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"title": "All Work and Low Pay: The Struggle of California's In-Home Child Care Providers",
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"content": "\u003cp>The doorbell at Yolanda Thomas’ house in Pittsburg set off a flurry of sound: a barking dog, the high-pitched voices of children and Thomas’ hurried footsteps as she made her way to the door and opened it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She flashed a big smile, her face framed by long braids. She wore black workout pants and a purple T-shirt with “Child Care” written on the front, the two Cs intersecting like the Chanel logo.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Elena Montoya, lead researcher, CSCCE\"]'Until we're really willing to acknowledge that the system is funded through these really low wages that these mostly women of color make in our state, and until we're willing to address that, programs are going to continue to struggle to hire people.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Signs on the front door explained COVID-19 safety protocols for washing hands and wearing masks. Inside, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/cdssweb/entres/forms/English/pub394L.pdf\">a list of parents’ rights (PDF)\u003c/a> from the California Department of Social Services hung next to a giant collage of kid photos. Binders overflowing with lesson plans sat on a shelf next to a portable crib.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas, 46, is one of nearly 25,000 family child care providers in the state who operate licensed day cares and preschools out of their homes. \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/publications/report/early-educator-compensation/\">Home child care providers earn the least in a low-paying industry\u003c/a>, according to an August report from UC Berkeley’s Center for the Study of Child Care Employment. They are also less likely to have health coverage than workers at child care centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11935478\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61674_029_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11935478\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61674_029_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt='A Black woman wearing a purple t-shirt that says \"Child care\" stands outside.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61674_029_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61674_029_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61674_029_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61674_029_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61674_029_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yolanda Thomas stands outside her Pittsburg home, where she runs a day care, on Dec. 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Women of color make up 71% of home care providers, according to a 2020 CSCCE workforce survey published in January, with 37% identifying as Latina, 12% as Black, 12% as Asian and 6% as multiethnic. More than half are over the age of 50, and few have retirement savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are equity implications to a lot of this data,” said Elena Montoya, a lead researcher at CSCCE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, \u003ca href=\"https://americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/California.pdf?_ga=2.61482028.1485413797.1664937135-2040335669.1663610119\">60% of Californians lived somewhere in which the number of spots in licensed child care facilities did not meet the demand (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to the Center for American Progress. While the sector added 4,900 jobs in October, CSCCE, citing data compiled by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, reported that \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/publications/brief/child-care-sector-jobs-bls-analysis/\">child care employment is 8.4% below what it was in February 2020\u003c/a>.[aside postID=\"news_11928042,news_11929082\" label=\"Related Posts\"]“Until we’re really willing to acknowledge that the system is funded through these really low wages that these mostly women of color make in our state, and until we’re willing to address that, programs are going to continue to struggle to hire people,” Montoya said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median annual salary range for small family child care providers like Thomas, who is Black, is between $16,200 to $30,000, according to CSCCE. Thomas, who has more than two decades of experience, said she usually earns around $38,000 per year. She earned almost $59,000 in 2021, because she received a one-time revitalization grant from a community investment fund along with other pandemic-related grants from First 5 Contra Costa and the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a field of service,” she said. “And if you’re not ready to be a servant, then you should not be in this field because everything you do and everything you think about is for someone else’s benefit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11935475\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61650_006_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11935475\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61650_006_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a purple t-shirt and black face mask sits with three children at a desk as they do arts and crafts in a building.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61650_006_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61650_006_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61650_006_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61650_006_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61650_006_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yolanda Thomas works on an art project with the children at her day care at her home in Pittsburg on Dec. 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Thomas serves meals to kids, picks them up from school and helps with homework — the type of full-service care that many families with two working parents need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a mirror of what the children receive at home,” said Thomas, who currently cares for seven children between the ages 8 months and 10 years old. “Me and the parents work hand in hand, whatever they’re going through. We have one family that’s going through divorce, so I make sure to let the child know that they’re okay, that if they ever have a question they can ask me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That deep connection with families is why some child care providers prefer to work out of their homes instead of in larger child care centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s more intimate to me,” said Freada Woody, owner and director of Gigi’s Precious Hearts Daycare in Antioch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woody’s home is also part house and part school. The living room has a large brown couch and a TV. Between them stretches a long table surrounded by colorful plastic chairs for children. The dining room has a wall of cubbies filled with toys and books, and a decorative sign displaying the “Playroom Rules.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woody, 64, currently watches four children ranging in ages from 10 months to 10 years old. Before the pandemic, she consistently cared for eight kids, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wakes up at 5 a.m. because a lot of the parents she works with have long commutes so the kids get dropped off as early as 6:30 a.m., she said. When the kids arrive, Woody plays calming music. During breakfast, they review school work. After breakfast, Woody drops the older kids off at school and has one-on-one time with her youngest child until noon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Then I get the other two and I do homework with them,” said Woody, who is Black. “We eat lunch, we talk about our days. We read every day. We do a lot of crafts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woody says after the kids get picked up around 6:30 p.m., “we clean and disinfect this whole house. It takes us about an hour and a half to clean. But I have my son and I have my niece. That helps me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the almost 25,000 home-based providers who own their businesses, 13,200 paid teacher assistants work in home-based child care across the state. An additional 7,000 teacher assistants — often partners and relatives who share a home with a primary provider — are unpaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas relies on her husband, Brian Thomas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11935482\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61658_013_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11935482\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61658_013_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a gray hoodie holds a child facing a window in a building.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61658_013_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61658_013_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61658_013_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61658_013_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61658_013_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brian Thomas, Yolanda's husband, holds one of the children at the day care at their home in Pittsburg on Dec. 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He’ll do grocery runs. He’ll transport, he’ll go pick up,” said Thomas, who chose to be a home-based provider, in part so she could be at home with her children. “But he’s behind the scenes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before Woody became licensed, she watched kids for her family and friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They paid me for gas or material because I always did arts,” she said. “I taught the girls how to cook and braid their hair. I taught all the kids how to tie their shoes, but that was just natural stuff that you do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until a neighbor reported Woody for having an unlicensed day care that she even knew that a license was required to care for more than one child she wasn’t related to. When licensing officials came to Woody’s home to check on the neighbor’s complaint, they asked Woody if she wanted to become licensed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She did, and 14 years later, Woody is licensed to care for up to eight kids. She said she regularly attends professional development training and participates in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.qualitychildcarematters.org/\">Quality Matters program\u003c/a>, an initiative of First 5 Contra Costa to improve child care quality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the CSCCE report, the annual median income for teachers at child care centers statewide is $39,500. In the Bay Area, that rises to $45,800. That’s $7,000 more than Thomas typically earns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think because we are at home, a lot of legislators, big wigs, parents — just people that don’t know the field — they think because we’re at home, it’s easy, but being at home makes it harder,” Thomas said. “Every day it’s like [family child care providers] have to fight to try to get noticed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11935477\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61659_012_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11935477\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61659_012_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"An overhead view of a woman wearing a purple t-shirt and black face mask siting with three children at a desk as they do arts and crafts in a building.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61659_012_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61659_012_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61659_012_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61659_012_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61659_012_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yolanda Thomas works on an art project with the children at the day care she runs from her home in Pittsburg on Dec. 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The more an early childhood education role is paid, the fewer women of color there are in that role. Women of color make up 65% of center-based teachers, but that number dips to 45% for center directors who tend to make the most money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of CSCCE’s recommendations for policymakers is to make compensation for child care providers equal to that of transitional kindergarten teachers, including paid planning time and increased pay for additional degrees and specializations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montoya said that compensation should be based on what it costs caregivers to provide quality care, not on market rates or on what parents are able to afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Parents just can’t do more and the programs are doing all they can to meet their expenses and pay their workforce,” said Montoya. “It’s a very labor-heavy field.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of inflation, Woody is buying smaller plants for gardening lessons. Thomas has changed how she cuts fruit in hopes that three apples can stretch as far as four used to. She now buys generic brands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woody had money saved that has allowed her to make it through the financial squeeze brought on by the pandemic and rising gas prices. She knows that’s not the case for many providers who have left the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People who love this business, they’re not going to be having the opportunity to really do what they want to do because they’re struggling,” Woody said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The doorbell at Yolanda Thomas’ house in Pittsburg set off a flurry of sound: a barking dog, the high-pitched voices of children and Thomas’ hurried footsteps as she made her way to the door and opened it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She flashed a big smile, her face framed by long braids. She wore black workout pants and a purple T-shirt with “Child Care” written on the front, the two Cs intersecting like the Chanel logo.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'Until we're really willing to acknowledge that the system is funded through these really low wages that these mostly women of color make in our state, and until we're willing to address that, programs are going to continue to struggle to hire people.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Signs on the front door explained COVID-19 safety protocols for washing hands and wearing masks. Inside, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/cdssweb/entres/forms/English/pub394L.pdf\">a list of parents’ rights (PDF)\u003c/a> from the California Department of Social Services hung next to a giant collage of kid photos. Binders overflowing with lesson plans sat on a shelf next to a portable crib.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas, 46, is one of nearly 25,000 family child care providers in the state who operate licensed day cares and preschools out of their homes. \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/publications/report/early-educator-compensation/\">Home child care providers earn the least in a low-paying industry\u003c/a>, according to an August report from UC Berkeley’s Center for the Study of Child Care Employment. They are also less likely to have health coverage than workers at child care centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11935478\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61674_029_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11935478\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61674_029_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt='A Black woman wearing a purple t-shirt that says \"Child care\" stands outside.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61674_029_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61674_029_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61674_029_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61674_029_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61674_029_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yolanda Thomas stands outside her Pittsburg home, where she runs a day care, on Dec. 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Women of color make up 71% of home care providers, according to a 2020 CSCCE workforce survey published in January, with 37% identifying as Latina, 12% as Black, 12% as Asian and 6% as multiethnic. More than half are over the age of 50, and few have retirement savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are equity implications to a lot of this data,” said Elena Montoya, a lead researcher at CSCCE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, \u003ca href=\"https://americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/California.pdf?_ga=2.61482028.1485413797.1664937135-2040335669.1663610119\">60% of Californians lived somewhere in which the number of spots in licensed child care facilities did not meet the demand (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to the Center for American Progress. While the sector added 4,900 jobs in October, CSCCE, citing data compiled by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, reported that \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/publications/brief/child-care-sector-jobs-bls-analysis/\">child care employment is 8.4% below what it was in February 2020\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Until we’re really willing to acknowledge that the system is funded through these really low wages that these mostly women of color make in our state, and until we’re willing to address that, programs are going to continue to struggle to hire people,” Montoya said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median annual salary range for small family child care providers like Thomas, who is Black, is between $16,200 to $30,000, according to CSCCE. Thomas, who has more than two decades of experience, said she usually earns around $38,000 per year. She earned almost $59,000 in 2021, because she received a one-time revitalization grant from a community investment fund along with other pandemic-related grants from First 5 Contra Costa and the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a field of service,” she said. “And if you’re not ready to be a servant, then you should not be in this field because everything you do and everything you think about is for someone else’s benefit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11935475\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61650_006_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11935475\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61650_006_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a purple t-shirt and black face mask sits with three children at a desk as they do arts and crafts in a building.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61650_006_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61650_006_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61650_006_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61650_006_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61650_006_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yolanda Thomas works on an art project with the children at her day care at her home in Pittsburg on Dec. 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Thomas serves meals to kids, picks them up from school and helps with homework — the type of full-service care that many families with two working parents need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a mirror of what the children receive at home,” said Thomas, who currently cares for seven children between the ages 8 months and 10 years old. “Me and the parents work hand in hand, whatever they’re going through. We have one family that’s going through divorce, so I make sure to let the child know that they’re okay, that if they ever have a question they can ask me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That deep connection with families is why some child care providers prefer to work out of their homes instead of in larger child care centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s more intimate to me,” said Freada Woody, owner and director of Gigi’s Precious Hearts Daycare in Antioch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woody’s home is also part house and part school. The living room has a large brown couch and a TV. Between them stretches a long table surrounded by colorful plastic chairs for children. The dining room has a wall of cubbies filled with toys and books, and a decorative sign displaying the “Playroom Rules.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woody, 64, currently watches four children ranging in ages from 10 months to 10 years old. Before the pandemic, she consistently cared for eight kids, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wakes up at 5 a.m. because a lot of the parents she works with have long commutes so the kids get dropped off as early as 6:30 a.m., she said. When the kids arrive, Woody plays calming music. During breakfast, they review school work. After breakfast, Woody drops the older kids off at school and has one-on-one time with her youngest child until noon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Then I get the other two and I do homework with them,” said Woody, who is Black. “We eat lunch, we talk about our days. We read every day. We do a lot of crafts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woody says after the kids get picked up around 6:30 p.m., “we clean and disinfect this whole house. It takes us about an hour and a half to clean. But I have my son and I have my niece. That helps me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the almost 25,000 home-based providers who own their businesses, 13,200 paid teacher assistants work in home-based child care across the state. An additional 7,000 teacher assistants — often partners and relatives who share a home with a primary provider — are unpaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas relies on her husband, Brian Thomas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11935482\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61658_013_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11935482\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61658_013_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a gray hoodie holds a child facing a window in a building.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61658_013_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61658_013_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61658_013_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61658_013_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61658_013_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brian Thomas, Yolanda's husband, holds one of the children at the day care at their home in Pittsburg on Dec. 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He’ll do grocery runs. He’ll transport, he’ll go pick up,” said Thomas, who chose to be a home-based provider, in part so she could be at home with her children. “But he’s behind the scenes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before Woody became licensed, she watched kids for her family and friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They paid me for gas or material because I always did arts,” she said. “I taught the girls how to cook and braid their hair. I taught all the kids how to tie their shoes, but that was just natural stuff that you do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until a neighbor reported Woody for having an unlicensed day care that she even knew that a license was required to care for more than one child she wasn’t related to. When licensing officials came to Woody’s home to check on the neighbor’s complaint, they asked Woody if she wanted to become licensed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She did, and 14 years later, Woody is licensed to care for up to eight kids. She said she regularly attends professional development training and participates in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.qualitychildcarematters.org/\">Quality Matters program\u003c/a>, an initiative of First 5 Contra Costa to improve child care quality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the CSCCE report, the annual median income for teachers at child care centers statewide is $39,500. In the Bay Area, that rises to $45,800. That’s $7,000 more than Thomas typically earns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think because we are at home, a lot of legislators, big wigs, parents — just people that don’t know the field — they think because we’re at home, it’s easy, but being at home makes it harder,” Thomas said. “Every day it’s like [family child care providers] have to fight to try to get noticed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11935477\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61659_012_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11935477\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61659_012_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"An overhead view of a woman wearing a purple t-shirt and black face mask siting with three children at a desk as they do arts and crafts in a building.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61659_012_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61659_012_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61659_012_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61659_012_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61659_012_KQED_DaycareYolandaThomas_12142022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yolanda Thomas works on an art project with the children at the day care she runs from her home in Pittsburg on Dec. 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The more an early childhood education role is paid, the fewer women of color there are in that role. Women of color make up 65% of center-based teachers, but that number dips to 45% for center directors who tend to make the most money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of CSCCE’s recommendations for policymakers is to make compensation for child care providers equal to that of transitional kindergarten teachers, including paid planning time and increased pay for additional degrees and specializations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montoya said that compensation should be based on what it costs caregivers to provide quality care, not on market rates or on what parents are able to afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Parents just can’t do more and the programs are doing all they can to meet their expenses and pay their workforce,” said Montoya. “It’s a very labor-heavy field.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of inflation, Woody is buying smaller plants for gardening lessons. Thomas has changed how she cuts fruit in hopes that three apples can stretch as far as four used to. She now buys generic brands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woody had money saved that has allowed her to make it through the financial squeeze brought on by the pandemic and rising gas prices. She knows that’s not the case for many providers who have left the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People who love this business, they’re not going to be having the opportunity to really do what they want to do because they’re struggling,” Woody said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>On Nov. 8, Californians overwhelmingly passed Proposition 28, which will bring a windfall of arts education funding to California schools. Advocates say the investment is long overdue, as arts education has declined in most districts — particularly those in lower-income areas — for decades. While the state requires arts education in grades one to six and a year of arts education in high school, it’s up to districts to decide how to fund and implement it. The result has been an inconsistent patchwork of arts programs that leave many children with little exposure to music, dance, art and other creative forms of expression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11928837,news_11927353,mindshift_58668\"]Proposition 28 funds will be distributed according to enrollment, with 70% based on overall enrollment and 30% based on Title 1 enrollment. In all, districts will receive an additional 1% of their funding allotment to spend on the arts. School boards must certify districts’ Prop. 28 budgets annually, post the expenses on the district’s website and submit the information to the state Department of Education, where it will be available to the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools must spend 80% of the money on teachers and aides, which should help alleviate California’s teacher shortage, with the remainder of the funds earmarked for art supplies and materials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We talked to former Los Angeles Unified Superintendent Austin Beutner, a chief backer of Proposition 28, about what students, families and schools can expect when the measure goes into effect in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What, specifically, will Proposition 28 do for California schools?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 28 will provide about $1 billion each year in funding to California public schools, so all 6 million students in pre-K through 12th grade can participate in arts and music at school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Where will the money come from?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The funds will come from the state’s general fund. There will be no new taxes or increase in tax rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why is arts education important to you, personally?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a shy kid entering a new school in fifth grade during the middle of a school year, my concern was not literacy or math. It was who was I going to have lunch with my first day of school since I didn’t know anyone. Fortunately, a music teacher invited me to a lunchtime class. Cello became bass and then guitar. Along with it came a sense of agency and confidence. I could play in front of thousands of people before I could speak in front of tens. But it all started with a group of friends and a sense of belonging in that fifth grade class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Everyone who has had the opportunity to participate in arts and music has a story like mine. The arts are universal, and they’re the glue that bonds together literacy and math in a good education. I want to make sure every child in every classroom has the opportunity to participate in arts and music and experience their own story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s the status of arts education in California schools currently?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unfortunately, barely 1 in 5 California public schools has a full-time arts or music teacher. That’s not acceptable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What kinds of arts activities and projects can students and families expect to see come out of this?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 28 will provide funding for traditional forms of creative expression like music, theater, dance and visual arts, as well as more contemporary areas including filmmaking, animation and graphic design. A novel feature of Prop. 28 is each school community will get to decide how the funds are used. We didn’t want the bureaucrats in Sacramento or school districts to dictate any particular approach. Families can help decide what they want for their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934207\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS35690__DSC6710-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11934207\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS35690__DSC6710-qut-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"three high school students work on a colorful nature-inspired mural\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS35690__DSC6710-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS35690__DSC6710-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS35690__DSC6710-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS35690__DSC6710-qut-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS35690__DSC6710-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students work on a mural in an urban art class at Rudsdale Newcomer High School in Oakland in 2019. \u003ccite>(Stephanie Lister/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Will there be a broader impact in California?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The impact will be seen in schools and communities, where Prop. 28 will create more than 15,000 additional jobs for teachers and teachers’ aides as well as in community arts organizations. This will help prepare California schoolchildren for good-paying jobs, not just in the arts but in other sectors where the creative-thinking and problem-solving skills they learn can be applied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Longer term, Prop. 28 will lead to greater diversity in the technology, media and entertainment industries as a broader population of students in California public schools find the doors of opportunity open for them with their newfound skills and experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s the benefit of arts education generally for students?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research shows children who participate in the arts have better attendance in school and higher achievement in academic subjects. In addition, the arts help students with their social and emotional well-being. That’s timely and important as school communities and the children they serve recover from the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>With the passage of Proposition 28, how will California compare to other states in arts education?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The passage of Prop. 28 makes California a leader in arts education and will lead to the largest investment in arts and music in our nation’s history. My hope is this will start a movement which other states join to provide all 55 million children in public schools the opportunity to participate in arts and music at school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Prop. 28 passed by a wide margin. What does that tell you?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 28 passed with more than 64% of the vote, the largest margin of victory ever for an education initiative in California. The state Voter Guide showed our arguments for the initiative while the opposing page was blank but for the words, “No Argument Was Submitted in Opposition to Prop. 28.” Because there are none.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first time in a long, long time, teachers and school staff were joined by artists and entrepreneurs along with business, labor and community organizations to support public education. Proposition 28 is the first guaranteed increase in funding for California public schools in 34 years. I hope we can build on this and continue to advocate for the best possible education for the children in California’s public schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/what-prop-28-funding-will-mean-for-arts-education-in-california/682054\">This story was originally published by EdSource.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Passed by a large majority in November, the ballot measure will bring $1 billion in annual funding to public school arts and music programs, impacting up to 6 million students in pre-K through 12th grade.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On Nov. 8, Californians overwhelmingly passed Proposition 28, which will bring a windfall of arts education funding to California schools. Advocates say the investment is long overdue, as arts education has declined in most districts — particularly those in lower-income areas — for decades. While the state requires arts education in grades one to six and a year of arts education in high school, it’s up to districts to decide how to fund and implement it. The result has been an inconsistent patchwork of arts programs that leave many children with little exposure to music, dance, art and other creative forms of expression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Proposition 28 funds will be distributed according to enrollment, with 70% based on overall enrollment and 30% based on Title 1 enrollment. In all, districts will receive an additional 1% of their funding allotment to spend on the arts. School boards must certify districts’ Prop. 28 budgets annually, post the expenses on the district’s website and submit the information to the state Department of Education, where it will be available to the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools must spend 80% of the money on teachers and aides, which should help alleviate California’s teacher shortage, with the remainder of the funds earmarked for art supplies and materials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We talked to former Los Angeles Unified Superintendent Austin Beutner, a chief backer of Proposition 28, about what students, families and schools can expect when the measure goes into effect in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What, specifically, will Proposition 28 do for California schools?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 28 will provide about $1 billion each year in funding to California public schools, so all 6 million students in pre-K through 12th grade can participate in arts and music at school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Where will the money come from?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The funds will come from the state’s general fund. There will be no new taxes or increase in tax rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why is arts education important to you, personally?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a shy kid entering a new school in fifth grade during the middle of a school year, my concern was not literacy or math. It was who was I going to have lunch with my first day of school since I didn’t know anyone. Fortunately, a music teacher invited me to a lunchtime class. Cello became bass and then guitar. Along with it came a sense of agency and confidence. I could play in front of thousands of people before I could speak in front of tens. But it all started with a group of friends and a sense of belonging in that fifth grade class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Everyone who has had the opportunity to participate in arts and music has a story like mine. The arts are universal, and they’re the glue that bonds together literacy and math in a good education. I want to make sure every child in every classroom has the opportunity to participate in arts and music and experience their own story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s the status of arts education in California schools currently?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unfortunately, barely 1 in 5 California public schools has a full-time arts or music teacher. That’s not acceptable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What kinds of arts activities and projects can students and families expect to see come out of this?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 28 will provide funding for traditional forms of creative expression like music, theater, dance and visual arts, as well as more contemporary areas including filmmaking, animation and graphic design. A novel feature of Prop. 28 is each school community will get to decide how the funds are used. We didn’t want the bureaucrats in Sacramento or school districts to dictate any particular approach. Families can help decide what they want for their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934207\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS35690__DSC6710-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11934207\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS35690__DSC6710-qut-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"three high school students work on a colorful nature-inspired mural\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS35690__DSC6710-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS35690__DSC6710-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS35690__DSC6710-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS35690__DSC6710-qut-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS35690__DSC6710-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students work on a mural in an urban art class at Rudsdale Newcomer High School in Oakland in 2019. \u003ccite>(Stephanie Lister/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Will there be a broader impact in California?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The impact will be seen in schools and communities, where Prop. 28 will create more than 15,000 additional jobs for teachers and teachers’ aides as well as in community arts organizations. This will help prepare California schoolchildren for good-paying jobs, not just in the arts but in other sectors where the creative-thinking and problem-solving skills they learn can be applied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Longer term, Prop. 28 will lead to greater diversity in the technology, media and entertainment industries as a broader population of students in California public schools find the doors of opportunity open for them with their newfound skills and experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s the benefit of arts education generally for students?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research shows children who participate in the arts have better attendance in school and higher achievement in academic subjects. In addition, the arts help students with their social and emotional well-being. That’s timely and important as school communities and the children they serve recover from the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>With the passage of Proposition 28, how will California compare to other states in arts education?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The passage of Prop. 28 makes California a leader in arts education and will lead to the largest investment in arts and music in our nation’s history. My hope is this will start a movement which other states join to provide all 55 million children in public schools the opportunity to participate in arts and music at school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Prop. 28 passed by a wide margin. What does that tell you?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 28 passed with more than 64% of the vote, the largest margin of victory ever for an education initiative in California. The state Voter Guide showed our arguments for the initiative while the opposing page was blank but for the words, “No Argument Was Submitted in Opposition to Prop. 28.” Because there are none.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first time in a long, long time, teachers and school staff were joined by artists and entrepreneurs along with business, labor and community organizations to support public education. Proposition 28 is the first guaranteed increase in funding for California public schools in 34 years. I hope we can build on this and continue to advocate for the best possible education for the children in California’s public schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/what-prop-28-funding-will-mean-for-arts-education-in-california/682054\">This story was originally published by EdSource.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Supreme Court agreed Thursday \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/us-supreme-court\">to consider whether the Biden administration can broadly cancel student loans\u003c/a>, a move that keeps the program blocked for now but signals a final answer could come by early summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s about two months before \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-government-and-politics-f524c55faae26c2066b6795a9d29bc8d\">the newly extended pause on loan repayments is set to expire\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration had wanted a court order that would have allowed the program to take effect even as legal challenges proceed. The justices didn’t do that, but agreed to the administration’s fallback, setting arguments for late February or early March over whether the program is legal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Joe Biden’s plan promises $10,000 in federal student debt forgiveness to those with incomes of less than $125,000, or households earning less than $250,000. Pell grant recipients, who typically demonstrate more financial need, are eligible for an additional $10,000 in relief.[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"student-loans\"]The Congressional Budget Office has said the program will cost about $400 billion over the next three decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 26 million people have already applied for the relief, with 16 million approved, but the U.S. Department of Education stopped processing applications last month after a federal judge in Texas struck down the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are the court cases blocking the student debt relief program?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Texas case is one of two in which federal judges have forbidden the administration from implementing the loan cancellations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a separate lawsuit filed by six states, a three-judge panel of the 8th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in St. Louis also put the plan on hold. That’s the case that will now go before the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The moratorium on student loan payments had been slated to expire Jan. 1, a date Biden set before his debt cancellation plan stalled in the face of legal challenges from conservative opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new expiration date is 60 days after the legal issue has been settled, but no later than the end of August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Challenges to the plan were brought by conservative attorneys, Republican lawmakers and business-oriented groups who have asserted Biden overstepped his authority in taking such sweeping action without the assent of Congress. They called it an unfair government giveaway for relatively affluent people at the expense of taxpayers who didn’t pursue higher education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Missouri Attorney General Eric Schmitt, a Republican, said in a statement following the high court order that the Biden plan “would saddle Americans who didn’t take out loans or already paid theirs off with even more economic woes.” Missouri is one of the six states that sued to block the plan, along with Arkansas, Iowa, Kansas, Nebraska and South Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The program’s path to the Supreme Court\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration has argued that the loan cancellations are legal under a 2003 law aimed at providing help to members of the military. The program is a response to “a devastating pandemic with student loan relief designed to protect vulnerable borrowers from delinquency and default,” the Justice Department said in court papers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law, the HEROES Act, allows the secretary of education to “waive or modify any statutory or regulatory provision applicable to the student financial assistance programs … as the Secretary deems necessary in connection with a war or other military operation or national emergency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In putting the program on hold, the 8th Circuit panel said there was little harm to borrowers because repayments have been suspended. Allowing the cancellations to proceed before a definitive court ruling would have had an “irreversible impact,” the appeals court said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Mark Pittman, an appointee of former President Donald Trump, issued a more sweeping ruling in the Texas case, finding that such a costly program required clear congressional authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What about the pause on student loan repayments?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In March 2020, the Trump administration temporarily paused \u003ca href=\"https://studentaid.gov/announcements-events/covid-19/payment-pause-zero-interest\">student loan payments\u003c/a> and set interest rates to 0% for eligible federal student loans in response to the COVID pandemic. Biden subsequently extended that moratorium several times, most recently to Jan. 1, 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Biden set that date before his debt cancellation plan stalled in the face of legal challenges from conservative opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the pause on student loan repayments will extend until 60 days after the lawsuit is resolved. If the lawsuit has not been resolved by June 30, payments would resume 60 days after that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It isn’t fair to ask tens of millions of borrowers eligible for relief to resume their student debt payments while the courts consider the lawsuit,” Biden said in a video posted on Twitter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Education says that they “\u003ca href=\"https://studentaid.gov/announcements-events/covid-19/payment-pause-zero-interest\">will notify borrowers before payments restart\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What happens if I’ve already applied for the student debt relief program?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you already applied online for the White House’s student debt relief program, \u003ca href=\"https://studentaid.gov/manage-loans/forgiveness-cancellation/debt-relief-info\">the Department of Education’s federal student aid website says “we’ll hold your application.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program is not currently accepting new applications because of the court orders, but the site allows users to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ed.gov/subscriptions\">sign up for updates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story contains reporting by The Associated Press’ Chris Megerian and KQED’s Carly Severn.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Congressional Budget Office has said the program will cost about $400 billion over the next three decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 26 million people have already applied for the relief, with 16 million approved, but the U.S. Department of Education stopped processing applications last month after a federal judge in Texas struck down the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are the court cases blocking the student debt relief program?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Texas case is one of two in which federal judges have forbidden the administration from implementing the loan cancellations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a separate lawsuit filed by six states, a three-judge panel of the 8th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in St. Louis also put the plan on hold. That’s the case that will now go before the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The moratorium on student loan payments had been slated to expire Jan. 1, a date Biden set before his debt cancellation plan stalled in the face of legal challenges from conservative opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new expiration date is 60 days after the legal issue has been settled, but no later than the end of August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Challenges to the plan were brought by conservative attorneys, Republican lawmakers and business-oriented groups who have asserted Biden overstepped his authority in taking such sweeping action without the assent of Congress. They called it an unfair government giveaway for relatively affluent people at the expense of taxpayers who didn’t pursue higher education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Missouri Attorney General Eric Schmitt, a Republican, said in a statement following the high court order that the Biden plan “would saddle Americans who didn’t take out loans or already paid theirs off with even more economic woes.” Missouri is one of the six states that sued to block the plan, along with Arkansas, Iowa, Kansas, Nebraska and South Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The program’s path to the Supreme Court\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration has argued that the loan cancellations are legal under a 2003 law aimed at providing help to members of the military. The program is a response to “a devastating pandemic with student loan relief designed to protect vulnerable borrowers from delinquency and default,” the Justice Department said in court papers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law, the HEROES Act, allows the secretary of education to “waive or modify any statutory or regulatory provision applicable to the student financial assistance programs … as the Secretary deems necessary in connection with a war or other military operation or national emergency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In putting the program on hold, the 8th Circuit panel said there was little harm to borrowers because repayments have been suspended. Allowing the cancellations to proceed before a definitive court ruling would have had an “irreversible impact,” the appeals court said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Mark Pittman, an appointee of former President Donald Trump, issued a more sweeping ruling in the Texas case, finding that such a costly program required clear congressional authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What about the pause on student loan repayments?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In March 2020, the Trump administration temporarily paused \u003ca href=\"https://studentaid.gov/announcements-events/covid-19/payment-pause-zero-interest\">student loan payments\u003c/a> and set interest rates to 0% for eligible federal student loans in response to the COVID pandemic. Biden subsequently extended that moratorium several times, most recently to Jan. 1, 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Biden set that date before his debt cancellation plan stalled in the face of legal challenges from conservative opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the pause on student loan repayments will extend until 60 days after the lawsuit is resolved. If the lawsuit has not been resolved by June 30, payments would resume 60 days after that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It isn’t fair to ask tens of millions of borrowers eligible for relief to resume their student debt payments while the courts consider the lawsuit,” Biden said in a video posted on Twitter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Education says that they “\u003ca href=\"https://studentaid.gov/announcements-events/covid-19/payment-pause-zero-interest\">will notify borrowers before payments restart\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What happens if I’ve already applied for the student debt relief program?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you already applied online for the White House’s student debt relief program, \u003ca href=\"https://studentaid.gov/manage-loans/forgiveness-cancellation/debt-relief-info\">the Department of Education’s federal student aid website says “we’ll hold your application.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program is not currently accepting new applications because of the court orders, but the site allows users to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ed.gov/subscriptions\">sign up for updates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story contains reporting by The Associated Press’ Chris Megerian and KQED’s Carly Severn.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Oakland is on the verge of returning 5 acres of Joaquin Miller Park to the Sogorea Te’ Land Trust and the Confederated Villages of Lisjan. This would be the first time a Bay Area city has returned land to Native American tribes.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Despite no significant opposition to this plan, this process has taken more than 5 years. So what does it actually take to return land back to tribes?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Annelise Finney, KQED reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC4067847569&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1rUAz2rMEwt_uRamoXq1Wk42o2qF8pVfm/view\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cem>Episode Transcript\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://kqed.applytojob.com/apply/9ohRqdFWkH/Intern-The-Bay-Podcast\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cem>Apply to be an intern with The Bay!\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Your support makes KQED podcasts possible. You can show your love by going to \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\" aria-describedby=\"sk-tooltip-4175\">https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Oakland is on the verge of returning 5 acres of Joaquin Miller Park to the Sogorea Te’ Land Trust and the Confederated Villages of Lisjan. This would be the first time a Bay Area city has returned land to Native American tribes.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Despite no significant opposition to this plan, this process has taken more than 5 years. So what does it actually take to return land back to tribes?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Annelise Finney, KQED reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC4067847569&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1rUAz2rMEwt_uRamoXq1Wk42o2qF8pVfm/view\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cem>Episode Transcript\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://kqed.applytojob.com/apply/9ohRqdFWkH/Intern-The-Bay-Podcast\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cem>Apply to be an intern with The Bay!\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Your support makes KQED podcasts possible. You can show your love by going to \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\" aria-describedby=\"sk-tooltip-4175\">https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "when-you-dont-learn-your-parents-language-what-is-lost",
"title": "When You Don't Learn Your Parent's Language, What Is Lost?",
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"content": "\u003cp>Throughout my life, I’ve fielded the question of whether or not I speak Japanese. It’s my heritage language, because it’s the language my mom speaks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But my mom never raised me to speak it. The reason goes back five years before I was born, when my mom was pregnant with my older brother, Max.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Breastfeeding and bilingualism\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At the time, she made two firm parenting choices for her soon-to-be-born son: to raise him to be bilingual and to breastfeed him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My mom considered breastfeeding the first positive thing she could do for the health of her newborn. But when he was born in 1994, Max wasn’t able to latch or suck. So instead, my mom used a pump to bottle-feed him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At that time, I thought it [was] because of me,” my mom, Yasuko Bloom, said. English isn’t her first language, so I’ve corrected it here for clarity. “I felt really bad. I felt like I failed at something I really wanted to do for him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914783\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56022_Izzy-and-Max_12.22.2001.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11914783 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56022_Izzy-and-Max_12.22.2001-800x539.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl and boy sit, giggling, in a basket.\" width=\"800\" height=\"539\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56022_Izzy-and-Max_12.22.2001-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56022_Izzy-and-Max_12.22.2001-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56022_Izzy-and-Max_12.22.2001-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56022_Izzy-and-Max_12.22.2001-1536x1034.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56022_Izzy-and-Max_12.22.2001.jpg 1772w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Izzy (left) and Max Bloom giggling in a basket together, surrounded by their toys, on Dec. 22, 2001. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Bloom family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She suspected there was a connection between Max’s inability to breastfeed and the difficult time she had giving birth to him. His heartbeat had been weak, so the doctor told my mom she’d have to perform an emergency cesarean. Then, when he was born, Max had undescended testicles, a weak cry and poor muscle tone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought everything, it should be normal,” my mom said. “But it was very different from the beginning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The weak muscle tone turned out to be the reason Max wasn’t able to breastfeed. But when my mom brought her concerns to Max’s pediatrician, he brushed her off and told her that all first-time mothers worry. She recalls him telling her that everything was fine, and Max was a happy baby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s true, he was a happy baby, as she recalls. He rarely cried and was a delightfully friendly child who’d go up to strangers and stretch his chubby arms out, asking to be picked up, and melt, at complete ease, in their arms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And once my mom made the switch from formula to regular food, she says Max had no problems eating. In fact, it seemed he would eat anything as a baby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We could go to a restaurant and order a plate of steamed broccoli,” my dad, Ira Bloom, said. “And he would sit there happily eating the steamed broccoli. And people, you know, their eyes were agog. Who was this kid eating the vegetables?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>From disbelief to acceptance\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even though my mom’s first nonnegotiable parenting goal fell through, she was still committed to teaching him his heritage language, Japanese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My mom was born in Japan and met my dad, who’s American and white, in Okayama Prefecture in 1986. At the time, she was working as a fashion designer and my dad was teaching English. Three months after they met, my parents got engaged, moved to the United States and got married, eventually settling in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914820\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1907px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56017_family-photo-2005-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11914820 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56017_family-photo-2005-1.jpg\" alt=\"A family - father, mother, young son and young daughter - pose for a photo.\" width=\"1907\" height=\"1693\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56017_family-photo-2005-1.jpg 1907w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56017_family-photo-2005-1-800x710.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56017_family-photo-2005-1-1020x906.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56017_family-photo-2005-1-160x142.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56017_family-photo-2005-1-1536x1364.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1907px) 100vw, 1907px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ira, Yasuko, Izzy and Max Bloom on a family trip to northern Okayama Prefecture in Japan, circa 2005. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Bloom family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Raising her children to be bilingual felt really important to my mom because she worried her kids wouldn’t understand her, not only linguistically, but she also feared we would never really know her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did worry about if my kids didn’t understand Japanese, maybe [they’d] never really get to know me,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So for the first three years of Max’s life, my mom spoke to him exclusively in Japanese. She fondly remembers carrying Max while walking through the house singing Japanese lullabies. Meanwhile, my dad spoke to him only in English, so Max could learn both languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Max wasn’t really picking up either language. In fact, he wasn’t hitting any of the development milestones my parents expected to see: sitting upright, crawling, babbling, walking and talking. And when my mom started taking Max to day care, the differences between him and the other kids his age became glaringly obvious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She insisted that Max get genetically tested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1997, at the age of 3, Max was diagnosed with a \u003ca href=\"https://rarediseases.org/rare-diseases/prader-willi-syndrome/#:~:text=Prader%2DWilli%20syndrome%20(PWS),growth%20and%20other%20hormone%20deficiency.\">rare genetic disorder called Prader-Willi Syndrome\u003c/a>, or PWS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though he was delayed, I never expected that something is really totally wrong to carry on into his life,” my mom said. “I was expecting something wrong but, you know, maybe a little delay. But he would catch up at some point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But everything my mom read about the disorder only heightened her concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The scary thing was reading the articles, and I was scared of the future,” she said. “What kind of future [is] waiting for him? For us?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most distinct symptom for people with PWS is hyperphagia, an unabating hunger and unrelenting, compulsive urge to consume food. They can also have physical challenges like a lack of muscle tone, stunted growth and poor motor skills, as well as cognitive deficits and profound learning disabilities. Many develop diabetes and life-threatening obesity, struggle with obsessive-compulsive disorder and attention-deficit issues, and can become aggressive in their pursuit of food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were devastated, went through the grieving process,” my dad said of getting Max’s diagnosis. “I remember everything. Being angry. Denying it. Bargaining. You know, anger. Boy, that was really something. And then, you know, ultimately, acceptance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bilingualism and disability\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Once Max was diagnosed, his pediatrician and speech-language pathologists advised my mom against raising him in a bilingual household. His language development was already delayed, and they argued that adding a second language to the mix would only confuse him and further impede his ability to learn English.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’d always believed that this was the reason I wasn’t raised bilingual. When people ask me if I speak Japanese, I explain my brother’s diagnosis, and how, when I came along five years after him, it was too complicated for my mom to only speak to one child in Japanese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this past year, I became obsessed with understanding the clinical recommendations my parents received, and sought to find out whether there really are any detriments to raising a child with PWS in a bilingual household.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914782\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56021_max-and-izzy-2007-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11914782 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56021_max-and-izzy-2007-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl and boy stand in a living room, with a Japanese garment hanging on the wall behind them.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56021_max-and-izzy-2007-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56021_max-and-izzy-2007-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56021_max-and-izzy-2007-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56021_max-and-izzy-2007-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56021_max-and-izzy-2007-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56021_max-and-izzy-2007-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Izzy and Max Bloom chat in the living room of their family home in Sebastopol in 2007. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Bloom family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I pored over studies and research papers about the effects of multilingualism on children with autism and Down syndrome and eventually found Estela Garcia Alcaraz’s recent study, the only paper I could find focusing on my brother’s rare syndrome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her study, Garcia Alcaraz, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.uib.eu/personal/ABjM4NjgzNw/\">professor of Spanish, modern and classical languages\u003c/a> at the University of Balearic Islands in Spain, investigated how bilingualism affects the \u003ca href=\"https://ruor.uottawa.ca/bitstream/10393/41809/3/Garcia_Alcaraz_Estela_2021_thesis.pdf\">cognitive and linguistic abilities of people with PWS\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"bilingual\"]The participants in her study all had PWS, but some knew only Spanish while others spoke both Spanish and Catalan. Participants were directed to complete a variety of tasks, in an effort to determine how bilingualism affects the executive control, metalinguistic and narrative abilities of people with PWS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our findings not only suggest that individuals with Prader-Willi Syndrome can become bilingual without evidence of negative effects,” Garcia Alcaraz wrote in her study, “but also that they can achieve a similar level of performance, or even outperform monolingual speakers in certain linguistic abilities in Spanish — the non-dominant language for the majority of the bilingual participants. Spanish-Catalan bilinguals showed comparable metalinguistic and narrative abilities in both their languages.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, I discovered that there’s no empirical data to support the idea that bilingualism is harmful to language development for children with PWS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which means the story I’ve been telling for most of my life about why I wasn’t raised to speak Japanese is not true.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Betty Yu, a speech and language professor at San Francisco State University, said research is “pretty conclusive” that bilingualism and multilingualism are assets for children with disabilities, regardless of their diagnoses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once we started controlling for a lot of different other social factors, the bilingualism has not shown itself to be more taxing, to be interfering,” said Yu, whose \u003ca href=\"https://faculty.sfsu.edu/~bettyyu/\">research focuses on language development\u003c/a> in multilingual children of color with disabilities. “One language doesn’t slow another one down. It doesn’t overwhelm the child.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the U.S., what is so interesting is that we are probably the most plurilingual country in the world. We have a lot of languages that are being spoken,” she said. “But it’s also one of the most aggressively ideologically monolingual countries in the world in that we really don’t casually accept that multilingualism is normal and should be preserved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914781\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56020_izzy-and-max-halloween-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11914781 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56020_izzy-and-max-halloween-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl and boy, dressed in Halloween costumes, make funny faces.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56020_izzy-and-max-halloween-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56020_izzy-and-max-halloween-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56020_izzy-and-max-halloween-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56020_izzy-and-max-halloween-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56020_izzy-and-max-halloween-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56020_izzy-and-max-halloween-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Izzy and Max Bloom make silly faces on Halloween in 2007. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Bloom family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Speech-language pathologists also are overwhelmingly white: The American Speech-Language-Hearing Association’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.asha.org/siteassets/surveys/2020-member-and-affiliate-profile.pdf\">member demographic was 92% white\u003c/a>, as of 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the 1960s, psychologists \u003ca href=\"https://www.edweek.org/teaching-learning/bilingualism-a-cognitive-advantage-or-disadvantage-for-children/1987/04\">viewed bilingualism as a disability\u003c/a> in any child’s development. The “language handicap” theory, as it was known, can be traced back to anti-immigrant sentiment in the early 1900s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s tied up a lot with views on immigration, on race. Language can’t be divorced from those things,” Yu said. “Bilingualism is often seen as a barrier to the achievement of a norm. So when we’re talking about disability, as something seen as abnormal … those two things sort of mutually enforce each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But since the 1960s, Yu said, “waves and waves of data” have confirmed the cognitive, social and cultural benefits of multilingualism for children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And now, a growing body of research is confirming those same findings for children with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, Yu said, she continues to hear from parents of kids with disabilities who are advised by their children’s pediatricians and speech-language pathologists against raising their kids in multilingual households.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Communication is more than what we say\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I carefully described these findings to my mom, thinking the information might make her feel somewhat regretful for not raising us to speak Japanese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But instead, she told me that if she were to do it all again, she probably still wouldn’t raise us to be bilingual. At the time, Max’s diagnosis was a big enough challenge to tackle, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if he’s bilingual [if it would make] him so different,” my mom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914779\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56018_family-in-Japan.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11914779 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56018_family-in-Japan-800x1137.jpg\" alt=\"A family — young girl, mom, dad and young boy — pose in a field, with a large mountain in the background.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1137\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56018_family-in-Japan-800x1137.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56018_family-in-Japan-1020x1450.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56018_family-in-Japan-160x227.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56018_family-in-Japan.jpg 1037w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Izzy, Yasuko, Ira and Max Bloom on a family trip to Hiruzen, Okayama Prefecture, Japan, circa 2004. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Bloom family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Max told me he wishes she had taught him Japanese. That’s because, just like when he was a baby, Max is still incredibly social. He calls up our dad’s family on the East Coast almost daily, usually to just tell our grandma what he ate that day. But he can’t call our mom’s family in Japan because he can’t understand them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would [have] made life a lot easier to understand my mom and my dad, so I can talk to my family in Japan,” Max said, adding that he’s confident he would’ve been able to learn Japanese if our mom had taught it to him when he was growing up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I asked my mom if the big fear she once had — that her kids wouldn’t really understand her if they weren’t raised with their heritage language — had ever materialized, she said it really hadn’t. What she eventually realized, she explained to me, is that communication is more nuanced than just what we say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is, there’s so much more than just speech that is happening when we communicate, like body language, tone and attentive listening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the interview with my dad, as he started walking away, he told me that beyond my mom’s ability to speak English relatively well, she has a tenacity to make sure you understand what she’s saying. Even if she has to repeat herself five times and phrase it in different ways, she always makes sure that people hear her, whether it’s in the workplace, with strangers or with us, her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that happens, living in a foreign country with a different language. [I] have to make sure, because I might be wrong,” my mom said in response to my dad. “And I don’t like to do mistake, I don’t like to be misunderstood.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Throughout my life, I’ve fielded the question of whether or not I speak Japanese. It’s my heritage language, because it’s the language my mom speaks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But my mom never raised me to speak it. The reason goes back five years before I was born, when my mom was pregnant with my older brother, Max.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Breastfeeding and bilingualism\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At the time, she made two firm parenting choices for her soon-to-be-born son: to raise him to be bilingual and to breastfeed him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My mom considered breastfeeding the first positive thing she could do for the health of her newborn. But when he was born in 1994, Max wasn’t able to latch or suck. So instead, my mom used a pump to bottle-feed him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At that time, I thought it [was] because of me,” my mom, Yasuko Bloom, said. English isn’t her first language, so I’ve corrected it here for clarity. “I felt really bad. I felt like I failed at something I really wanted to do for him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914783\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56022_Izzy-and-Max_12.22.2001.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11914783 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56022_Izzy-and-Max_12.22.2001-800x539.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl and boy sit, giggling, in a basket.\" width=\"800\" height=\"539\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56022_Izzy-and-Max_12.22.2001-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56022_Izzy-and-Max_12.22.2001-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56022_Izzy-and-Max_12.22.2001-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56022_Izzy-and-Max_12.22.2001-1536x1034.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56022_Izzy-and-Max_12.22.2001.jpg 1772w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Izzy (left) and Max Bloom giggling in a basket together, surrounded by their toys, on Dec. 22, 2001. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Bloom family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She suspected there was a connection between Max’s inability to breastfeed and the difficult time she had giving birth to him. His heartbeat had been weak, so the doctor told my mom she’d have to perform an emergency cesarean. Then, when he was born, Max had undescended testicles, a weak cry and poor muscle tone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought everything, it should be normal,” my mom said. “But it was very different from the beginning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The weak muscle tone turned out to be the reason Max wasn’t able to breastfeed. But when my mom brought her concerns to Max’s pediatrician, he brushed her off and told her that all first-time mothers worry. She recalls him telling her that everything was fine, and Max was a happy baby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s true, he was a happy baby, as she recalls. He rarely cried and was a delightfully friendly child who’d go up to strangers and stretch his chubby arms out, asking to be picked up, and melt, at complete ease, in their arms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And once my mom made the switch from formula to regular food, she says Max had no problems eating. In fact, it seemed he would eat anything as a baby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We could go to a restaurant and order a plate of steamed broccoli,” my dad, Ira Bloom, said. “And he would sit there happily eating the steamed broccoli. And people, you know, their eyes were agog. Who was this kid eating the vegetables?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>From disbelief to acceptance\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even though my mom’s first nonnegotiable parenting goal fell through, she was still committed to teaching him his heritage language, Japanese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My mom was born in Japan and met my dad, who’s American and white, in Okayama Prefecture in 1986. At the time, she was working as a fashion designer and my dad was teaching English. Three months after they met, my parents got engaged, moved to the United States and got married, eventually settling in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914820\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1907px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56017_family-photo-2005-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11914820 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56017_family-photo-2005-1.jpg\" alt=\"A family - father, mother, young son and young daughter - pose for a photo.\" width=\"1907\" height=\"1693\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56017_family-photo-2005-1.jpg 1907w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56017_family-photo-2005-1-800x710.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56017_family-photo-2005-1-1020x906.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56017_family-photo-2005-1-160x142.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56017_family-photo-2005-1-1536x1364.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1907px) 100vw, 1907px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ira, Yasuko, Izzy and Max Bloom on a family trip to northern Okayama Prefecture in Japan, circa 2005. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Bloom family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Raising her children to be bilingual felt really important to my mom because she worried her kids wouldn’t understand her, not only linguistically, but she also feared we would never really know her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did worry about if my kids didn’t understand Japanese, maybe [they’d] never really get to know me,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So for the first three years of Max’s life, my mom spoke to him exclusively in Japanese. She fondly remembers carrying Max while walking through the house singing Japanese lullabies. Meanwhile, my dad spoke to him only in English, so Max could learn both languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Max wasn’t really picking up either language. In fact, he wasn’t hitting any of the development milestones my parents expected to see: sitting upright, crawling, babbling, walking and talking. And when my mom started taking Max to day care, the differences between him and the other kids his age became glaringly obvious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She insisted that Max get genetically tested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1997, at the age of 3, Max was diagnosed with a \u003ca href=\"https://rarediseases.org/rare-diseases/prader-willi-syndrome/#:~:text=Prader%2DWilli%20syndrome%20(PWS),growth%20and%20other%20hormone%20deficiency.\">rare genetic disorder called Prader-Willi Syndrome\u003c/a>, or PWS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though he was delayed, I never expected that something is really totally wrong to carry on into his life,” my mom said. “I was expecting something wrong but, you know, maybe a little delay. But he would catch up at some point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But everything my mom read about the disorder only heightened her concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The scary thing was reading the articles, and I was scared of the future,” she said. “What kind of future [is] waiting for him? For us?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most distinct symptom for people with PWS is hyperphagia, an unabating hunger and unrelenting, compulsive urge to consume food. They can also have physical challenges like a lack of muscle tone, stunted growth and poor motor skills, as well as cognitive deficits and profound learning disabilities. Many develop diabetes and life-threatening obesity, struggle with obsessive-compulsive disorder and attention-deficit issues, and can become aggressive in their pursuit of food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were devastated, went through the grieving process,” my dad said of getting Max’s diagnosis. “I remember everything. Being angry. Denying it. Bargaining. You know, anger. Boy, that was really something. And then, you know, ultimately, acceptance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bilingualism and disability\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Once Max was diagnosed, his pediatrician and speech-language pathologists advised my mom against raising him in a bilingual household. His language development was already delayed, and they argued that adding a second language to the mix would only confuse him and further impede his ability to learn English.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’d always believed that this was the reason I wasn’t raised bilingual. When people ask me if I speak Japanese, I explain my brother’s diagnosis, and how, when I came along five years after him, it was too complicated for my mom to only speak to one child in Japanese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this past year, I became obsessed with understanding the clinical recommendations my parents received, and sought to find out whether there really are any detriments to raising a child with PWS in a bilingual household.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914782\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56021_max-and-izzy-2007-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11914782 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56021_max-and-izzy-2007-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl and boy stand in a living room, with a Japanese garment hanging on the wall behind them.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56021_max-and-izzy-2007-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56021_max-and-izzy-2007-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56021_max-and-izzy-2007-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56021_max-and-izzy-2007-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56021_max-and-izzy-2007-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56021_max-and-izzy-2007-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Izzy and Max Bloom chat in the living room of their family home in Sebastopol in 2007. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Bloom family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I pored over studies and research papers about the effects of multilingualism on children with autism and Down syndrome and eventually found Estela Garcia Alcaraz’s recent study, the only paper I could find focusing on my brother’s rare syndrome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her study, Garcia Alcaraz, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.uib.eu/personal/ABjM4NjgzNw/\">professor of Spanish, modern and classical languages\u003c/a> at the University of Balearic Islands in Spain, investigated how bilingualism affects the \u003ca href=\"https://ruor.uottawa.ca/bitstream/10393/41809/3/Garcia_Alcaraz_Estela_2021_thesis.pdf\">cognitive and linguistic abilities of people with PWS\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The participants in her study all had PWS, but some knew only Spanish while others spoke both Spanish and Catalan. Participants were directed to complete a variety of tasks, in an effort to determine how bilingualism affects the executive control, metalinguistic and narrative abilities of people with PWS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our findings not only suggest that individuals with Prader-Willi Syndrome can become bilingual without evidence of negative effects,” Garcia Alcaraz wrote in her study, “but also that they can achieve a similar level of performance, or even outperform monolingual speakers in certain linguistic abilities in Spanish — the non-dominant language for the majority of the bilingual participants. Spanish-Catalan bilinguals showed comparable metalinguistic and narrative abilities in both their languages.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, I discovered that there’s no empirical data to support the idea that bilingualism is harmful to language development for children with PWS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which means the story I’ve been telling for most of my life about why I wasn’t raised to speak Japanese is not true.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Betty Yu, a speech and language professor at San Francisco State University, said research is “pretty conclusive” that bilingualism and multilingualism are assets for children with disabilities, regardless of their diagnoses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once we started controlling for a lot of different other social factors, the bilingualism has not shown itself to be more taxing, to be interfering,” said Yu, whose \u003ca href=\"https://faculty.sfsu.edu/~bettyyu/\">research focuses on language development\u003c/a> in multilingual children of color with disabilities. “One language doesn’t slow another one down. It doesn’t overwhelm the child.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the U.S., what is so interesting is that we are probably the most plurilingual country in the world. We have a lot of languages that are being spoken,” she said. “But it’s also one of the most aggressively ideologically monolingual countries in the world in that we really don’t casually accept that multilingualism is normal and should be preserved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914781\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56020_izzy-and-max-halloween-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11914781 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56020_izzy-and-max-halloween-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl and boy, dressed in Halloween costumes, make funny faces.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56020_izzy-and-max-halloween-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56020_izzy-and-max-halloween-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56020_izzy-and-max-halloween-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56020_izzy-and-max-halloween-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56020_izzy-and-max-halloween-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56020_izzy-and-max-halloween-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Izzy and Max Bloom make silly faces on Halloween in 2007. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Bloom family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Speech-language pathologists also are overwhelmingly white: The American Speech-Language-Hearing Association’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.asha.org/siteassets/surveys/2020-member-and-affiliate-profile.pdf\">member demographic was 92% white\u003c/a>, as of 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the 1960s, psychologists \u003ca href=\"https://www.edweek.org/teaching-learning/bilingualism-a-cognitive-advantage-or-disadvantage-for-children/1987/04\">viewed bilingualism as a disability\u003c/a> in any child’s development. The “language handicap” theory, as it was known, can be traced back to anti-immigrant sentiment in the early 1900s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s tied up a lot with views on immigration, on race. Language can’t be divorced from those things,” Yu said. “Bilingualism is often seen as a barrier to the achievement of a norm. So when we’re talking about disability, as something seen as abnormal … those two things sort of mutually enforce each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But since the 1960s, Yu said, “waves and waves of data” have confirmed the cognitive, social and cultural benefits of multilingualism for children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And now, a growing body of research is confirming those same findings for children with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, Yu said, she continues to hear from parents of kids with disabilities who are advised by their children’s pediatricians and speech-language pathologists against raising their kids in multilingual households.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Communication is more than what we say\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I carefully described these findings to my mom, thinking the information might make her feel somewhat regretful for not raising us to speak Japanese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But instead, she told me that if she were to do it all again, she probably still wouldn’t raise us to be bilingual. At the time, Max’s diagnosis was a big enough challenge to tackle, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if he’s bilingual [if it would make] him so different,” my mom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914779\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56018_family-in-Japan.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11914779 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56018_family-in-Japan-800x1137.jpg\" alt=\"A family — young girl, mom, dad and young boy — pose in a field, with a large mountain in the background.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1137\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56018_family-in-Japan-800x1137.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56018_family-in-Japan-1020x1450.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56018_family-in-Japan-160x227.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS56018_family-in-Japan.jpg 1037w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Izzy, Yasuko, Ira and Max Bloom on a family trip to Hiruzen, Okayama Prefecture, Japan, circa 2004. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Bloom family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Max told me he wishes she had taught him Japanese. That’s because, just like when he was a baby, Max is still incredibly social. He calls up our dad’s family on the East Coast almost daily, usually to just tell our grandma what he ate that day. But he can’t call our mom’s family in Japan because he can’t understand them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would [have] made life a lot easier to understand my mom and my dad, so I can talk to my family in Japan,” Max said, adding that he’s confident he would’ve been able to learn Japanese if our mom had taught it to him when he was growing up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I asked my mom if the big fear she once had — that her kids wouldn’t really understand her if they weren’t raised with their heritage language — had ever materialized, she said it really hadn’t. What she eventually realized, she explained to me, is that communication is more nuanced than just what we say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is, there’s so much more than just speech that is happening when we communicate, like body language, tone and attentive listening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the interview with my dad, as he started walking away, he told me that beyond my mom’s ability to speak English relatively well, she has a tenacity to make sure you understand what she’s saying. Even if she has to repeat herself five times and phrase it in different ways, she always makes sure that people hear her, whether it’s in the workplace, with strangers or with us, her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that happens, living in a foreign country with a different language. [I] have to make sure, because I might be wrong,” my mom said in response to my dad. “And I don’t like to do mistake, I don’t like to be misunderstood.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "'Let's Get to Work': Sheng Thao Outlines Plans as Oakland's Next Mayor, After Loren Taylor Concedes",
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"headTitle": "‘Let’s Get to Work’: Sheng Thao Outlines Plans as Oakland’s Next Mayor, After Loren Taylor Concedes | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\nNearly two weeks after Election Day, Sheng Thao declared victory Monday night in Oakland’s hard-fought mayor’s race, narrowly defeating fellow Councilmember Loren Taylor by fewer than 700 votes in the final ranked choice tally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a long journey, and I’m incredibly honored by the trust the voters have placed in me,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/ShengforOakland/posts/pfbid02btPVFxQaavftYFzPCWvrwxC462YDp3sUE3BDbGANfQtMmAvbe5GHYXxEUyvqXbmxl\">Thao said in a statement\u003c/a> on Monday evening, following the latest count, which showed her winning by just 682 votes — or 50.3% to Taylor’s 49.7%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never felt more hopeful about Oakland’s future or more determined to lead the fight for it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 37-year-old UC Berkeley graduate and one-term Council member representing Oakland’s District 4 — who also serves as president pro tem — will become Oakland’s first Hmong American mayor, and only its second Asian American mayor, following Jean Quan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor, who represents District 6, had been the front-runner in the race until just days ago. He conceded on Tuesday morning.[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"oakland\"]“While it hurts to admit it, I don’t see a viable path to making up the 682 votes needed to alter the outcome of this election,” he said, holding back tears, during a news conference in East Oakland’s Liberation Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I reached out and talked to Councilmember Thao earlier today, extended my congratulations,” Taylor added. “And I offered her my assistance in the service of Oakland, because we cannot allow our city to fail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor said he did not plan to push for a recount effort, but noted that he wouldn’t stand in the way if any of his supporters sought to do so and were able to pay for it. Alameda County has until Dec. 8 to certify the results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor will also step down from the City Council at the end of this year, with Kevin Jenkins taking his seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday morning in front of City Hall, during her first public address as mayor-elect, Thao congratulated Taylor on the “strong” campaign he ran against her, and said she hoped to work “hand in glove together for this beautiful city that we both love so much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to say that his family has given generations to this city, to this community, and we all owe them a thank you. So thank you so much,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao, who replaces outgoing Mayor Libby Schaaf, will no doubt have her hands full. Many residents think the city isn’t adequately serving their needs. Critical issues, including housing affordability, violence and public education, are top of mind for residents, but homelessness is arguably the most visible issue in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor-elect, a progressive Democrat, received major support from outside groups, led by a labor coalition called Working Families for a Better Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During her brief remarks on Wednesday, in which she took no questions from reporters, Thao broadly outlined her main goals, including, foremost, “a comprehensive public safety plan” to address Oakland’s sharp rise in violent crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That involves doubling down on violence prevention programs that we now know reduces violent crime,” she said, and by “redoubling efforts” to get guns off the streets. “It [also] means addressing the root causes of crime by focusing on creating more jobs and more opportunities for Oaklanders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao also promised to support crime victims and reiterated her imperative to quickly fill vacancies in the city’s long-understaffed police department by hiring a new class of experienced, diverse and “home-grown” officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also pledged to support small business, build a more responsive city government — “one that will return your phone calls” — and make Oakland “the most proactive city in California for housing and homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to have an aggressive housing policy that protects renters, fights displacement and treats our unhoused with the dignity that they deserve,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/eastbay/article/Second-Oakland-councilmember-jumps-into-mayor-s-16610150.php\">The daughter of Laotian refugees\u003c/a>, Thao is the seventh of 10 children. Born and raised in Stockton, where her family lived in public housing, she left home at 17, and endured a series of hardships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m so very excited to get to work to be your next mayor come January. But I’m also very humbled with this experience as well,” she told supporters on Wednesday. “Just 15 years ago, I was living in my car with my baby, my infant son. We escaped domestic violence. We had nowhere to live. I couldn’t pay for first month, last month and deposit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After trailing in every vote tally update since Election Day, Thao took a marginal lead in the race late last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because no candidate received a majority of first-place votes on Election Day, voters’ second- and third-place votes were redistributed, as part of the city’s ranked choice voting process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11931907\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11931907 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/DSC06642_KQED_ArykCopley.jpg\" alt=\"A Black family, all smiling, holding each other's shoulders. From left to right: A teenage girl wearing a white "Loren Taylor" T-shirt, a gray fleece, and a red pocketbook; a woman with shoulder-length curly black hair in the same T-shirt and a black cardigan, a man with a bald head, glasses, suit and tie, and a middle school boy in a black ball cap and black sweatshirt.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1283\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/DSC06642_KQED_ArykCopley.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/DSC06642_KQED_ArykCopley-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/DSC06642_KQED_ArykCopley-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/DSC06642_KQED_ArykCopley-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/DSC06642_KQED_ArykCopley-1536x1026.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland mayoral candidate Loren Taylor, embracing his family, gives a speech to his supporters during his election night party at For the Culture in Oakland on Nov. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Taylor, a moderate Democrat who was endorsed by Schaaf, got an early head start on election night, leading Thao by roughly 1,600 first-place votes. His margin widened considerably after candidates’ Greg Hodge and Treva Reid were eliminated and their ballots redistributed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Thao then got a major boost from supporters of candidate Allyssa Victory, giving her a narrow edge. And despite Taylor making up some ground from the redistributed votes of third-place finisher Ignacio De La Fuente, he was never able to reclaim the lead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his concession speech on Tuesday, Taylor took aim at the city’s ranked choice voting system, which he blamed for eroding trust in the election process. He underscored that he had won the popular vote. And he argued that the votes of thousands of people who hadn’t chosen either of the front-runners had essentially been ignored and were “not factored into the final decision of who would be Oakland’s next mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is a form of voter suppression,” Taylor said. “And we have to recognize that and address it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a nod to the deep political divisions in the city — one evidenced, in part, by the \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/election-2022-oakland-mayor/\">sheer number of candidates\u003c/a> who ran for mayor this year — Thao on Wednesday echoed her call for “a more unified Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to come and work together to solve our problems together. This is not a one man effort, a one woman effort. This is all of us,” she said, pledging to always prioritize the city first. “We love Oakland. Oakland is who we are. We love our diversity. And that’s what we’re fighting for. … Let’s get to work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Tyche Hendricks and Maria Fernanda Bernal contributed reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>A version of this story was originally published Nov. 9, 2022.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The latest and final vote tally, released Monday evening, showed Thao narrowly defeating Taylor, by just 682 votes. She will be Oakland's first Hmong American mayor.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\nNearly two weeks after Election Day, Sheng Thao declared victory Monday night in Oakland’s hard-fought mayor’s race, narrowly defeating fellow Councilmember Loren Taylor by fewer than 700 votes in the final ranked choice tally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a long journey, and I’m incredibly honored by the trust the voters have placed in me,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/ShengforOakland/posts/pfbid02btPVFxQaavftYFzPCWvrwxC462YDp3sUE3BDbGANfQtMmAvbe5GHYXxEUyvqXbmxl\">Thao said in a statement\u003c/a> on Monday evening, following the latest count, which showed her winning by just 682 votes — or 50.3% to Taylor’s 49.7%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never felt more hopeful about Oakland’s future or more determined to lead the fight for it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 37-year-old UC Berkeley graduate and one-term Council member representing Oakland’s District 4 — who also serves as president pro tem — will become Oakland’s first Hmong American mayor, and only its second Asian American mayor, following Jean Quan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor, who represents District 6, had been the front-runner in the race until just days ago. He conceded on Tuesday morning.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“While it hurts to admit it, I don’t see a viable path to making up the 682 votes needed to alter the outcome of this election,” he said, holding back tears, during a news conference in East Oakland’s Liberation Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I reached out and talked to Councilmember Thao earlier today, extended my congratulations,” Taylor added. “And I offered her my assistance in the service of Oakland, because we cannot allow our city to fail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor said he did not plan to push for a recount effort, but noted that he wouldn’t stand in the way if any of his supporters sought to do so and were able to pay for it. Alameda County has until Dec. 8 to certify the results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor will also step down from the City Council at the end of this year, with Kevin Jenkins taking his seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday morning in front of City Hall, during her first public address as mayor-elect, Thao congratulated Taylor on the “strong” campaign he ran against her, and said she hoped to work “hand in glove together for this beautiful city that we both love so much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to say that his family has given generations to this city, to this community, and we all owe them a thank you. So thank you so much,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao, who replaces outgoing Mayor Libby Schaaf, will no doubt have her hands full. Many residents think the city isn’t adequately serving their needs. Critical issues, including housing affordability, violence and public education, are top of mind for residents, but homelessness is arguably the most visible issue in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor-elect, a progressive Democrat, received major support from outside groups, led by a labor coalition called Working Families for a Better Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During her brief remarks on Wednesday, in which she took no questions from reporters, Thao broadly outlined her main goals, including, foremost, “a comprehensive public safety plan” to address Oakland’s sharp rise in violent crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That involves doubling down on violence prevention programs that we now know reduces violent crime,” she said, and by “redoubling efforts” to get guns off the streets. “It [also] means addressing the root causes of crime by focusing on creating more jobs and more opportunities for Oaklanders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao also promised to support crime victims and reiterated her imperative to quickly fill vacancies in the city’s long-understaffed police department by hiring a new class of experienced, diverse and “home-grown” officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also pledged to support small business, build a more responsive city government — “one that will return your phone calls” — and make Oakland “the most proactive city in California for housing and homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to have an aggressive housing policy that protects renters, fights displacement and treats our unhoused with the dignity that they deserve,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/eastbay/article/Second-Oakland-councilmember-jumps-into-mayor-s-16610150.php\">The daughter of Laotian refugees\u003c/a>, Thao is the seventh of 10 children. Born and raised in Stockton, where her family lived in public housing, she left home at 17, and endured a series of hardships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m so very excited to get to work to be your next mayor come January. But I’m also very humbled with this experience as well,” she told supporters on Wednesday. “Just 15 years ago, I was living in my car with my baby, my infant son. We escaped domestic violence. We had nowhere to live. I couldn’t pay for first month, last month and deposit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After trailing in every vote tally update since Election Day, Thao took a marginal lead in the race late last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because no candidate received a majority of first-place votes on Election Day, voters’ second- and third-place votes were redistributed, as part of the city’s ranked choice voting process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11931907\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11931907 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/DSC06642_KQED_ArykCopley.jpg\" alt=\"A Black family, all smiling, holding each other's shoulders. From left to right: A teenage girl wearing a white "Loren Taylor" T-shirt, a gray fleece, and a red pocketbook; a woman with shoulder-length curly black hair in the same T-shirt and a black cardigan, a man with a bald head, glasses, suit and tie, and a middle school boy in a black ball cap and black sweatshirt.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1283\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/DSC06642_KQED_ArykCopley.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/DSC06642_KQED_ArykCopley-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/DSC06642_KQED_ArykCopley-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/DSC06642_KQED_ArykCopley-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/DSC06642_KQED_ArykCopley-1536x1026.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland mayoral candidate Loren Taylor, embracing his family, gives a speech to his supporters during his election night party at For the Culture in Oakland on Nov. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Taylor, a moderate Democrat who was endorsed by Schaaf, got an early head start on election night, leading Thao by roughly 1,600 first-place votes. His margin widened considerably after candidates’ Greg Hodge and Treva Reid were eliminated and their ballots redistributed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Thao then got a major boost from supporters of candidate Allyssa Victory, giving her a narrow edge. And despite Taylor making up some ground from the redistributed votes of third-place finisher Ignacio De La Fuente, he was never able to reclaim the lead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his concession speech on Tuesday, Taylor took aim at the city’s ranked choice voting system, which he blamed for eroding trust in the election process. He underscored that he had won the popular vote. And he argued that the votes of thousands of people who hadn’t chosen either of the front-runners had essentially been ignored and were “not factored into the final decision of who would be Oakland’s next mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is a form of voter suppression,” Taylor said. “And we have to recognize that and address it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a nod to the deep political divisions in the city — one evidenced, in part, by the \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/election-2022-oakland-mayor/\">sheer number of candidates\u003c/a> who ran for mayor this year — Thao on Wednesday echoed her call for “a more unified Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to come and work together to solve our problems together. This is not a one man effort, a one woman effort. This is all of us,” she said, pledging to always prioritize the city first. “We love Oakland. Oakland is who we are. We love our diversity. And that’s what we’re fighting for. … Let’s get to work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Tyche Hendricks and Maria Fernanda Bernal contributed reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>A version of this story was originally published Nov. 9, 2022.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Saturday marks day six of what labor leaders are calling the largest strike in the history of U.S. higher education. Nearly 48,000 University of California academic workers — including graduate students, post-docs and researchers across the university’s 10 campuses — walked off the job Nov. 14 to demand better pay and benefits and an end to what they describe as unfair negotiating tactics by the UC. The strike has disrupted instruction across the university system, just weeks ahead of final exams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>University leaders say they have bargained in good faith and that they have made generous offers. On Wednesday afternoon, one UC senior leader also warned that certain union demands were financially unfeasible for the university to consider.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why are academic workers striking?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The majority of UC graduate students spend more than a third of their income on rent, according to a union survey, with an average income of around $24,000 a year — hardly enough to make ends meet in cities like Berkeley, Los Angeles or San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Demonstrators are demanding a minimum annual salary of $54,000 for graduate workers and $70,000 for postdoctoral workers, and a 14% pay bump for academic researchers, which they say would reflect the cost-of-living increase in the state. The union is also pushing UC to offer child care subsidies, better health care for dependents, public-transit passes, better accessibility for workers with disabilities and lower tuition costs for international scholars.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11932147,news_11932471,forum_2010101891301\"]Neal Sweeney, a postdoctoral scholar in molecular biology at UC Santa Cruz, is the president of UAW 5810, the union that represents postdocs and academic researchers. But up until taking his union position, said Sweeney, he and his family were struggling to get by while he was working between 50 and 60 hours each week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The salary was so low that every month I really had to think about if I would make it through that month,” Sweeney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101891301/48000-academic-workers-strike-across-university-of-california-campuse\">told KQED Forum\u003c/a>. “Just getting coffee — I had to think about every single expense. I had two small children. My partner was a full-time student. We lived in campus family housing, and we went to the campus food bank every month due to make sure we had food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, he notes, “My research was bringing in millions of dollars in funding for the university.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among teaching assistants and other academic student employees — who are represented by a different local, UAW 2865 — it’s not uncommon to hear stories of graduate students resorting to three or more jobs, or even experiencing homelessness, said Sweeney, pointing to a UCLA teaching assistant, Bernard Rumley, who lived out of his car for the 2018-19 academic year. A doctoral student at UC Riverside, Jacob Kemner, supplements his $28,000 annual salary with twice-weekly blood plasma donations for an extra $200.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Demonstrators are also protesting what they’ve called unfair bargaining tactics by the university over the course of negotiations, which began in the spring of 2021. UAW has filed at least 25 unfair labor practice claims against the university with California’s Public Employment Relations Board, and the board has issued complaints in six cases, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-11-14/university-of-california-strike-academic-workers-graduate-students\">The Los Angeles Times\u003c/a>. The university has denied these allegations.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How has the university responded?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In negotiations, the university has \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/UAW#offers\">offered academic workers a $2,500 reimbursement for child care\u003c/a>, expanded parental leave, a pre-tax commuter benefit and multiyear pay increases that vary per bargaining unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a letter to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23309878-provostletter\">system’s 10 chancellors (PDF)\u003c/a>, released Wednesday, UC Provost Michael T. Brown said “I respect their choice” to strike, and acknowledged the “significant challenge” that California’s soaring housing costs create for students and employees. But he said that the union demand to tie compensation to housing costs “could have overwhelming financial impacts on the University.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Letitia Silas, executive director of systemwide labor relations for UC’s Office of the President, echoed that on KQED Forum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are in negotiations and we will proceed as we have for the last year in good faith. [But] we talk about housing and tying wages to rental rates, that is very dangerous,” she said. “That could have an overwhelming financial impact on the university … as you know, the UC does not control rental rates for non-UC housing, and the UC can’t predict nor responsibly budget for such subsidies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11932491\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-16-at-2.44.42-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11932491 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-16-at-2.44.42-PM-800x494.png\" alt='A variety of smiling, mostly young, multiethnic people wearing casual clothing march in a line holding white and blue signs affixed to wooden poles that say \"UAW On Strike, Unfair Labor Practice,\" along a city sidewalk in the dappled shade of large trees.' width=\"800\" height=\"494\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-16-at-2.44.42-PM-800x494.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-16-at-2.44.42-PM-1020x630.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-16-at-2.44.42-PM-160x99.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-16-at-2.44.42-PM.png 1176w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers form a picket line at UC Berkeley on Nov. 15, 2022. \u003ccite>(Andrew Reed/EdSource)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Tying wages to rental rates could have the unintended consequence of subsidizing private landlords and companies and further exacerbating rental costs for other Californians,” she said. “So we’re mindful of all these factors as we have continued to propose fair wage increases for these employees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Silas also emphasized that many teaching assistants are working part-time, at 20 hours per week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his letter, Brown pushed back against the demand to waive out-of-state tuition for international scholars. “If we were to provide remission of out-of state supplemental tuition, non-California student employees would in effect receive a larger compensation package than California resident student employees for doing the same work,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown noted that the university’s offer of multiyear pay raises includes up to 10% increases within the first year of employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those raises fall far short of the increases the union is pushing for. Organizers argue their demands are essential for academic workers to earn a living wage, and would total no more than 3% of UC’s entire $44 billion budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s the money that we need to be able to address the cost of living and housing in California,” said Sweeney.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How have undergraduate students been affected?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>UC officials have told students they should plan to continue attending their classes, but warned that some could be canceled depending on how many people participate in the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Department chairs and faculty will work together to ensure the least amount of disruption to the delivery of instruction and grading, as well as research,” UC Berkeley wrote in an email to its students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On some campuses, students joined in solidarity. Lex Von Klark, a 22-year-old political science student at UCLA, was among several hundred people on campus holding signs and participating in the picket line on Monday, the first day of the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am out here primarily because these people are my teachers, and their working conditions are my learning conditions,” he said. “Basically, if my teachers are getting paid less than a living wage and have to work multiple jobs, it makes it hard for me to get a high-end education.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"John Logan, director, Labor and Employment Studies department, SFSU\"]‘I think there’s going to be tremendous pressure from a whole variety of quarters on university administration to get serious and to resume bargaining in good faith and to come to an agreement that’s acceptable to both parties.’[/pullquote]At UC Davis, some undergraduates appeared to have mixed feelings about the strike, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11932471/uc-undergraduate-students-divided-in-reaction-to-strike\">according to EdSource\u003c/a>, but many were supportive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Solan Castro, a first-year undergraduate studying public health and molecular cell biology, joined the picket line on Wednesday instead of attending class. He said that even with finals coming up, he’s not worried about how the strike might affect his grades. “A lot of professors have opened up more office hours, also in solidarity with the graduate student instructors,” he said, noting that he believes graduate student teaching assistants are often key to undergraduates’ success.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is this part of a wider trend?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The UC academic workers’ strike comes on the heels of a surge of high-profile labor actions and union organizing this year, both in California and across the country, as demand for workers in multiple industries has spiked. In recent months, the Bay Area has been a hotbed of labor activism, particularly among nurses and other health care workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But according to John Logan, director of the Labor and Employment Studies department at San Francisco State University, it’s part of a groundswell of organizing in education as well. “I think it’s important to understand that this is part of a national trend that’s been happening for a number of decades now,” Logan told KQED Forum, noting that unionization began at Berkeley in the 1980s, but the union only began bargaining in 2000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the Obama administration, the National Labor Relations Board in 2016 allowed private university graduate students to organize as well, leading to unions in recent years at Harvard, M.I.T., Columbia, New York University, Brown University, Georgetown, the University of Chicago and Boston University, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we’re now talking about upwards of 100,000 unionized graduate students, employees throughout the country. And the issues, quite frankly, are similar,” said Logan. “I think they’re more severe in California because of the astronomical living costs and particularly the housing costs … and so [there’s a] huge gulf that exists between what the university is offering in terms of pay and other benefits and what the graduate students say is necessary for absolute basic quality of life and livable wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If over 90% of graduate student employees are paying more than 30% of their income on housing costs, it’s simply not sustainable,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What happens next?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Negotiations are expected to continue between the UC and the union over the coming week. SFSU’s Logan said he expects the university to ultimately revise their offer in the student workers’ favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s going to be tremendous pressure from a whole variety of quarters on university administration to get serious and to resume bargaining in good faith and to come to an agreement that’s acceptable to both parties,” he said. “They’re very far apart at the moment, but they cannot operate without the labor of these people, and I don’t think they can win this dispute. I think the graduate student workers will get a significant part of what they’re asking for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Emma Silvers and Matthew Green contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The largest higher education strike in US history and the biggest strike of the year enters day six as 48,000 academic workers demand wage increases from UC with no resolution in sight.",
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"title": "Why UC Berkeley Academic Workers Are Striking | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Saturday marks day six of what labor leaders are calling the largest strike in the history of U.S. higher education. Nearly 48,000 University of California academic workers — including graduate students, post-docs and researchers across the university’s 10 campuses — walked off the job Nov. 14 to demand better pay and benefits and an end to what they describe as unfair negotiating tactics by the UC. The strike has disrupted instruction across the university system, just weeks ahead of final exams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>University leaders say they have bargained in good faith and that they have made generous offers. On Wednesday afternoon, one UC senior leader also warned that certain union demands were financially unfeasible for the university to consider.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why are academic workers striking?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The majority of UC graduate students spend more than a third of their income on rent, according to a union survey, with an average income of around $24,000 a year — hardly enough to make ends meet in cities like Berkeley, Los Angeles or San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Demonstrators are demanding a minimum annual salary of $54,000 for graduate workers and $70,000 for postdoctoral workers, and a 14% pay bump for academic researchers, which they say would reflect the cost-of-living increase in the state. The union is also pushing UC to offer child care subsidies, better health care for dependents, public-transit passes, better accessibility for workers with disabilities and lower tuition costs for international scholars.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Neal Sweeney, a postdoctoral scholar in molecular biology at UC Santa Cruz, is the president of UAW 5810, the union that represents postdocs and academic researchers. But up until taking his union position, said Sweeney, he and his family were struggling to get by while he was working between 50 and 60 hours each week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The salary was so low that every month I really had to think about if I would make it through that month,” Sweeney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101891301/48000-academic-workers-strike-across-university-of-california-campuse\">told KQED Forum\u003c/a>. “Just getting coffee — I had to think about every single expense. I had two small children. My partner was a full-time student. We lived in campus family housing, and we went to the campus food bank every month due to make sure we had food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, he notes, “My research was bringing in millions of dollars in funding for the university.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among teaching assistants and other academic student employees — who are represented by a different local, UAW 2865 — it’s not uncommon to hear stories of graduate students resorting to three or more jobs, or even experiencing homelessness, said Sweeney, pointing to a UCLA teaching assistant, Bernard Rumley, who lived out of his car for the 2018-19 academic year. A doctoral student at UC Riverside, Jacob Kemner, supplements his $28,000 annual salary with twice-weekly blood plasma donations for an extra $200.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Demonstrators are also protesting what they’ve called unfair bargaining tactics by the university over the course of negotiations, which began in the spring of 2021. UAW has filed at least 25 unfair labor practice claims against the university with California’s Public Employment Relations Board, and the board has issued complaints in six cases, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-11-14/university-of-california-strike-academic-workers-graduate-students\">The Los Angeles Times\u003c/a>. The university has denied these allegations.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How has the university responded?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In negotiations, the university has \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/UAW#offers\">offered academic workers a $2,500 reimbursement for child care\u003c/a>, expanded parental leave, a pre-tax commuter benefit and multiyear pay increases that vary per bargaining unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a letter to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23309878-provostletter\">system’s 10 chancellors (PDF)\u003c/a>, released Wednesday, UC Provost Michael T. Brown said “I respect their choice” to strike, and acknowledged the “significant challenge” that California’s soaring housing costs create for students and employees. But he said that the union demand to tie compensation to housing costs “could have overwhelming financial impacts on the University.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Letitia Silas, executive director of systemwide labor relations for UC’s Office of the President, echoed that on KQED Forum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are in negotiations and we will proceed as we have for the last year in good faith. [But] we talk about housing and tying wages to rental rates, that is very dangerous,” she said. “That could have an overwhelming financial impact on the university … as you know, the UC does not control rental rates for non-UC housing, and the UC can’t predict nor responsibly budget for such subsidies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11932491\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-16-at-2.44.42-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11932491 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-16-at-2.44.42-PM-800x494.png\" alt='A variety of smiling, mostly young, multiethnic people wearing casual clothing march in a line holding white and blue signs affixed to wooden poles that say \"UAW On Strike, Unfair Labor Practice,\" along a city sidewalk in the dappled shade of large trees.' width=\"800\" height=\"494\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-16-at-2.44.42-PM-800x494.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-16-at-2.44.42-PM-1020x630.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-16-at-2.44.42-PM-160x99.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/Screen-Shot-2022-11-16-at-2.44.42-PM.png 1176w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers form a picket line at UC Berkeley on Nov. 15, 2022. \u003ccite>(Andrew Reed/EdSource)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Tying wages to rental rates could have the unintended consequence of subsidizing private landlords and companies and further exacerbating rental costs for other Californians,” she said. “So we’re mindful of all these factors as we have continued to propose fair wage increases for these employees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Silas also emphasized that many teaching assistants are working part-time, at 20 hours per week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his letter, Brown pushed back against the demand to waive out-of-state tuition for international scholars. “If we were to provide remission of out-of state supplemental tuition, non-California student employees would in effect receive a larger compensation package than California resident student employees for doing the same work,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown noted that the university’s offer of multiyear pay raises includes up to 10% increases within the first year of employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those raises fall far short of the increases the union is pushing for. Organizers argue their demands are essential for academic workers to earn a living wage, and would total no more than 3% of UC’s entire $44 billion budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s the money that we need to be able to address the cost of living and housing in California,” said Sweeney.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How have undergraduate students been affected?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>UC officials have told students they should plan to continue attending their classes, but warned that some could be canceled depending on how many people participate in the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Department chairs and faculty will work together to ensure the least amount of disruption to the delivery of instruction and grading, as well as research,” UC Berkeley wrote in an email to its students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On some campuses, students joined in solidarity. Lex Von Klark, a 22-year-old political science student at UCLA, was among several hundred people on campus holding signs and participating in the picket line on Monday, the first day of the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am out here primarily because these people are my teachers, and their working conditions are my learning conditions,” he said. “Basically, if my teachers are getting paid less than a living wage and have to work multiple jobs, it makes it hard for me to get a high-end education.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At UC Davis, some undergraduates appeared to have mixed feelings about the strike, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11932471/uc-undergraduate-students-divided-in-reaction-to-strike\">according to EdSource\u003c/a>, but many were supportive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Solan Castro, a first-year undergraduate studying public health and molecular cell biology, joined the picket line on Wednesday instead of attending class. He said that even with finals coming up, he’s not worried about how the strike might affect his grades. “A lot of professors have opened up more office hours, also in solidarity with the graduate student instructors,” he said, noting that he believes graduate student teaching assistants are often key to undergraduates’ success.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is this part of a wider trend?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The UC academic workers’ strike comes on the heels of a surge of high-profile labor actions and union organizing this year, both in California and across the country, as demand for workers in multiple industries has spiked. In recent months, the Bay Area has been a hotbed of labor activism, particularly among nurses and other health care workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But according to John Logan, director of the Labor and Employment Studies department at San Francisco State University, it’s part of a groundswell of organizing in education as well. “I think it’s important to understand that this is part of a national trend that’s been happening for a number of decades now,” Logan told KQED Forum, noting that unionization began at Berkeley in the 1980s, but the union only began bargaining in 2000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the Obama administration, the National Labor Relations Board in 2016 allowed private university graduate students to organize as well, leading to unions in recent years at Harvard, M.I.T., Columbia, New York University, Brown University, Georgetown, the University of Chicago and Boston University, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we’re now talking about upwards of 100,000 unionized graduate students, employees throughout the country. And the issues, quite frankly, are similar,” said Logan. “I think they’re more severe in California because of the astronomical living costs and particularly the housing costs … and so [there’s a] huge gulf that exists between what the university is offering in terms of pay and other benefits and what the graduate students say is necessary for absolute basic quality of life and livable wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If over 90% of graduate student employees are paying more than 30% of their income on housing costs, it’s simply not sustainable,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What happens next?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Negotiations are expected to continue between the UC and the union over the coming week. SFSU’s Logan said he expects the university to ultimately revise their offer in the student workers’ favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s going to be tremendous pressure from a whole variety of quarters on university administration to get serious and to resume bargaining in good faith and to come to an agreement that’s acceptable to both parties,” he said. “They’re very far apart at the moment, but they cannot operate without the labor of these people, and I don’t think they can win this dispute. I think the graduate student workers will get a significant part of what they’re asking for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Emma Silvers and Matthew Green contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Universities across the country rely on students and academic workers to grade papers, run classes, conduct research, and provide student support. It’s demanding work, often for little pay. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But now, the unions representing 48,000 University of California students and academic workers say they’ve had enough, and on Monday thousands of people across the system’s 10 campuses went on strike. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/SuggsBria\">Bria Suggs\u003c/a>, journalist and graduate student at UC Berkeley’s Graduate School of Journalism\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"card card--enclosed grey\">\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC9487900272&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3Y9isbZ\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cem>Episode Transcript\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Your support makes KQED podcasts possible. You can show your love by going to \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\" aria-describedby=\"sk-tooltip-4175\">https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Universities across the country rely on students and academic workers to grade papers, run classes, conduct research, and provide student support. It’s demanding work, often for little pay. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But now, the unions representing 48,000 University of California students and academic workers say they’ve had enough, and on Monday thousands of people across the system’s 10 campuses went on strike. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/SuggsBria\">Bria Suggs\u003c/a>, journalist and graduate student at UC Berkeley’s Graduate School of Journalism\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"card card--enclosed grey\">\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC9487900272&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3Y9isbZ\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cem>Episode Transcript\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Your support makes KQED podcasts possible. You can show your love by going to \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\" aria-describedby=\"sk-tooltip-4175\">https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "'Stunning Reversal of Fortune': Ann Hsu Voted Off SF School Board Following Racist Comments",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco Unified school board commissioner Ann Hsu, who was widely condemned for racist comments she made earlier this year, has lost her seat to challenger Alida Fisher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though previously Hsu was in third place in the Board of Education race — for three open seats — she dropped to fourth place on Monday, and never recovered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Thursday, Hsu had no viable path to win. Hsu has 17.14% of the vote, with challenger Alida Fisher surpassing her at 17.75%. Fisher is leading Hsu by 4,054 votes — an insurmountable lead considering the 800 ballots left to count by the San Francisco Department of Elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oWAeFHd0M-I\">YouTube video concession speech\u003c/a>, Hsu complained that people focused too much on the way she worded her sentiment about Black and brown families, instead of the message behind the words.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Regarding my campaign, we had challenges from the very beginning. It is unfortunate some people chose to focus on political correctness, rather than the substance of my entire statement,” Hsu said, which is that “parent involvement is critical to the success of children in school and in life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She continued that if some parents can’t help students succeed — due to culture or life circumstances — the school district needs to step in and help those students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is the truth, whether politically correct or not,” Hsu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hsu, an immigrant and a mother of SFUSD students, was appointed to the Board of Education by Mayor London Breed in March, following the recall of three school board members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"ann-hsu\"]A few months later, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11920452/ann-hsu-sfusd-saga-after-racist-statement-whos-pushing-for-her-removal-and-whos-supporting-her\">Hsu faced her own calls to resign\u003c/a> from Black and brown communities after she made racist comments in a parents’ group candidate questionnaire, which she later apologized for. One Latina student speaking to KQED in August called Hsu’s comments “a slap in the face.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After that controversy, however, some prominent politicians called for forgiveness and grace. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11920452/ann-hsu-sfusd-saga-after-racist-statement-whos-pushing-for-her-removal-and-whos-supporting-her\">Mayor London Breed asked\u003c/a>, “How do we come together and make this a teaching moment?” Even Hsu herself said she would conduct “listening sessions and community outreach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But did she?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the most prominent groups representing Black and Latinx San Franciscans, the NAACP and San Francisco Latinx Democratic Club, said Hsu never reached out to fix the harms she had caused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yulanda Williams, third vice president of the San Francisco chapter of the NAACP, said Hsu’s dwindling electoral support may show that San Francisco voters didn’t accept Hsu’s apology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Actions speak louder than words,” Williams said. “Hsu was lacking in cultural competency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oWAeFHd0M-I\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch Ann Hsu’s concession speech in a YouTube video, above.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quincy Yu, Hsu’s campaign spokesperson, said it’s “not true” that Hsu has done no outreach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, her outreach was out of the spotlight, Yu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She has for the last three months been in the community speaking to parents, faith-based organizations and nonprofit organizations. She has not politicized any of this. She has quietly and consistently reached out,” Yu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked to name those organizations, Yu said, “I am not at liberty to disclose them. They are faith-based.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the intense scrutiny, early ballot returns showed Hsu as the third-place vote-getter for the San Francisco Board of Education, with three open positions. That changed Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Department of Elections has continued to count provisional ballots turned in the day of the election, and with each passing tally, Hsu’s grip on third place loosened. Monday, that grip slipped completely, and her closest competitor, Alida Fisher, a special education advocate, surpassed her into third.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fisher now appears poised to join the Board of Education, as the pattern of ballot results has only continued in her favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11931650\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1620px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11931650 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF.jpg\" alt=\"Alida Fisher speaks into microphone at event\" width=\"1620\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF.jpg 1620w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1620px) 100vw, 1620px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Unified School District board candidate Alida Fisher speaks at an election night event at El Rio in San Francisco on Nov. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Whoever joins the Board of Education will \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11927789/sf-school-board-candidates-try-to-distance-themselves-from-performative-politics-of-recalled-commissioners\">arrive during a time of turmoil and transition\u003c/a>: Students are still lagging in testing after pandemic lockdowns, payroll system errors have deprived many teachers of their salaries, and there’s a national concern for school safety following high-profile school shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there is more at stake than just Hsu’s political career: Fisher’s win would tilt the ideological majority of the Board of Education away from supporting Mayor London Breed’s policies. A newly left-leaning board might, for instance, revisit the decision to make Lowell High School merit-based, long a desire of Black students who championed an open lottery system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hsu declined to comment for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those speaking to KQED said it’s likely that, in the eye of the public, she never recovered from her comments saying Black and brown families do not value education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, Fisher reached out to groups representing communities of color. She spoke at length to the local NAACP chapter last month and asked questions to help understand the needs of Black families attending San Francisco schools, Williams said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams was so impressed with Fisher that, after the visit, she said, “I have far more hope that Fisher is more understanding and aware of Black culture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fisher told KQED, “I don’t want to be the voice of Black families or of Latinx families or Pacific Islander families, but I sure as hell want to elevate their voices. I think that it’s important to have that. It’s important to have those voices represented. And if they’re not members who sit on the board themselves, then whatever I can do to help elevate their experiences and their perspectives, I see that as my job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the NAACP, the San Francisco Latinx Democratic Club also publicly discussed their disappointment in Hsu’s previous anti-Black and anti-brown comments. Bahlam Vigil, an officer of the club, said that after their public rebuke of Hsu and subsequent invitation to talk, she never responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve tried reaching out to her behind the scenes. We even asked Supervisor Gordon Mar to help. She reached out to us on Twitter, publicly, but she never followed up in private,” Vigil said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wanted to build coalitions that are multicultural,” Vigil added. “We didn’t want to make this about politics, we wanted to make it about healing. We were really worried her comments would continue this divide that has perpetuated among communities of color.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yu, Hsu’s spokesperson, said Hsu had learned much since the comments she made earlier in the year. Black and brown communities are firstly “not monolithic,” she said, and there are transportation issues and other roadblocks that are contributing to truancy among Black and Latinx students that Hsu is eager to help tackle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite what Yu described as quiet outreach, a lack of support from Black and brown San Francisco communities may be reflected as the remaining ballots are tallied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Lee, political science lecturer at San Francisco State University, said the neighborhoods that voted strongest for Hsu were ones with the most Asian voters: the Richmond District, the Excelsior, Visitacion Valley and Chinatown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those neighborhoods alone weren’t enough to carry Hsu to victory. Her weak showing in more progressive neighborhoods on the eastern side of San Francisco was particularly notable given that Hsu was appointed to the school board, and incumbents are normally hard to topple. But Hsu also out-raised all of her opponents, Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hsu had more than $93,000 in campaign contributions; Fisher raised roughly $30,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is a stunning reversal of fortune for this candidate who looked like she had everything going for her,” Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But one place where Hsu suffered was in \u003ca href=\"https://www.annforsfboe.com/endorsements\">endorsements\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of them evaporated in the face of her racist comments, and that could have cost her votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Mayor London Breed-backed Hsu picked up endorsements from groups that are strong allies of the mayor, like the Chinese American Democratic Club, Edwin M. Lee Asian Pacific Democratic Club, GrowSF and the United Democratic Club.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she failed to pick up endorsements from labor groups and major Democratic clubs like the Alice B. Toklas LGBTQ Democratic Club or Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club and, perhaps most key, the teachers union and the San Francisco Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Chronicle also endorsed Breed’s two other appointees but not Hsu, endorsing Fisher instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The teachers union, the United Educators of San Francisco, endorsed only Fisher and Lisa Weissman-Ward, a Breed appointee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yu said Hsu tried to spread the word on her campaign and raise funds, but she “did not go after endorsements because, frankly, those organizations had already condemned her without giving her the ability to address the larger issues. I’m sure those endorsements help a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The local Democratic Party often swings with San Francisco’s progressives but, for the school board, it endorsed two mayoral appointees — although notably, not Hsu.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, they also endorsed Fisher. Lee said endorsements are important in school board races, which are considered low-information, “down-ballot” races, where voters depend a lot on recommendations from groups instead of on doing research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The local Democratic Party endorsement carries a lot of weight in down-ballot races, such as a school board election. And in this case, clearly it did because Alida Fisher was endorsed and Hsu was not,” Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Julia McEvoy contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco Unified school board commissioner Ann Hsu, who was widely condemned for racist comments she made earlier this year, has lost her seat to challenger Alida Fisher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though previously Hsu was in third place in the Board of Education race — for three open seats — she dropped to fourth place on Monday, and never recovered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Thursday, Hsu had no viable path to win. Hsu has 17.14% of the vote, with challenger Alida Fisher surpassing her at 17.75%. Fisher is leading Hsu by 4,054 votes — an insurmountable lead considering the 800 ballots left to count by the San Francisco Department of Elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oWAeFHd0M-I\">YouTube video concession speech\u003c/a>, Hsu complained that people focused too much on the way she worded her sentiment about Black and brown families, instead of the message behind the words.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Regarding my campaign, we had challenges from the very beginning. It is unfortunate some people chose to focus on political correctness, rather than the substance of my entire statement,” Hsu said, which is that “parent involvement is critical to the success of children in school and in life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She continued that if some parents can’t help students succeed — due to culture or life circumstances — the school district needs to step in and help those students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is the truth, whether politically correct or not,” Hsu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hsu, an immigrant and a mother of SFUSD students, was appointed to the Board of Education by Mayor London Breed in March, following the recall of three school board members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A few months later, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11920452/ann-hsu-sfusd-saga-after-racist-statement-whos-pushing-for-her-removal-and-whos-supporting-her\">Hsu faced her own calls to resign\u003c/a> from Black and brown communities after she made racist comments in a parents’ group candidate questionnaire, which she later apologized for. One Latina student speaking to KQED in August called Hsu’s comments “a slap in the face.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After that controversy, however, some prominent politicians called for forgiveness and grace. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11920452/ann-hsu-sfusd-saga-after-racist-statement-whos-pushing-for-her-removal-and-whos-supporting-her\">Mayor London Breed asked\u003c/a>, “How do we come together and make this a teaching moment?” Even Hsu herself said she would conduct “listening sessions and community outreach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But did she?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the most prominent groups representing Black and Latinx San Franciscans, the NAACP and San Francisco Latinx Democratic Club, said Hsu never reached out to fix the harms she had caused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yulanda Williams, third vice president of the San Francisco chapter of the NAACP, said Hsu’s dwindling electoral support may show that San Francisco voters didn’t accept Hsu’s apology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Actions speak louder than words,” Williams said. “Hsu was lacking in cultural competency.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/oWAeFHd0M-I'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/oWAeFHd0M-I'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch Ann Hsu’s concession speech in a YouTube video, above.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quincy Yu, Hsu’s campaign spokesperson, said it’s “not true” that Hsu has done no outreach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, her outreach was out of the spotlight, Yu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She has for the last three months been in the community speaking to parents, faith-based organizations and nonprofit organizations. She has not politicized any of this. She has quietly and consistently reached out,” Yu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked to name those organizations, Yu said, “I am not at liberty to disclose them. They are faith-based.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the intense scrutiny, early ballot returns showed Hsu as the third-place vote-getter for the San Francisco Board of Education, with three open positions. That changed Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Department of Elections has continued to count provisional ballots turned in the day of the election, and with each passing tally, Hsu’s grip on third place loosened. Monday, that grip slipped completely, and her closest competitor, Alida Fisher, a special education advocate, surpassed her into third.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fisher now appears poised to join the Board of Education, as the pattern of ballot results has only continued in her favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11931650\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1620px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11931650 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF.jpg\" alt=\"Alida Fisher speaks into microphone at event\" width=\"1620\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF.jpg 1620w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1620px) 100vw, 1620px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Unified School District board candidate Alida Fisher speaks at an election night event at El Rio in San Francisco on Nov. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Whoever joins the Board of Education will \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11927789/sf-school-board-candidates-try-to-distance-themselves-from-performative-politics-of-recalled-commissioners\">arrive during a time of turmoil and transition\u003c/a>: Students are still lagging in testing after pandemic lockdowns, payroll system errors have deprived many teachers of their salaries, and there’s a national concern for school safety following high-profile school shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there is more at stake than just Hsu’s political career: Fisher’s win would tilt the ideological majority of the Board of Education away from supporting Mayor London Breed’s policies. A newly left-leaning board might, for instance, revisit the decision to make Lowell High School merit-based, long a desire of Black students who championed an open lottery system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hsu declined to comment for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those speaking to KQED said it’s likely that, in the eye of the public, she never recovered from her comments saying Black and brown families do not value education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, Fisher reached out to groups representing communities of color. She spoke at length to the local NAACP chapter last month and asked questions to help understand the needs of Black families attending San Francisco schools, Williams said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams was so impressed with Fisher that, after the visit, she said, “I have far more hope that Fisher is more understanding and aware of Black culture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fisher told KQED, “I don’t want to be the voice of Black families or of Latinx families or Pacific Islander families, but I sure as hell want to elevate their voices. I think that it’s important to have that. It’s important to have those voices represented. And if they’re not members who sit on the board themselves, then whatever I can do to help elevate their experiences and their perspectives, I see that as my job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the NAACP, the San Francisco Latinx Democratic Club also publicly discussed their disappointment in Hsu’s previous anti-Black and anti-brown comments. Bahlam Vigil, an officer of the club, said that after their public rebuke of Hsu and subsequent invitation to talk, she never responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve tried reaching out to her behind the scenes. We even asked Supervisor Gordon Mar to help. She reached out to us on Twitter, publicly, but she never followed up in private,” Vigil said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wanted to build coalitions that are multicultural,” Vigil added. “We didn’t want to make this about politics, we wanted to make it about healing. We were really worried her comments would continue this divide that has perpetuated among communities of color.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yu, Hsu’s spokesperson, said Hsu had learned much since the comments she made earlier in the year. Black and brown communities are firstly “not monolithic,” she said, and there are transportation issues and other roadblocks that are contributing to truancy among Black and Latinx students that Hsu is eager to help tackle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite what Yu described as quiet outreach, a lack of support from Black and brown San Francisco communities may be reflected as the remaining ballots are tallied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Lee, political science lecturer at San Francisco State University, said the neighborhoods that voted strongest for Hsu were ones with the most Asian voters: the Richmond District, the Excelsior, Visitacion Valley and Chinatown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those neighborhoods alone weren’t enough to carry Hsu to victory. Her weak showing in more progressive neighborhoods on the eastern side of San Francisco was particularly notable given that Hsu was appointed to the school board, and incumbents are normally hard to topple. But Hsu also out-raised all of her opponents, Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hsu had more than $93,000 in campaign contributions; Fisher raised roughly $30,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is a stunning reversal of fortune for this candidate who looked like she had everything going for her,” Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But one place where Hsu suffered was in \u003ca href=\"https://www.annforsfboe.com/endorsements\">endorsements\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of them evaporated in the face of her racist comments, and that could have cost her votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Mayor London Breed-backed Hsu picked up endorsements from groups that are strong allies of the mayor, like the Chinese American Democratic Club, Edwin M. Lee Asian Pacific Democratic Club, GrowSF and the United Democratic Club.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she failed to pick up endorsements from labor groups and major Democratic clubs like the Alice B. Toklas LGBTQ Democratic Club or Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club and, perhaps most key, the teachers union and the San Francisco Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Chronicle also endorsed Breed’s two other appointees but not Hsu, endorsing Fisher instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The teachers union, the United Educators of San Francisco, endorsed only Fisher and Lisa Weissman-Ward, a Breed appointee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yu said Hsu tried to spread the word on her campaign and raise funds, but she “did not go after endorsements because, frankly, those organizations had already condemned her without giving her the ability to address the larger issues. I’m sure those endorsements help a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The local Democratic Party often swings with San Francisco’s progressives but, for the school board, it endorsed two mayoral appointees — although notably, not Hsu.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, they also endorsed Fisher. Lee said endorsements are important in school board races, which are considered low-information, “down-ballot” races, where voters depend a lot on recommendations from groups instead of on doing research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The local Democratic Party endorsement carries a lot of weight in down-ballot races, such as a school board election. And in this case, clearly it did because Alida Fisher was endorsed and Hsu was not,” Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Julia McEvoy contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Update, 4 p.m. Wednesday: \u003c/b>On the third day of a massive open-ended strike among tens of thousands of University of California academic employees, a UC senior leader warned that certain union demands were financially unfeasible for the university to consider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca class=\"link\" href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23309878-provostletter\">letter to the system’s 10 chancellors (PDF)\u003c/a>, released Wednesday, UC Provost Michael T. Brown said, “I respect their choice” to strike, and acknowledged the “significant challenge” that California’s soaring housing costs create for students and employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said that the union demand to tie compensation to housing costs “could have overwhelming financial impacts on the University.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One review of the Union’s proposal predicts an annual unfunded obligation of at least several hundred million dollars, with inflationary pressure and no cap,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown also pushed back against the demand to waive out-of-state tuition for international scholars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we were to provide remission of out-of state supplemental tuition, non-California student employees would in effect receive a larger compensation package than California resident student employees for doing the same work,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown noted that the university is offering academic workers multiyear pay raises — including up to 10% increases within the first year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that is far short of the 100% increases the union is pushing for. Organizers argue their demands are essential for academic workers to earn a living wage, and would total no more than 3% of UC’s entire $44 billion budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s the money that we need to be able to address the cost of living and housing in California,” said Neal Sweeney, president of United Auto Workers Local 5810, which represents postdoctoral instructors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Academic workers have long been underpaid and undervalued, he added, noting that “our work brings in about $5 billion in research grants each year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the California Labor Federation, which sanctioned the strike, called on guest speakers and elected officials to cancel scheduled events at UC campuses until a fair agreement is reached. But organizers stopped short of asking students to boycott classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post, 1 p.m. Monday: \u003c/strong>Nearly 48,000 University of California academic workers across the 10-campus system walked off the job Monday, demanding better pay and benefits in what organizers are calling the largest strike in the history of U.S. higher education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike by researchers, postdoctoral scholars, tutors, teaching assistants and graders – including scores of workers at UC Berkeley and the Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory – threatens to disrupt instruction across the university system, just weeks ahead of final exams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At campuses across the state, picket lines went up at 8 a.m., with workers — represented by various local chapters of the United Auto Workers — insisting they need significant pay raises to afford to live in cities like Los Angeles, San Diego and Berkeley, where housing and other living costs have soared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Extremely low compensation — many workers make less than $24,000 a year — is leaving workers severely rent-burdened and struggling to remain in academia,” Rafael Jaime, president of United Auto Workers 2865, which represents some 19,000 academic workers involved in the strike, said earlier this month. “UC’s failure to support a diverse workforce undermines the quality of research and education across the system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contract talks produced “good progress” on Monday, but UC negotiators subsequently informed the union that they wouldn’t resume bargaining until Wednesday, according to Jaime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Workers are really frustrated by the slow process so far,” he said while demonstrating at UCLA, where he’s a teaching assistant. “They’re willing to be out here for as long as it takes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/only_tanz/status/1592271003211948033\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.fairucnow.org/cola/\">Demonstrators are demanding\u003c/a> a minimum annual salary of $54,000 for graduate workers and $70,000 for postdoctoral workers, and a 14% pay bump for academic researchers. The union is also pushing UC to offer child-care subsidies, better health care for dependents, public-transit passes, better accessibility for workers with disabilities and lower tuition costs for international scholars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pê Feijó, a graduate student instructor in UC Berkeley’s Rhetoric Department, was among the throng of academic workers who walked off the job Monday morning. Feijó said about 75% of the $26,000 a year they earn goes toward rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not just and not fair. It’s completely absurd,” Feijó said. “The amount of stress and pressure that we are under is ridiculous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feijo also has to pay thousands of dollars each year in nonresident fees, an extra burden that union negotiators are seeking to reduce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11932309\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/IMG_0145-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11932309\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/IMG_0145-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with a baby strapped to her chest holds a sign that says: 'Our working conditions = their learning conditions"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/IMG_0145-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/IMG_0145-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/IMG_0145-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/IMG_0145-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/IMG_0145-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/IMG_0145-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/IMG_0145-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anaya Hall, a graduate student instructor at UC Berkeley, brought her baby Mazie to the picket line on the west side of campus Monday. \u003ccite>(Jean Zamora/UC Berkeley)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We are not just here in a symbolic demonstration,” Feijó said. “We are really intended on disrupting this university until the administration is forced to recognize how much they depend on us and our labor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike comes amid a surge of labor actions and union organizing this year, both in California and across the country, as demand for workers in multiple industries has spiked. In recent months, the Bay Area has been a hotbed of labor activism, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/nurses-strike\">particularly among nurses\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929713/kaiser-mental-health-workers-appove-new-contract-ending-10-week-strike\">other health care workers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/UAW\">UC officials said they had entered the talks with a “genuine willingness to compromise,”\u003c/a> adding that “many tentative agreements” on issues such as health and safety had been reached.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11931122,news_11801554,forum_2010101876230\"]“UC’s primary goal in these negotiations is multiyear agreements that recognize these employees’ important and highly valued contributions to UC’s teaching and research mission with fair pay, quality health and family-friendly benefits, and a supportive and respectful work environment,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC also said it had offered multiyear wage increases, ranging from 4% to 26%, depending on the bargaining unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Neal Sweeney, president of UAW 5810, which represents more than 11,000 postdoctoral scholars and academic researchers, said negotiations had dragged on for more than a year, and accused UC officials of failing to bargain in good faith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UC has left us no choice but to escalate our campaigns,” he said, earlier this month. “Rather than coming to fair agreements, the university has engaged in a wide variety of unlawful tactics. The UAW locals at UC have been forced to file more than 20 unfair labor practices to address their refusal to provide the information we need to bargain unilateral changes to our working conditions and more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fairucnow.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/CA-Leg-Letter.pdf\">a group of 33 state lawmakers sent a letter in support of the academic workers\u003c/a>, urging UC President Michael Drake “to avert strikes by ceasing to commit unfair labor practices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The UC is one of the top public university systems and research institutions in the world, in no small part because of its ability to attract the most talented scholars from a wide array of backgrounds,” the letter reads. “But the UC system cannot live up to its mission and reputation if its own employees do not feel respected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC officials told students they should plan to continue attending their classes, but warned that some could be canceled depending on how many people participated in the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Department chairs and faculty will work together to ensure the least amount of disruption to the delivery of instruction and grading, as well as research,” UC Berkeley wrote in an email to its students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11932391\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60144_010_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11932391\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60144_010_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"People holding signs demonstrate on a sidewalk, near a UCSF bus.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60144_010_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60144_010_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60144_010_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60144_010_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60144_010_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers demonstrate at the UCSF Mission Bay campus on Nov. 15, 2022, the second day of an open-ended strike among nearly 48,000 academic employees across all 10 University of California campuses. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Demonstrators were out in force Monday at UC’s 10 campuses across the state, which are attended by some 300,000 students. On some campuses, students joined in solidarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lex Von Klark, a 22-year-old political science student at UCLA, was among several hundred people on campus holding signs and participating in the picket line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am out here primarily because these people are my teachers, and their working conditions are my learning conditions,” he said. “Basically, if my teachers are getting paid less than a living wage and have to work multiple jobs, it makes it hard for me to get a high-end education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even at UC Merced, the system’s newest campus, which is located in one of California’s most affordable regions, academic workers on the picket line said inflation and the rising costs of rent make it tough to get by on their low salaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It used to be very cheap to rent apartments here, and now it’s not that way anymore,” said Albert Dibenedetto, a graduate student in the school’s physics department, who makes just over $30,000 as teaching assistant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back at UC Berkeley, Mariagrazia De Luca, a doctoral student in the Italian Studies program, makes only slightly more than that, despite living in one of the most expensive parts of the state. Her $34,000 salary, she said, is not nearly enough to cover her rent and the rising child care expenses she has to pay for her only child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would love to have a second one, but I’m a little bit scared and concerned about the financial burden, so we stick with one,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from The Associated Press, KQED’s Julia McEvoy and KVPR’s Esther Quintanilla.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"headline": "48,000 UC Academic Workers Continue Massive Statewide Strike, Demanding Living Wage",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Update, 4 p.m. Wednesday: \u003c/b>On the third day of a massive open-ended strike among tens of thousands of University of California academic employees, a UC senior leader warned that certain union demands were financially unfeasible for the university to consider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca class=\"link\" href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23309878-provostletter\">letter to the system’s 10 chancellors (PDF)\u003c/a>, released Wednesday, UC Provost Michael T. Brown said, “I respect their choice” to strike, and acknowledged the “significant challenge” that California’s soaring housing costs create for students and employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said that the union demand to tie compensation to housing costs “could have overwhelming financial impacts on the University.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One review of the Union’s proposal predicts an annual unfunded obligation of at least several hundred million dollars, with inflationary pressure and no cap,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown also pushed back against the demand to waive out-of-state tuition for international scholars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we were to provide remission of out-of state supplemental tuition, non-California student employees would in effect receive a larger compensation package than California resident student employees for doing the same work,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown noted that the university is offering academic workers multiyear pay raises — including up to 10% increases within the first year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that is far short of the 100% increases the union is pushing for. Organizers argue their demands are essential for academic workers to earn a living wage, and would total no more than 3% of UC’s entire $44 billion budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s the money that we need to be able to address the cost of living and housing in California,” said Neal Sweeney, president of United Auto Workers Local 5810, which represents postdoctoral instructors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Academic workers have long been underpaid and undervalued, he added, noting that “our work brings in about $5 billion in research grants each year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the California Labor Federation, which sanctioned the strike, called on guest speakers and elected officials to cancel scheduled events at UC campuses until a fair agreement is reached. But organizers stopped short of asking students to boycott classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post, 1 p.m. Monday: \u003c/strong>Nearly 48,000 University of California academic workers across the 10-campus system walked off the job Monday, demanding better pay and benefits in what organizers are calling the largest strike in the history of U.S. higher education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike by researchers, postdoctoral scholars, tutors, teaching assistants and graders – including scores of workers at UC Berkeley and the Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory – threatens to disrupt instruction across the university system, just weeks ahead of final exams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At campuses across the state, picket lines went up at 8 a.m., with workers — represented by various local chapters of the United Auto Workers — insisting they need significant pay raises to afford to live in cities like Los Angeles, San Diego and Berkeley, where housing and other living costs have soared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Extremely low compensation — many workers make less than $24,000 a year — is leaving workers severely rent-burdened and struggling to remain in academia,” Rafael Jaime, president of United Auto Workers 2865, which represents some 19,000 academic workers involved in the strike, said earlier this month. “UC’s failure to support a diverse workforce undermines the quality of research and education across the system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contract talks produced “good progress” on Monday, but UC negotiators subsequently informed the union that they wouldn’t resume bargaining until Wednesday, according to Jaime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Workers are really frustrated by the slow process so far,” he said while demonstrating at UCLA, where he’s a teaching assistant. “They’re willing to be out here for as long as it takes.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.fairucnow.org/cola/\">Demonstrators are demanding\u003c/a> a minimum annual salary of $54,000 for graduate workers and $70,000 for postdoctoral workers, and a 14% pay bump for academic researchers. The union is also pushing UC to offer child-care subsidies, better health care for dependents, public-transit passes, better accessibility for workers with disabilities and lower tuition costs for international scholars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pê Feijó, a graduate student instructor in UC Berkeley’s Rhetoric Department, was among the throng of academic workers who walked off the job Monday morning. Feijó said about 75% of the $26,000 a year they earn goes toward rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not just and not fair. It’s completely absurd,” Feijó said. “The amount of stress and pressure that we are under is ridiculous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feijo also has to pay thousands of dollars each year in nonresident fees, an extra burden that union negotiators are seeking to reduce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11932309\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/IMG_0145-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11932309\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/IMG_0145-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with a baby strapped to her chest holds a sign that says: 'Our working conditions = their learning conditions"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/IMG_0145-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/IMG_0145-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/IMG_0145-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/IMG_0145-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/IMG_0145-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/IMG_0145-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/IMG_0145-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anaya Hall, a graduate student instructor at UC Berkeley, brought her baby Mazie to the picket line on the west side of campus Monday. \u003ccite>(Jean Zamora/UC Berkeley)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We are not just here in a symbolic demonstration,” Feijó said. “We are really intended on disrupting this university until the administration is forced to recognize how much they depend on us and our labor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike comes amid a surge of labor actions and union organizing this year, both in California and across the country, as demand for workers in multiple industries has spiked. In recent months, the Bay Area has been a hotbed of labor activism, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/nurses-strike\">particularly among nurses\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929713/kaiser-mental-health-workers-appove-new-contract-ending-10-week-strike\">other health care workers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/UAW\">UC officials said they had entered the talks with a “genuine willingness to compromise,”\u003c/a> adding that “many tentative agreements” on issues such as health and safety had been reached.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“UC’s primary goal in these negotiations is multiyear agreements that recognize these employees’ important and highly valued contributions to UC’s teaching and research mission with fair pay, quality health and family-friendly benefits, and a supportive and respectful work environment,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC also said it had offered multiyear wage increases, ranging from 4% to 26%, depending on the bargaining unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Neal Sweeney, president of UAW 5810, which represents more than 11,000 postdoctoral scholars and academic researchers, said negotiations had dragged on for more than a year, and accused UC officials of failing to bargain in good faith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UC has left us no choice but to escalate our campaigns,” he said, earlier this month. “Rather than coming to fair agreements, the university has engaged in a wide variety of unlawful tactics. The UAW locals at UC have been forced to file more than 20 unfair labor practices to address their refusal to provide the information we need to bargain unilateral changes to our working conditions and more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fairucnow.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/CA-Leg-Letter.pdf\">a group of 33 state lawmakers sent a letter in support of the academic workers\u003c/a>, urging UC President Michael Drake “to avert strikes by ceasing to commit unfair labor practices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The UC is one of the top public university systems and research institutions in the world, in no small part because of its ability to attract the most talented scholars from a wide array of backgrounds,” the letter reads. “But the UC system cannot live up to its mission and reputation if its own employees do not feel respected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC officials told students they should plan to continue attending their classes, but warned that some could be canceled depending on how many people participated in the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Department chairs and faculty will work together to ensure the least amount of disruption to the delivery of instruction and grading, as well as research,” UC Berkeley wrote in an email to its students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11932391\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60144_010_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11932391\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60144_010_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"People holding signs demonstrate on a sidewalk, near a UCSF bus.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60144_010_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60144_010_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60144_010_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60144_010_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS60144_010_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers demonstrate at the UCSF Mission Bay campus on Nov. 15, 2022, the second day of an open-ended strike among nearly 48,000 academic employees across all 10 University of California campuses. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Demonstrators were out in force Monday at UC’s 10 campuses across the state, which are attended by some 300,000 students. On some campuses, students joined in solidarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lex Von Klark, a 22-year-old political science student at UCLA, was among several hundred people on campus holding signs and participating in the picket line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am out here primarily because these people are my teachers, and their working conditions are my learning conditions,” he said. “Basically, if my teachers are getting paid less than a living wage and have to work multiple jobs, it makes it hard for me to get a high-end education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even at UC Merced, the system’s newest campus, which is located in one of California’s most affordable regions, academic workers on the picket line said inflation and the rising costs of rent make it tough to get by on their low salaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It used to be very cheap to rent apartments here, and now it’s not that way anymore,” said Albert Dibenedetto, a graduate student in the school’s physics department, who makes just over $30,000 as teaching assistant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back at UC Berkeley, Mariagrazia De Luca, a doctoral student in the Italian Studies program, makes only slightly more than that, despite living in one of the most expensive parts of the state. Her $34,000 salary, she said, is not nearly enough to cover her rent and the rising child care expenses she has to pay for her only child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would love to have a second one, but I’m a little bit scared and concerned about the financial burden, so we stick with one,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from The Associated Press, KQED’s Julia McEvoy and KVPR’s Esther Quintanilla.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "the-gop-wanted-to-flip-california-school-boards-it-looks-like-they-didnt-succeed",
"title": "The GOP Wanted to Flip California School Boards. It Looks Like They Didn't Succeed",
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"headTitle": "The GOP Wanted to Flip California School Boards. It Looks Like They Didn’t Succeed | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Parental angst over COVID school closures and protocols didn’t seem to be enough to flip California school board seats in more liberal areas of California, despite the efforts of the state Republican Party and other conservative groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state GOP\u003ca href=\"https://www.cagop.org/s/parentrevolt\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>Parent Revolt\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>program and other conservative organizations spent more than a year recruiting, training and endorsing an army of candidates in an effort to win what are generally considered nonpartisan seats. Their goal:\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/conservatives-are-waging-a-war-for-control-over-california-school-boards/679713\">Flip school boards\u003c/a> to promote conservative issues including fighting educational policies on gender identity and racial equity.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Terri Knudsen, retired school librarian, Morgan Hill Unified school board candidate\"]‘I think that voters trust teachers and librarians and people with experience in education.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result of these efforts is hard to know at this time, as the dust has yet to settle on many of the closer races. The state’s move to mail-in ballots also is expected to delay results, as late-arriving ballots are tallied and signatures verified. Although all ballots must have been postmarked by November 8, ballots that arrive at elections offices within a week of that date are counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shawn Steel, who represents California on the Republican National Committee, has indicated that the effort to flip school boards would continue in the coming years. He opted not to be interviewed for this story because election results are not final.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.momsforliberty.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Moms for Liberty\u003c/a>, a conservative organization, endorsed 270 candidates nationwide, including 50 in California. Opponents of the organization have called their positions bigoted, homophobic, racist fearmongering and extremist, according to\u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/moms-liberty-ride-wave-anti-wokeness-school-board-victories-1757693\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>Newsweek\u003c/a>.[aside postID=\"news_11923366,news_11922860\" label=\"Related Posts\"]The group focused a lot of its attention on Santa Clara County, where it endorsed eight candidates. Only one candidate appears to have won a seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moms for Liberty-endorsed candidate Marc Cooper has the third-highest vote count in a tight race that will decide three trustee seats on the Franklin-McKinley School District board in San José. He has 17% of the vote, trailing Steve Sanchez and Rudy Rodriguez, who have 19% and 18% of the vote respectively. Three other candidates are within 3 percentage points of taking one of the seats, according to\u003ca href=\"https://results.enr.clarityelections.com/CA/Santa_Clara/115971/web.307039/#/detail/64\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>results updated \u003c/a>Wednesday afternoon. Rodriguez was endorsed by the\u003ca href=\"https://sccdp.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/Endorsements-in-Local-Races-Nov-2022.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>county’s Democratic Party (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morgan Hill Unified candidate Dennis Delisle also was endorsed by Moms for Liberty. The businessperson was the lone candidate for the seat until\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/A-Bay-Area-school-board-candidate-holds-extremist-17370172.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>published a story about racist and homophobic statements he made in a book he authored. The article prompted two candidates to join the race just before the filing deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the challengers, retired school librarian\u003ca href=\"https://results.enr.clarityelections.com/CA/Santa_Clara/115971/web.307039/#/summary\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>Terri Knudsen\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\">, \u003c/span>was leading with 43% of the vote on Wednesday. Delisle had 29% and attorney Armando Benavides had 28% of the vote. Both Knudsen and Benavides were endorsed by the county’s Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that voters trust teachers and librarians and people with experience in education,” Knudsen said. “I was knocking door to door and tried to connect with as many people as possible. They seemed to be very happy I was running.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morgan Hill has a community of Democrats and Republicans who don’t always vote along party lines, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Candidates with extreme views are less likely to be supported by parents and families in Morgan Hill,” she said. “It’s more of a middle-of-the-road base that doesn’t want politics to invade this space. We want what is best for kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knudsen didn’t have much time to campaign for office, but she received help from the Morgan Hill Federation of Teachers, whose members made phone calls and knocked on doors for her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When your teachers call and say they support these people and they know about education, that is a big help,” Knudsen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In more conservative areas of the state, like Placer County near Sacramento, the efforts of the Republican Party and other conservative groups generated great enthusiasm and crowded school board races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moms for Liberty took a particular interest in school board races in that county, endorsing 23 candidates. Destiny Christian Church in Rocklin also teamed up with the Christian advocacy group the American Council to recruit candidates to advance a “biblical worldview,” according to The Sacramento Bee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although most residents of Placer County are conservative, Roseville, a suburban city near Sacramento, is more mixed politically. Jonathan Zachreson is running for one of three open seats on the Roseville City School District board. He was endorsed by the Republican Party, Moms for Liberty, the American Council and\u003ca href=\"https://blog.electkevinkiley.com/kevin-kileys-school-board-endorsements/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>Kevin Kiley\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\">, \u003c/span>who is running against Democrat Kermit Jones for a U.S. House seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After COVID-19 closed schools, Zachreson, a father of three, created the Reopen California Schools Facebook page to give a voice to parents frustrated by the closures, and later by mask and vaccination mandates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the endorsements and exposure, Zachreson is tied for last place with an opponent with similar endorsements, Kent Meyer. Both had about 17% of the vote Thursday morning. The top vote-getters were incumbents Alisa Fong, with 29% of the vote, and Rob Baquera, with 21% of the vote. Fong is endorsed by the Republican Party and Kevin Kiley, while Baquera is not endorsed by a political party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zachreson, like Knudsen, says he wants to ensure that politics don’t creep into the classroom. Instead, he says, schools should concentrate on core academics. He would like schools to stay away from controversial or “hot-button” issues surrounding gender and racism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Zachreson wins a seat, he plans to meet with the teachers to discuss the possibility of the district teachers union breaking away from the California Teachers Association, the state’s largest teachers union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What are roadblocks? I have heard some want to leave the union and there are benefits that keep them there,” Zachreson said. “I don’t think it’s inappropriate to find what those things are and to help them do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In nearby San Juan Unified in Sacramento, candidate Jeffrey Erik Perrine, a member of the Proud Boys, a right-wing extremist group, is losing his bid for a school board seat. He recently told The Sacramento Bee that he wants teachers to focus on teaching and not on indoctrinating students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perrine has not been endorsed by the Republican Party, who ousted him from the party after they learned of his affiliation with the Proud Boys, which has been aligned with white nationalists and neo-Nazis. Instead, the GOP endorsed Tanya Kravchuk, a child welfare worker. She is leading with 42% of the vote, followed closely by incumbent Michael McKibben, a retired education administrator, who has 38% of the vote. Perrine has 21% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Diego, GOP-backed candidate Becca Williams is in a\u003ca href=\"https://www.livevoterturnout.com/ENR/sandiegocaenr/16/en/Index_16.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>tight race\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>for a seat on the San Diego Unified board. She is up against Democrat Cody Petterson, who teaches anthropology at UC San Diego. Petterson is leading 53% to her 47%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That race has become\u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/news/education/story/2022-11-06/san-diego-unified-cody-petterson-becca-williams-partisan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>a partisan brawl\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>about abortion, vouchers and Texas, according to The San Diego Union-Tribune. Political action committees have spent more than $367,000 either supporting or attacking the two candidates, according to the paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams, a curriculum company manager, is endorsed by the state Republican Party and the American Council. Petterson is endorsed by the San Diego Education Association, which has called Williams a “MAGA extremist,” a “COVID conspiracist” and a “Texas Republican,” according to The San Diego Union-Tribune.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Teachers Association typically offers endorsements in about 500 school board races each election year and hasn’t increased its endorsements this year, according to a spokesperson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Far-right political provocateur and commentator and retired San Francisco Giants slugger Aubrey Huff has failed in his attempt to win a seat on the board of the Solana Beach School District in San Diego County,\u003ca href=\"https://www.si.com/mlb/giants/news/former-sf-giants-aubrey-huff-loses-election\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>Sports Illustrated\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>and other news outlets reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huff, who has no political endorsements, lost to the board’s sitting vice president, Debra Schade, 1,505 votes to 362 in the two-person race. Little was known about Huff’s campaign platform, and his personal website makes no mention of his candidacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citing Huff’s offensive political positions and offensive comments about women, the Giants banned Huff in 2020 from attending a 10-year reunion of the franchise’s 2010 World Series championship team. Huff “has made multiple comments on social media that are unacceptable and run counter to the values of our organization,” a team spokesperson said in a statement at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://reclaimthenet.org/twitter-bans-former-major-league-baseball-star-aubrey-huff/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Twitter also permanently banned\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>Huff in 2021 for repeatedly tweeting false information about COVID-19 vaccines. He had also tweeted violent threats against former presidential candidate Bernie Sanders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>EdSource reporter Thomas Peele contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/california-school-board-races-dont-see-red-wave/681178\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This story originally appeared in EdSource.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Parental angst over COVID school closures and protocols didn't seem to be enough to flip California school board seats in more liberal areas of California, despite the efforts of the state Republican Party and other conservative groups.",
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"title": "The GOP Wanted to Flip California School Boards. It Looks Like They Didn't Succeed | KQED",
"description": "Parental angst over COVID school closures and protocols didn't seem to be enough to flip California school board seats in more liberal areas of California, despite the efforts of the state Republican Party and other conservative groups.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Parental angst over COVID school closures and protocols didn’t seem to be enough to flip California school board seats in more liberal areas of California, despite the efforts of the state Republican Party and other conservative groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state GOP\u003ca href=\"https://www.cagop.org/s/parentrevolt\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>Parent Revolt\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>program and other conservative organizations spent more than a year recruiting, training and endorsing an army of candidates in an effort to win what are generally considered nonpartisan seats. Their goal:\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/conservatives-are-waging-a-war-for-control-over-california-school-boards/679713\">Flip school boards\u003c/a> to promote conservative issues including fighting educational policies on gender identity and racial equity.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I think that voters trust teachers and librarians and people with experience in education.’",
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"citation": "Terri Knudsen, retired school librarian, Morgan Hill Unified school board candidate",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result of these efforts is hard to know at this time, as the dust has yet to settle on many of the closer races. The state’s move to mail-in ballots also is expected to delay results, as late-arriving ballots are tallied and signatures verified. Although all ballots must have been postmarked by November 8, ballots that arrive at elections offices within a week of that date are counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shawn Steel, who represents California on the Republican National Committee, has indicated that the effort to flip school boards would continue in the coming years. He opted not to be interviewed for this story because election results are not final.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.momsforliberty.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Moms for Liberty\u003c/a>, a conservative organization, endorsed 270 candidates nationwide, including 50 in California. Opponents of the organization have called their positions bigoted, homophobic, racist fearmongering and extremist, according to\u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/moms-liberty-ride-wave-anti-wokeness-school-board-victories-1757693\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>Newsweek\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The group focused a lot of its attention on Santa Clara County, where it endorsed eight candidates. Only one candidate appears to have won a seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moms for Liberty-endorsed candidate Marc Cooper has the third-highest vote count in a tight race that will decide three trustee seats on the Franklin-McKinley School District board in San José. He has 17% of the vote, trailing Steve Sanchez and Rudy Rodriguez, who have 19% and 18% of the vote respectively. Three other candidates are within 3 percentage points of taking one of the seats, according to\u003ca href=\"https://results.enr.clarityelections.com/CA/Santa_Clara/115971/web.307039/#/detail/64\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>results updated \u003c/a>Wednesday afternoon. Rodriguez was endorsed by the\u003ca href=\"https://sccdp.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/Endorsements-in-Local-Races-Nov-2022.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>county’s Democratic Party (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morgan Hill Unified candidate Dennis Delisle also was endorsed by Moms for Liberty. The businessperson was the lone candidate for the seat until\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/A-Bay-Area-school-board-candidate-holds-extremist-17370172.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>published a story about racist and homophobic statements he made in a book he authored. The article prompted two candidates to join the race just before the filing deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the challengers, retired school librarian\u003ca href=\"https://results.enr.clarityelections.com/CA/Santa_Clara/115971/web.307039/#/summary\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>Terri Knudsen\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\">, \u003c/span>was leading with 43% of the vote on Wednesday. Delisle had 29% and attorney Armando Benavides had 28% of the vote. Both Knudsen and Benavides were endorsed by the county’s Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that voters trust teachers and librarians and people with experience in education,” Knudsen said. “I was knocking door to door and tried to connect with as many people as possible. They seemed to be very happy I was running.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morgan Hill has a community of Democrats and Republicans who don’t always vote along party lines, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Candidates with extreme views are less likely to be supported by parents and families in Morgan Hill,” she said. “It’s more of a middle-of-the-road base that doesn’t want politics to invade this space. We want what is best for kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knudsen didn’t have much time to campaign for office, but she received help from the Morgan Hill Federation of Teachers, whose members made phone calls and knocked on doors for her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When your teachers call and say they support these people and they know about education, that is a big help,” Knudsen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In more conservative areas of the state, like Placer County near Sacramento, the efforts of the Republican Party and other conservative groups generated great enthusiasm and crowded school board races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moms for Liberty took a particular interest in school board races in that county, endorsing 23 candidates. Destiny Christian Church in Rocklin also teamed up with the Christian advocacy group the American Council to recruit candidates to advance a “biblical worldview,” according to The Sacramento Bee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although most residents of Placer County are conservative, Roseville, a suburban city near Sacramento, is more mixed politically. Jonathan Zachreson is running for one of three open seats on the Roseville City School District board. He was endorsed by the Republican Party, Moms for Liberty, the American Council and\u003ca href=\"https://blog.electkevinkiley.com/kevin-kileys-school-board-endorsements/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>Kevin Kiley\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\">, \u003c/span>who is running against Democrat Kermit Jones for a U.S. House seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After COVID-19 closed schools, Zachreson, a father of three, created the Reopen California Schools Facebook page to give a voice to parents frustrated by the closures, and later by mask and vaccination mandates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the endorsements and exposure, Zachreson is tied for last place with an opponent with similar endorsements, Kent Meyer. Both had about 17% of the vote Thursday morning. The top vote-getters were incumbents Alisa Fong, with 29% of the vote, and Rob Baquera, with 21% of the vote. Fong is endorsed by the Republican Party and Kevin Kiley, while Baquera is not endorsed by a political party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zachreson, like Knudsen, says he wants to ensure that politics don’t creep into the classroom. Instead, he says, schools should concentrate on core academics. He would like schools to stay away from controversial or “hot-button” issues surrounding gender and racism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Zachreson wins a seat, he plans to meet with the teachers to discuss the possibility of the district teachers union breaking away from the California Teachers Association, the state’s largest teachers union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What are roadblocks? I have heard some want to leave the union and there are benefits that keep them there,” Zachreson said. “I don’t think it’s inappropriate to find what those things are and to help them do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In nearby San Juan Unified in Sacramento, candidate Jeffrey Erik Perrine, a member of the Proud Boys, a right-wing extremist group, is losing his bid for a school board seat. He recently told The Sacramento Bee that he wants teachers to focus on teaching and not on indoctrinating students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perrine has not been endorsed by the Republican Party, who ousted him from the party after they learned of his affiliation with the Proud Boys, which has been aligned with white nationalists and neo-Nazis. Instead, the GOP endorsed Tanya Kravchuk, a child welfare worker. She is leading with 42% of the vote, followed closely by incumbent Michael McKibben, a retired education administrator, who has 38% of the vote. Perrine has 21% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Diego, GOP-backed candidate Becca Williams is in a\u003ca href=\"https://www.livevoterturnout.com/ENR/sandiegocaenr/16/en/Index_16.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>tight race\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>for a seat on the San Diego Unified board. She is up against Democrat Cody Petterson, who teaches anthropology at UC San Diego. Petterson is leading 53% to her 47%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That race has become\u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/news/education/story/2022-11-06/san-diego-unified-cody-petterson-becca-williams-partisan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>a partisan brawl\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>about abortion, vouchers and Texas, according to The San Diego Union-Tribune. Political action committees have spent more than $367,000 either supporting or attacking the two candidates, according to the paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams, a curriculum company manager, is endorsed by the state Republican Party and the American Council. Petterson is endorsed by the San Diego Education Association, which has called Williams a “MAGA extremist,” a “COVID conspiracist” and a “Texas Republican,” according to The San Diego Union-Tribune.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Teachers Association typically offers endorsements in about 500 school board races each election year and hasn’t increased its endorsements this year, according to a spokesperson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Far-right political provocateur and commentator and retired San Francisco Giants slugger Aubrey Huff has failed in his attempt to win a seat on the board of the Solana Beach School District in San Diego County,\u003ca href=\"https://www.si.com/mlb/giants/news/former-sf-giants-aubrey-huff-loses-election\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>Sports Illustrated\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>and other news outlets reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huff, who has no political endorsements, lost to the board’s sitting vice president, Debra Schade, 1,505 votes to 362 in the two-person race. Little was known about Huff’s campaign platform, and his personal website makes no mention of his candidacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citing Huff’s offensive political positions and offensive comments about women, the Giants banned Huff in 2020 from attending a 10-year reunion of the franchise’s 2010 World Series championship team. Huff “has made multiple comments on social media that are unacceptable and run counter to the values of our organization,” a team spokesperson said in a statement at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://reclaimthenet.org/twitter-bans-former-major-league-baseball-star-aubrey-huff/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Twitter also permanently banned\u003c/a>\u003cspan class=\"apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>Huff in 2021 for repeatedly tweeting false information about COVID-19 vaccines. He had also tweeted violent threats against former presidential candidate Bernie Sanders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>EdSource reporter Thomas Peele contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/california-school-board-races-dont-see-red-wave/681178\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This story originally appeared in EdSource.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "a-federal-judge-calls-student-loan-relief-unlawful-deepening-limbo-for-borrowers",
"title": "A Federal Judge Calls Student Loan Relief Unlawful, Deepening Limbo for Borrowers",
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"headTitle": "A Federal Judge Calls Student Loan Relief Unlawful, Deepening Limbo for Borrowers | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Biden’s plan to erase federal student loan debts for tens of millions of borrowers hit a legal wall Thursday, when a U.S. District Court judge in Texas called it unlawful and vacated the debt relief program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal government quickly appealed the decision, which came just weeks before student loan payments are set to resume in January. The program was already on hold while a federal appeals court in St. Louis considers a separate lawsuit by six states challenging it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The judge’s argument for striking down debt relief\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In Thursday’s ruling, Judge Mark T. Pittman, who was appointed by former President Donald Trump, wrote that the program was a “complete usurpation” of congressional authority by the executive branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pittman rejected the Biden administration’s arguments that, in a law known as the HEROES Act, Congress had already given the president the power to erase student loan debts in a time of national emergency and that the COVID-19 pandemic is just such an emergency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this country, we are not ruled by an all-powerful executive with a pen and a phone,” Pittman wrote. “Instead, we are ruled by a Constitution that provides for three distinct and independent branches of government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We strongly disagree with the District Court’s ruling on our student debt relief program,” White House spokesperson Karine Jean-Pierre said. “The President and this Administration are determined to help working and middle-class Americans get back on their feet, while our opponents – backed by extreme Republican special interests – sued to block millions of Americans from getting much-needed relief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The appeals process could take weeks, leaving borrowers in limbo\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Late Thursday, the White House confirmed that it had already appealed the decision. That appeal will go to the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals,\u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/law/2021/nov/15/fifth-circuit-court-appeals-most-extreme-us\"> which has a reputation\u003c/a> as the most conservative of all federal appeals courts. From there, another appeal would land this case at the U.S. Supreme Court, which has so far \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929718/the-supreme-court-wont-block-the-student-loan-debt-relief-program-at-least-for-now\">refused to hear challenges\u003c/a> to Biden’s relief plan. Borrowers likely won’t have a final answer on debt relief for weeks. [aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"student-debt-relief-plan\"] Meanwhile, student loan payments are set to resume in January. Back in September, U.S. Education Secretary Miguel Cardona \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/09/15/1123108811/biden-student-loans-debt-cancellation-pslf\">told NPR\u003c/a> he hoped to process as many debt relief applications as possible before that payment pause ends on Jan. 1. Thursday’s decision makes it unlikely the department will reach that goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/11/03/by-the-numbers-millions-of-americans-student-loan-costs-will-rise-dramatically-under-republican-officials-plans/\">President Biden announced on Nov. 3\u003c/a> that close to 26 million Americans had provided the necessary information to the Education Department to qualify for relief and that the department was already on track to approve cancellation for 16 million borrowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the department cannot cancel those loans without a reversal of fortune in the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The lawsuit at the center of this decision\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The case at the center of Thursday’s ruling was brought by the conservative Job Creators Network Foundation on behalf of two federal student loan borrowers who believe they were unfairly excluded from relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One borrower’s federal loans are held by a commercial lender, not the U.S. Department of Education, and don’t qualify for relief. The other borrower does qualify for $10,000 in relief but believes, because he is currently low-income, that he should receive the same level of relief – $20,000 – as borrowers who were low-income at the time they attended college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs argued, among other things, that the Biden administration didn’t follow federal rules and should have allowed borrowers, and the general public, to voice their concerns about eligibility before the program was rolled out, though the administration countered that the HEROES Act specifically allows it to forego this kind of process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This ruling protects the rule of law which requires all Americans to have their voices heard by their federal government…” said Elaine Parker, president of the Job Creators Network Foundation, in a Thursday statement. “We hope that the court’s decision today will lay the groundwork for real solutions to the student loan crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But borrower advocates and some legal experts were quick to find fault with the judge’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My first response was, this is motivated reasoning by a judge who wants to come to this result. The legal analysis is flawed,” says Luke Herrine, an assistant professor of law at the University of Alabama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Persis Yu, managing counsel at the Student Borrower Protection Center, says there’s an important disconnect between the harm the plaintiffs alleged — not receiving the debt cancellation they believe they should have — and the court’s remedy: denying cancellation to all federal student loan borrowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I like to think of this lawsuit as, like, the toddler problem. If I can’t have it, you can’t have it either,” says Yu. “And that’s not how the law works. And it’s not how the courts should apply the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>There are other lawsuits to stop Biden’s loan relief plan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pittman’s decision catapults this case to the front of the line of cases opposing debt relief in federal court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late October, a federal appeals court temporarily blocked Biden’s relief plan before it could go into effect, so the court could consider a different suit, filed by six states – Nebraska, Missouri, Arkansas, Iowa, Kansas and South Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The states argued that a handful of state-based loan servicers that manage old, privately-held federal loans, would be hurt financially if borrowers were allowed to consolidate these loans and qualify for debt cancellation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That suit had been dismissed by a U.S. district court judge in Missouri before the plaintiffs appealed to the 8th Circuit, which has yet to weigh in.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How we got here\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the 2020 presidential election, Biden pledged to cancel at least $10,000 per person in college debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden finally announced his loan relief plan in August, promising to cancel up to $10,000 for borrowers who did not receive Pell grants, and $20,000 for those who did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/09/13/1122613813/student-loan-forgiveness-biden-states\">Twenty-two Republican governors\u003c/a> wrote Biden a letter in September challenging his authority to go forth with the forgiveness plan, and the Congressional Budget Office later estimated the initiative \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/09/27/1125272287/student-loan-forgiveness-cost-billion\">would cost $400 billion\u003c/a> over the next 30 years.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Biden’s plan to erase federal student loan debts for tens of millions of borrowers hit a legal wall Thursday, when a U.S. District Court judge in Texas called it unlawful and vacated the debt relief program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal government quickly appealed the decision, which came just weeks before student loan payments are set to resume in January. The program was already on hold while a federal appeals court in St. Louis considers a separate lawsuit by six states challenging it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The judge’s argument for striking down debt relief\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In Thursday’s ruling, Judge Mark T. Pittman, who was appointed by former President Donald Trump, wrote that the program was a “complete usurpation” of congressional authority by the executive branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pittman rejected the Biden administration’s arguments that, in a law known as the HEROES Act, Congress had already given the president the power to erase student loan debts in a time of national emergency and that the COVID-19 pandemic is just such an emergency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this country, we are not ruled by an all-powerful executive with a pen and a phone,” Pittman wrote. “Instead, we are ruled by a Constitution that provides for three distinct and independent branches of government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We strongly disagree with the District Court’s ruling on our student debt relief program,” White House spokesperson Karine Jean-Pierre said. “The President and this Administration are determined to help working and middle-class Americans get back on their feet, while our opponents – backed by extreme Republican special interests – sued to block millions of Americans from getting much-needed relief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The appeals process could take weeks, leaving borrowers in limbo\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Late Thursday, the White House confirmed that it had already appealed the decision. That appeal will go to the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals,\u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/law/2021/nov/15/fifth-circuit-court-appeals-most-extreme-us\"> which has a reputation\u003c/a> as the most conservative of all federal appeals courts. From there, another appeal would land this case at the U.S. Supreme Court, which has so far \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929718/the-supreme-court-wont-block-the-student-loan-debt-relief-program-at-least-for-now\">refused to hear challenges\u003c/a> to Biden’s relief plan. Borrowers likely won’t have a final answer on debt relief for weeks. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Meanwhile, student loan payments are set to resume in January. Back in September, U.S. Education Secretary Miguel Cardona \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/09/15/1123108811/biden-student-loans-debt-cancellation-pslf\">told NPR\u003c/a> he hoped to process as many debt relief applications as possible before that payment pause ends on Jan. 1. Thursday’s decision makes it unlikely the department will reach that goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/11/03/by-the-numbers-millions-of-americans-student-loan-costs-will-rise-dramatically-under-republican-officials-plans/\">President Biden announced on Nov. 3\u003c/a> that close to 26 million Americans had provided the necessary information to the Education Department to qualify for relief and that the department was already on track to approve cancellation for 16 million borrowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the department cannot cancel those loans without a reversal of fortune in the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The lawsuit at the center of this decision\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The case at the center of Thursday’s ruling was brought by the conservative Job Creators Network Foundation on behalf of two federal student loan borrowers who believe they were unfairly excluded from relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One borrower’s federal loans are held by a commercial lender, not the U.S. Department of Education, and don’t qualify for relief. The other borrower does qualify for $10,000 in relief but believes, because he is currently low-income, that he should receive the same level of relief – $20,000 – as borrowers who were low-income at the time they attended college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs argued, among other things, that the Biden administration didn’t follow federal rules and should have allowed borrowers, and the general public, to voice their concerns about eligibility before the program was rolled out, though the administration countered that the HEROES Act specifically allows it to forego this kind of process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This ruling protects the rule of law which requires all Americans to have their voices heard by their federal government…” said Elaine Parker, president of the Job Creators Network Foundation, in a Thursday statement. “We hope that the court’s decision today will lay the groundwork for real solutions to the student loan crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But borrower advocates and some legal experts were quick to find fault with the judge’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My first response was, this is motivated reasoning by a judge who wants to come to this result. The legal analysis is flawed,” says Luke Herrine, an assistant professor of law at the University of Alabama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Persis Yu, managing counsel at the Student Borrower Protection Center, says there’s an important disconnect between the harm the plaintiffs alleged — not receiving the debt cancellation they believe they should have — and the court’s remedy: denying cancellation to all federal student loan borrowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I like to think of this lawsuit as, like, the toddler problem. If I can’t have it, you can’t have it either,” says Yu. “And that’s not how the law works. And it’s not how the courts should apply the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>There are other lawsuits to stop Biden’s loan relief plan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pittman’s decision catapults this case to the front of the line of cases opposing debt relief in federal court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late October, a federal appeals court temporarily blocked Biden’s relief plan before it could go into effect, so the court could consider a different suit, filed by six states – Nebraska, Missouri, Arkansas, Iowa, Kansas and South Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The states argued that a handful of state-based loan servicers that manage old, privately-held federal loans, would be hurt financially if borrowers were allowed to consolidate these loans and qualify for debt cancellation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That suit had been dismissed by a U.S. district court judge in Missouri before the plaintiffs appealed to the 8th Circuit, which has yet to weigh in.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How we got here\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the 2020 presidential election, Biden pledged to cancel at least $10,000 per person in college debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden finally announced his loan relief plan in August, promising to cancel up to $10,000 for borrowers who did not receive Pell grants, and $20,000 for those who did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
"airtime": "SUN 9pm-10pm",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.commonwealthclub.org/podcasts",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
}
},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"id": "here-and-now",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/hiddenbrain.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
"subscribe": {
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Science-Podcasts/Hidden-Brain-p787503/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510308/podcast.xml"
}
},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
"imageAlt": "KQED Hyphenación",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/6c3dd23c-93fb-4aab-97ba-1725fa6315f1/hyphenaci%C3%B3n",
"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
}
},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/xtTd",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mindshift-podcast/id1078765985",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/M4f5",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Political Breakdown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"subscribe": {
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/572155894/political-breakdown",
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