in homelessness since 2015, “way beyond the great work that many communities are doing to house people,” the spokesperson added. The driver: a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">housing shortage\u003c/a> propelling skyrocketing rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11932908\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11932908\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM-800x526.png\" alt=\"A man sitting down outside leans over a fire.\" width=\"800\" height=\"526\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM-800x526.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM-1020x670.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM-160x105.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM-1536x1009.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM.png 1546w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Muhammad, who declined to provide his last name, warms his hand at a fire near his tent in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom himself promised to abate that shortage when he first ran for governor, vowing to oversee the building of 3.5 million homes. He’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/newsom-california-housing-crisis/\">fallen dramatically short of his goals\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local service providers felt unfairly stung by Newsom’s criticism because they have no control over housing unaffordability and the other system failures that cause homelessness. And while they are getting more state funds than ever before, their resources don’t match demand. Funding the current affordable housing need alone would require \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/roadmaphome2030/\">nearly $18 billion a year\u003c/a>, according to an analysis from Housing California and California Housing Partnership, two affordable housing policy advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would be like the governor saying, ‘I’m going to hold funding to emergency departments because the number of car accidents in your community hasn’t gone down,'” said Anna Laven, executive director of the Bakersfield Kern Regional Homeless Collaborative. The collaborative is one of 44 “continuums of care” in California that oversee the region’s homelessness response and applied for the grants in conjunction with city and county governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘He surprised everyone’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Newsom withheld the funds earlier this month, service providers were aghast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He surprised everyone, up and down the state,” said Stephen Simon, interim executive director of the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority, another continuum of care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laven, from Bakersfield, shared with CalMatters a Sept. 1 email from the California Interagency Council on Homelessness — which ultimately reports to Newsom — saying their application had been “moved forward for final review in preparation for the award and disbursement process.” She thought it had been approved. But when she asked for a contract and check, it never came. Instead, they got additional questions about their application weeks later, which she thought was a mistake. Then came Newsom’s announcement that he was yanking the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were all feeling pretty blindsided and, you know, sort of reeling,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council “conducted intensive technical assistance over a six-month period” with all applicants, grants director Victor Duron reported during a Nov. 10 meeting. The Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority said its own meetings with the council had gone so well, it had already struck contracts, including one to fund more than 1,000 interim housing beds, with its $84 million share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They wanted to see impact as soon as possible, and so we followed that guidance and allocated all of the dollars,” said the authority’s Rysman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state had approved none of the applications before requesting additional information, according to Lourdes Castro Ramírez, secretary of the Business, Consumer Services and Housing Agency, which directly oversees the council. She told CalMatters “there was no conflicting communication” from her agency and the governor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the end of the day we all have the same goal,” said Laven of Bakersfield. “I just wish we were working together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The governor threw communities into disarray two weeks ago by withholding $1 billion in homelessness funding for plans he saw as unambitious. But local officials said the assignment itself discouraged ambition. Now Newsom is yielding.",
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"title": "Newsom Relents, Agrees to Release $1 Billion in Homelessness Funding Despite Lackluster Local Plans | KQED",
"description": "The governor threw communities into disarray two weeks ago by withholding $1 billion in homelessness funding for plans he saw as unambitious. But local officials said the assignment itself discouraged ambition. Now Newsom is yielding.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Two weeks after \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/11/california-homelessness-newsom-mayors/\">withholding $1 billion in homelessness funding\u003c/a> over lackluster local plans, Gov. Gavin Newsom announced Friday that most cities and counties would get the funds as early as next week anyway — as long as in the next round, they commit to more aggressive plans to reduce street homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s been a whiplash-inducing couple of weeks, triggered by a funding process that frustrated both the governor and the locals. Newsom dissed local applicants for seeming too complacent about a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/californias-homelessness-crisis-explained/\">dire California problem\u003c/a>, while the applicants retorted that the Newsom administration sent conflicting signals — and that in any case, state lawmakers had inadvertently given them a financial motive to lowball their goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 local mayors and county officials gathered virtually and in person in a sleek downtown Sacramento government building Friday afternoon to broadly discuss how better to tackle the state’s most pernicious crisis.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was nice to hear their progress, and it was nice to hear their recognition that we have to get to another level,” Newsom told reporters following the over-two-hour-long private meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a quick reversal some local leaders and advocates saw as a political stunt: The episode gave everyone a chance to air their grievances, but landed on no specific targets, while briefly risking the continuity of services for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you asked me what emerged from the meeting, I don’t know. I did not hear any specific policy changes,” said Sam Liccardo, mayor of San José. But, he added, “Nobody’s going to criticize the state or the governor at a time when it’s critical to get resources to bring people out of the cold. Lives depend on this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other local leaders said they welcomed the prodding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes, you have to provoke,” said Darrell Steinberg, mayor of Sacramento. “And then gather around a table like we did today, and actually talk about what it’s going to take to provide a further jolt to this problem.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The governor sent shock waves through the state two weeks ago, just days before Election Day, when he \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-11-03/column-newsom-rejects-every-local-homeless-plan-in-state-demanding-more-ambition\">summarily rejected every local homeless action plan\u003c/a>. On the line: nearly $1 billion in homelessness funding. The plans, altogether, promised to reduce visible street homelessness by 2% between 2020 and 2024, or 2,000 fewer people statewide — which Newsom had called “simply unacceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His move triggered chaos among many of the 13 largest cities, 58 counties and 44 homeless service providers who went through the process. Many of them thought they had been approved after workshopping the plans with Newsom’s own homelessness agency, only to learn of their rejection en masse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But local governments didn’t have much of an incentive to shoot for the stars in their plans, either, because of the way the governor and Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB140\">wrote the grant\u003c/a>: In the name of accountability, they tied nearly a fifth of the $1 billion to local governments meeting their own targets. With more people falling into homelessness than they can catch, many felt ambition might set them up for failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That criticism came up during the meeting, Newsom told reporters, holding up yellow pages ripped from a notepad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We worked with 120 members of the Legislature to put this forward,” he chuckled. “And now we’re working with 75 jurisdictions on these plans … In fact, literally right here, the recommendations: ‘What specifically do you want to change in terms of these metrics and plans?’ And that’s exactly what this conversation was about going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As soon as applicants sign a pledge to submit more ambitious targets and try harder in their plans for the next $1 billion grant — the final round of flexible local homelessness funding approved in the 2021 budget — the state will start cutting checks for this round, according to Jason Elliott, Newsom’s deputy chief of staff. Those new plans are due Nov. 29. A handful of local governments will have to work with the state to adjust their current plans before seeing the funding, although Elliott declined to name which ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Punishing the emergency room\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>During the pandemic, homelessness only spiked, and experts expect to continue to see its fallout on the streets in the coming years as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/07/california-eviction-protection-lifts/\">rental assistance\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2022-10-04/la-end-covid-eviction-protections-february\">eviction bans end\u003c/a>. Between 2019 and 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">homelessness increased by at least 22,500\u003c/a>, to 173,800 people statewide, according to a CalMatters analysis of local point-in-time counts. Nearly 70% of those people were sleeping outdoors or in vehicles, while the rest stayed in shelters and transitional housing. (These biennial visual head counts on a given night \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homeless/2020/01/homeless-point-in-time-count-california-inaccurate-politicized-fresno/\">often are criticized for their inaccuracies\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet the state asked cities and counties to calculate their 2024 goals based on their lower, pre-pandemic counts of homeless people. At the time the application was due this summer, most localities simply figured they couldn’t promise to make homelessness that much better when it had already grown so much worse, and was on track to keep worsening. And being too ambitious risked failure to meet their targets and losing any shot at the bonus money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom saw what they did and cried foul. He \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article268732512.html?ac_cid=DM726120&ac_bid=1382323104\">called out the Sacramento region\u003c/a> in particular — though not by name — for its lack of ambition: Instead of promising a reduction, the local governments and service providers foresaw a 71% hike in homelessness in their report. Why? That’s exactly how much homelessness had already risen in the capital city this year. It’s also the latest data that would be available by the time communities were evaluated on their progress to qualify for \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB140\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB140\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">$180 million in bonus funding\u003c/a> statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Comparing the relatively current 2022 numbers with the 2024 goals, communities had really signed up for a 4%, or 5,000-person, reduction, according to a CalMatters analysis — which if achieved would be better than the state has done in years. Since 2015, homelessness has only \u003cem>increased\u003c/em> in California, by an average of 7% a year, or about 8,300 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the turmoil of the past couple of weeks, Steinberg said Sacramento has now put forth a new goal, promising a reduction of 15%, or 1,000 fewer unsheltered people, by 2024. How progress might be measured differently remains unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority, which promised a 10% decline, or 4,600 fewer unsheltered people between 2020 and 2024, took a similar approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the [count] alone can mean that we receive 0% of the bonus funding, of course we’re going to approach it conservatively,” said Molly Rysman, the authority’s chief program officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Newsom had a point: Some regions had set targets that would represent more than 30% growth between 2022 and their 2024 goals. Bakersfield, for example, initially promised to lower street homelessness by 1%. But after a big fall in unsheltered homelessness this year, their new goal would represent a hike of 37%, or 266 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/1ab9fe6d-c503-4542-a9ff-6f96a49bff05?src=embed\" width=\"800\" height=\"750\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development — which mandates the homeless count — has often advised against tying it to funding because shooting for a certain number could influence its accuracy. Still, the point-in-time count remains the only uniform way to measure the number of people sleeping on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s imperfect at the moment, and over the years … I hope we can evolve and consider different strategies,” Newsom said, suggesting the count can miss unhoused people who are less visible. “Now what I see is what I see on the streets. And that’s a challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal department instead advises measuring success using the count in conjunction with other outcomes, like higher placements into permanent housing or fewer returns to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I see positive trends in those other areas, and either stagnation or maybe just a slight downturn in the [count], that’s actually probably a positive thing,” a HUD spokesperson who would only speak anonymously told CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, like many other states, has seen a massive jump in homelessness since 2015, “way beyond the great work that many communities are doing to house people,” the spokesperson added. The driver: a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">housing shortage\u003c/a> propelling skyrocketing rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11932908\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11932908\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM-800x526.png\" alt=\"A man sitting down outside leans over a fire.\" width=\"800\" height=\"526\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM-800x526.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM-1020x670.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM-160x105.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM-1536x1009.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-21-at-10.32.36-AM.png 1546w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Muhammad, who declined to provide his last name, warms his hand at a fire near his tent in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom himself promised to abate that shortage when he first ran for governor, vowing to oversee the building of 3.5 million homes. He’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/newsom-california-housing-crisis/\">fallen dramatically short of his goals\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local service providers felt unfairly stung by Newsom’s criticism because they have no control over housing unaffordability and the other system failures that cause homelessness. And while they are getting more state funds than ever before, their resources don’t match demand. Funding the current affordable housing need alone would require \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/roadmaphome2030/\">nearly $18 billion a year\u003c/a>, according to an analysis from Housing California and California Housing Partnership, two affordable housing policy advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would be like the governor saying, ‘I’m going to hold funding to emergency departments because the number of car accidents in your community hasn’t gone down,'” said Anna Laven, executive director of the Bakersfield Kern Regional Homeless Collaborative. The collaborative is one of 44 “continuums of care” in California that oversee the region’s homelessness response and applied for the grants in conjunction with city and county governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘He surprised everyone’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Newsom withheld the funds earlier this month, service providers were aghast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He surprised everyone, up and down the state,” said Stephen Simon, interim executive director of the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority, another continuum of care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laven, from Bakersfield, shared with CalMatters a Sept. 1 email from the California Interagency Council on Homelessness — which ultimately reports to Newsom — saying their application had been “moved forward for final review in preparation for the award and disbursement process.” She thought it had been approved. But when she asked for a contract and check, it never came. Instead, they got additional questions about their application weeks later, which she thought was a mistake. Then came Newsom’s announcement that he was yanking the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were all feeling pretty blindsided and, you know, sort of reeling,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council “conducted intensive technical assistance over a six-month period” with all applicants, grants director Victor Duron reported during a Nov. 10 meeting. The Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority said its own meetings with the council had gone so well, it had already struck contracts, including one to fund more than 1,000 interim housing beds, with its $84 million share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They wanted to see impact as soon as possible, and so we followed that guidance and allocated all of the dollars,” said the authority’s Rysman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state had approved none of the applications before requesting additional information, according to Lourdes Castro Ramírez, secretary of the Business, Consumer Services and Housing Agency, which directly oversees the council. She told CalMatters “there was no conflicting communication” from her agency and the governor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the end of the day we all have the same goal,” said Laven of Bakersfield. “I just wish we were working together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"headTitle": "Thousands of Dollars in Donations to Veterans, Unhoused People May Be the Latest Victims of Elon Musk’s Twitter Takeover | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Twitter’s speedy implosion under the leadership of new CEO Elon Musk has affected people across the globe, from investors in \u003ca href=\"https://www.investors.com/news/technology/lly-stock-dives-taking-novo-sanofi-with-it-after-fake-twitter-account-promises-free-insulin/#:~:text=Eli%20Lilly%20Dives%20After%20Fake,Novo%20Nordisk%2C%20Sanofi%20With%20It&text=Elon%20Musk's%20new%20pay%2Dfor,%22insulin%20is%20free%20now.%22\">the plummeting stocks of pharmaceutical companies who have been impersonated on the platform, to the thousands of company staff he laid off\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now one more group can be added to the list: veterans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just two days before Veterans Day, Twitter emailed San Francisco-based nonprofit Swords to Plowshares to tell them they’d no longer be sending a $10,000 donation they’d pledged to give “until the new leadership provides guidance,” KQED has learned.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Colleen Murakami, chief development officer, Swords to Plowshares\"]‘This is a first and it just feels unethical and wrong. And that’s why we wanted to raise the issue, not because we care about the $10,000.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter has “paused indefinitely” all of its donations, according to the email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That could affect as many as 30 organizations, primarily in San Francisco, but also across the Bay Area. One group serving unhoused people is in the dark over whether a $175,000 program to help families learn digital skills will move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the total amount Twitter donates to local nonprofits currently isn’t known, \u003ca href=\"https://blog.twitter.com/en_us/a/2015/our-commitment-to-san-francisco\">a 2015 Twitter blog post projected donations of more than $900,000 annually by 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter has publicly committed to being a good neighbor in San Francisco, concentrating both philanthropy and volunteerism on people who live in, and groups serving, the Tenderloin and South of Market neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colleen Murakami, chief development officer of Swords to Plowshares, said their organization has the financial means to take the $10,000 hit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.globenewswire.com/news-release/2022/11/08/2551246/0/en/Swords-to-Plowshares-Hosts-26th-Annual-Veterans-Day-Concert-Reception.html\">which was intended to help pay for a Veterans Day gala this week\u003c/a>. But, she said, she’s never seen an abrupt cancellation of a sizable donation in her years of nonprofit work — even during the Great Recession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a first and it just feels unethical and wrong. And that’s why we wanted to raise the issue, not because we care about the $10,000,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/PIT-Key-Findings-Briefing-Deck-web.pdf\">605 unhoused veterans in San Francisco (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to the latest annual point-in-time count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/vetshelpingvets/status/1590800711834832896\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murakami said their organization honored Twitter for their donation at a Veterans Day gala on Wednesday. San Francisco Mayor London Breed spoke at the event, and more than $400,000 was raised to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/homeless-veterans-apartments-17575222.php\">further the organization’s efforts to house and comfort veterans, particularly unhoused veterans\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next day, the organization received this email from a member of the Twitter for Good team describing an “indefinite pause”:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"padding-left: 40px\">\u003cem>I hope this email finds you well. I am so glad to hear that yesterday’s event went well. I wish I could have been with you all.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"padding-left: 40px\">\u003cem>I am very sorry to share that all Twitter philanthropic activities are paused indefinitely until the new leadership provides guidance.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"padding-left: 40px\">\u003cem>Unfortunately, this includes the $10K donation we were trying to process prior the official change of hands. I am sorry.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"padding-left: 40px\">\u003cem>Thank you for your understanding and commitment to the community in the work that you and your team do everyday.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"padding-left: 40px\">\u003cem>Wishing you and the team all the best. Happy Veterans Day.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In another email, Twitter referred to the action as a “cancellation notice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter did not return a request for comment, nor did they clarify whether the cessation of the $10,000 donation is temporary or permanent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.theverge.com/2022/11/4/23439790/elon-musk-twitter-layoffs-trust-and-safety-teams-severance\">Twitter has laid off most, if not all, of its communications team\u003c/a>, according to news reports. The philanthropy-focused Twitter for Good team itself may also be gone, save for its lead, according to multiple nonprofit organizations who have spoken to former employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter did not confirm those layoffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/TwitterForGood/status/1578209835350269953\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tesla founder Elon Musk completed his purchase of Twitter in late October to much fanfare and worry. While Musk promised to make Twitter a bastion of free speech, the platform was quickly met with mounting woes: wary advertisers backing away from the company, mass layoffs, and concern from President Joe Biden that Musk’s takeover is “worthy of being looked at” \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/business/musks-twitter-buyout-could-be-looked-at-as-national-security-risk-says-biden/\">as a national security risk\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while Twitter’s new boss has generated international ripples, the epicenter of the disruption is in San Francisco, where it is headquartered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of San Francisco’s most impoverished people live in the proverbial shadow of the Twitter building in the mid-Market neighborhood, and the neighborhoods around it. And now Musk’s new direction for the company may imperil funds meant to help them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizations tackling homelessness to those training marginalized youth in tech-sector skills have all been past recipients of Twitter help. These include Compass Family Services, Glide, Dev/Mission, Catholic Charities, Code Tenderloin, the Bay Area Video Coalition and the San Francisco General Hospital Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/satanjeev/status/997531639327612929?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E997531639327612929%7Ctwgr%5E6c8761003561ed85fc5551c3ac4e13c194d04b26%7Ctwcon%5Es1_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.glide.org%2Fdata-for-good-glide-and-twitter-team-up-on-a-skills-based-volunteering-journey%2F\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swords to Plowshares’ Murakami is worried that other San Francisco groups may see their donations from Twitter evaporate, since the email sent to her organization from Twitter mentioned additional donations being affected, as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I’m concerned about all the other agreements that Twitter has with the community, particularly those in the Tenderloin and, you know, all the housing providers,” Murakami said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Compass Family services is one such group. The mission of the more-than-100-year-old organization is to help unhoused and housing-insecure families, and with Twitter they did so through an annual “Twitter NeighborNest” program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Families have made over 17,000 visits to the program since 2015, according to Compass, learning technology skills like digital literacy in both English and Spanish. Child care was provided, and parents at risk of losing their housing were also taught how to search for much-needed housing online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was also a way for the technology workers of Twitter to reach out and interact with their neighbors, some of whom could use their help, said Madeleine Lemos, a spokesperson for Compass Family Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every Twitter employee that I’ve ever talked to after a volunteer event told me how much they loved getting to meet our families, getting to meet our children and getting to take part in that,” she said. “So in addition to just the actual tangible skills and technology access it gave our family, it really was a place of community for everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On hiatus since the pandemic, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.compass-sf.org/neighbornest\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Twitter NeighborNest\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> was slated to reopen next week. Now, the $175,000 program — not counting Twitter’s in-kind donations of a facility and staff volunteer hours — is in limbo. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Twitter staff who normally communicate with Compass Family Services on the program have apparently been laid off, and no one else has reached out in their place. Lemos said the organization has been grateful to Twitter for its past support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As of now, we aren’t really sure who to have a conversation with about the future of the nest,” Lemos said. “We are really hoping that this program can continue, that it can serve our families as both a space where they can have computer access, workforce development and job training, as well as child care. It’s a really wonderful space for our clients and our families to be able to use. And we’d love to see a good future with Twitter in the space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “As of now, unfortunately, we don’t know what that future is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At least one other recent event was affected: an annual holiday lunch for veterans held in mid-December, which has served the Tenderloin, Mission and South of Market areas for about 40 years. It’s co-hosted by Del Seymour, the noted executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.codetenderloin.org/team\">Code Tenderloin\u003c/a>, in conjunction with Swords to Plowshares.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter was set to pay for catering the event, but now that commitment is in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unfortunate,” Seymour said. “The holiday time is when veterans suffer the most, where all our unhoused people suffer the most. These vets look forward to the event. We do it every year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Not every organization has seen a direct impact to their bottom line yet. Just a week ago, Leo Sosa, founder of Dev/Mission, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/TwitterForGood/status/1585738824830722048\">handed out laptops\u003c/a> to San Francisco families that were donated by Twitter for Good. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But that event was October 27, a week before the staffing layoffs, and subsequent maelstrom, hit Twitter.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11932066\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11932066 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k.jpg\" alt=\"A group of people almost all wearing black stand behind a long counter preparing food to serve. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Twitter employees cater food to veterans at the Edwin M. Lee Apartments with Swords to Plowshares in September this year. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Swords to Plowshares)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Seymour said Tw\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">itter is usually a generous neighbor. Twitter co-founder Jack Dorsey gave Seymour $1 million, which Seymour will use to help buy a building for the organization. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Twitter has been a wonderful community partner,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That track record may end under the recent Musk takeover, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seymour, who is a veteran himself, put Twitter’s lack of follow-through on philanthropic donations this way: “Whether it’s a dollar or a million dollars, I think it’s pretty chickenshit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A San Francisco-based nonprofit honored Twitter for their donation at a Veterans Day gala on Wednesday, a member of the organization said. The next day, they saw an email from a member of the Twitter for Good team describing an 'indefinite pause.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Twitter’s speedy implosion under the leadership of new CEO Elon Musk has affected people across the globe, from investors in \u003ca href=\"https://www.investors.com/news/technology/lly-stock-dives-taking-novo-sanofi-with-it-after-fake-twitter-account-promises-free-insulin/#:~:text=Eli%20Lilly%20Dives%20After%20Fake,Novo%20Nordisk%2C%20Sanofi%20With%20It&text=Elon%20Musk's%20new%20pay%2Dfor,%22insulin%20is%20free%20now.%22\">the plummeting stocks of pharmaceutical companies who have been impersonated on the platform, to the thousands of company staff he laid off\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now one more group can be added to the list: veterans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just two days before Veterans Day, Twitter emailed San Francisco-based nonprofit Swords to Plowshares to tell them they’d no longer be sending a $10,000 donation they’d pledged to give “until the new leadership provides guidance,” KQED has learned.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘This is a first and it just feels unethical and wrong. And that’s why we wanted to raise the issue, not because we care about the $10,000.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter has “paused indefinitely” all of its donations, according to the email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That could affect as many as 30 organizations, primarily in San Francisco, but also across the Bay Area. One group serving unhoused people is in the dark over whether a $175,000 program to help families learn digital skills will move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the total amount Twitter donates to local nonprofits currently isn’t known, \u003ca href=\"https://blog.twitter.com/en_us/a/2015/our-commitment-to-san-francisco\">a 2015 Twitter blog post projected donations of more than $900,000 annually by 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter has publicly committed to being a good neighbor in San Francisco, concentrating both philanthropy and volunteerism on people who live in, and groups serving, the Tenderloin and South of Market neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colleen Murakami, chief development officer of Swords to Plowshares, said their organization has the financial means to take the $10,000 hit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.globenewswire.com/news-release/2022/11/08/2551246/0/en/Swords-to-Plowshares-Hosts-26th-Annual-Veterans-Day-Concert-Reception.html\">which was intended to help pay for a Veterans Day gala this week\u003c/a>. But, she said, she’s never seen an abrupt cancellation of a sizable donation in her years of nonprofit work — even during the Great Recession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a first and it just feels unethical and wrong. And that’s why we wanted to raise the issue, not because we care about the $10,000,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/PIT-Key-Findings-Briefing-Deck-web.pdf\">605 unhoused veterans in San Francisco (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to the latest annual point-in-time count.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Murakami said their organization honored Twitter for their donation at a Veterans Day gala on Wednesday. San Francisco Mayor London Breed spoke at the event, and more than $400,000 was raised to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/homeless-veterans-apartments-17575222.php\">further the organization’s efforts to house and comfort veterans, particularly unhoused veterans\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next day, the organization received this email from a member of the Twitter for Good team describing an “indefinite pause”:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"padding-left: 40px\">\u003cem>I hope this email finds you well. I am so glad to hear that yesterday’s event went well. I wish I could have been with you all.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"padding-left: 40px\">\u003cem>I am very sorry to share that all Twitter philanthropic activities are paused indefinitely until the new leadership provides guidance.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"padding-left: 40px\">\u003cem>Unfortunately, this includes the $10K donation we were trying to process prior the official change of hands. I am sorry.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"padding-left: 40px\">\u003cem>Thank you for your understanding and commitment to the community in the work that you and your team do everyday.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"padding-left: 40px\">\u003cem>Wishing you and the team all the best. Happy Veterans Day.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In another email, Twitter referred to the action as a “cancellation notice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter did not return a request for comment, nor did they clarify whether the cessation of the $10,000 donation is temporary or permanent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.theverge.com/2022/11/4/23439790/elon-musk-twitter-layoffs-trust-and-safety-teams-severance\">Twitter has laid off most, if not all, of its communications team\u003c/a>, according to news reports. The philanthropy-focused Twitter for Good team itself may also be gone, save for its lead, according to multiple nonprofit organizations who have spoken to former employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter did not confirm those layoffs.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Tesla founder Elon Musk completed his purchase of Twitter in late October to much fanfare and worry. While Musk promised to make Twitter a bastion of free speech, the platform was quickly met with mounting woes: wary advertisers backing away from the company, mass layoffs, and concern from President Joe Biden that Musk’s takeover is “worthy of being looked at” \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/business/musks-twitter-buyout-could-be-looked-at-as-national-security-risk-says-biden/\">as a national security risk\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while Twitter’s new boss has generated international ripples, the epicenter of the disruption is in San Francisco, where it is headquartered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of San Francisco’s most impoverished people live in the proverbial shadow of the Twitter building in the mid-Market neighborhood, and the neighborhoods around it. And now Musk’s new direction for the company may imperil funds meant to help them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizations tackling homelessness to those training marginalized youth in tech-sector skills have all been past recipients of Twitter help. These include Compass Family Services, Glide, Dev/Mission, Catholic Charities, Code Tenderloin, the Bay Area Video Coalition and the San Francisco General Hospital Foundation.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Swords to Plowshares’ Murakami is worried that other San Francisco groups may see their donations from Twitter evaporate, since the email sent to her organization from Twitter mentioned additional donations being affected, as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I’m concerned about all the other agreements that Twitter has with the community, particularly those in the Tenderloin and, you know, all the housing providers,” Murakami said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Compass Family services is one such group. The mission of the more-than-100-year-old organization is to help unhoused and housing-insecure families, and with Twitter they did so through an annual “Twitter NeighborNest” program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Families have made over 17,000 visits to the program since 2015, according to Compass, learning technology skills like digital literacy in both English and Spanish. Child care was provided, and parents at risk of losing their housing were also taught how to search for much-needed housing online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was also a way for the technology workers of Twitter to reach out and interact with their neighbors, some of whom could use their help, said Madeleine Lemos, a spokesperson for Compass Family Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every Twitter employee that I’ve ever talked to after a volunteer event told me how much they loved getting to meet our families, getting to meet our children and getting to take part in that,” she said. “So in addition to just the actual tangible skills and technology access it gave our family, it really was a place of community for everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On hiatus since the pandemic, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.compass-sf.org/neighbornest\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Twitter NeighborNest\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> was slated to reopen next week. Now, the $175,000 program — not counting Twitter’s in-kind donations of a facility and staff volunteer hours — is in limbo. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Twitter staff who normally communicate with Compass Family Services on the program have apparently been laid off, and no one else has reached out in their place. Lemos said the organization has been grateful to Twitter for its past support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As of now, we aren’t really sure who to have a conversation with about the future of the nest,” Lemos said. “We are really hoping that this program can continue, that it can serve our families as both a space where they can have computer access, workforce development and job training, as well as child care. It’s a really wonderful space for our clients and our families to be able to use. And we’d love to see a good future with Twitter in the space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “As of now, unfortunately, we don’t know what that future is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At least one other recent event was affected: an annual holiday lunch for veterans held in mid-December, which has served the Tenderloin, Mission and South of Market areas for about 40 years. It’s co-hosted by Del Seymour, the noted executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.codetenderloin.org/team\">Code Tenderloin\u003c/a>, in conjunction with Swords to Plowshares.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter was set to pay for catering the event, but now that commitment is in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unfortunate,” Seymour said. “The holiday time is when veterans suffer the most, where all our unhoused people suffer the most. These vets look forward to the event. We do it every year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Not every organization has seen a direct impact to their bottom line yet. Just a week ago, Leo Sosa, founder of Dev/Mission, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/TwitterForGood/status/1585738824830722048\">handed out laptops\u003c/a> to San Francisco families that were donated by Twitter for Good. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But that event was October 27, a week before the staffing layoffs, and subsequent maelstrom, hit Twitter.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11932066\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11932066 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k.jpg\" alt=\"A group of people almost all wearing black stand behind a long counter preparing food to serve. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/52353533308_f8bb634a2b_k-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Twitter employees cater food to veterans at the Edwin M. Lee Apartments with Swords to Plowshares in September this year. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Swords to Plowshares)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Seymour said Tw\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">itter is usually a generous neighbor. Twitter co-founder Jack Dorsey gave Seymour $1 million, which Seymour will use to help buy a building for the organization. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Twitter has been a wonderful community partner,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That track record may end under the recent Musk takeover, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seymour, who is a veteran himself, put Twitter’s lack of follow-through on philanthropic donations this way: “Whether it’s a dollar or a million dollars, I think it’s pretty chickenshit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "newsom-dahle-spar-over-abortion-gas-tax-and-crime-in-california-governor-debate",
"title": "Newsom, Dahle Spar Over Abortion, Gas Tax and Crime in California Governor Debate",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mx_n3PPEKcw\">Watch the debate here.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gubernatorial candidates Gov. Gavin Newsom and Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber) sparred over homelessness, abortion access, soaring gas prices and addressing climate change at the first and likely only debate between the two candidates this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage Sunday at KQED headquarters in San Francisco, Newsom and Dahle answered questions from KQED’s Senior Editor for Politics and Government Scott Shafer and Politics Correspondent Marisa Lagos. While Newsom and Dahle at times dug deep into policy disagreements, they also often retreated to more widely held positions by both political parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#prop1\">Jump to: Proposition 1: Reproductive rights\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#gas\">Jump to: Soaring gas prices\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#homeless\">Jump to: Homelessness\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#crime\">Jump to: Crime\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#common\">Jump to: Cutting remarks, finding common ground\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He does not support reproductive freedom, does not support reproductive choice, regardless of rape, regardless of incest,” Newsom said of his opponent, Dahle, taking aim at a topic \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-08-24/abortion-california-voters-2022-california-election-poll\">top of mind for Californians\u003c/a> at the opening of the debate. “I work[ed] with legislative leaders to get Proposition 1 on the ballot. It’s foundational to the core values to the state of California and is something that I enthusiastically support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle retorted with a jab at rumors Newsom is mulling a run for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to start out by thanking the governor for taking time out of his going forward on his dream of being president of the United States and actually coming to California and having a debate,” Dahle said. “I don’t know if he’s been out on the street or if you’ve been on the street talking to people who can’t afford to live in California. People are fleeing California because they can’t afford to live here. He’s driving up the cost of everything in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair traded barbs on California’s cost of living and Newsom’s record in helping Californians conserve water. Dahle also said Newsom could do more to ease high gas prices for people statewide. Newsom attacked Dahle’s opposition to funding to expand preschool and his stance against abortion access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929902\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929902\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Gov. Gavin Newsom and Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle participate in a gubernatorial debate at KQED with Senior Editor for Politics and Government Scott Shafer and Politics Correspondent Marisa Lagos in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(KQED/Beth LaBerge)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Three hundred companies have left California under his watch — in the last three years. These are worldwide companies. Tesla, Oracle, HP, have left California under his watch,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom responded, “Let me unpack, just on the issue of the economy. California has no peers. The state of California grew at 7.8% GDP last year — outperformed the United States, which was at 5.7%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preelection polls — along with voters’ solid rejection of a Newsom recall last year — suggest the outcome is a foregone conclusion. According to \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0456d0gt\">a Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies survey\u003c/a> released earlier this month, 53% of voters support Newsom while 32% support Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle’s biggest problem, however, might be simple name recognition. The same poll showed that about 52% of likely voters were “unfamiliar” with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s huge advantage in polls and fundraising have allowed him to nearly ignore his opponent, using his campaign cash to air commercials on other ballot topics, supporting Proposition 1 on abortion rights and opposing Proposition 30, which would raise taxes on the wealthy to fund climate goals and fight wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also raised eyebrows with strategic ad buys in Texas and Florida — highlighting his political differences with two Republican governors who are thought to be weighing a run for president in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom tried to put that matter to rest on Sunday. On stage, Lagos asked Newsom, “I want to ask very clearly, you’re asking voters for four more years. Do you commit to serving all four?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom answered, “Yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair then moved on to California-specific issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"prop1\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Proposition 1: Reproductive rights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In its June decision on Dobbs v. Jackson, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, letting states decide whether to allow abortions. Following those weakened protections, California lawmakers approved placing Proposition 1 on the ballot, which would amend the state constitution to leave no doubt that abortion is a legal right in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929900\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929900\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a business suit rests his hand on a desk.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom participates in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the debate, Newsom highlighted Dahle’s opposition to the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>We’re not embarrassed and we don’t apologize for having the back of women and girls all across this country that are fleeing persecution. And fleeing the kind of, well, extreme policies you are promoting,” Newsom said, referencing Dahle. “What my opponent believes is some\u003cem> \u003c/em>10-year-old that’s raped by her father should be forced to bear her brother or sister. His position is extreme. And that is something I hope the people of the state of California consider\u003ci>.”\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle shot back that Proposition 1 didn’t allow a statewide debate on how abortion access should be navigated in California, if at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, he talks about extreme. Extreme is not ever having a conversation,” Dahle said. “It’s just all or nothing. That’s what’s going to happen under this Prop. 1.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle calls himself “pro-life” and voted against putting Proposition 1 before voters to make abortion a constitutional right in California, which Newsom has championed. Throughout his campaign, however, Dahle has not exactly been vocal about his position on abortion — perhaps an acknowledgment of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/where-do-californians-stand-on-abortion/\">overwhelming approval of abortion rights\u003c/a>. When asked about \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/california-candidates-opposing-abortion-17263279.php\">his position on abortion rights\u003c/a> by The San Francisco Chronicle earlier this year, Dahle deferred to his voting record instead of answering directly.[aside postID=\"news_11926844,news_11925876,news_11916134\" label=\"Related Post\"]Although he opposes abortion rights, Dahle \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-2022-midterm-elections-california-presidential-24979cc4ce5404bcbcb536b13cced595\">voted for a 2021 bill that would have made contraceptives — including the morning-after pill — much cheaper\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"gas\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Soaring gas prices\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gas prices soared across the nation this summer because of high inflation, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and ongoing disruptions in the global supply chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while gas prices have recovered somewhat nationwide, they have continued to spike in California, hitting an average of $6.39 per gallon earlier this month — $2.58 higher than the national average, according to AAA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage at KQED, Shafer asked Dahle, “How do you propose the state bring down the gas price in a meaningful way for consumers?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929901\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a business suit makes a gesture with his hand.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle participates in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dahle said California needs to grant permits to 1,200 oil wells sitting on the desk of the governor right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He prefers not to get those permits out,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle said a gas tax holiday is “the fastest way you can actually help drive down inflation.” His experience with his own trucking business has made the gas pain all too personal, he said, seeing him pay $4,000 monthly for diesel fuel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That drives up the cost of a gallon of milk, a dozen eggs for every hardworking Californian,” Dahle said. “So if you lower that gas tax across the board, it lowers [the cost of] your food, not only the gas you put in your tank.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has the second-highest gas tax in the country and other environmental rules that increase the cost of fuel in the nation’s most populous state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Shafer pressed Dahle, “How do you guarantee that if the tax goes away, that it’s actually going to go to consumers and not just the oil companies?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, we make sure that they do it,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mx_n3PPEKcw\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch the debate in the YouTube video above. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said other states have moved forward with gas tax reductions — some of which include Maryland, New York and Georgia — and “we haven’t seen the commensurate reduction” in gas prices because “there is no guarantee.” He added that leading economists have said it’s “nothing more than a gimmick.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These companies are ripping you off and ripping us off. That’s why I want to move forward with a price-gouging penalty to address this abuse,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"Component-root-0-2-63 p Component-p-0-2-54\">The state Legislature briefly considered a proposal earlier this year that would have imposed a “windfall profits tax” on oil companies’ gross receipts when the price of a gallon of gasoline was “abnormally high compared to the price of a barrel of oil.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"Component-root-0-2-63 p Component-p-0-2-54\">That proposal would have required state regulators to determine the tax rate, making sure it recovered any oil company profit margins that exceeded $0.30 per gallon. The money from the tax would then have been returned to taxpayers via rebates. It’s unclear how closely Newsom’s final proposal will resemble this earlier effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"homeless\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Dahle frequently says California spends too much money on homelessness with little to show for it. He has said that, if elected to office, he would declare homelessness a “public health crisis” and “stop the state’s misguided attempt to throw money” at the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage, Dahle said he would declare a state of emergency over fentanyl in California. Lagos asked what a state of emergency would do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would focus on the fact that fentanyl is an issue in California. People on the streets are addicted, to get them off of drugs. That’s the first thing you do to get them on the projection out is get them off of drugs. You fund the counties with the mental health programs that they need and the clinicians, and then drive down the cost of housing in California are the three things that would need to happen for to take care of homelessness,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, however, said Dahle’s proposal had no meat to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Somehow, a ‘state of emergency’ [will be enacted], and we’re going to magically solve fentanyl. That’s what my opponent just said, somehow, [fentanyl] magically will disappear on the basis of a state of emergency,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has also taken aim at homeless spending in his career. During his time as San Francisco mayor, he said there was nothing “liberal or compassionate” about letting people sleep on the streets, and championed a program called Care Not Cash to end cash subsidies to unhoused people in favor of services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s taking that proposal to a statewide scale, saying California will hold local governments accountable. Lagos asked Newsom to respond to Californians who are concerned about the growing number of people living on the state’s streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re right. This is an outrage,” Newsom said. “We’re not going to hand out money any longer if local governments can’t produce results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed a budget this year that would spend $10 billion on affordable housing and \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/07/19/governor-newsom-signs-historic-housing-and-homelessness-funding-package-as-part-of-100-billion-california-comeback-plan/\">more than $12 billion — over two years — on the homelessness crisis\u003c/a>. That includes funding toward 42,000 housing units under Homekey, a program to convert motels, hotels and other buildings into housing to address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Newsom signed his controversial new program, CARE Court, into law. The Community Assistance, Recovery and Empowerment Act would compel some people with schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders to either accept treatment plans or, if they refuse, be placed under conservatorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, my opponent opposed the funding for CARE Court,” Newsom said. “When I got here, there was no homeless strategy, no plan, no resources of any merit. Today, there’s $15.3 billion and there’s a real strategy, real plan, and there’s accountability for the first time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11927968/california-unhoused-population-grew-by-more-than-22000-since-start-of-pandemic\">Californians without homes grew by at least 22,500 over the last three years\u003c/a>, according to a CalMatters analysis of the federal government’s last point-in-time count. California enacted a number of safeguards against homelessness during the pandemic, from rental assistance to a moratorium on evictions. The rate of homelessness among Californians grew 15% over the last year, on par with steady growth in homelessness from 2015 to today.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"crime\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Crime\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In television interviews and on social media, Dahle has echoed Republican criticism of Democrats for being what they call “soft on crime.” Dahle has advocated increasing\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/04/brian-dahle-california-governor/\"> funding to local law enforcement\u003c/a>, according to CalMatters, and weakening Proposition 47, which reduced punishments for some property and drug crimes. Conservatives have long pointed to Proposition 47 as a turning point that lowered consequences and led to rising crime, though \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/the-impact-of-proposition-47-on-crime-and-recidivism/#:~:text=Did%20Proposition%2047%20increase%20crime,in%20crime%20reporting%20after%202014.\">research has not backed up that claim\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This issue remains a vexing issue, but Proposition 47 is not the culprit. It’s not the reason why we have seen an increase in crime in the state and or in this country,” Newsom said Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/crime-trends-in-california/\">Crime statewide is lower now than it has been since at least 1992\u003c/a>, according to crime data analyzed by the Public Policy Institute of California. Violent crime and property crime rates did marginally increase between 2020 and 2021, but remain historically low, and even somewhat lower than in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The narratives don’t fit the facts,” Newsom said, saying California is “average” for felony rates in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is a uniquely large state, however, and different regions experience crime rates differently: The San Joaquin Valley saw large upticks in violent crime, while the highest rate of property crime in California last year was in the San Francisco Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Viral videos of smash-and-grab-style burglaries and brazen attacks against Asian and Asian American people have led to fear and outrage in some California cities, including San Francisco. Dahle referenced those disparities in the crimes Californians are seeing rise as a way for Newsom to obscure ugly truths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Murders went up 40% in the last two years in California,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/crime-trends-in-california/\">Homicides are up in California since 2019\u003c/a>, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe in commonsense criminal justice reform. The reality is, (Dahle) also opposed our crime reduction plan, a $758 million investment,” Newsom said, which included 1,000 new California Highway Patrol officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And eight of the top 10 states with the highest murder rates are Republican-led, Newsom claimed. Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2022/10/19/murder-rates-red-states-myth/\">have pushed back on that frequent Democratic talking point\u003c/a>, saying the crime rate is high in Democratic-led urban areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an issue that has no political jurisdiction,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeking to protect Californians from gun violence, Newsom signed a bevy of bills this legislative session to \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/07/21/governor-newsom-signs-new-measures-to-protect-californians-from-gun-violence/\">toughen gun-safety laws\u003c/a>. Among them are new laws to conduct inspections of gun dealers, reducing the number of guns a person can manufacture, restricting ghost-gun and prohibiting the sale of firearms on state property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle \u003ca href=\"https://justfacts.votesmart.org/candidate/key-votes/82387/brian-dahle/37/guns\">voted against a slew of firearm-related bills\u003c/a> in the state Senate this session, including AB 1594, a controversial proposal by Newsom to allow people harmed by gun violence to file civil lawsuits against gun manufacturers. Still, Dahle did vote in favor of some gun-reform measures, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/local/2022/07/22/bill-law-decade-ban-gun-ownership-child-elder-abuse\">a bill that would ban anyone convicted of child or elder abuse from possessing firearms for a decade\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"common\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cutting remarks, finding common ground\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout the debate, Dahle and Newsom took potshots at the other’s policies, frequently relying on party talking points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re in a constant state of crisis under your leadership. Your leadership has not solved one problem. We have fires that you haven’t solved. We have water storage you haven’t solved. We have electricity you haven’t solved. All those things you talk about, but what are the results? Zero,” Dahle said, of Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">“\u003c/b>With respect, you’re not pro-life. You’re pro-government-mandated birth. If you were pro-life, you would support our efforts to provide support for child care and preschool and prenatal programs. You’ve consistently opposed those programs,” Newsom said, of Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929904\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929904\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"Two men wearing business suits shake hands on stage.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle and Gov. Gavin Newsom shake hands after participating in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But near the end of the debate, Shafer and Lagos asked each candidate to talk about a time in life when they learned they were wrong, and how they remedied that mistake, a question that set them down the road toward common ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom spoke about iterating in his life, and about overcoming a significant learning disability and taking speech therapy as a kid. As a result, he said, “I don’t like bullies, I don’t like cruelty, I don’t like people that humiliate other people.” And as a younger person, he said, he did “not learn quickly enough that all of us are unique.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle said he learned a lot about environmentalism earlier on in his political career in a way that “helped me expand on my ability to be able to be very sensitive to the environment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair even found agreement on one issue: reparations. Dahle supported the study to explore paying back Black Californians for injustices of the past and present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>I think it’s a step in the right [direction] for those people, to those people who were wronged,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lagos voiced her surprise, saying, “We found one thing you two agree on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>The Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Homelessness, soaring gas prices and addressing climate change were among the topics gubernatorial candidates Gov. Gavin Newsom and Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber) sparred over at the debate between the two candidates before this year's gubernatorial election.",
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"title": "Newsom, Dahle Spar Over Abortion, Gas Tax and Crime in California Governor Debate | KQED",
"description": "Homelessness, soaring gas prices and addressing climate change were among the topics gubernatorial candidates Gov. Gavin Newsom and Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber) sparred over at the debate between the two candidates before this year's gubernatorial election.",
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"headline": "Newsom, Dahle Spar Over Abortion, Gas Tax and Crime in California Governor Debate",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mx_n3PPEKcw\">Watch the debate here.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gubernatorial candidates Gov. Gavin Newsom and Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber) sparred over homelessness, abortion access, soaring gas prices and addressing climate change at the first and likely only debate between the two candidates this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage Sunday at KQED headquarters in San Francisco, Newsom and Dahle answered questions from KQED’s Senior Editor for Politics and Government Scott Shafer and Politics Correspondent Marisa Lagos. While Newsom and Dahle at times dug deep into policy disagreements, they also often retreated to more widely held positions by both political parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#prop1\">Jump to: Proposition 1: Reproductive rights\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#gas\">Jump to: Soaring gas prices\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#homeless\">Jump to: Homelessness\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#crime\">Jump to: Crime\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#common\">Jump to: Cutting remarks, finding common ground\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He does not support reproductive freedom, does not support reproductive choice, regardless of rape, regardless of incest,” Newsom said of his opponent, Dahle, taking aim at a topic \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-08-24/abortion-california-voters-2022-california-election-poll\">top of mind for Californians\u003c/a> at the opening of the debate. “I work[ed] with legislative leaders to get Proposition 1 on the ballot. It’s foundational to the core values to the state of California and is something that I enthusiastically support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle retorted with a jab at rumors Newsom is mulling a run for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to start out by thanking the governor for taking time out of his going forward on his dream of being president of the United States and actually coming to California and having a debate,” Dahle said. “I don’t know if he’s been out on the street or if you’ve been on the street talking to people who can’t afford to live in California. People are fleeing California because they can’t afford to live here. He’s driving up the cost of everything in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair traded barbs on California’s cost of living and Newsom’s record in helping Californians conserve water. Dahle also said Newsom could do more to ease high gas prices for people statewide. Newsom attacked Dahle’s opposition to funding to expand preschool and his stance against abortion access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929902\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929902\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Gov. Gavin Newsom and Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle participate in a gubernatorial debate at KQED with Senior Editor for Politics and Government Scott Shafer and Politics Correspondent Marisa Lagos in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(KQED/Beth LaBerge)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Three hundred companies have left California under his watch — in the last three years. These are worldwide companies. Tesla, Oracle, HP, have left California under his watch,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom responded, “Let me unpack, just on the issue of the economy. California has no peers. The state of California grew at 7.8% GDP last year — outperformed the United States, which was at 5.7%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preelection polls — along with voters’ solid rejection of a Newsom recall last year — suggest the outcome is a foregone conclusion. According to \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0456d0gt\">a Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies survey\u003c/a> released earlier this month, 53% of voters support Newsom while 32% support Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle’s biggest problem, however, might be simple name recognition. The same poll showed that about 52% of likely voters were “unfamiliar” with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s huge advantage in polls and fundraising have allowed him to nearly ignore his opponent, using his campaign cash to air commercials on other ballot topics, supporting Proposition 1 on abortion rights and opposing Proposition 30, which would raise taxes on the wealthy to fund climate goals and fight wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also raised eyebrows with strategic ad buys in Texas and Florida — highlighting his political differences with two Republican governors who are thought to be weighing a run for president in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom tried to put that matter to rest on Sunday. On stage, Lagos asked Newsom, “I want to ask very clearly, you’re asking voters for four more years. Do you commit to serving all four?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom answered, “Yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair then moved on to California-specific issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"prop1\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Proposition 1: Reproductive rights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In its June decision on Dobbs v. Jackson, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, letting states decide whether to allow abortions. Following those weakened protections, California lawmakers approved placing Proposition 1 on the ballot, which would amend the state constitution to leave no doubt that abortion is a legal right in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929900\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929900\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a business suit rests his hand on a desk.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom participates in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the debate, Newsom highlighted Dahle’s opposition to the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>We’re not embarrassed and we don’t apologize for having the back of women and girls all across this country that are fleeing persecution. And fleeing the kind of, well, extreme policies you are promoting,” Newsom said, referencing Dahle. “What my opponent believes is some\u003cem> \u003c/em>10-year-old that’s raped by her father should be forced to bear her brother or sister. His position is extreme. And that is something I hope the people of the state of California consider\u003ci>.”\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle shot back that Proposition 1 didn’t allow a statewide debate on how abortion access should be navigated in California, if at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, he talks about extreme. Extreme is not ever having a conversation,” Dahle said. “It’s just all or nothing. That’s what’s going to happen under this Prop. 1.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle calls himself “pro-life” and voted against putting Proposition 1 before voters to make abortion a constitutional right in California, which Newsom has championed. Throughout his campaign, however, Dahle has not exactly been vocal about his position on abortion — perhaps an acknowledgment of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/where-do-californians-stand-on-abortion/\">overwhelming approval of abortion rights\u003c/a>. When asked about \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/california-candidates-opposing-abortion-17263279.php\">his position on abortion rights\u003c/a> by The San Francisco Chronicle earlier this year, Dahle deferred to his voting record instead of answering directly.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Although he opposes abortion rights, Dahle \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-2022-midterm-elections-california-presidential-24979cc4ce5404bcbcb536b13cced595\">voted for a 2021 bill that would have made contraceptives — including the morning-after pill — much cheaper\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"gas\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Soaring gas prices\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gas prices soared across the nation this summer because of high inflation, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and ongoing disruptions in the global supply chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while gas prices have recovered somewhat nationwide, they have continued to spike in California, hitting an average of $6.39 per gallon earlier this month — $2.58 higher than the national average, according to AAA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage at KQED, Shafer asked Dahle, “How do you propose the state bring down the gas price in a meaningful way for consumers?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929901\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a business suit makes a gesture with his hand.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle participates in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dahle said California needs to grant permits to 1,200 oil wells sitting on the desk of the governor right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He prefers not to get those permits out,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle said a gas tax holiday is “the fastest way you can actually help drive down inflation.” His experience with his own trucking business has made the gas pain all too personal, he said, seeing him pay $4,000 monthly for diesel fuel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That drives up the cost of a gallon of milk, a dozen eggs for every hardworking Californian,” Dahle said. “So if you lower that gas tax across the board, it lowers [the cost of] your food, not only the gas you put in your tank.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has the second-highest gas tax in the country and other environmental rules that increase the cost of fuel in the nation’s most populous state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Shafer pressed Dahle, “How do you guarantee that if the tax goes away, that it’s actually going to go to consumers and not just the oil companies?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, we make sure that they do it,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/mx_n3PPEKcw'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/mx_n3PPEKcw'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch the debate in the YouTube video above. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said other states have moved forward with gas tax reductions — some of which include Maryland, New York and Georgia — and “we haven’t seen the commensurate reduction” in gas prices because “there is no guarantee.” He added that leading economists have said it’s “nothing more than a gimmick.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These companies are ripping you off and ripping us off. That’s why I want to move forward with a price-gouging penalty to address this abuse,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"Component-root-0-2-63 p Component-p-0-2-54\">The state Legislature briefly considered a proposal earlier this year that would have imposed a “windfall profits tax” on oil companies’ gross receipts when the price of a gallon of gasoline was “abnormally high compared to the price of a barrel of oil.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"Component-root-0-2-63 p Component-p-0-2-54\">That proposal would have required state regulators to determine the tax rate, making sure it recovered any oil company profit margins that exceeded $0.30 per gallon. The money from the tax would then have been returned to taxpayers via rebates. It’s unclear how closely Newsom’s final proposal will resemble this earlier effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"homeless\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Dahle frequently says California spends too much money on homelessness with little to show for it. He has said that, if elected to office, he would declare homelessness a “public health crisis” and “stop the state’s misguided attempt to throw money” at the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage, Dahle said he would declare a state of emergency over fentanyl in California. Lagos asked what a state of emergency would do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would focus on the fact that fentanyl is an issue in California. People on the streets are addicted, to get them off of drugs. That’s the first thing you do to get them on the projection out is get them off of drugs. You fund the counties with the mental health programs that they need and the clinicians, and then drive down the cost of housing in California are the three things that would need to happen for to take care of homelessness,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, however, said Dahle’s proposal had no meat to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Somehow, a ‘state of emergency’ [will be enacted], and we’re going to magically solve fentanyl. That’s what my opponent just said, somehow, [fentanyl] magically will disappear on the basis of a state of emergency,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has also taken aim at homeless spending in his career. During his time as San Francisco mayor, he said there was nothing “liberal or compassionate” about letting people sleep on the streets, and championed a program called Care Not Cash to end cash subsidies to unhoused people in favor of services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s taking that proposal to a statewide scale, saying California will hold local governments accountable. Lagos asked Newsom to respond to Californians who are concerned about the growing number of people living on the state’s streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re right. This is an outrage,” Newsom said. “We’re not going to hand out money any longer if local governments can’t produce results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed a budget this year that would spend $10 billion on affordable housing and \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/07/19/governor-newsom-signs-historic-housing-and-homelessness-funding-package-as-part-of-100-billion-california-comeback-plan/\">more than $12 billion — over two years — on the homelessness crisis\u003c/a>. That includes funding toward 42,000 housing units under Homekey, a program to convert motels, hotels and other buildings into housing to address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Newsom signed his controversial new program, CARE Court, into law. The Community Assistance, Recovery and Empowerment Act would compel some people with schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders to either accept treatment plans or, if they refuse, be placed under conservatorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, my opponent opposed the funding for CARE Court,” Newsom said. “When I got here, there was no homeless strategy, no plan, no resources of any merit. Today, there’s $15.3 billion and there’s a real strategy, real plan, and there’s accountability for the first time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11927968/california-unhoused-population-grew-by-more-than-22000-since-start-of-pandemic\">Californians without homes grew by at least 22,500 over the last three years\u003c/a>, according to a CalMatters analysis of the federal government’s last point-in-time count. California enacted a number of safeguards against homelessness during the pandemic, from rental assistance to a moratorium on evictions. The rate of homelessness among Californians grew 15% over the last year, on par with steady growth in homelessness from 2015 to today.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"crime\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Crime\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In television interviews and on social media, Dahle has echoed Republican criticism of Democrats for being what they call “soft on crime.” Dahle has advocated increasing\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/04/brian-dahle-california-governor/\"> funding to local law enforcement\u003c/a>, according to CalMatters, and weakening Proposition 47, which reduced punishments for some property and drug crimes. Conservatives have long pointed to Proposition 47 as a turning point that lowered consequences and led to rising crime, though \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/the-impact-of-proposition-47-on-crime-and-recidivism/#:~:text=Did%20Proposition%2047%20increase%20crime,in%20crime%20reporting%20after%202014.\">research has not backed up that claim\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This issue remains a vexing issue, but Proposition 47 is not the culprit. It’s not the reason why we have seen an increase in crime in the state and or in this country,” Newsom said Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/crime-trends-in-california/\">Crime statewide is lower now than it has been since at least 1992\u003c/a>, according to crime data analyzed by the Public Policy Institute of California. Violent crime and property crime rates did marginally increase between 2020 and 2021, but remain historically low, and even somewhat lower than in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The narratives don’t fit the facts,” Newsom said, saying California is “average” for felony rates in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is a uniquely large state, however, and different regions experience crime rates differently: The San Joaquin Valley saw large upticks in violent crime, while the highest rate of property crime in California last year was in the San Francisco Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Viral videos of smash-and-grab-style burglaries and brazen attacks against Asian and Asian American people have led to fear and outrage in some California cities, including San Francisco. Dahle referenced those disparities in the crimes Californians are seeing rise as a way for Newsom to obscure ugly truths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Murders went up 40% in the last two years in California,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/crime-trends-in-california/\">Homicides are up in California since 2019\u003c/a>, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe in commonsense criminal justice reform. The reality is, (Dahle) also opposed our crime reduction plan, a $758 million investment,” Newsom said, which included 1,000 new California Highway Patrol officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And eight of the top 10 states with the highest murder rates are Republican-led, Newsom claimed. Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2022/10/19/murder-rates-red-states-myth/\">have pushed back on that frequent Democratic talking point\u003c/a>, saying the crime rate is high in Democratic-led urban areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an issue that has no political jurisdiction,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeking to protect Californians from gun violence, Newsom signed a bevy of bills this legislative session to \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/07/21/governor-newsom-signs-new-measures-to-protect-californians-from-gun-violence/\">toughen gun-safety laws\u003c/a>. Among them are new laws to conduct inspections of gun dealers, reducing the number of guns a person can manufacture, restricting ghost-gun and prohibiting the sale of firearms on state property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle \u003ca href=\"https://justfacts.votesmart.org/candidate/key-votes/82387/brian-dahle/37/guns\">voted against a slew of firearm-related bills\u003c/a> in the state Senate this session, including AB 1594, a controversial proposal by Newsom to allow people harmed by gun violence to file civil lawsuits against gun manufacturers. Still, Dahle did vote in favor of some gun-reform measures, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/local/2022/07/22/bill-law-decade-ban-gun-ownership-child-elder-abuse\">a bill that would ban anyone convicted of child or elder abuse from possessing firearms for a decade\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"common\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cutting remarks, finding common ground\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout the debate, Dahle and Newsom took potshots at the other’s policies, frequently relying on party talking points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re in a constant state of crisis under your leadership. Your leadership has not solved one problem. We have fires that you haven’t solved. We have water storage you haven’t solved. We have electricity you haven’t solved. All those things you talk about, but what are the results? Zero,” Dahle said, of Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">“\u003c/b>With respect, you’re not pro-life. You’re pro-government-mandated birth. If you were pro-life, you would support our efforts to provide support for child care and preschool and prenatal programs. You’ve consistently opposed those programs,” Newsom said, of Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929904\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929904\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"Two men wearing business suits shake hands on stage.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle and Gov. Gavin Newsom shake hands after participating in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But near the end of the debate, Shafer and Lagos asked each candidate to talk about a time in life when they learned they were wrong, and how they remedied that mistake, a question that set them down the road toward common ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom spoke about iterating in his life, and about overcoming a significant learning disability and taking speech therapy as a kid. As a result, he said, “I don’t like bullies, I don’t like cruelty, I don’t like people that humiliate other people.” And as a younger person, he said, he did “not learn quickly enough that all of us are unique.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle said he learned a lot about environmentalism earlier on in his political career in a way that “helped me expand on my ability to be able to be very sensitive to the environment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair even found agreement on one issue: reparations. Dahle supported the study to explore paying back Black Californians for injustices of the past and present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>I think it’s a step in the right [direction] for those people, to those people who were wronged,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lagos voiced her surprise, saying, “We found one thing you two agree on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>The Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "What's Driving the Spike in Homelessness for Latinos in San Francisco?",
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"content": "\u003cp>Every Tuesday as the sun comes up, dozens of RV residents who call Winston Drive home prepare for a weekly ritual — avoiding the street sweeper. They dislodge their wheel chocks and rumble into the parking lot of a nearby shopping mall to wait out the parking control officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the sweeper descends the sloped street, along the northern edge of the San Francisco State University campus, a line of RVs trails behind. One at a time, they lurch back into their designated spots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“See, everyone has their place. We’re a community,” said resident Jose Luis Diaz, 40, in Spanish. With the weekly move done, he stands outside his RV, waiting for his kids to finish getting ready for school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s got the spot with the tree because he was the first one out here, he says, about a month into the pandemic.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Miriam Mora, San Francisco resident\"]‘If we can contribute to the economy but we can’t have a safe place to live, it’s not a fair trade.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz lost his job as a sous-chef in March of 2020. Within a few weeks, he’d moved into the RV with his wife and kids, who are 17 and 12. Later, he says, other families from the apartment building where they were living in Daly City came to scope out their new living arrangement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now they’re neighbors again out here. They’re among the growing ranks of Latinos living on San Francisco’s streets, or in RVs, cars or city shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just a lot of ways that our community is very vulnerable,” said Laura Valdéz, executive director of Dolores Street Community Services, an organization that works with the Latino community in the Mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was clear from the early days of the pandemic that its economic costs weren’t being felt equally, with Latinos being especially hit hard. The service industry jobs available to many Latinos — in the hotel industry, housekeeping or restaurants — were gutted, Valdez says.[aside postID=\"news_11922869,news_11914346,news_11927968\" label=\"Related Posts\"]“So when COVID happened and every single person in the household is losing their job, that really created a very dire situation,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now the ripple effects are showing up as more people are becoming homeless. Despite measures meant to protect renters, homelessness among Latino residents has spiked around California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/get-involved/2022-pit-count/#:~:text=Since%20the%202019%20PIT%20Count,in%20housing%20and%20shelter%20resources.\">homelessness among Latino residents is up 55%\u003c/a> since 2019, according to the latest point-in-time count, despite an overall drop in the homeless population. In Alameda County, Latino homelessness rose 73% during the same time period, according to the nonprofit EveryOneHome, which conducts the county’s tally. It \u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/documents?id=6545-2022-greater-los-angeles-homeless-count-deck\">jumped by 26%\u003c/a> in Los Angeles County and \u003ca href=\"https://bkrhc.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/2022-PIT-Report_2022_0426_Final.docx.pdf\">by 19%\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://bkrhc.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/2020-PIT-Count-Report.pdf\">Kern County\u003c/a>, since they did their last counts in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recent counts also show that Black people continue to be \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2019/10/black-people-disproportionately-homeless-in-california/\">overrepresented on California’s streets\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surveying his RV neighborhood, Jose Diaz offers one explanation for why more Latinos are becoming homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Remember, Americans get unemployment,” he said. “Most people here, they might be immigrants, they might not have papers, so there’s no help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just undocumented Latinos, though. Diaz has a \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/victims-of-human-trafficking-and-other-crimes/victims-of-criminal-activity-u-nonimmigrant-status\">U visa\u003c/a> (for victims of crime who work with law enforcement on investigations) that allows him to work legally. But he didn’t apply for rent relief or unemployment because he worried it could hurt his pending application for permanent residency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, UCLA researchers found \u003ca href=\"https://latino.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/Renters-Report.pdf\">Latinos in California were about half as likely as whites to have applied for and received rent relief\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our community is not accessing the homelessness response system,” Valdez said, including rent relief and legal aid. She attributes that in part to fears like Diaz’s, to language and cultural barriers and to the silencing effect of xenophobic political rhetoric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz is now working as a truck driver. He plans to stay in the RV, save money and move away from the city, because he doesn’t see a future here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the pandemic, with Diaz and his wife working, he says they’d be left with $150 at the end of the month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who can survive on that? Nobody,” he said. “Everyone who ended up out here is just trying to survive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos now make up 30% of the unhoused people in San Francisco, though they’re only 16% of the overall population, according to the city’s most recent count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As bad as those new numbers are, they don’t account for the homelessness that’s harder to see — the kind Miriam Mora is living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 32-year-old has been moving place to place for the past few weeks with her three kids, who are 14, 9 and 6 months old. After staying in her car for a stint, they moved into her sister’s living room. Now they’re living at her brother’s Tenderloin studio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929297\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929297\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A woman standing next to a girl pushes a stroller with a baby wrapped in a yellow blanket past a person lying down on the sidewalk.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miriam Mora walks to visit her sister with her daughters Miriam (then 5 months) and Julissa (9), in the Tenderloin neighborhood in San Francisco on Wednesday, Oct. 12, 2022. Mora lost her job during the pandemic and has been struggling to find affordable housing. Right now she is staying with her brother, who already has several roommates in his studio apartment. Latinos now make up 30% of the unhoused people in San Francisco, though they’re only 16% of the overall population, according to the city’s most recent count. Mora said she would prefer to live in a different neighborhood where there are fewer people on the street and less drug use. \u003ccite>(Marlena Sloss/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He already had five roommates, so it’s 10 of them in one room, sharing bunk beds. Mora says she left her last home, which she shared with roommates in the Excelsior, after her landlord raised the rent, intimidated her and threatened to evict her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We paid the rent, but the landlord still harassed us,” she said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These kinds of self-evictions aren’t officially tracked, but tenant advocates say they have been on the rise since the start of the pandemic, especially among Latino renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got people who tell us their landlords tell them verbally to leave their units every day,” said Lucia Leal, a tenant counselor with Causa Justa/Just Cause. “They don’t want to deal with the harassment,” so they leave, even if they have the right to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos are also overrepresented in formal eviction data in San Francisco, even with eviction moratoriums in place during the pandemic. According to data collected by the Eviction Defense Collaborative, 20% of eviction filings between March of 2020 and March of 2022 were against Latino tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When tenants don’t know their rights, don’t speak English, have an informal living arrangement without a lease or don’t have legal status, it gives landlords a lot of power, Leal says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mora lost her job doing hourly gig work at the start of the pandemic, but says her landlord demanded the rent no matter what. “He said, ‘Come rain or thunder, whatever happens, I want my rent on the first of the month,’” Mora said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929296\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a black t-shirt with the Playstation logo descends the stairs holding a stroller.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miriam Mora walks down the stairs with her daughter, Miriam (then 5 months) at her brother’s apartment in the Tenderloin neighborhood in San Francisco on Wednesday, Oct. 12, 2022. \u003ccite>(Marlena Sloss/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mora applied for COVID rent relief, but got denied. She says her landlord wouldn’t cooperate with the application process. So she used her savings and borrowed money from a family member to cover her rent. She’s $21,000 in debt now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After she moved out, Mora says, she tried to get into a family shelter, but was put on a waiting list. She went to Compass Family Services, one of the \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/services/the-homelessness-response-system/coordinated-entry/family-coordinated-entry/\">access points for the city’s coordinated entry system\u003c/a>.\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the coordinated entry system, which is required by the federal government, people who are unhoused must go to an access point, meet with a case manager and answer a series of questions about their experiences. They are then ranked according to their level of need, and may or may not get placed in a shelter or other housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that system creates its own barriers for Latinos, says Valdez. “If you just look at coordinated entry systems anywhere, not just here in San Francisco, they create structural disparities,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2022 city-commissioned report on the coordinated entry system found that \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/get-involved/coordinated-entry-evaluation-report/\">Latinos were less likely to be prioritized for housing\u003c/a> than other groups and were underrepresented in the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the Latino Task Force’s Street Needs Assessment Committee \u003ca href=\"https://www.ltfrespuestalatina.com/_files/ugd/bbc25b_99f10a84713449bd9e24e1ec89bb1c0c.pdf\">surveyed more than 100 unhoused residents\u003c/a> in the Mission earlier this year and found that almost a quarter became homeless during the pandemic, and 83% were not in the coordinated entry system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Larisa Pedroncelli, co-chair of the committee, attributes this to a number of factors: distrust, especially among undocumented immigrants, the lack of access points in the Mission, and a dearth of linguistically and culturally competent service providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You are being assessed by somebody you’ve never met and you’re asked to share some of your deepest traumas,” she said, noting that many people feel uncomfortable sharing those experiences, and that’s why they don’t get connected with the housing and services they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee’s report calls for empowering Mission-based organizations to facilitate coordinated entry access. “Because the relationships are there, they know the folks on the street, so it’s much easier for them to share their traumas and to be able to be properly assessed,” Pedroncelli said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emily Cohen, spokesperson for the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, says the department is ramping up work in the Mission, in part by increasing partnerships with nonprofits that serve the Latino community and opening a new coordinated entry access point in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mora is also looking for more permanent housing. Every week, she goes to the Mission Economic Development Agency to \u003ca href=\"https://housing.sfgov.org/\">apply for one of the city’s few open affordable apartments\u003c/a>, but her chances of landing a spot are slim. On a visit in September, she’s one of 814 people who’ve applied for a single apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929304\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929304\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a black t-shirt holding on to a stroller is next to a girl wearing a black hoodie. To the left of them is a man wearing a colorful tshirt and gray hat. To the right isa man wearing a black jacket and pants.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miriam Mora leaves her brother’s apartment building with her daughters Miriam (then 5 months) and Julissa (9) as two men who were sitting on the steps move aside in the Tenderloin neighborhood in San Francisco on Wednesday, Oct. 12, 2022. \u003ccite>(Marlena Sloss/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, the Latino Task Force says the city needs to focus more on building affordable housing,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are calling for policy changes, like curbing market rate housing development in neighborhoods where residents are \u003ca href=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/maps/california-estimated-displacement-risk-model/\">most vulnerable to displacement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valdez, who works with the task force, wants to see more efforts to prevent evictions and greater investments in affordable housing. Without them, she says, as the \u003ca href=\"https://medasf.org/what-does-displacement-look-like-part-1-census-2020-and-latinos-in-the-mission/\">Latino population in the city continues to grow\u003c/a>, “We’re just going to see larger and larger numbers of unhoused community members.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mora has worked service industry jobs since she came to this country alone as a teenager. She was doing gig work when the pandemic started, and when that dried up the state denied her unemployment claim. She says she feels exploited because she’s worked hard and paid taxes and she can’t afford to live here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we can contribute to the economy but we can’t have a safe place to live, it’s not a fair trade,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, after 15 years in San Francisco, she’s considering going back to her hometown of Puebla in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In San Francisco, homelessness among Latino residents is up 55% since 2019, according to the latest point-in-time count, despite an overall drop in the unhoused population.",
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"title": "What's Driving the Spike in Homelessness for Latinos in San Francisco? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Every Tuesday as the sun comes up, dozens of RV residents who call Winston Drive home prepare for a weekly ritual — avoiding the street sweeper. They dislodge their wheel chocks and rumble into the parking lot of a nearby shopping mall to wait out the parking control officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the sweeper descends the sloped street, along the northern edge of the San Francisco State University campus, a line of RVs trails behind. One at a time, they lurch back into their designated spots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“See, everyone has their place. We’re a community,” said resident Jose Luis Diaz, 40, in Spanish. With the weekly move done, he stands outside his RV, waiting for his kids to finish getting ready for school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s got the spot with the tree because he was the first one out here, he says, about a month into the pandemic.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘If we can contribute to the economy but we can’t have a safe place to live, it’s not a fair trade.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz lost his job as a sous-chef in March of 2020. Within a few weeks, he’d moved into the RV with his wife and kids, who are 17 and 12. Later, he says, other families from the apartment building where they were living in Daly City came to scope out their new living arrangement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now they’re neighbors again out here. They’re among the growing ranks of Latinos living on San Francisco’s streets, or in RVs, cars or city shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just a lot of ways that our community is very vulnerable,” said Laura Valdéz, executive director of Dolores Street Community Services, an organization that works with the Latino community in the Mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was clear from the early days of the pandemic that its economic costs weren’t being felt equally, with Latinos being especially hit hard. The service industry jobs available to many Latinos — in the hotel industry, housekeeping or restaurants — were gutted, Valdez says.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“So when COVID happened and every single person in the household is losing their job, that really created a very dire situation,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now the ripple effects are showing up as more people are becoming homeless. Despite measures meant to protect renters, homelessness among Latino residents has spiked around California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/get-involved/2022-pit-count/#:~:text=Since%20the%202019%20PIT%20Count,in%20housing%20and%20shelter%20resources.\">homelessness among Latino residents is up 55%\u003c/a> since 2019, according to the latest point-in-time count, despite an overall drop in the homeless population. In Alameda County, Latino homelessness rose 73% during the same time period, according to the nonprofit EveryOneHome, which conducts the county’s tally. It \u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/documents?id=6545-2022-greater-los-angeles-homeless-count-deck\">jumped by 26%\u003c/a> in Los Angeles County and \u003ca href=\"https://bkrhc.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/2022-PIT-Report_2022_0426_Final.docx.pdf\">by 19%\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://bkrhc.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/2020-PIT-Count-Report.pdf\">Kern County\u003c/a>, since they did their last counts in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recent counts also show that Black people continue to be \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2019/10/black-people-disproportionately-homeless-in-california/\">overrepresented on California’s streets\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surveying his RV neighborhood, Jose Diaz offers one explanation for why more Latinos are becoming homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Remember, Americans get unemployment,” he said. “Most people here, they might be immigrants, they might not have papers, so there’s no help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just undocumented Latinos, though. Diaz has a \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/victims-of-human-trafficking-and-other-crimes/victims-of-criminal-activity-u-nonimmigrant-status\">U visa\u003c/a> (for victims of crime who work with law enforcement on investigations) that allows him to work legally. But he didn’t apply for rent relief or unemployment because he worried it could hurt his pending application for permanent residency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, UCLA researchers found \u003ca href=\"https://latino.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/Renters-Report.pdf\">Latinos in California were about half as likely as whites to have applied for and received rent relief\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our community is not accessing the homelessness response system,” Valdez said, including rent relief and legal aid. She attributes that in part to fears like Diaz’s, to language and cultural barriers and to the silencing effect of xenophobic political rhetoric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz is now working as a truck driver. He plans to stay in the RV, save money and move away from the city, because he doesn’t see a future here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the pandemic, with Diaz and his wife working, he says they’d be left with $150 at the end of the month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who can survive on that? Nobody,” he said. “Everyone who ended up out here is just trying to survive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos now make up 30% of the unhoused people in San Francisco, though they’re only 16% of the overall population, according to the city’s most recent count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As bad as those new numbers are, they don’t account for the homelessness that’s harder to see — the kind Miriam Mora is living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 32-year-old has been moving place to place for the past few weeks with her three kids, who are 14, 9 and 6 months old. After staying in her car for a stint, they moved into her sister’s living room. Now they’re living at her brother’s Tenderloin studio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929297\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929297\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A woman standing next to a girl pushes a stroller with a baby wrapped in a yellow blanket past a person lying down on the sidewalk.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miriam Mora walks to visit her sister with her daughters Miriam (then 5 months) and Julissa (9), in the Tenderloin neighborhood in San Francisco on Wednesday, Oct. 12, 2022. Mora lost her job during the pandemic and has been struggling to find affordable housing. Right now she is staying with her brother, who already has several roommates in his studio apartment. Latinos now make up 30% of the unhoused people in San Francisco, though they’re only 16% of the overall population, according to the city’s most recent count. Mora said she would prefer to live in a different neighborhood where there are fewer people on the street and less drug use. \u003ccite>(Marlena Sloss/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He already had five roommates, so it’s 10 of them in one room, sharing bunk beds. Mora says she left her last home, which she shared with roommates in the Excelsior, after her landlord raised the rent, intimidated her and threatened to evict her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We paid the rent, but the landlord still harassed us,” she said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These kinds of self-evictions aren’t officially tracked, but tenant advocates say they have been on the rise since the start of the pandemic, especially among Latino renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got people who tell us their landlords tell them verbally to leave their units every day,” said Lucia Leal, a tenant counselor with Causa Justa/Just Cause. “They don’t want to deal with the harassment,” so they leave, even if they have the right to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos are also overrepresented in formal eviction data in San Francisco, even with eviction moratoriums in place during the pandemic. According to data collected by the Eviction Defense Collaborative, 20% of eviction filings between March of 2020 and March of 2022 were against Latino tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When tenants don’t know their rights, don’t speak English, have an informal living arrangement without a lease or don’t have legal status, it gives landlords a lot of power, Leal says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mora lost her job doing hourly gig work at the start of the pandemic, but says her landlord demanded the rent no matter what. “He said, ‘Come rain or thunder, whatever happens, I want my rent on the first of the month,’” Mora said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929296\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a black t-shirt with the Playstation logo descends the stairs holding a stroller.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miriam Mora walks down the stairs with her daughter, Miriam (then 5 months) at her brother’s apartment in the Tenderloin neighborhood in San Francisco on Wednesday, Oct. 12, 2022. \u003ccite>(Marlena Sloss/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mora applied for COVID rent relief, but got denied. She says her landlord wouldn’t cooperate with the application process. So she used her savings and borrowed money from a family member to cover her rent. She’s $21,000 in debt now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After she moved out, Mora says, she tried to get into a family shelter, but was put on a waiting list. She went to Compass Family Services, one of the \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/services/the-homelessness-response-system/coordinated-entry/family-coordinated-entry/\">access points for the city’s coordinated entry system\u003c/a>.\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the coordinated entry system, which is required by the federal government, people who are unhoused must go to an access point, meet with a case manager and answer a series of questions about their experiences. They are then ranked according to their level of need, and may or may not get placed in a shelter or other housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that system creates its own barriers for Latinos, says Valdez. “If you just look at coordinated entry systems anywhere, not just here in San Francisco, they create structural disparities,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2022 city-commissioned report on the coordinated entry system found that \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/get-involved/coordinated-entry-evaluation-report/\">Latinos were less likely to be prioritized for housing\u003c/a> than other groups and were underrepresented in the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the Latino Task Force’s Street Needs Assessment Committee \u003ca href=\"https://www.ltfrespuestalatina.com/_files/ugd/bbc25b_99f10a84713449bd9e24e1ec89bb1c0c.pdf\">surveyed more than 100 unhoused residents\u003c/a> in the Mission earlier this year and found that almost a quarter became homeless during the pandemic, and 83% were not in the coordinated entry system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Larisa Pedroncelli, co-chair of the committee, attributes this to a number of factors: distrust, especially among undocumented immigrants, the lack of access points in the Mission, and a dearth of linguistically and culturally competent service providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You are being assessed by somebody you’ve never met and you’re asked to share some of your deepest traumas,” she said, noting that many people feel uncomfortable sharing those experiences, and that’s why they don’t get connected with the housing and services they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee’s report calls for empowering Mission-based organizations to facilitate coordinated entry access. “Because the relationships are there, they know the folks on the street, so it’s much easier for them to share their traumas and to be able to be properly assessed,” Pedroncelli said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emily Cohen, spokesperson for the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, says the department is ramping up work in the Mission, in part by increasing partnerships with nonprofits that serve the Latino community and opening a new coordinated entry access point in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mora is also looking for more permanent housing. Every week, she goes to the Mission Economic Development Agency to \u003ca href=\"https://housing.sfgov.org/\">apply for one of the city’s few open affordable apartments\u003c/a>, but her chances of landing a spot are slim. On a visit in September, she’s one of 814 people who’ve applied for a single apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929304\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929304\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a black t-shirt holding on to a stroller is next to a girl wearing a black hoodie. To the left of them is a man wearing a colorful tshirt and gray hat. To the right isa man wearing a black jacket and pants.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miriam Mora leaves her brother’s apartment building with her daughters Miriam (then 5 months) and Julissa (9) as two men who were sitting on the steps move aside in the Tenderloin neighborhood in San Francisco on Wednesday, Oct. 12, 2022. \u003ccite>(Marlena Sloss/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, the Latino Task Force says the city needs to focus more on building affordable housing,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are calling for policy changes, like curbing market rate housing development in neighborhoods where residents are \u003ca href=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/maps/california-estimated-displacement-risk-model/\">most vulnerable to displacement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valdez, who works with the task force, wants to see more efforts to prevent evictions and greater investments in affordable housing. Without them, she says, as the \u003ca href=\"https://medasf.org/what-does-displacement-look-like-part-1-census-2020-and-latinos-in-the-mission/\">Latino population in the city continues to grow\u003c/a>, “We’re just going to see larger and larger numbers of unhoused community members.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mora has worked service industry jobs since she came to this country alone as a teenager. She was doing gig work when the pandemic started, and when that dried up the state denied her unemployment claim. She says she feels exploited because she’s worked hard and paid taxes and she can’t afford to live here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we can contribute to the economy but we can’t have a safe place to live, it’s not a fair trade,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, after 15 years in San Francisco, she’s considering going back to her hometown of Puebla in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "'They Can't Live on Their Desire to Serve Others': More Bay Area Nonprofit Workers Are Joining the Labor Movement",
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"content": "\u003cp>A growing number of Bay Area nonprofit workers have gone on strike or joined unions in recent months — a surge of labor organizing by the people who serve some of the region’s most marginalized residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff at Glide Foundation last week submitted a letter of intent to management stating that they planned to form a union, becoming the latest in a string of nonprofit employee groups to organize to ensure worker protections and a living wage. In doing so, workers at the nonprofit, which serves San Francisco’s unhoused community, joined their counterparts at Hamilton Families, Impact Justice and Episcopal Community Services, all Bay Area nonprofits that unionized with the Office and Professional Employees International Union (OPEIU) Local 29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11920638,news_11927383,news_11926218\"]Last month, employees of the Tenderloin Housing Clinic — already members of Service Employees International Union (SEIU) Local 1021 — ratified a new contract that included an average 22% pay raise following nine months of bargaining and a first-of-its-kind, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11920638/tenderloin-housing-clinic-workers-strike-in-demand-for-higher-wages\">24-hour strike\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jane Bosio, union representative with OPEIU Local 29, said nonprofit workers have long been underpaid. That’s not only compared with employees in the private sector, she said, but also with city employees with whom these workers often collaborate to serve unhoused and otherwise marginalized populations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current movement, Bosio said, is a result of nonprofit staff taking a stand against being treated like “second-class employees,” and demanding their employers — and the cities they contract with — pay more attention to the welfare of workers who are providing vital services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Workers are coming to realize that they’re in this work because they care about it, they care about the community … but they can’t live just on their desire to serve others,” she said. “They have to pay rent. They have to feed their kids. They have to be able to pay for gas and transit to get to work. And so they understand that they need a living wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff at Glide and other nonprofits have reached out to workers at the San Francisco-Marin Food Bank — who joined OPEIU Local 29 in 2019 — for guidance as they jump-start their own organizing efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emily Citraro, a veteran employee of the food bank who now serves as a union steward, said staff there began to organize following a growing consensus that the organization’s institutional problems were being ignored by management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were just burnt out. There was tremendous turnover. It’s one thing when people leave, and it’s another thing when people just sit there and cry,” she said. “It was just such an unstable, unsustainable situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928374\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11928374\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a volunteer sorts donated food for the SF Marin food bank\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteers sort donated apples at the San Francisco-Marin Food Bank. The organization’s workers voted to unionize in 2020, winning raises and worker protections, following a growing sense among employees that management was ignoring institutional problems. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since workers at the food bank ratified their contract, “people are really seeing that they have the ability to bring [an issue] to one of the stewards, and the stewards will escalate it and then they have the full force of the union behind them,” Citraro said. “And you just didn’t have any protection if you tried to do that before. There was always the chance that you would just be retaliated against.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, San Francisco approved a budget that includes $27 million in discretionary general fund money to be used for a cost-of-living adjustment for nonprofit workers — including caseworkers, property managers and maintenance workers — and to lower case manager-to-client ratios.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Amy Huntley, case manager, Compass Family Services\"]‘Our workers aren’t getting paid enough … Basically anybody that works at this organization could end up in the situation that our clients end up in.’[/pullquote]But some nonprofit workers said the city’s efforts barely scratch the surface of their needs. Sam Meredith, a social worker with the Tenderloin Housing Clinic, said in July that the raise ranges presented by the city “still don’t really address what we’re fighting for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said it took the strike to get the city’s attention and their demands met. The contract that THC workers ratified in September included an average raise of 22%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at Compass Family Services, another nonprofit that helps San Francisco residents find stable housing and economic stability, will vote in November on whether to form a union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our workers aren’t getting paid enough [and don’t have] good enough health benefits, child care and all that kind of stuff,” said Amy Huntley, a case manager at the organization. “Basically anybody that works [at] this organization could end up in the situation that our clients end up in.” She added that management has been discouraging workers from voting to unionize, arguing that a union would add an extra layer to the organization and drastically change how the organization works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saba Mwine, managing director at USC’s Homelessness Policy Research Institute, said many of the people who work in social service nonprofits also have experienced homelessness themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks working in this field are already going above and beyond. Just the fact that conditions are such that folks are needing to also organize on top of the work they’re doing is unfortunate for us as a society,” said Mwine. “We ideally would really support their work robustly, because without that community of workers, there’s no way that we’re going to be able to end or even meaningfully address our homelessness crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928380\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11928380\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A worker in a yellow jacket looks on at an unhoused person sleeping in a cardboard box on the street\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Glide employee tries to speak with a man who fell asleep on the street while waiting in line for a bed at the organization’s shelter in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>People working on the front lines of the homelessness crisis can experience “secondary trauma” from the stories they hear and situations they witness, she added. Many workers also have valid concerns about their own physical safety and “a lack of training, professional development and advancement,” said Mwine, pointing to \u003ca href=\"https://homeforgoodla.org/app/uploads/2022/09/UW-Current-State-Assessment_-Deliverable-2_8.26.22.pdf\">a recent report about conditions and retention issues\u003c/a> at organizations that serve the unhoused population in Los Angeles. “I think there’s a sort of psychic weight, because you feel the weight of the fact that homelessness is increasing despite your everyday efforts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Locally, nonprofit workers’ efforts align with several recent organized labor actions in the private sector. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11928188/mass-janitor-layoffs-at-meta-offices-trigger-open-ended-strike\">J\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11928188/mass-janitor-layoffs-at-meta-offices-trigger-open-ended-strike\">anitors at Meta went on strike\u003c/a> last week in response to mass layoffs, while restaurant employees at San Francisco International Airport successfully won a $5 raise and family health care following their \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11927383/pressure-from-sf-supes-helped-striking-sfo-restaurant-workers-win-a-deal\">three-day strike in September\u003c/a>. At Kaiser Permanente, some mental health care workers are entering Week 9 of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925882/one-month-into-grinding-strike-negotiations-break-down-between-kaiser-permanente-and-mental-health-workers\">an open-ended strike\u003c/a> over what union representatives call an unsustainable workload and unsafe therapist-to-client ratios.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those actions are in line with a resurgence of labor organizing nationwide, including high-profile efforts at major corporations like Amazon and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/10/02/1124680518/starbucks-union-busting-howard-schultz-nlrb\">Starbucks\u003c/a>. The National Labor Relations Board reported that workers filed more than 2,500 new union representation petitions in 2022 — a 53% spike from the 1,638 petitions filed by workers in 2021 and the highest number since 2016. And a recent Gallup poll found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/08/31/1120111276/labor-union-support-in-us\">support for unions in the U.S. is at a 57-year high\u003c/a>, with 71% of Americans stating they support labor unions, up from 64% in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A growing number of Bay Area nonprofit workers have gone on strike or joined unions in recent months — a surge of labor organizing by the people who serve some of the region’s most marginalized residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff at Glide Foundation last week submitted a letter of intent to management stating that they planned to form a union, becoming the latest in a string of nonprofit employee groups to organize to ensure worker protections and a living wage. In doing so, workers at the nonprofit, which serves San Francisco’s unhoused community, joined their counterparts at Hamilton Families, Impact Justice and Episcopal Community Services, all Bay Area nonprofits that unionized with the Office and Professional Employees International Union (OPEIU) Local 29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last month, employees of the Tenderloin Housing Clinic — already members of Service Employees International Union (SEIU) Local 1021 — ratified a new contract that included an average 22% pay raise following nine months of bargaining and a first-of-its-kind, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11920638/tenderloin-housing-clinic-workers-strike-in-demand-for-higher-wages\">24-hour strike\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jane Bosio, union representative with OPEIU Local 29, said nonprofit workers have long been underpaid. That’s not only compared with employees in the private sector, she said, but also with city employees with whom these workers often collaborate to serve unhoused and otherwise marginalized populations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current movement, Bosio said, is a result of nonprofit staff taking a stand against being treated like “second-class employees,” and demanding their employers — and the cities they contract with — pay more attention to the welfare of workers who are providing vital services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Workers are coming to realize that they’re in this work because they care about it, they care about the community … but they can’t live just on their desire to serve others,” she said. “They have to pay rent. They have to feed their kids. They have to be able to pay for gas and transit to get to work. And so they understand that they need a living wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff at Glide and other nonprofits have reached out to workers at the San Francisco-Marin Food Bank — who joined OPEIU Local 29 in 2019 — for guidance as they jump-start their own organizing efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emily Citraro, a veteran employee of the food bank who now serves as a union steward, said staff there began to organize following a growing consensus that the organization’s institutional problems were being ignored by management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were just burnt out. There was tremendous turnover. It’s one thing when people leave, and it’s another thing when people just sit there and cry,” she said. “It was just such an unstable, unsustainable situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928374\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11928374\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a volunteer sorts donated food for the SF Marin food bank\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteers sort donated apples at the San Francisco-Marin Food Bank. The organization’s workers voted to unionize in 2020, winning raises and worker protections, following a growing sense among employees that management was ignoring institutional problems. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since workers at the food bank ratified their contract, “people are really seeing that they have the ability to bring [an issue] to one of the stewards, and the stewards will escalate it and then they have the full force of the union behind them,” Citraro said. “And you just didn’t have any protection if you tried to do that before. There was always the chance that you would just be retaliated against.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, San Francisco approved a budget that includes $27 million in discretionary general fund money to be used for a cost-of-living adjustment for nonprofit workers — including caseworkers, property managers and maintenance workers — and to lower case manager-to-client ratios.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Our workers aren’t getting paid enough … Basically anybody that works at this organization could end up in the situation that our clients end up in.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But some nonprofit workers said the city’s efforts barely scratch the surface of their needs. Sam Meredith, a social worker with the Tenderloin Housing Clinic, said in July that the raise ranges presented by the city “still don’t really address what we’re fighting for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said it took the strike to get the city’s attention and their demands met. The contract that THC workers ratified in September included an average raise of 22%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at Compass Family Services, another nonprofit that helps San Francisco residents find stable housing and economic stability, will vote in November on whether to form a union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our workers aren’t getting paid enough [and don’t have] good enough health benefits, child care and all that kind of stuff,” said Amy Huntley, a case manager at the organization. “Basically anybody that works [at] this organization could end up in the situation that our clients end up in.” She added that management has been discouraging workers from voting to unionize, arguing that a union would add an extra layer to the organization and drastically change how the organization works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saba Mwine, managing director at USC’s Homelessness Policy Research Institute, said many of the people who work in social service nonprofits also have experienced homelessness themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks working in this field are already going above and beyond. Just the fact that conditions are such that folks are needing to also organize on top of the work they’re doing is unfortunate for us as a society,” said Mwine. “We ideally would really support their work robustly, because without that community of workers, there’s no way that we’re going to be able to end or even meaningfully address our homelessness crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928380\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11928380\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A worker in a yellow jacket looks on at an unhoused person sleeping in a cardboard box on the street\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS4660_homeless-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Glide employee tries to speak with a man who fell asleep on the street while waiting in line for a bed at the organization’s shelter in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>People working on the front lines of the homelessness crisis can experience “secondary trauma” from the stories they hear and situations they witness, she added. Many workers also have valid concerns about their own physical safety and “a lack of training, professional development and advancement,” said Mwine, pointing to \u003ca href=\"https://homeforgoodla.org/app/uploads/2022/09/UW-Current-State-Assessment_-Deliverable-2_8.26.22.pdf\">a recent report about conditions and retention issues\u003c/a> at organizations that serve the unhoused population in Los Angeles. “I think there’s a sort of psychic weight, because you feel the weight of the fact that homelessness is increasing despite your everyday efforts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Locally, nonprofit workers’ efforts align with several recent organized labor actions in the private sector. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11928188/mass-janitor-layoffs-at-meta-offices-trigger-open-ended-strike\">J\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11928188/mass-janitor-layoffs-at-meta-offices-trigger-open-ended-strike\">anitors at Meta went on strike\u003c/a> last week in response to mass layoffs, while restaurant employees at San Francisco International Airport successfully won a $5 raise and family health care following their \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11927383/pressure-from-sf-supes-helped-striking-sfo-restaurant-workers-win-a-deal\">three-day strike in September\u003c/a>. At Kaiser Permanente, some mental health care workers are entering Week 9 of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925882/one-month-into-grinding-strike-negotiations-break-down-between-kaiser-permanente-and-mental-health-workers\">an open-ended strike\u003c/a> over what union representatives call an unsustainable workload and unsafe therapist-to-client ratios.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those actions are in line with a resurgence of labor organizing nationwide, including high-profile efforts at major corporations like Amazon and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/10/02/1124680518/starbucks-union-busting-howard-schultz-nlrb\">Starbucks\u003c/a>. The National Labor Relations Board reported that workers filed more than 2,500 new union representation petitions in 2022 — a 53% spike from the 1,638 petitions filed by workers in 2021 and the highest number since 2016. And a recent Gallup poll found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/08/31/1120111276/labor-union-support-in-us\">support for unions in the U.S. is at a 57-year high\u003c/a>, with 71% of Americans stating they support labor unions, up from 64% in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Unhoused Residents Forced to Leave Smaller West Oakland Property Following Wood Street Evictions",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 5 p.m. Wednesday:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nOn Wednesday, California Highway Patrol officers escorted more than a dozen unhoused people off of a vacant Caltrans lot in West Oakland, just days after they had occupied it. Four activists trying to block officers from entering the lot were arrested and later released. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Spokespeople for Caltrans \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">and the city of Oakland said they are in talks about using other Caltrans properties as shelter sites, but did not provide specific details.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original story, 11 a.m. Tuesday:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nMore than a dozen unhoused residents this weekend moved to a vacant lot in West Oakland following recent evictions from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925169/residents-activists-decry-evictions-at-oaklands-largest-homeless-encampment\">the Wood Street encampment\u003c/a> — which was, until recently, the city’s largest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The residents are hoping the city of Oakland will lease the lot — at 34th Street and Mandela Parkway — from Caltrans to relieve overcrowding on city streets, where residents have moved following the evictions. But it’s still unclear whether that will happen. On Monday, California Highway Patrol officers informed residents they would have one week to leave the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re pushing us to nowhere,” said Wood Street resident LaMonte Ford from behind a chain-link fence protecting the site, which residents had locked to bar the officers from entering. “We have nowhere to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At its height, the former Wood Street encampment stretched the length of more than 15 city blocks underneath the I-880 overpass in West Oakland, along the Union Pacific and BNSF Railway, on land owned by Caltrans, the city of Oakland, BNSF and private parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early September, Caltrans began evicting the estimated 300 people who lived there. The move came after a nearly month-long delay, prompted by a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919941/closure-of-oaklands-largest-homeless-encampment-put-on-hold-for-now\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">lawsuit residents filed\u003c/a> against the transportation agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"wood-street\"]A federal judge ultimately lifted the temporary restraining order, citing safety concerns, and ordered Caltrans to work with the city of Oakland and Alameda County to offer alternative housing options to Wood Street residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Monday, 241 people had been offered lodging at Oakland’s community cabin “tuff shed” sites, congregate shelters, transitional housing and RV parking programs, according to Jerri Randrup, spokesperson for the county’s Health Care Services Agency. But only 90 have accepted those offers, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of those who did not, many have relocated elsewhere in the immediate vicinity — either to adjacent side streets or other vacant lots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925205\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925205\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man puts some items onto a truck\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ben Murawski fills a truck with his belongings in an attempt to remove the items from an area being cleared by Caltrans at the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ben Murawski, 47, who lived in an RV at Wood Street for the past two years, was one of the first to be evicted. He moved a few blocks down the road, before relocating this weekend to the lot at 34th Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ford said the idea to move there came from conversations with local city officials. He said he received a handshake agreement from Oakland City Administrator Ed Reiskin, allowing former Wood Street residents to move in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At maximum capacity, Ford said the site could accommodate about 20 to 25 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were already discussing this lot as a possibility for us,” Ford said, adding, “With no place to go and [us] spilling into the streets, we kind of just expedited things, if you will.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the city did not respond to a request for comment to confirm that agreement. Janis Mara, a spokesperson for Caltrans, said the agency was in talks with the city “regarding leasing available land for people experiencing homelessness,” but she declined to say whether that available land included the lot in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928426\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2048px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11928426\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2048\" height=\"1536\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2048px) 100vw, 2048px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">More than a dozen unhoused residents from the former Wood Street encampment moved to a vacant lot in West Oakland, Monday, Oct. 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some neighbors, however, appeared caught off guard by the move. Kathy Kuhner, who lives in the area and owns an adjacent lot, said she was concerned about the possibilities of fires, noise and trash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a really terrible homeless problem here in Oakland,” she said. “But the solution isn’t to have the homeless people break into other people’s properties. That can’t be the solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland City Council last week directed staff to pursue the option of using 8 acres at the former Oakland Army Base to house up to 300 people, including many of those displaced from the Wood Street encampment. Reiskin is expected to report back to the Council by October 18 on how to clear regulatory hurdles that would enable the city to allow people to live there, despite toxic soil and groundwater conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Ford and other residents say they don’t have the luxury of waiting for the city to make those decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not trying to step on anyone’s toes,” Ford said. “But we are trying to stay safe.”\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>KQED’s Vanessa Rancaño contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/i>\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The small group of unhoused residents had hoped Oakland would lease the lot from Caltrans on their behalf. But law enforcement officials on Wednesday forced the occupants to leave the site.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 5 p.m. Wednesday:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nOn Wednesday, California Highway Patrol officers escorted more than a dozen unhoused people off of a vacant Caltrans lot in West Oakland, just days after they had occupied it. Four activists trying to block officers from entering the lot were arrested and later released. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Spokespeople for Caltrans \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">and the city of Oakland said they are in talks about using other Caltrans properties as shelter sites, but did not provide specific details.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original story, 11 a.m. Tuesday:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nMore than a dozen unhoused residents this weekend moved to a vacant lot in West Oakland following recent evictions from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925169/residents-activists-decry-evictions-at-oaklands-largest-homeless-encampment\">the Wood Street encampment\u003c/a> — which was, until recently, the city’s largest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The residents are hoping the city of Oakland will lease the lot — at 34th Street and Mandela Parkway — from Caltrans to relieve overcrowding on city streets, where residents have moved following the evictions. But it’s still unclear whether that will happen. On Monday, California Highway Patrol officers informed residents they would have one week to leave the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re pushing us to nowhere,” said Wood Street resident LaMonte Ford from behind a chain-link fence protecting the site, which residents had locked to bar the officers from entering. “We have nowhere to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At its height, the former Wood Street encampment stretched the length of more than 15 city blocks underneath the I-880 overpass in West Oakland, along the Union Pacific and BNSF Railway, on land owned by Caltrans, the city of Oakland, BNSF and private parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early September, Caltrans began evicting the estimated 300 people who lived there. The move came after a nearly month-long delay, prompted by a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919941/closure-of-oaklands-largest-homeless-encampment-put-on-hold-for-now\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">lawsuit residents filed\u003c/a> against the transportation agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A federal judge ultimately lifted the temporary restraining order, citing safety concerns, and ordered Caltrans to work with the city of Oakland and Alameda County to offer alternative housing options to Wood Street residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Monday, 241 people had been offered lodging at Oakland’s community cabin “tuff shed” sites, congregate shelters, transitional housing and RV parking programs, according to Jerri Randrup, spokesperson for the county’s Health Care Services Agency. But only 90 have accepted those offers, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of those who did not, many have relocated elsewhere in the immediate vicinity — either to adjacent side streets or other vacant lots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925205\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925205\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man puts some items onto a truck\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58525_074_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ben Murawski fills a truck with his belongings in an attempt to remove the items from an area being cleared by Caltrans at the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ben Murawski, 47, who lived in an RV at Wood Street for the past two years, was one of the first to be evicted. He moved a few blocks down the road, before relocating this weekend to the lot at 34th Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ford said the idea to move there came from conversations with local city officials. He said he received a handshake agreement from Oakland City Administrator Ed Reiskin, allowing former Wood Street residents to move in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At maximum capacity, Ford said the site could accommodate about 20 to 25 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were already discussing this lot as a possibility for us,” Ford said, adding, “With no place to go and [us] spilling into the streets, we kind of just expedited things, if you will.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the city did not respond to a request for comment to confirm that agreement. Janis Mara, a spokesperson for Caltrans, said the agency was in talks with the city “regarding leasing available land for people experiencing homelessness,” but she declined to say whether that available land included the lot in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928426\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2048px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11928426\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2048\" height=\"1536\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/IMG_2670-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2048px) 100vw, 2048px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">More than a dozen unhoused residents from the former Wood Street encampment moved to a vacant lot in West Oakland, Monday, Oct. 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some neighbors, however, appeared caught off guard by the move. Kathy Kuhner, who lives in the area and owns an adjacent lot, said she was concerned about the possibilities of fires, noise and trash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a really terrible homeless problem here in Oakland,” she said. “But the solution isn’t to have the homeless people break into other people’s properties. That can’t be the solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland City Council last week directed staff to pursue the option of using 8 acres at the former Oakland Army Base to house up to 300 people, including many of those displaced from the Wood Street encampment. Reiskin is expected to report back to the Council by October 18 on how to clear regulatory hurdles that would enable the city to allow people to live there, despite toxic soil and groundwater conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Ford and other residents say they don’t have the luxury of waiting for the city to make those decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not trying to step on anyone’s toes,” Ford said. “But we are trying to stay safe.”\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>KQED’s Vanessa Rancaño contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/i>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Oakland Writers Ayodele Nzinga and Leila Mottley\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week, we welcome two contemporary Oakland authors: Leila Mottley and Dr. Ayodele Nzinga. Mottley is an Oakland Youth Poet Laureate, who at just 19 years old published “Nightcrawling” — an immersive novel and an Oprah’s Book Club selection — based on local events. She’s joined by Oakland’s inaugural Poet Laureate, Dr. Ayodele Nzinga, who shines not only as an author but also as a director, actor and educator. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Leila Mottley, “Nightcrawling” author\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ayodele Nzinga, Oakland Poet Laureate\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed, together with San Francisco Police Chief Bill Scott and San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, announced a renewed push to prosecute drug dealers while also helping people dealing with substance use disorder. We talk with \u003c/span>\u003cb>Scott Shafer,\u003c/b> \u003cb>KQED politics and government senior editor\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, who spoke with Mayor Breed this week.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: West Oakland Mural Project\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The West Oakland Mural Project highlights the vital role women played in the revolutionary Black Panther Party.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Oakland Writers Ayodele Nzinga and Leila Mottley\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week, we welcome two contemporary Oakland authors: Leila Mottley and Dr. Ayodele Nzinga. Mottley is an Oakland Youth Poet Laureate, who at just 19 years old published “Nightcrawling” — an immersive novel and an Oprah’s Book Club selection — based on local events. She’s joined by Oakland’s inaugural Poet Laureate, Dr. Ayodele Nzinga, who shines not only as an author but also as a director, actor and educator. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Leila Mottley, “Nightcrawling” author\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ayodele Nzinga, Oakland Poet Laureate\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed, together with San Francisco Police Chief Bill Scott and San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, announced a renewed push to prosecute drug dealers while also helping people dealing with substance use disorder. We talk with \u003c/span>\u003cb>Scott Shafer,\u003c/b> \u003cb>KQED politics and government senior editor\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, who spoke with Mayor Breed this week.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: West Oakland Mural Project\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The West Oakland Mural Project highlights the vital role women played in the revolutionary Black Panther Party.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-unhoused-population-grew-by-more-than-22000-since-start-of-pandemic",
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"content": "\u003cp>The first statewide snapshot of California’s homelessness crisis since the pandemic hit reveals that the number of people without a stable place to call home increased by at least 22,500 over the past three years, to 173,800.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s based on a CalMatters analysis of the federal government’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homeless/2020/01/homeless-point-in-time-count-california-inaccurate-politicized-fresno/\">point-in-time count\u003c/a>, a biennial headcount of people sleeping on the streets and in shelters \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homeless/2022/03/california-homeless-count/\">tallied by California cities and counties earlier this year\u003c/a> for the first time since 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Christopher Weare, president, Center for Homeless Inquiries\"]‘Most people, most politicians, when they talk about homelessness, it’s, ‘We’re going to build X number of shelters.’ It’s shelter, shelter, shelter. Well, all of this construction of shelters doesn’t really change the scope of the problem.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness experts mostly attribute the rise to precipitous drops in earnings during the pandemic among Californians already teetering on the edge. They also point to a worsening \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">housing affordability crisis\u003c/a> that is decades in the making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to solve this rotting core in the center of California, which is that we are a million units short of housing for extremely low-income workers,” said Margot Kushel, director of the \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/\">UCSF Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While homelessness grew by 15%, roughly the same pace as in recent years — something experts credit to pandemic-era safety nets like \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/09/california-eviction-moratorium-rent-relief/\">rental assistance\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/07/california-eviction-moratorium-tenants/\">eviction moratoria\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/07/look-up-california-stimulus-golden-state/\">stimulus checks\u003c/a> — the data also indicates the problem has gotten worse for the state’s Latino population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/1ab9fe6d-c503-4542-a9ff-6f96a49bff05?src=embed\" title=\"California homelessness through 2022\" width=\"800\" height=\"750\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics are quick to point out \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/06/california-budget-deal-2/\">the state is spending more than $14 billion on homelessness\u003c/a>. But advocates say its response is just now beginning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The price tag is bigger now,” said Tomiquia Moss, founder and chief executive of All Home, a San Francisco-based homeless policy organization. “Meanwhile, the inflow is killing us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The numbers show the state’s investment in shelters is bearing fruit. California created more than 14,000 shelter beds between 2019 and 2021, federal data shows. And local organizations reported this year the number of people staying in emergency and longer-stay shelters ballooned by nearly the same amount, from 42,800 to 57,200 people — a 33% increase since 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there still isn’t nearly enough permanent, affordable housing to bring people indoors for good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people, most politicians, when they talk about homelessness, it’s, ‘We’re going to build X number of shelters.’ It’s shelter, shelter, shelter,” said Christopher Weare, president of the \u003ca href=\"http://homelessinquiries.org/\">Center for Homeless Inquiries\u003c/a>. “Well, all of this construction of shelters doesn’t really change the scope of the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the unsheltered count, or the number of people staying in tents, tarps, cars and other spaces unfit for human habitation, grew by about 7% between 2019 and 2022, to 116,600 people. That’s a bump, but perhaps not reflective of the growing palpability of the crisis that dominates local headlines, political debates and neighborhood discussions.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Can we trust the numbers?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Not completely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unsheltered numbers are collected by volunteers every other year on a given winter’s night, and depend largely on their untrained eyes. That means people who are couch surfing, crouched in less visible spots, or staying in cars without telltale signs of habitation go undetected. The sheltered counts, collected by service providers, are more accurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The accuracy of the tallies depends largely on how many people show up to count. When local agencies rallied volunteers in the early months of the year, the omicron variant was still tearing through the state. Technical glitches in apps used to count people also threw things off: The unsheltered count in Venice, a postcard example of homelessness in Los Angeles, inexplicably \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-09-24/doubts-raised-over-the-los-angeles-homeless-count-is-it-time-for-a-new-way\">dropped from 509 people in 2019 to 0\u003c/a> amid reports of user errors and poor internet connection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was surprised that the increase wasn’t larger across the state,” said Arturo Baiocchi, assistant professor of social work at California State University, Sacramento. “Communities reported many more vehicles that are being used for shelter, and larger encampments, and that didn’t necessarily correlate with a larger unsheltered count. For me, I’m going to wait until 2023 before I feel pretty confident about what’s going on across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baiocchi, who helped conduct Sacramento’s point-in-time count, documented a \u003ca href=\"https://sacramentostepsforward.org/continuum-of-care-point-in-time-pit-count/2022-pit-count/\">startling 67% jump\u003c/a>, or an additional 3,700 people experiencing homelessness in the city and county since 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While far from perfect, the count offers the only statewide look at unsheltered homelessness in California, particularly among people who aren’t enrolled in services and therefore overlooked by their \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/californias-homelessness-crisis-explained/#1ad2adb0-b393-417a-8a20-b581f38e8b50\">tracking metrics\u003c/a>. The federal government also takes it seriously: The numbers help determine how much funding flows where.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The feds expect to release their report on the national tally to Congress in early- to mid-December, which gives them time to iron out the kinks presented by the mishmash of local methodologies. The Department of Housing and Urban Development and the state housing department declined to comment on the data, citing pending final results.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Latino homelessness on the rise\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>More detailed local reports reveal a troubling trend: While \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2019/10/black-people-disproportionately-homeless-in-california/\">Black people continue to be overrepresented\u003c/a> on the street, more and more Latinos are falling into homelessness.[aside postID=\"news_11914346,news_11926519,news_11926891\" label=\"Related Posts\"]The city and county of Los Angeles, for example, saw its total unhoused population rise by 4% from 2020 to 69,000 people, an increase of 2,700 people. But its unhoused Latino population \u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/documents?id=6545-2022-greater-los-angeles-homeless-count-deck\">spiked by 26%\u003c/a>, or nearly 6,000 folks. Los Angeles is home to 40% of the state’s unhoused population and is seen by experts as a bellwether for homelessness in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos were long on the economic brink before being disproportionately sickened, killed and economically devastated by the pandemic, said Melissa Chinchilla, health services specialist and associate investigator at the UCLA Latino Policy and Politics Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think for a long time, the Latino advocates in homeless services felt that the numbers were actually not reflective of how bad the situation was or how high the need was,” Chinchilla said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When state and local governments implemented pandemic programs to help people stay afloat, many Latinos were shut out, she said. Some people who were paid under the table, like house cleaners or field-workers, may have struggled to qualify for unemployment insurance, while others with informal leases or language barriers ran up against similar problems with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/10/california-rent-relief-immigrants-barriers/\">rental assistance\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while California had laws to guard against eviction during the pandemic, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/07/california-eviction-moratorium-tenants/\">undocumented immigrants were less likely to use them\u003c/a> because of their precarious legal status. Plus, thousands of people \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/08/californians-evicted-coronavirus-pandemic/\">got evicted during the pandemic anyway\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As those \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/07/california-eviction-protection-lifts/\">safety nets dissolve\u003c/a>, experts worry the trend could play out at scale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is (the rise in Latino homelessness) a harbinger of what increases could look like in the broader population, as some of these pandemic relief measures fade away? As eviction restrictions are rolled back?” said Alex Visotzky, senior California policy fellow at the National Alliance to End Homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos might be especially leery of turning to the government for help, too, said Juana Velasquez, a single mother of three born to Mexican parents in San José, California. She asked to be identified by her birth name to protect her family’s identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hispanic families, my family for example, they’re like stuck in the past,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasquez said she was furloughed by her retail job when the pandemic hit and could no longer afford to pay for the room she had been renting following a divorce. She and her three young kids bounced from their car to relatives’ couches and motels for about a year, making them the type of unhoused family most likely to go unnoticed by official metrics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11927995\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11927995\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM-800x528.png\" alt=\"A row of small, white homes.\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM-800x528.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM-1020x673.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM-160x106.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM-1536x1013.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM.png 1546w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A tiny home village in Sacramento on Sep. 29, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last summer, they landed a spot in a gated community of \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/09/25/tiny-homes-and-homelessness-what-the-data-shows/\">tiny homes\u003c/a> funded by the city of San José. The spot is not permanent, but instead defined as transitional housing, a form of shelter. Velasquez recognizes that the two-bedroom, 235-square-foot tiny home is not a long-term solution, but calls it a stepping stone as she lingers on multiple waitlists for lower-income apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My unit is nice and clean, it’s colored white,” she said. “It makes it relaxing. My daughter keeps her room clean and she thinks she owns the room for ever and ever. It’s not even like a (full) room, but it’s her side, you know?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She peppers descriptions of the tiny home with words like “safety,” “security,” “doors” and “locks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody can walk into my house, just barge in and kind of hurt us,” Velasquez said. “I come from a divorce. That left me a lot of black holes. But somehow I patched them up and now we have security.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘The housing doesn’t exist’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Experts attribute the impressive bump in shelter capacity to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/06/motel-conversion-homeless-housing-california/\">Project Roomkey\u003c/a>, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s signature program to shelter people most vulnerable to the virus in underutilized hotel and motel rooms during the pandemic. The state secured more than 16,000 rooms at the program’s height in August 2020, which has dwindled to about \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/views/COVID-19HomelessImpactDashboard/HomelessImpact?:embed=y&:showVizHome=no\">5,000 beds\u003c/a>, according to the state Department of Social Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor deserves a lot of credit,” said Weare, from the Center for Homeless Inquiries. “They mobilized. The problem is that that’s over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Project Homekey, Newsom’s longer-term initiative to convert hotels, motels and office buildings, is expected to create \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/08/24/in-los-angeles-governor-newsom-announces-694-million-in-homekey-awards-to-create-more-than-2500-new-homeless-housing-units-statewide/\">more than 12,000 interim and permanent homeless housing units\u003c/a> in the next few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11927996\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11927996\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM-800x533.png\" alt=\"An outside view of a building.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM-800x533.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM-1020x680.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM-160x107.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM-1536x1024.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM.png 1542w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Vagabond Inn in Sacramento on Sep. 29, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shana Funderburk, who goes by her middle name, Sunshine, stayed in a Project Roomkey unit in Sacramento when the count was carried out in February. But after they \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/local/article258230933.html\">shut down her motel\u003c/a> this spring, the 52-year-old woman who has been unhoused for more than 11 years went back to the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The protocol is to get us into a shelter and then I guess somebody picks up the ball from there, and then they help you get housing, or something,” she said. “It just seems like we’re being thrown into shelters and then forgotten.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a fifth, or 12,000 of more than 55,000 people who left Project Roomkey, graduated to permanent housing, while about 9,000 people returned to the street, according to the state Department of Social Services. The majority of participants moved to either congregate shelter, temporary housing, institutions or unknown destinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funderburk is now staying in what the city refers to as safe grounds, city-sanctioned camps where people get meals, security and services, like mental health counseling. Her tent is lined up against a chain-link fence, which makes her feel like a zoo exhibit as she brushes her teeth in the morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure it’s not good for the folks that have to drive by and see that, and it’s not exactly comforting for us either,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/labor/2022/01/california-homeless-worker-shortage/\">caseworkers\u003c/a> — her “Jiminy Crickets” — keep her motivated to treat her PTSD and other health issues and search for housing. Funderburk hopes she can eventually move into an apartment, mainly so she can help other people get indoors. That dream remains elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s multiple-year waitlists. It’s having a voucher and you can’t find a place and you have to file extensions,” said Kaylee Hrisoulas, a local social worker who works with Funderburk. “It’s deposits that are just so high. The housing doesn’t exist. That prolongs how long people have to be out here.”\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The latest point-in-time count of California's unhoused population shows that it increased at roughly the same pace as previous years, although it appears to have disproportionately affected Latinos.",
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"title": "California Unhoused Population Grew by More Than 22,000 Since Start of Pandemic | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The first statewide snapshot of California’s homelessness crisis since the pandemic hit reveals that the number of people without a stable place to call home increased by at least 22,500 over the past three years, to 173,800.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s based on a CalMatters analysis of the federal government’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homeless/2020/01/homeless-point-in-time-count-california-inaccurate-politicized-fresno/\">point-in-time count\u003c/a>, a biennial headcount of people sleeping on the streets and in shelters \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homeless/2022/03/california-homeless-count/\">tallied by California cities and counties earlier this year\u003c/a> for the first time since 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Most people, most politicians, when they talk about homelessness, it’s, ‘We’re going to build X number of shelters.’ It’s shelter, shelter, shelter. Well, all of this construction of shelters doesn’t really change the scope of the problem.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness experts mostly attribute the rise to precipitous drops in earnings during the pandemic among Californians already teetering on the edge. They also point to a worsening \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">housing affordability crisis\u003c/a> that is decades in the making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to solve this rotting core in the center of California, which is that we are a million units short of housing for extremely low-income workers,” said Margot Kushel, director of the \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/\">UCSF Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While homelessness grew by 15%, roughly the same pace as in recent years — something experts credit to pandemic-era safety nets like \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/09/california-eviction-moratorium-rent-relief/\">rental assistance\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/07/california-eviction-moratorium-tenants/\">eviction moratoria\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/07/look-up-california-stimulus-golden-state/\">stimulus checks\u003c/a> — the data also indicates the problem has gotten worse for the state’s Latino population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/1ab9fe6d-c503-4542-a9ff-6f96a49bff05?src=embed\" title=\"California homelessness through 2022\" width=\"800\" height=\"750\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics are quick to point out \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/06/california-budget-deal-2/\">the state is spending more than $14 billion on homelessness\u003c/a>. But advocates say its response is just now beginning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The price tag is bigger now,” said Tomiquia Moss, founder and chief executive of All Home, a San Francisco-based homeless policy organization. “Meanwhile, the inflow is killing us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The numbers show the state’s investment in shelters is bearing fruit. California created more than 14,000 shelter beds between 2019 and 2021, federal data shows. And local organizations reported this year the number of people staying in emergency and longer-stay shelters ballooned by nearly the same amount, from 42,800 to 57,200 people — a 33% increase since 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there still isn’t nearly enough permanent, affordable housing to bring people indoors for good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people, most politicians, when they talk about homelessness, it’s, ‘We’re going to build X number of shelters.’ It’s shelter, shelter, shelter,” said Christopher Weare, president of the \u003ca href=\"http://homelessinquiries.org/\">Center for Homeless Inquiries\u003c/a>. “Well, all of this construction of shelters doesn’t really change the scope of the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the unsheltered count, or the number of people staying in tents, tarps, cars and other spaces unfit for human habitation, grew by about 7% between 2019 and 2022, to 116,600 people. That’s a bump, but perhaps not reflective of the growing palpability of the crisis that dominates local headlines, political debates and neighborhood discussions.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Can we trust the numbers?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Not completely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unsheltered numbers are collected by volunteers every other year on a given winter’s night, and depend largely on their untrained eyes. That means people who are couch surfing, crouched in less visible spots, or staying in cars without telltale signs of habitation go undetected. The sheltered counts, collected by service providers, are more accurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The accuracy of the tallies depends largely on how many people show up to count. When local agencies rallied volunteers in the early months of the year, the omicron variant was still tearing through the state. Technical glitches in apps used to count people also threw things off: The unsheltered count in Venice, a postcard example of homelessness in Los Angeles, inexplicably \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-09-24/doubts-raised-over-the-los-angeles-homeless-count-is-it-time-for-a-new-way\">dropped from 509 people in 2019 to 0\u003c/a> amid reports of user errors and poor internet connection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was surprised that the increase wasn’t larger across the state,” said Arturo Baiocchi, assistant professor of social work at California State University, Sacramento. “Communities reported many more vehicles that are being used for shelter, and larger encampments, and that didn’t necessarily correlate with a larger unsheltered count. For me, I’m going to wait until 2023 before I feel pretty confident about what’s going on across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baiocchi, who helped conduct Sacramento’s point-in-time count, documented a \u003ca href=\"https://sacramentostepsforward.org/continuum-of-care-point-in-time-pit-count/2022-pit-count/\">startling 67% jump\u003c/a>, or an additional 3,700 people experiencing homelessness in the city and county since 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While far from perfect, the count offers the only statewide look at unsheltered homelessness in California, particularly among people who aren’t enrolled in services and therefore overlooked by their \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/californias-homelessness-crisis-explained/#1ad2adb0-b393-417a-8a20-b581f38e8b50\">tracking metrics\u003c/a>. The federal government also takes it seriously: The numbers help determine how much funding flows where.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The feds expect to release their report on the national tally to Congress in early- to mid-December, which gives them time to iron out the kinks presented by the mishmash of local methodologies. The Department of Housing and Urban Development and the state housing department declined to comment on the data, citing pending final results.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Latino homelessness on the rise\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>More detailed local reports reveal a troubling trend: While \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2019/10/black-people-disproportionately-homeless-in-california/\">Black people continue to be overrepresented\u003c/a> on the street, more and more Latinos are falling into homelessness.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The city and county of Los Angeles, for example, saw its total unhoused population rise by 4% from 2020 to 69,000 people, an increase of 2,700 people. But its unhoused Latino population \u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/documents?id=6545-2022-greater-los-angeles-homeless-count-deck\">spiked by 26%\u003c/a>, or nearly 6,000 folks. Los Angeles is home to 40% of the state’s unhoused population and is seen by experts as a bellwether for homelessness in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos were long on the economic brink before being disproportionately sickened, killed and economically devastated by the pandemic, said Melissa Chinchilla, health services specialist and associate investigator at the UCLA Latino Policy and Politics Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think for a long time, the Latino advocates in homeless services felt that the numbers were actually not reflective of how bad the situation was or how high the need was,” Chinchilla said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When state and local governments implemented pandemic programs to help people stay afloat, many Latinos were shut out, she said. Some people who were paid under the table, like house cleaners or field-workers, may have struggled to qualify for unemployment insurance, while others with informal leases or language barriers ran up against similar problems with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/10/california-rent-relief-immigrants-barriers/\">rental assistance\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while California had laws to guard against eviction during the pandemic, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/07/california-eviction-moratorium-tenants/\">undocumented immigrants were less likely to use them\u003c/a> because of their precarious legal status. Plus, thousands of people \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/08/californians-evicted-coronavirus-pandemic/\">got evicted during the pandemic anyway\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As those \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/07/california-eviction-protection-lifts/\">safety nets dissolve\u003c/a>, experts worry the trend could play out at scale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is (the rise in Latino homelessness) a harbinger of what increases could look like in the broader population, as some of these pandemic relief measures fade away? As eviction restrictions are rolled back?” said Alex Visotzky, senior California policy fellow at the National Alliance to End Homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos might be especially leery of turning to the government for help, too, said Juana Velasquez, a single mother of three born to Mexican parents in San José, California. She asked to be identified by her birth name to protect her family’s identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hispanic families, my family for example, they’re like stuck in the past,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasquez said she was furloughed by her retail job when the pandemic hit and could no longer afford to pay for the room she had been renting following a divorce. She and her three young kids bounced from their car to relatives’ couches and motels for about a year, making them the type of unhoused family most likely to go unnoticed by official metrics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11927995\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11927995\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM-800x528.png\" alt=\"A row of small, white homes.\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM-800x528.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM-1020x673.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM-160x106.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM-1536x1013.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.16-PM.png 1546w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A tiny home village in Sacramento on Sep. 29, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last summer, they landed a spot in a gated community of \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/09/25/tiny-homes-and-homelessness-what-the-data-shows/\">tiny homes\u003c/a> funded by the city of San José. The spot is not permanent, but instead defined as transitional housing, a form of shelter. Velasquez recognizes that the two-bedroom, 235-square-foot tiny home is not a long-term solution, but calls it a stepping stone as she lingers on multiple waitlists for lower-income apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My unit is nice and clean, it’s colored white,” she said. “It makes it relaxing. My daughter keeps her room clean and she thinks she owns the room for ever and ever. It’s not even like a (full) room, but it’s her side, you know?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She peppers descriptions of the tiny home with words like “safety,” “security,” “doors” and “locks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody can walk into my house, just barge in and kind of hurt us,” Velasquez said. “I come from a divorce. That left me a lot of black holes. But somehow I patched them up and now we have security.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘The housing doesn’t exist’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Experts attribute the impressive bump in shelter capacity to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/06/motel-conversion-homeless-housing-california/\">Project Roomkey\u003c/a>, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s signature program to shelter people most vulnerable to the virus in underutilized hotel and motel rooms during the pandemic. The state secured more than 16,000 rooms at the program’s height in August 2020, which has dwindled to about \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/views/COVID-19HomelessImpactDashboard/HomelessImpact?:embed=y&:showVizHome=no\">5,000 beds\u003c/a>, according to the state Department of Social Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor deserves a lot of credit,” said Weare, from the Center for Homeless Inquiries. “They mobilized. The problem is that that’s over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Project Homekey, Newsom’s longer-term initiative to convert hotels, motels and office buildings, is expected to create \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/08/24/in-los-angeles-governor-newsom-announces-694-million-in-homekey-awards-to-create-more-than-2500-new-homeless-housing-units-statewide/\">more than 12,000 interim and permanent homeless housing units\u003c/a> in the next few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11927996\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11927996\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM-800x533.png\" alt=\"An outside view of a building.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM-800x533.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM-1020x680.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM-160x107.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM-1536x1024.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-06-at-5.35.42-PM.png 1542w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Vagabond Inn in Sacramento on Sep. 29, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shana Funderburk, who goes by her middle name, Sunshine, stayed in a Project Roomkey unit in Sacramento when the count was carried out in February. But after they \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/local/article258230933.html\">shut down her motel\u003c/a> this spring, the 52-year-old woman who has been unhoused for more than 11 years went back to the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The protocol is to get us into a shelter and then I guess somebody picks up the ball from there, and then they help you get housing, or something,” she said. “It just seems like we’re being thrown into shelters and then forgotten.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a fifth, or 12,000 of more than 55,000 people who left Project Roomkey, graduated to permanent housing, while about 9,000 people returned to the street, according to the state Department of Social Services. The majority of participants moved to either congregate shelter, temporary housing, institutions or unknown destinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funderburk is now staying in what the city refers to as safe grounds, city-sanctioned camps where people get meals, security and services, like mental health counseling. Her tent is lined up against a chain-link fence, which makes her feel like a zoo exhibit as she brushes her teeth in the morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure it’s not good for the folks that have to drive by and see that, and it’s not exactly comforting for us either,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/labor/2022/01/california-homeless-worker-shortage/\">caseworkers\u003c/a> — her “Jiminy Crickets” — keep her motivated to treat her PTSD and other health issues and search for housing. Funderburk hopes she can eventually move into an apartment, mainly so she can help other people get indoors. That dream remains elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s multiple-year waitlists. It’s having a voucher and you can’t find a place and you have to file extensions,” said Kaylee Hrisoulas, a local social worker who works with Funderburk. “It’s deposits that are just so high. The housing doesn’t exist. That prolongs how long people have to be out here.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "from-fixing-homelessness-to-arresting-fentanyl-dealers-sf-mayor-breed-bemoans-city-halls-red-tape-this-bureaucracy-has-really-tested-my-patience",
"title": "From Fixing Homelessness to Arresting Fentanyl Dealers, SF Mayor Breed Bemoans City Hall Red Tape",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco needs the ability to more easily place residents with mental illness in restrictive conservatorships, with less red tape, to ease its homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according to San Francisco Mayor London Breed, who joined KQED Political Breakdown hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos at a KQED Live event Wednesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the night, Breed answered wide-ranging questions covering new policies against drug dealers announced by her district attorney appointee, her own accomplishments on tackling city homelessness, and her much-maligned use of prewritten resignation letters for her city commission appointees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Summing up her time as mayor, Breed said, “This bureaucracy has really tested my patience for getting results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed also dismissed the critiques that requiring her commission appointees to write undated letters of resignation allowed her undue influence over them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>‘“This is a real insider political thing,” she said. “The people who care about this are the people who, in most cases, just want to mess with me over something.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Board of Supervisors are planning \u003ca href=\"https://sfbos.org/sites/default/files/gao101122_agenda.pdf\">a hearing on those letters next Tuesday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Breed isn’t on this year’s ballot in San Francisco, her appointees certainly are up for election: District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, for instance, and District 6 Supervisor Matt Dorsey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So while San Francisco voters won’t weigh in on Breed directly, they’ll certainly vote on her policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On Gov. Gavin Newsom’s CARE Court\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On stage at KQED’s venue, The Commons, Lagos and Shafer pressed Breed on her view of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s new CARE Court program. The governor signed the Community Assistance, Recovery and Empowerment (CARE) Act into law last month, creating a program of court-ordered treatment plans for people deemed to be suffering from severe mental illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People with mental disorders who decline those plans could be placed under a conservatorship and ordered to comply. But Breed said that doesn’t go far enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that the challenge is, we need more and I think we need to be bold,” Breed said. “And we need to have an honest conversation about people, some people who can get help and maybe be stabilized and be better and get OK. And there are others who need to be in a locked mental health facility who sometimes are violent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said that the complaints about old-style mental health facilities miss that modern society now has more evidence-based treatment of mental illnesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j_yS_grDCMc\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch the full interview with Mayor London Breed and KQED Political Breakdown hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos on YouTube. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also bemoaned \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11742865/should-s-f-be-able-to-compel-mentally-ill-homeless-people-into-treatment\">a conservatorship law authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener\u003c/a>, which was approved in 2018, as being too onerous. It requires eight psychiatric holds before a person can be conserved by the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That threshold needs to be lowered,” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Changing the city’s approach may even be more useful than the $1 billion annually the city now spends on homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not about the money,” Breed said (though she did defend the city’s record on homelessness, saying San Francisco saw a 15% reduction in unsheltered homelessness in the past year, and a reduction in homelessness by 3.5%, even as other Bay Area cities saw no reduction).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She framed her view in personal terms: A man she knew who was kind to his community, who gave flowers to women he knew and lived in a senior home, began to develop dementia and “get violent,” Breed said. She tried to get him stabilized, to take his medication but, ultimately, could not legally force him to. He’s now homeless on the streets of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So why is that OK to say that he has rights to say ‘I don’t want help’?” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know he has dementia. We know he’s never been this kind of person before. So he needs to be cared for, differently.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Breed on prewritten resignation letters for her appointees\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Breed has come under fire recently \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/politics/mayor-breed-to-end-practice-of-making-appointees-sign-undated-resignation-letters-in-face-of-legislative-action/\">after the San Francisco Standard revealed she required prewritten resignation letters\u003c/a> from many of her appointees to city commissions, like the police commission or San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since those commissioners are supposed to exercise their independent judgment and expertise, the City Attorney’s Office advised Breed to end the practice, saying the prewritten resignation letters could threaten appointees’ independence and show “undue influence.” The appointees often vote on controversial issues, like the election of a police commission president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Onstage at KQED, Shafer began to introduce the letters situation, when Breed interrupted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You gonna talk about my letters?” Breed asked Shafer playfully. “Why are we focused on that when there are so many important things to be focused on?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said the practice of having prewritten resignation letters was inspired by a port commissioner, Mel Murphy, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/matier-ross/article/S-F-Port-Commissioner-Mel-Murphy-pressured-to-6180332.php\">who would not resign when Mayor Ed Lee asked him to\u003c/a>, which affected port commission business. That’s happened to her, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s “part of why we did what we did, and I take full responsibility for it, because it was my decision. It was not an illegal thing to do. But it was necessary if I ever needed to use it,” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed then turned things around on Shafer and asked him, “Why do you think it’s so important?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shafer, reflecting the advice from the City Attorney’s Office, said, “Because it implies that you want to have a level of control, when their job is to oversee these departments and be independent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said, “I do want to have a level of control. That’s not even a question, because I’m held accountable for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She later added, “Commissioners aren’t even elected. The buck stops with me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Breed on fentanyl dealers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Former DA Chesa Boudin was recalled, in part, for his more progressive approach to prosecutions, sometimes sending those arrested for drug dealing to diversion courts. Still, critics have taken Breed, and new DA Jenkins, to task for \u003ca href=\"https://48hills.org/2022/08/sf-da-seeks-return-to-the-failed-approach-of-the-war-on-drugs/\">their more hard-line approach to drug dealers and drug users\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking to that, Breed told Shafer and Lagos that her lived experience lets her easily shake off critics. She grew up in housing projects in the Fillmore neighborhood, where drug addiction and death touched her family. Other would-be “saviors,” she said, don’t know that life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of my experiences of who I am shaped my policy. But also how unapologetic I am,” she said. “It’s why I’m not afraid to stand up for what I believe in even if it’s controversial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December last year, Breed notoriously complained about the “bullshit that has destroyed our city,” when announcing \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/A-month-after-S-F-Mayor-Breed-s-tough-talk-on-16771411.php\">a police crackdown in the Tenderloin, which, debatably, may never have materialized\u003c/a>. Shafer asked Breed about the motivation behind those comments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that came about because I was angry. I was frustrated,” Breed said. She said she made the comments after speaking with immigrant families in the Tenderloin, who told her about violent encounters in the neighborhood through tears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why do people who deal drugs have more rights than people who try to get up and go to work every day and take their children to school?” Breed asked. The crowd at KQED applauded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shafer pushed back and asked, “Do they, though? Have more rights?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said she wanted to talk about “the reality of the situation,” and that there are many people who come from Honduras dealing drugs. The San Francisco Public Defender’s Office, in turn, has argued \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/criminal-justice/sf-police-chief-defends-officer-accused-of-targeting-latinos-in-tenderloin-drug-busts/\">police are racially profiling by arresting mostly Latino drug dealers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/FitzTheReporter/status/1577843894443642880\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s nothing racial profile about this, we all know it, it’s the reality, it’s what you see, it’s what’s out there,” she said. “So we have people advocating for folks who are selling fentanyl that’s killing people. But what about the kid that got ahold of some fentanyl by accident and died? What about the families?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So for me, we can’t just, you know, throw our hands up and say, ‘People have rights,’” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Breed on SFPD arrest rates\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Stories abound in local media about San Francisco Police Department officers \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/S-F-supervisor-questions-police-chief-about-16921936.php\">failing to make arrests\u003c/a>. That phenomenon has been blamed on dwindling police staff (which led to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/S-F-Mayor-Breed-s-14-billion-budget-would-17212579.php\">raises for police in San Francisco’s recent budget\u003c/a>), and low morale under former DA Chesa Boudin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some critics of the SFPD \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/bayarea/heatherknight/article/SF-police-crime-16931399.php\">alleged officers were on an unofficial work stoppage\u003c/a> to undermine Boudin and his progressive policies, which police often criticized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Onstage at KQED, Lagos asked Breed, “Do you think the police purposefully undermined the former DA?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, I’m not going to guess what someone did or didn’t do,” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Boudin sometimes disagreed with the mayor and the police department on prosecution policy, she said, it shouldn’t stop officers from fulfilling their oath.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You swear to serve and protect,” she said, “and if you do that, you can’t deliberately try to undermine someone because you don’t like who that person is. You have to do your responsibility based on the oath that you take. And I think, if that were the case, it’s really unfortunate. And in some cases, some of those people should not be wearing the uniform.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, she said, the police department needs support as it’s short more than 500 officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Building up this department is going to take some time,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco needs the ability to more easily place residents with mental illness in restrictive conservatorships, with less red tape, to ease its homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according to San Francisco Mayor London Breed, who joined KQED Political Breakdown hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos at a KQED Live event Wednesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the night, Breed answered wide-ranging questions covering new policies against drug dealers announced by her district attorney appointee, her own accomplishments on tackling city homelessness, and her much-maligned use of prewritten resignation letters for her city commission appointees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Summing up her time as mayor, Breed said, “This bureaucracy has really tested my patience for getting results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed also dismissed the critiques that requiring her commission appointees to write undated letters of resignation allowed her undue influence over them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>‘“This is a real insider political thing,” she said. “The people who care about this are the people who, in most cases, just want to mess with me over something.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Board of Supervisors are planning \u003ca href=\"https://sfbos.org/sites/default/files/gao101122_agenda.pdf\">a hearing on those letters next Tuesday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Breed isn’t on this year’s ballot in San Francisco, her appointees certainly are up for election: District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, for instance, and District 6 Supervisor Matt Dorsey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So while San Francisco voters won’t weigh in on Breed directly, they’ll certainly vote on her policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On Gov. Gavin Newsom’s CARE Court\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On stage at KQED’s venue, The Commons, Lagos and Shafer pressed Breed on her view of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s new CARE Court program. The governor signed the Community Assistance, Recovery and Empowerment (CARE) Act into law last month, creating a program of court-ordered treatment plans for people deemed to be suffering from severe mental illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People with mental disorders who decline those plans could be placed under a conservatorship and ordered to comply. But Breed said that doesn’t go far enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that the challenge is, we need more and I think we need to be bold,” Breed said. “And we need to have an honest conversation about people, some people who can get help and maybe be stabilized and be better and get OK. And there are others who need to be in a locked mental health facility who sometimes are violent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said that the complaints about old-style mental health facilities miss that modern society now has more evidence-based treatment of mental illnesses.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/j_yS_grDCMc'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/j_yS_grDCMc'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch the full interview with Mayor London Breed and KQED Political Breakdown hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos on YouTube. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also bemoaned \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11742865/should-s-f-be-able-to-compel-mentally-ill-homeless-people-into-treatment\">a conservatorship law authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener\u003c/a>, which was approved in 2018, as being too onerous. It requires eight psychiatric holds before a person can be conserved by the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That threshold needs to be lowered,” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Changing the city’s approach may even be more useful than the $1 billion annually the city now spends on homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not about the money,” Breed said (though she did defend the city’s record on homelessness, saying San Francisco saw a 15% reduction in unsheltered homelessness in the past year, and a reduction in homelessness by 3.5%, even as other Bay Area cities saw no reduction).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She framed her view in personal terms: A man she knew who was kind to his community, who gave flowers to women he knew and lived in a senior home, began to develop dementia and “get violent,” Breed said. She tried to get him stabilized, to take his medication but, ultimately, could not legally force him to. He’s now homeless on the streets of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So why is that OK to say that he has rights to say ‘I don’t want help’?” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know he has dementia. We know he’s never been this kind of person before. So he needs to be cared for, differently.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Breed on prewritten resignation letters for her appointees\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Breed has come under fire recently \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/politics/mayor-breed-to-end-practice-of-making-appointees-sign-undated-resignation-letters-in-face-of-legislative-action/\">after the San Francisco Standard revealed she required prewritten resignation letters\u003c/a> from many of her appointees to city commissions, like the police commission or San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since those commissioners are supposed to exercise their independent judgment and expertise, the City Attorney’s Office advised Breed to end the practice, saying the prewritten resignation letters could threaten appointees’ independence and show “undue influence.” The appointees often vote on controversial issues, like the election of a police commission president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Onstage at KQED, Shafer began to introduce the letters situation, when Breed interrupted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You gonna talk about my letters?” Breed asked Shafer playfully. “Why are we focused on that when there are so many important things to be focused on?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said the practice of having prewritten resignation letters was inspired by a port commissioner, Mel Murphy, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/matier-ross/article/S-F-Port-Commissioner-Mel-Murphy-pressured-to-6180332.php\">who would not resign when Mayor Ed Lee asked him to\u003c/a>, which affected port commission business. That’s happened to her, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s “part of why we did what we did, and I take full responsibility for it, because it was my decision. It was not an illegal thing to do. But it was necessary if I ever needed to use it,” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed then turned things around on Shafer and asked him, “Why do you think it’s so important?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shafer, reflecting the advice from the City Attorney’s Office, said, “Because it implies that you want to have a level of control, when their job is to oversee these departments and be independent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said, “I do want to have a level of control. That’s not even a question, because I’m held accountable for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She later added, “Commissioners aren’t even elected. The buck stops with me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Breed on fentanyl dealers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Former DA Chesa Boudin was recalled, in part, for his more progressive approach to prosecutions, sometimes sending those arrested for drug dealing to diversion courts. Still, critics have taken Breed, and new DA Jenkins, to task for \u003ca href=\"https://48hills.org/2022/08/sf-da-seeks-return-to-the-failed-approach-of-the-war-on-drugs/\">their more hard-line approach to drug dealers and drug users\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking to that, Breed told Shafer and Lagos that her lived experience lets her easily shake off critics. She grew up in housing projects in the Fillmore neighborhood, where drug addiction and death touched her family. Other would-be “saviors,” she said, don’t know that life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of my experiences of who I am shaped my policy. But also how unapologetic I am,” she said. “It’s why I’m not afraid to stand up for what I believe in even if it’s controversial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December last year, Breed notoriously complained about the “bullshit that has destroyed our city,” when announcing \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/A-month-after-S-F-Mayor-Breed-s-tough-talk-on-16771411.php\">a police crackdown in the Tenderloin, which, debatably, may never have materialized\u003c/a>. Shafer asked Breed about the motivation behind those comments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that came about because I was angry. I was frustrated,” Breed said. She said she made the comments after speaking with immigrant families in the Tenderloin, who told her about violent encounters in the neighborhood through tears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why do people who deal drugs have more rights than people who try to get up and go to work every day and take their children to school?” Breed asked. The crowd at KQED applauded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shafer pushed back and asked, “Do they, though? Have more rights?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said she wanted to talk about “the reality of the situation,” and that there are many people who come from Honduras dealing drugs. The San Francisco Public Defender’s Office, in turn, has argued \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/criminal-justice/sf-police-chief-defends-officer-accused-of-targeting-latinos-in-tenderloin-drug-busts/\">police are racially profiling by arresting mostly Latino drug dealers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>“It’s nothing racial profile about this, we all know it, it’s the reality, it’s what you see, it’s what’s out there,” she said. “So we have people advocating for folks who are selling fentanyl that’s killing people. But what about the kid that got ahold of some fentanyl by accident and died? What about the families?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So for me, we can’t just, you know, throw our hands up and say, ‘People have rights,’” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Breed on SFPD arrest rates\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Stories abound in local media about San Francisco Police Department officers \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/S-F-supervisor-questions-police-chief-about-16921936.php\">failing to make arrests\u003c/a>. That phenomenon has been blamed on dwindling police staff (which led to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/S-F-Mayor-Breed-s-14-billion-budget-would-17212579.php\">raises for police in San Francisco’s recent budget\u003c/a>), and low morale under former DA Chesa Boudin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some critics of the SFPD \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/bayarea/heatherknight/article/SF-police-crime-16931399.php\">alleged officers were on an unofficial work stoppage\u003c/a> to undermine Boudin and his progressive policies, which police often criticized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Onstage at KQED, Lagos asked Breed, “Do you think the police purposefully undermined the former DA?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, I’m not going to guess what someone did or didn’t do,” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Boudin sometimes disagreed with the mayor and the police department on prosecution policy, she said, it shouldn’t stop officers from fulfilling their oath.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You swear to serve and protect,” she said, “and if you do that, you can’t deliberately try to undermine someone because you don’t like who that person is. You have to do your responsibility based on the oath that you take. And I think, if that were the case, it’s really unfortunate. And in some cases, some of those people should not be wearing the uniform.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, she said, the police department needs support as it’s short more than 500 officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"masters-of-scale": {
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},
"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"on-the-media": {
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"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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},
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
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},
"radiolab": {
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