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"content": "\u003cp>As more surveys come out showing that Black Americans are more hesitant than white Americans to get the coronavirus vaccine, more journalists, politicians and health officials — from New York \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UQ_50bij_Fg&feature=youtu.be\">Gov. Andrew Cuomo\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?app=desktop&v=JEXB0lyxqqs\">Dr. Anthony Fauci\u003c/a> — are invoking the infamous Tuskegee syphilis study to explain why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Karen Lincoln, USC social work professor\"]‘If you continue to use it as a way of explaining why many African Americans are hesitant, it almost absolves you of having to learn more, do more, involve other people – admit that racism is actually a thing today.’[/pullquote]“It’s ‘Oh, Tuskegee, Tuskegee, Tuskegee,’ and it’s mentioned every single time,” says \u003ca href=\"https://roybal.usc.edu/our_team/karen-d-lincoln/\">Karen Lincoln\u003c/a>, a professor of social work at the University of Southern California. “We make these assumptions that it’s Tuskegee. We don’t ask people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she asks the Black seniors she works with in Los Angeles about the vaccine, Tuskegee rarely comes up. People in the community are more interested in talking about contemporary racism and barriers to health care, she says, while it seems to be mainly academics and officials who are preoccupied with the history of Tuskegee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a scapegoat,” Lincoln says. “It’s an excuse. If you continue to use it as a way of explaining why many African Americans are hesitant, it almost absolves you of having to learn more, do more, involve other people – admit that racism is actually a thing today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the health inequities of today that Maxine Toler, 72, hears about when she talks to her friends and neighbors in LA about the vaccine. Toler is president of her city’s senior advocacy council and her neighborhood block club. She and most of the other Black seniors she talks to want the vaccine, but are having trouble getting it, she says, and that alone is sowing mistrust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11862058\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11862058 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/maxine-toler-1sm-2-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maxine Toler, 72, lives near Los Angeles, and has been asking her neighbors why they do or do not want the vaccine. \u003ccite>(Heidi de Marco/KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Those who don’t want the vaccine have very modern reasons for not wanting it. They tell Toler it’s because of religious beliefs, safety concerns or distrust for the former U.S. president and his relationship to science. Only a handful mention Tuskegee, she says, and when they do, they’re fuzzy on the details of what happened during the 40-year study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you ask them what was it about and why do you feel like it would impact your receiving the vaccine, they can’t even tell you,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toler remembers, and says the history is a distraction; it’s not relevant to what’s happening now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s almost the opposite of Tuskegee,” she says. “Because they were being denied treatment. And this is like, we’re pushing people forward: Go and get this vaccine. We want everybody to be protected from COVID.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Questioning the Tuskegee Legacy\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The “Tuskegee Study of Untreated Syphilis in the Negro Male” was a government-sponsored, taxpayer-funded study that \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/tuskegee/timeline.htm\">began in 1932\u003c/a>. Some people believe that researchers injected the men with syphilis, but that’s not true. Rather, they recruited 399 Black men from Alabama who already had the disease, though the government doctors never told them they had it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, researchers told the men they had come to cure “bad blood,” though they never intended to cure anything. Even when a cure for syphilis – penicillin – became widely available in the 1940s, the researchers withheld it and continued the study for decades, determined to track the disease to its end point: autopsy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time the study was exposed and shut down in 1972, \u003ca href=\"https://www.amazon.com/Search-Legacy-USPHS-Syphilis-Tuskegee/dp/0739147250\">128 of the men\u003c/a> involved had died from syphilis or related complications; 40 of their wives and 19 children had also been infected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11861833\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Tuskegee-syphilis-experiment-test-subjects.gif\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11861833 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Tuskegee-syphilis-experiment-test-subjects.gif\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"393\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A group of Tuskegee study test subjects in 1972. \u003ccite>(National Archives)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>With a horrific history like this, many scientists assumed that Black people would never want to participate in clinical research again. Over the next three decades, various books, articles and films repeated this assumption until it became gospel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was a false assumption,” says \u003ca href=\"https://perspectivesofchange.hms.harvard.edu/node/116\">Dr. Rueben Warren\u003c/a>, director of the National Center for Bioethics in Research and Health Care at Tuskegee University in Alabama, and former associate director of Minority Health at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, from 1988 to 1997.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several researchers began to question this assumption at a 1994 bioethics conference, where almost all the speakers seemed to accept it as a given. The doubters asked, what kind of scientific evidence is there to support the notion that Black people would refuse to participate in research because of Tuskegee?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When those researchers did a comprehensive search of the existing literature, they found nothing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was apparently a ‘fact’ known more in the gut than in the head,” wrote lead doubter \u003ca href=\"https://dental.nyu.edu/faculty/ft/rvk1.html\">Ralph Katz\u003c/a>, a dentist from New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11861971\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11861971 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Ralph-and-Rueben-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ralph Katz (left) and Rueben Warren, both dentists, together edited the book ‘The Search for the Legacy of the USPHS Syphilis Study at Tuskegee.’ \u003ccite>(Amos Ezra Katz)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>So Katz formed a research team to look for this evidence. They completed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1780164/\">series of studies\u003c/a> over the next 14 years, focused mainly on surveying thousands of people across seven cities, from Baltimore to San Antonio to Tuskegee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11861322,news_11860883,science_1972424\"]The conclusions were definitive: While Black people were twice as “wary” of participating in research, as compared to white people, they were equally willing to actually participate. And, there was no association between knowledge of Tuskegee and willingness to participate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hesitancy is there, but the refusal is not. And that’s an important difference,” says Warren, who later joined Katz in editing “The Search for the Legacy of the USPHS Syphilis Study at Tuskegee,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.amazon.com/Search-Legacy-USPHS-Syphilis-Tuskegee/dp/0739147250\">a book\u003c/a> about the research. “Hesitant, yes. But not refusal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuskegee was not the deal breaker everyone thought it was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These results did not go over well within academic and government research circles, Warren says, as they “indicted and contradicted” the common belief that low minority enrollment in research was the result of Tuskegee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was the excuse that they used,” Warren says. “If I don’t want to go to the extra energy, resources to include the population, I can simply say they were not interested. They refused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, researchers had to confront the real problem. Many of them never invited Black people to participate in their studies in the first place. When they did, they didn’t try very hard. For example, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1298944/\">two studies of cardiovascular disease\u003c/a> offered enrollment to more than 2,000 white people, compared to no more than 30 people from minority groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a tendency to use Tuskegee as a scapegoat, for us, as researchers, not doing what we need to do to ensure that people are well-educated about the benefits of participating in a clinical trial,” says \u003ca href=\"https://moffitt.org/about-moffitt/executive-leadership/b-lee-green-phd/\">B. Lee Green\u003c/a>, vice president of diversity at Moffitt Cancer Center in Florida, who worked on the early research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There may be individuals in the community who absolutely remember Tuskegee, and we should not discount that,” he adds. But hesitancy “is more related to individuals’ lived experiences, what people live each and every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1159684077&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘It’s What Happened to Me Yesterday’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Some of the same presumptions that were made about clinical research are resurfacing today around the coronavirus vaccine. A lot of hesitancy is being confused for refusal, Warren says. And so many of the entrenched structural barriers that are limiting access to the vaccine in Black communities are not being sufficiently addressed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuskegee is once again being used as a scapegoat, says USC professor of social work Karen Lincoln.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you say Tuskegee, then you don’t have to acknowledge things like pharmacy deserts, things like poverty and unemployment,” she says. “You can just say, ‘That happened then. Things are different now and there’s nothing we can do about it.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says the contemporary failures of the health care system are causing more distrust than the events of the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s what happened to me yesterday,” she says. “Not what happened in the ’50s or ’60s, when Tuskegee was actually active.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11861882\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11861882\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Karen-Lincoln-copy-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">USC social work professor Karen Lincoln talks with attendees at an event hosted by the group she founded, Advocates for African American Elders. \u003ccite>(Jason Duncan/for AAAE)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The seniors she works with, through her group \u003ca href=\"https://www.aaaeonline.com/\">Advocates for African American Elders\u003c/a>, complain all the time about doctors dismissing their concerns and talking down to them, or nurses answering the hospital call buttons for their white roommates more often than for them.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Dr. Rueben Warren, Tuskegee University\"]‘The hesitancy is there, but the refusal is not. And that’s an important difference.’[/pullquote]They point to the recent Facebook Live video of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/12/23/us/susan-moore-black-doctor-indiana.html\">Susan Moore\u003c/a> as a prime example of the unequal treatment Black people receive. Moore, a Black doctor from Indiana who got COVID-19, filmed herself from her hospital bed, an oxygen tube in her nose. She said she had to beg her physician to continue her course of Remdesivir, the drug that speeds up recovery from the disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He said, ‘Ah, you don’t need it. You’re not even short of breath.’ I said ‘Yes, I am,’ ” Moore said into the camera. “I put forward and I maintain, if I was white, I wouldn’t have to go through that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore died two weeks later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She knew what kind of treatment she should be getting and she wasn’t getting it,” said Maxine Toler, the 72-year-old from LA. “We saw it up close and personal with the president, that he got the best of everything. They cured him in a couple of days, and our people are dying like flies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toler and her neighbors are watching the same inequity play out with the vaccine. The first mass vaccination sites set up in LA – at Dodger Stadium and Disneyland – are difficult to get to from Black neighborhoods without a car, and you practically needed a computer science degree to get an online appointment for the early doses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White people are snatching up appointments, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2021/01/30/us/new-york-vaccine-disparities/index.html\">even at clinics intended for disadvantaged communities\u003c/a>, while people of color can’t get through. So far, Black people make up just 2.9% of Californians who have received the vaccination, even though they account for 6.2% of the state’s COVID-19 deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s stories like these that stoke mistrust, Lincoln says. “And the word travels fast when people have negative experiences. They share it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The key to addressing this mistrust requires a paradigm shift, says Warren of Tuskegee University. If you want Black people to trust doctors and trust the vaccine, don’t blame them for distrusting it, he says. The obligation is on health institutions to first show they are trustworthy: to listen, take responsibility, show accountability and stop making excuses. That, he adds, means providing information about the vaccine without being paternalistic and making it easier to access in Black communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prove yourself trustworthy and trust will follow,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "No, the Tuskegee Study Is Not the Top Reason Some Black Americans Question the COVID-19 Vaccine | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As more surveys come out showing that Black Americans are more hesitant than white Americans to get the coronavirus vaccine, more journalists, politicians and health officials — from New York \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UQ_50bij_Fg&feature=youtu.be\">Gov. Andrew Cuomo\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?app=desktop&v=JEXB0lyxqqs\">Dr. Anthony Fauci\u003c/a> — are invoking the infamous Tuskegee syphilis study to explain why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘If you continue to use it as a way of explaining why many African Americans are hesitant, it almost absolves you of having to learn more, do more, involve other people – admit that racism is actually a thing today.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s ‘Oh, Tuskegee, Tuskegee, Tuskegee,’ and it’s mentioned every single time,” says \u003ca href=\"https://roybal.usc.edu/our_team/karen-d-lincoln/\">Karen Lincoln\u003c/a>, a professor of social work at the University of Southern California. “We make these assumptions that it’s Tuskegee. We don’t ask people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she asks the Black seniors she works with in Los Angeles about the vaccine, Tuskegee rarely comes up. People in the community are more interested in talking about contemporary racism and barriers to health care, she says, while it seems to be mainly academics and officials who are preoccupied with the history of Tuskegee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a scapegoat,” Lincoln says. “It’s an excuse. If you continue to use it as a way of explaining why many African Americans are hesitant, it almost absolves you of having to learn more, do more, involve other people – admit that racism is actually a thing today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the health inequities of today that Maxine Toler, 72, hears about when she talks to her friends and neighbors in LA about the vaccine. Toler is president of her city’s senior advocacy council and her neighborhood block club. She and most of the other Black seniors she talks to want the vaccine, but are having trouble getting it, she says, and that alone is sowing mistrust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11862058\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11862058 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/maxine-toler-1sm-2-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maxine Toler, 72, lives near Los Angeles, and has been asking her neighbors why they do or do not want the vaccine. \u003ccite>(Heidi de Marco/KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Those who don’t want the vaccine have very modern reasons for not wanting it. They tell Toler it’s because of religious beliefs, safety concerns or distrust for the former U.S. president and his relationship to science. Only a handful mention Tuskegee, she says, and when they do, they’re fuzzy on the details of what happened during the 40-year study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you ask them what was it about and why do you feel like it would impact your receiving the vaccine, they can’t even tell you,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toler remembers, and says the history is a distraction; it’s not relevant to what’s happening now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s almost the opposite of Tuskegee,” she says. “Because they were being denied treatment. And this is like, we’re pushing people forward: Go and get this vaccine. We want everybody to be protected from COVID.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Questioning the Tuskegee Legacy\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The “Tuskegee Study of Untreated Syphilis in the Negro Male” was a government-sponsored, taxpayer-funded study that \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/tuskegee/timeline.htm\">began in 1932\u003c/a>. Some people believe that researchers injected the men with syphilis, but that’s not true. Rather, they recruited 399 Black men from Alabama who already had the disease, though the government doctors never told them they had it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, researchers told the men they had come to cure “bad blood,” though they never intended to cure anything. Even when a cure for syphilis – penicillin – became widely available in the 1940s, the researchers withheld it and continued the study for decades, determined to track the disease to its end point: autopsy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time the study was exposed and shut down in 1972, \u003ca href=\"https://www.amazon.com/Search-Legacy-USPHS-Syphilis-Tuskegee/dp/0739147250\">128 of the men\u003c/a> involved had died from syphilis or related complications; 40 of their wives and 19 children had also been infected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11861833\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Tuskegee-syphilis-experiment-test-subjects.gif\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11861833 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Tuskegee-syphilis-experiment-test-subjects.gif\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"393\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A group of Tuskegee study test subjects in 1972. \u003ccite>(National Archives)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>With a horrific history like this, many scientists assumed that Black people would never want to participate in clinical research again. Over the next three decades, various books, articles and films repeated this assumption until it became gospel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was a false assumption,” says \u003ca href=\"https://perspectivesofchange.hms.harvard.edu/node/116\">Dr. Rueben Warren\u003c/a>, director of the National Center for Bioethics in Research and Health Care at Tuskegee University in Alabama, and former associate director of Minority Health at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, from 1988 to 1997.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several researchers began to question this assumption at a 1994 bioethics conference, where almost all the speakers seemed to accept it as a given. The doubters asked, what kind of scientific evidence is there to support the notion that Black people would refuse to participate in research because of Tuskegee?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When those researchers did a comprehensive search of the existing literature, they found nothing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was apparently a ‘fact’ known more in the gut than in the head,” wrote lead doubter \u003ca href=\"https://dental.nyu.edu/faculty/ft/rvk1.html\">Ralph Katz\u003c/a>, a dentist from New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11861971\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11861971 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Ralph-and-Rueben-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ralph Katz (left) and Rueben Warren, both dentists, together edited the book ‘The Search for the Legacy of the USPHS Syphilis Study at Tuskegee.’ \u003ccite>(Amos Ezra Katz)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>So Katz formed a research team to look for this evidence. They completed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1780164/\">series of studies\u003c/a> over the next 14 years, focused mainly on surveying thousands of people across seven cities, from Baltimore to San Antonio to Tuskegee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The conclusions were definitive: While Black people were twice as “wary” of participating in research, as compared to white people, they were equally willing to actually participate. And, there was no association between knowledge of Tuskegee and willingness to participate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hesitancy is there, but the refusal is not. And that’s an important difference,” says Warren, who later joined Katz in editing “The Search for the Legacy of the USPHS Syphilis Study at Tuskegee,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.amazon.com/Search-Legacy-USPHS-Syphilis-Tuskegee/dp/0739147250\">a book\u003c/a> about the research. “Hesitant, yes. But not refusal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuskegee was not the deal breaker everyone thought it was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These results did not go over well within academic and government research circles, Warren says, as they “indicted and contradicted” the common belief that low minority enrollment in research was the result of Tuskegee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was the excuse that they used,” Warren says. “If I don’t want to go to the extra energy, resources to include the population, I can simply say they were not interested. They refused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, researchers had to confront the real problem. Many of them never invited Black people to participate in their studies in the first place. When they did, they didn’t try very hard. For example, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1298944/\">two studies of cardiovascular disease\u003c/a> offered enrollment to more than 2,000 white people, compared to no more than 30 people from minority groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a tendency to use Tuskegee as a scapegoat, for us, as researchers, not doing what we need to do to ensure that people are well-educated about the benefits of participating in a clinical trial,” says \u003ca href=\"https://moffitt.org/about-moffitt/executive-leadership/b-lee-green-phd/\">B. Lee Green\u003c/a>, vice president of diversity at Moffitt Cancer Center in Florida, who worked on the early research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There may be individuals in the community who absolutely remember Tuskegee, and we should not discount that,” he adds. But hesitancy “is more related to individuals’ lived experiences, what people live each and every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1159684077&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘It’s What Happened to Me Yesterday’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Some of the same presumptions that were made about clinical research are resurfacing today around the coronavirus vaccine. A lot of hesitancy is being confused for refusal, Warren says. And so many of the entrenched structural barriers that are limiting access to the vaccine in Black communities are not being sufficiently addressed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuskegee is once again being used as a scapegoat, says USC professor of social work Karen Lincoln.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you say Tuskegee, then you don’t have to acknowledge things like pharmacy deserts, things like poverty and unemployment,” she says. “You can just say, ‘That happened then. Things are different now and there’s nothing we can do about it.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says the contemporary failures of the health care system are causing more distrust than the events of the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s what happened to me yesterday,” she says. “Not what happened in the ’50s or ’60s, when Tuskegee was actually active.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11861882\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11861882\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Karen-Lincoln-copy-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">USC social work professor Karen Lincoln talks with attendees at an event hosted by the group she founded, Advocates for African American Elders. \u003ccite>(Jason Duncan/for AAAE)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The seniors she works with, through her group \u003ca href=\"https://www.aaaeonline.com/\">Advocates for African American Elders\u003c/a>, complain all the time about doctors dismissing their concerns and talking down to them, or nurses answering the hospital call buttons for their white roommates more often than for them.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>They point to the recent Facebook Live video of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/12/23/us/susan-moore-black-doctor-indiana.html\">Susan Moore\u003c/a> as a prime example of the unequal treatment Black people receive. Moore, a Black doctor from Indiana who got COVID-19, filmed herself from her hospital bed, an oxygen tube in her nose. She said she had to beg her physician to continue her course of Remdesivir, the drug that speeds up recovery from the disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He said, ‘Ah, you don’t need it. You’re not even short of breath.’ I said ‘Yes, I am,’ ” Moore said into the camera. “I put forward and I maintain, if I was white, I wouldn’t have to go through that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore died two weeks later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She knew what kind of treatment she should be getting and she wasn’t getting it,” said Maxine Toler, the 72-year-old from LA. “We saw it up close and personal with the president, that he got the best of everything. They cured him in a couple of days, and our people are dying like flies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toler and her neighbors are watching the same inequity play out with the vaccine. The first mass vaccination sites set up in LA – at Dodger Stadium and Disneyland – are difficult to get to from Black neighborhoods without a car, and you practically needed a computer science degree to get an online appointment for the early doses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White people are snatching up appointments, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2021/01/30/us/new-york-vaccine-disparities/index.html\">even at clinics intended for disadvantaged communities\u003c/a>, while people of color can’t get through. So far, Black people make up just 2.9% of Californians who have received the vaccination, even though they account for 6.2% of the state’s COVID-19 deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s stories like these that stoke mistrust, Lincoln says. “And the word travels fast when people have negative experiences. They share it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The key to addressing this mistrust requires a paradigm shift, says Warren of Tuskegee University. If you want Black people to trust doctors and trust the vaccine, don’t blame them for distrusting it, he says. The obligation is on health institutions to first show they are trustworthy: to listen, take responsibility, show accountability and stop making excuses. That, he adds, means providing information about the vaccine without being paternalistic and making it easier to access in Black communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A national health care provider has administered COVID-19 vaccinations to patients not yet eligible for the scarce vaccine, including those with connections to company leaders and customers of its concierge medical service, according to internal communications leaked to NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco-based One Medical has been allocated thousands of vaccine doses by local health departments in some of the areas they provide medical services. People with connections to company leadership were set up with vaccine appointments, despite not yet being eligible under local public health guidelines, and some patients were permitted to skip the line ahead of other high-risk patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11855623\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/GettyImages-1230603226-1020x605.jpg\"]The problems have occurred in numerous company locations across several states. The Washington State Department of Health, citing a complaint it received this month, told NPR it had halted COVID-19 vaccine distribution to the company. Other regulators have also received complaints or stopped providing the vaccine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Medical brands itself a high-end health care provider serving a relatively affluent clientele that pays a $199 fee annually to receive easy online access to appointments, telemedicine and access to a streamlined, tech-focused medical experience. The company went public with an IPO in January 2020, with a valuation in the billions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Medical’s shortcomings take place amid broader anecdotal evidence that suggests patients of various health care providers throughout the country are \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2021/02/09/965841419/does-loose-enforcement-of-vaccine-eligibility-rules-encourage-line-jumping\">skipping the line\u003c/a> due in part to loose enforcement. The situation highlights a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2021/02/06/964139633/is-it-ever-ok-to-jump-ahead-in-the-vaccine-line\">serious ethical issue\u003c/a>: determining who is entitled to a vaccine at a time of scarce availability and who is responsible for enforcing eligibility rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts say an appropriate system for vaccine distribution focuses on first targeting those most at risk for serious consequences from COVID-19. “We’re trying to focus on those individuals who are most likely to develop severe illness or death, and to most likely be exposed to the virus,” said Gabriel Lázaro-Muñoz, who teaches medical ethics and health policy at the Baylor College of Medicine in Houston. “The overall goal is to save as many lives as possible, and with that we are not valuing any life over another.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Medical claims it does not allow for ineligible patients to be vaccinated knowingly, and that it was confident that it was “doing everything reasonably in our power to ensure … our adherence to state and local department of health vaccine eligibility guidelines.” But NPR obtained internal communications that tell a different story.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘We Are Not Policing’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Messages between doctors, medical practitioners, administrative staff and leadership show that multiple staffers across One Medical locations in several states — Washington, Oregon and California — privately raised the alarm about what they believed were lax oversight and inappropriate practices within the organization. They also show what appear to be favors done for those close to the organization’s senior staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It seems if you don’t screen out those jumping the [queue], then many will jump in the line and push those that need the vaccine further behind, delaying a potentially life saving injection. This could impact MANY members,” one doctor in California wrote to his colleagues in January, according to the internal documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have had two [patients] today, both in their 20-30s without risk factors and are tech workers who have gotten their covid vaccines. One was thru us,” wrote another One Medical doctor in Washington state. “I’m curious how these [people] are able to sign up for vaccines when we have a long list of higher priority [patients]? … I just want to understand how they can be prioritized for a vaccine when those at higher tiers have to wait.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These internal communications indicate that ineligible friends and family of One Medical leadership were vaccinated, as were work-from-home administrative, support and IT staff at the company’s headquarters in San Francisco. While health care workers waited in line in January, One Medical made the decision to offer the vaccine to any of its San Francisco staff, regardless of whether they were front-line workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lázaro-Muñoz, the ethics professor, said that offering the vaccine to all staff regardless of whether they see patients was unethical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There might not be regulations stopping this company from giving [the COVID vaccine] to their employees. But from an ethical standpoint, when you look at what is right and wrong, this is wrong,” Lázaro-Muñoz told NPR. “Your life and the life of your co-workers and those who work in this company is not any more valuable than the life of the elderly people that are not getting access to that vaccine, thanks to your criteria and system of distributing that vaccine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Medical said that it had asked some of its staff to volunteer time in their clinics. However, all of its staff in San Francisco were provided an opportunity to receive the vaccine, regardless of the nature of their job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Gabriel Lázaro-Muñoz, Baylor College of Medicine ethics professor\"]‘There might not be regulations stopping this company from giving [the COVID vaccine] to their employees. But from an ethical standpoint, when you look at what is right and wrong, this is wrong.’[/pullquote]Further, patients of One Medical who were ineligible to be vaccinated based on local guidelines were also permitted to book vaccination appointments through an online portal. So was at least one executive of a partner organization with One Medical. Internal communications show that providers trying to get eligible health care workers vaccinated were instead told to put them on a waitlist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why are young patients without health problems, on a trial membership … allowed to book and receive a covid vaccine while health care workers are being waitlisted?” one medical professional asked in January. “I just saw two appointments for such.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were also shortcomings with the company’s vaccine sign-up system. A question asking patients whether they were in an eligible category was not added to the online portal until Jan. 14, though One Medical started vaccinating patients on Jan. 1. During this two-week period, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2021/01/21/958870301/the-current-deadly-u-s-coronavirus-surge-has-peaked-researchers-say\">COVID-19 cases\u003c/a> in the United States reached their highest peak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following this, the internal documents show that in January, even if patients noted that they were not in an eligible category for vaccination, some could continue to book an appointment for the COVID-19 vaccine. Suggestions on how the tech-heavy company could use algorithms to scan for ineligible patients were turned down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Medical said that blocking ineligible patients from booking vaccination appointments would have called for a complete overhaul of their system and was too technologically difficult to rebuild in the required time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The documents also show that in January, One Medical was not verifying the eligibility of patients it vaccinated by requiring ID or other evidence at the point of vaccine administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have questions about our approach of not requiring [patients] to bring proof of vaccine eligibility,” said a One Medical staffer. “A quick Google search indicates that this is not consistent with many states’ requirements. … I am concerned about advertising an overly permissive approach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As ineligible patients began to get vaccines, staff started raising concerns that word was spreading about One Medical’s lax enforcement of eligibility requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had a few patients straight up tell me that once they realized there was no screening that they would be telling their friends,” another medical provider in California wrote. “My partner and I were shocked when we got ours through One Med … that at no point were we asked if we met criteria — let alone asked to prove it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees were told not to try to enforce the rules barring ineligible patients. “Scanning schedules and cancelling appointments [for ineligible patients] is not recommended,” Spencer Blackman, the director of clinical education at the company said in a communication to a range of staff. He added in another note to a doctor, “If this person sees themself in a tier that is being vaccinated they can attest to that and make an appointment. You don’t get to make the decision if someone ‘gets’ [a] vaccine or not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not policing,” Blackman wrote in January, setting off objections in internal company communications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked why One Medical did not verify eligibility, Chief Medical Officer Andrew Diamond said, “There was never guidance that said ‘do not verify’… that would be counter to our principles.” When told NPR was in possession of communications that indicated otherwise, he responded, “That’s clearly not the guidance, nor is that the intent of the guidance. We’ve been far clearer since then.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, many localities require medical providers to check for eligibility documentation. In Los Angeles County, where One Medical has been provided thousands of doses, vaccination is limited currently to health care workers, long-term care facility residents and persons over the age of 65. Proper documentation of eligibility is required for vaccination. “Providers are then responsible for confirming eligibility responses and requesting accepted documentation of eligibility, once [the patient] arrives for onsite appointment,” an L.A. County Department of Public Health spokesperson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in Alameda County, where the company was given close to 1,000 doses, the public health department said that personal ID and proof of a health care role is “required” for the vaccine doses that One Medical received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Forbes was preparing \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/leahrosenbaum/2021/02/03/one-medical-let-people-jump-the-line-for-covid-19-vaccines/?sh=3de7af892350\">a story about One Medical’s practices\u003c/a>, One Medical leadership sent out a note to staff warning of consequences, threatening them with “disciplinary action, up to and including termination” if they leaked internal communications. One Medical disputed this characterization. “One Medical is not, and has never been an organization that threatens its staff,” a spokesperson said, characterizing the note as merely “reminders about our business code of conduct.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Regulators Take Action\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It is not clear how many ineligible vaccine doses were distributed, and One Medical declined to provide a figure on how many total doses it had administered. But the company has likely provided tens of thousands of doses: Of the few jurisdictions that produced information on the doses it allocated to One Medical, San Francisco said it had provided the company with 12,000 doses, while Los Angeles County said it had provided them nearly 6,000 doses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"vaccines\"]One Medical’s practices have not gone unnoticed by state and local regulators. The Washington State Department of Health told NPR that they had halted allocation of vaccine doses to One Medical due to a complaint received on Feb. 10. “We are currently in communication with One Medical regarding the complaint we received,” a state spokesperson said. “We are removing them from the state’s Vaccine Locations webpage and One Medical will not be receiving vaccine from us until this issue is resolved.” One Medical disputed the reason for the halt, and said that it was a misunderstanding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bob Ferguson, the attorney general of Washington state, is also concerned about the wider issue of ineligible patients receiving COVID-19 vaccinations. While not commenting on whether or not there were any ongoing investigations into the topic, or on any individual company, a spokesperson for the attorney general said that Ferguson was “extremely concerned. And he has had conversations with his team about this issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County’s Department of Public Health has also received a complaint about One Medical — and has reached out to express a warning by phone and email. “Public Health told One Medical if there are breaches and they are not holding tight to our priority groups, and checking and validating groups, we could not allocate vaccine to them any longer,” a spokesperson said. “We reinforced the fact that we could not provide vaccine to any entity not following our partner guidance for checking and ensuring people getting vaccinated are part of our priority groups.” One Medical claimed that complaints and warnings are both common for medical providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Alameda County Public Health Department said One Medical offices in the county had received 975 doses of the COVID-19 vaccine, but received no more after the health care company indicated its desire to vaccinate ineligible patients. “Alameda County did not fulfill One Medical’s next request in early February for additional doses when they indicated that they planned to vaccinate more than their health care workers (who were the only approved group prioritized for vaccinations at the time),” said a county spokesperson. One Medical said that this explanation was “categorically untrue,” but did not contest that their vaccine allocation has not continued beyond the original 975 doses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Department of Public Health stressed, “One Medical was engaged primarily to provide vaccine to in-home support services (IHSS), other in-home care providers and health care workers … SF DPH expects all its vaccine provider partners to follow State and SF DPH vaccination eligibility guidelines.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Medical contested several elements of this story, claiming that it “does not allow for ineligible persons to be vaccinated knowingly.” It also said that it had fired several members of its clinical staff due to disregard for eligibility requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are doing absolutely everything in our power to vaccinate as many eligible people as possible,” said Diamond, the chief medical officer of One Medical, attributing difficulties to the “fog of war” that occurs during a period of “myriad uncertainties, conflicting jurisdictional guidance and profound public anxieties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=High-End+Medical+Provider+Let+Ineligible+People+Skip+COVID-19+Vaccine+Line&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A national health care provider has administered COVID-19 vaccinations to patients not yet eligible for the scarce vaccine, including those with connections to company leaders and customers of its concierge medical service, according to internal communications leaked to NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco-based One Medical has been allocated thousands of vaccine doses by local health departments in some of the areas they provide medical services. People with connections to company leadership were set up with vaccine appointments, despite not yet being eligible under local public health guidelines, and some patients were permitted to skip the line ahead of other high-risk patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The problems have occurred in numerous company locations across several states. The Washington State Department of Health, citing a complaint it received this month, told NPR it had halted COVID-19 vaccine distribution to the company. Other regulators have also received complaints or stopped providing the vaccine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Medical brands itself a high-end health care provider serving a relatively affluent clientele that pays a $199 fee annually to receive easy online access to appointments, telemedicine and access to a streamlined, tech-focused medical experience. The company went public with an IPO in January 2020, with a valuation in the billions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Medical’s shortcomings take place amid broader anecdotal evidence that suggests patients of various health care providers throughout the country are \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2021/02/09/965841419/does-loose-enforcement-of-vaccine-eligibility-rules-encourage-line-jumping\">skipping the line\u003c/a> due in part to loose enforcement. The situation highlights a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2021/02/06/964139633/is-it-ever-ok-to-jump-ahead-in-the-vaccine-line\">serious ethical issue\u003c/a>: determining who is entitled to a vaccine at a time of scarce availability and who is responsible for enforcing eligibility rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts say an appropriate system for vaccine distribution focuses on first targeting those most at risk for serious consequences from COVID-19. “We’re trying to focus on those individuals who are most likely to develop severe illness or death, and to most likely be exposed to the virus,” said Gabriel Lázaro-Muñoz, who teaches medical ethics and health policy at the Baylor College of Medicine in Houston. “The overall goal is to save as many lives as possible, and with that we are not valuing any life over another.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Medical claims it does not allow for ineligible patients to be vaccinated knowingly, and that it was confident that it was “doing everything reasonably in our power to ensure … our adherence to state and local department of health vaccine eligibility guidelines.” But NPR obtained internal communications that tell a different story.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘We Are Not Policing’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Messages between doctors, medical practitioners, administrative staff and leadership show that multiple staffers across One Medical locations in several states — Washington, Oregon and California — privately raised the alarm about what they believed were lax oversight and inappropriate practices within the organization. They also show what appear to be favors done for those close to the organization’s senior staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It seems if you don’t screen out those jumping the [queue], then many will jump in the line and push those that need the vaccine further behind, delaying a potentially life saving injection. This could impact MANY members,” one doctor in California wrote to his colleagues in January, according to the internal documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have had two [patients] today, both in their 20-30s without risk factors and are tech workers who have gotten their covid vaccines. One was thru us,” wrote another One Medical doctor in Washington state. “I’m curious how these [people] are able to sign up for vaccines when we have a long list of higher priority [patients]? … I just want to understand how they can be prioritized for a vaccine when those at higher tiers have to wait.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These internal communications indicate that ineligible friends and family of One Medical leadership were vaccinated, as were work-from-home administrative, support and IT staff at the company’s headquarters in San Francisco. While health care workers waited in line in January, One Medical made the decision to offer the vaccine to any of its San Francisco staff, regardless of whether they were front-line workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lázaro-Muñoz, the ethics professor, said that offering the vaccine to all staff regardless of whether they see patients was unethical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There might not be regulations stopping this company from giving [the COVID vaccine] to their employees. But from an ethical standpoint, when you look at what is right and wrong, this is wrong,” Lázaro-Muñoz told NPR. “Your life and the life of your co-workers and those who work in this company is not any more valuable than the life of the elderly people that are not getting access to that vaccine, thanks to your criteria and system of distributing that vaccine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Medical said that it had asked some of its staff to volunteer time in their clinics. However, all of its staff in San Francisco were provided an opportunity to receive the vaccine, regardless of the nature of their job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘There might not be regulations stopping this company from giving [the COVID vaccine] to their employees. But from an ethical standpoint, when you look at what is right and wrong, this is wrong.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Further, patients of One Medical who were ineligible to be vaccinated based on local guidelines were also permitted to book vaccination appointments through an online portal. So was at least one executive of a partner organization with One Medical. Internal communications show that providers trying to get eligible health care workers vaccinated were instead told to put them on a waitlist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why are young patients without health problems, on a trial membership … allowed to book and receive a covid vaccine while health care workers are being waitlisted?” one medical professional asked in January. “I just saw two appointments for such.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were also shortcomings with the company’s vaccine sign-up system. A question asking patients whether they were in an eligible category was not added to the online portal until Jan. 14, though One Medical started vaccinating patients on Jan. 1. During this two-week period, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2021/01/21/958870301/the-current-deadly-u-s-coronavirus-surge-has-peaked-researchers-say\">COVID-19 cases\u003c/a> in the United States reached their highest peak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following this, the internal documents show that in January, even if patients noted that they were not in an eligible category for vaccination, some could continue to book an appointment for the COVID-19 vaccine. Suggestions on how the tech-heavy company could use algorithms to scan for ineligible patients were turned down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Medical said that blocking ineligible patients from booking vaccination appointments would have called for a complete overhaul of their system and was too technologically difficult to rebuild in the required time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The documents also show that in January, One Medical was not verifying the eligibility of patients it vaccinated by requiring ID or other evidence at the point of vaccine administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have questions about our approach of not requiring [patients] to bring proof of vaccine eligibility,” said a One Medical staffer. “A quick Google search indicates that this is not consistent with many states’ requirements. … I am concerned about advertising an overly permissive approach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As ineligible patients began to get vaccines, staff started raising concerns that word was spreading about One Medical’s lax enforcement of eligibility requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had a few patients straight up tell me that once they realized there was no screening that they would be telling their friends,” another medical provider in California wrote. “My partner and I were shocked when we got ours through One Med … that at no point were we asked if we met criteria — let alone asked to prove it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees were told not to try to enforce the rules barring ineligible patients. “Scanning schedules and cancelling appointments [for ineligible patients] is not recommended,” Spencer Blackman, the director of clinical education at the company said in a communication to a range of staff. He added in another note to a doctor, “If this person sees themself in a tier that is being vaccinated they can attest to that and make an appointment. You don’t get to make the decision if someone ‘gets’ [a] vaccine or not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not policing,” Blackman wrote in January, setting off objections in internal company communications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked why One Medical did not verify eligibility, Chief Medical Officer Andrew Diamond said, “There was never guidance that said ‘do not verify’… that would be counter to our principles.” When told NPR was in possession of communications that indicated otherwise, he responded, “That’s clearly not the guidance, nor is that the intent of the guidance. We’ve been far clearer since then.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, many localities require medical providers to check for eligibility documentation. In Los Angeles County, where One Medical has been provided thousands of doses, vaccination is limited currently to health care workers, long-term care facility residents and persons over the age of 65. Proper documentation of eligibility is required for vaccination. “Providers are then responsible for confirming eligibility responses and requesting accepted documentation of eligibility, once [the patient] arrives for onsite appointment,” an L.A. County Department of Public Health spokesperson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in Alameda County, where the company was given close to 1,000 doses, the public health department said that personal ID and proof of a health care role is “required” for the vaccine doses that One Medical received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Forbes was preparing \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/leahrosenbaum/2021/02/03/one-medical-let-people-jump-the-line-for-covid-19-vaccines/?sh=3de7af892350\">a story about One Medical’s practices\u003c/a>, One Medical leadership sent out a note to staff warning of consequences, threatening them with “disciplinary action, up to and including termination” if they leaked internal communications. One Medical disputed this characterization. “One Medical is not, and has never been an organization that threatens its staff,” a spokesperson said, characterizing the note as merely “reminders about our business code of conduct.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Regulators Take Action\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It is not clear how many ineligible vaccine doses were distributed, and One Medical declined to provide a figure on how many total doses it had administered. But the company has likely provided tens of thousands of doses: Of the few jurisdictions that produced information on the doses it allocated to One Medical, San Francisco said it had provided the company with 12,000 doses, while Los Angeles County said it had provided them nearly 6,000 doses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>One Medical’s practices have not gone unnoticed by state and local regulators. The Washington State Department of Health told NPR that they had halted allocation of vaccine doses to One Medical due to a complaint received on Feb. 10. “We are currently in communication with One Medical regarding the complaint we received,” a state spokesperson said. “We are removing them from the state’s Vaccine Locations webpage and One Medical will not be receiving vaccine from us until this issue is resolved.” One Medical disputed the reason for the halt, and said that it was a misunderstanding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bob Ferguson, the attorney general of Washington state, is also concerned about the wider issue of ineligible patients receiving COVID-19 vaccinations. While not commenting on whether or not there were any ongoing investigations into the topic, or on any individual company, a spokesperson for the attorney general said that Ferguson was “extremely concerned. And he has had conversations with his team about this issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County’s Department of Public Health has also received a complaint about One Medical — and has reached out to express a warning by phone and email. “Public Health told One Medical if there are breaches and they are not holding tight to our priority groups, and checking and validating groups, we could not allocate vaccine to them any longer,” a spokesperson said. “We reinforced the fact that we could not provide vaccine to any entity not following our partner guidance for checking and ensuring people getting vaccinated are part of our priority groups.” One Medical claimed that complaints and warnings are both common for medical providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Alameda County Public Health Department said One Medical offices in the county had received 975 doses of the COVID-19 vaccine, but received no more after the health care company indicated its desire to vaccinate ineligible patients. “Alameda County did not fulfill One Medical’s next request in early February for additional doses when they indicated that they planned to vaccinate more than their health care workers (who were the only approved group prioritized for vaccinations at the time),” said a county spokesperson. One Medical said that this explanation was “categorically untrue,” but did not contest that their vaccine allocation has not continued beyond the original 975 doses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Department of Public Health stressed, “One Medical was engaged primarily to provide vaccine to in-home support services (IHSS), other in-home care providers and health care workers … SF DPH expects all its vaccine provider partners to follow State and SF DPH vaccination eligibility guidelines.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Medical contested several elements of this story, claiming that it “does not allow for ineligible persons to be vaccinated knowingly.” It also said that it had fired several members of its clinical staff due to disregard for eligibility requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are doing absolutely everything in our power to vaccinate as many eligible people as possible,” said Diamond, the chief medical officer of One Medical, attributing difficulties to the “fog of war” that occurs during a period of “myriad uncertainties, conflicting jurisdictional guidance and profound public anxieties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=High-End+Medical+Provider+Let+Ineligible+People+Skip+COVID-19+Vaccine+Line&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Vaccine supply continues to be a problem as Gov. Gavin Newsom said on Monday, “\u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorevaxsupply\">there’s not enough vaccines to accommodate the need and demand\u003c/a>.”\u003ca id=\"LPlnk359990\" class=\"OWAAutoLink\" href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorevaxsupply\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also on Monday, you could \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1972859/was-there-life-on-mars-the-mission-to-find-out-begins-as-perseverance-photos-video-comes-in\">watch video\u003c/a> just sent from Mars by NASA’s Perseverance rover on your mobile phone, while you were walking down the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m hopeful that the nation that brought the world high-definition video from Mars can also finally have a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11855623/where-can-i-get-a-covid-19-vaccine-in-the-bay-area-your-questions-answered\">successful vaccine rollout\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Vaccine supply continues to be a problem as Gov. Gavin Newsom said on Monday, “\u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorevaxsupply\">there’s not enough vaccines to accommodate the need and demand\u003c/a>.”\u003ca id=\"LPlnk359990\" class=\"OWAAutoLink\" href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorevaxsupply\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also on Monday, you could \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1972859/was-there-life-on-mars-the-mission-to-find-out-begins-as-perseverance-photos-video-comes-in\">watch video\u003c/a> just sent from Mars by NASA’s Perseverance rover on your mobile phone, while you were walking down the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m hopeful that the nation that brought the world high-definition video from Mars can also finally have a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11855623/where-can-i-get-a-covid-19-vaccine-in-the-bay-area-your-questions-answered\">successful vaccine rollout\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>At a recent meeting of the Fremont Unified School District Board of Education, Superintendent CJ Cammack presented the results of a self-selecting survey of parents, asking their feelings about continuing remote learning across the district’s 42 schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The survey results should have provided a level of comfort for the elected board to stay the course: 63% of the nearly 11,000 parents who responded said they preferred to have their child remain in distance learning for the rest of the school year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the public comment period began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For nearly an hour, parents called in to levy their frustrations at the board, urging its members to produce a plan to reopen classrooms in the Bay Area’s third largest school district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What about the 36% of the district? Are they not important?” asked Irene Shen, a district parent. “Not every parent will come here to speak but everyone will vote with their feet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The status of public schools in California has remained largely static in the year since the pandemic began: Most \u003ca href=\"https://maps.schools.covid19.ca.gov/public.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">remain shuttered, \u003c/a>and large Bay Area districts like San Francisco, Oakland and Fremont have been in distance learning throughout the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the political landscape is shifting rapidly as local and state officials attempt to chart the course for a potential return to class. Finding a consensus among parents on such an emotionally charged issue is proving impossible, with surveys and polling providing limited guidance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, increasingly organized groups of parents advocating for an immediate return to class are emerging as a potent political counterweight to teachers unions that have so far resisted those calls \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11858457/as-battle-over-reopening-san-francisco-schools-turns-ugly-equity-emerges-as-fault-line\">until members are vaccinated\u003c/a>. In San Francisco and the East Bay suburb of San Ramon, parent groups \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Effort-launched-to-recall-three-S-F-school-board-15968429.php\">have vowed to derail the political careers of board members\u003c/a> standing in the way of reopening. [aside postID=\"news_11860986\" label=\"More on the state legislature and schools\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only sure thing in the debate over reopening schools, Cammack said, is that, “Any return to on-campus learning will not be fast enough for some, and far too soon for others.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A ‘Politically Fragile’ Issue\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>That’s no solace to policymakers who prefer to operate with more well-defined levels of public opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local districts looking for guidance from the state Legislature have so far found gridlock, as Democratic lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11860986/democratic-state-legislators-split-with-newsom-on-school-reopening\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">have yet to agree\u003c/a> on a plan to return students to class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A proposal unveiled last week by Democrats in the state Senate and Assembly would send billions of dollars to local districts to bring back grades K-6 by April 15 — if coronavirus case rates drop below 7 cases per 100,000 residents (the state’s “red” tier) and teachers are offered vaccines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has argued that guidance from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/community/schools-childcare/operation-strategy.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a> makes it clear that schools can reopen immediately with the proper mitigation measures, and that teacher vaccinations are not a necessary prerequisite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing the pressure of a potential recall election, Newsom has grown bolder in his pronouncements that union intransigence could leave students out of classrooms until the fall. Labor leaders, who heavily supported Newsom in his 2018 run for governor, have responded by \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/tKm7Iry5brA?t=999\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">singling him out for criticism\u003c/a> and launching their own ad campaign to promote a reopening strategy that includes vaccinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think there’s an easy solution to any of this,” said former state Assemblywoman Joan Buchanan, D-Alamo, who chaired the Assembly Education Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/GuyMarzorati/status/1364288846213443587\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buchanan said education policy has always been a politically fragile issue. During her days in the state Legislature, she said, few lawmakers showed interest in sitting on education committees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one wanted to serve on the Education Committee unless that was your passion, because it had more bills than any other committee and the meetings were longer,” Buchanan remembered. “And the reason they were longer is because it’s a very emotional issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re dealing with people’s children, that’s their most precious gift and they care about them and they want to do what’s best for them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But finding a statewide consensus among parents about what is best for kids has been futile. And public polling has offered lawmakers little counsel, with conflicting results that indicate support for in-person learning but little agreement on what a safe return to it looks like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is difficult to identify the signal in the noise of all of the polling data,” said Martin West, professor of education at the Harvard Graduate School of Education. “Exactly what question you pose to parents matters a huge deal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What the Data Says, and Doesn’t\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Education Next, a research journal run by West, \u003ca href=\"https://www.educationnext.org/pandemic-parent-survey-finds-perverse-pattern-students-more-likely-to-be-attending-school-in-person-where-covid-is-spreading-more-rapidly/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">surveyed parents around the country\u003c/a> toward the end of 2020 and found that parents of 60% of students believe their kids are learning less during the pandemic. But parents of 74% of students still expressed satisfaction with the instruction and activities provided at their child’s school, and views of teachers unions remained at pre-pandemic levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Likewise, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.huffpost.com/entry/teachers-unions-schools-reopen-covid_n_60218ee6c5b6173dd2f89ceb\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">February poll from HuffPost/YouGov\u003c/a> found Americans strongly support the bargaining position of teachers unions, but just 41% believe the risk of reopening schools outweighs the consequence of keeping them closed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without hard data on their constituent’s views, state lawmakers, including Newsom, have drawn on their own experiences as parents to empathize with public frustration.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Padma Gopalakrishnan, Fremont parent\"]“Equity requires meeting the needs of the most marginalized students. Distanced learning has widened the opportunity and performance gap.”[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a Monday hearing on a reopening bill, legislators representing predominately Black and Latino communities shared stories of residents for whom a reopening of schools would come with a new set of anxieties and challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a [former] teacher, and all my friends are teachers, they’re ready to go back to the classroom, they know the importance of that,” said Assemblywoman Cristina Garcia, D-Bell Gardens. “But they are afraid when they see the rates of infection in Bell Gardens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In practice, California’s state government has largely kicked school reopening decisions to the local level. Both Newsom and legislative Democrats have language in their latest proposals that would require a collective bargaining agreement between local districts and unions on reopening safety protocols — essentially ensuring that political battle over reopening will play out one by one in the hundreds of districts across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And at the local level, piecing together a consensus from surveys, interest group lobbying and parental outrage — while identifying which voices are missing from the conversation — has been just as difficult, particularly for elected board members promising to keep equity at the center of the reopening debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11861641\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11861641\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47103_033_SanFrancisco_LowellBSURally_02052021-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47103_033_SanFrancisco_LowellBSURally_02052021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47103_033_SanFrancisco_LowellBSURally_02052021-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47103_033_SanFrancisco_LowellBSURally_02052021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47103_033_SanFrancisco_LowellBSURally_02052021-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47103_033_SanFrancisco_LowellBSURally_02052021-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">SFUSD Board of Education President Gabriela López speaking during a rally at Lowell High School on Feb. 5, 2021, is facing a recall campaign. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Oakland Unified School District, \u003ca href=\"https://dashboards.ousd.org/views/2020FallFamilySurvey/Intro?%3Aembed=y\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a fall 2020 survey found\u003c/a> 41% of parents planned to send their child back to school if classrooms reopened, compared to 27% who said they would not, and 31% who were “unsure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But among Black parents, the split was 35% to 33% against returning, with Latino parents responding with a similar 36% to 32% divide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A survey of \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1FgRX68QeYT7C01jyfNfEXeIloxJgtZAd/view\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco Unified School District\u003c/a> parents found that 57% of respondents planned to return their children to in-person learning — with wide gaps between white (80%), Black (57%), Latino (61%) and Asian (36%) respondents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Equity Emerges as a Fault Line\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Many supporters of reopening classrooms have rallied around the call of equity, with some trumpeting the disproportionate effects of distance learning that have left low-income, Black and Latino children \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/who-is-losing-ground-with-distance-learning-in-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">less access to live instruction and internet-connected\u003c/a> learning. But there is no agreed-upon definition of equity, and it’s not always members of the Black and Latino communities making those calls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Equity requires meeting the needs of the most marginalized students. Distanced learning has widened the opportunity and performance gap,” said Padma Gopalakrishnan, a parent who weighed in at the Fremont Unified board meeting. “The survey did not identify these students. We need to help them … so we need to open our schools.”[aside postID=\"news_11858457\" label=\"More on equity in school reopening\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul Fong, a former state assemblyman who until recently led the faculty union at the San Jose-Evergreen Community College District, said he wouldn’t give added weight to vocal parents “just because they’re squeaking louder.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really feel for the school board members right now because they’re the ones that are on the front lines of this, getting the heat from the community,” Fong added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the white-hot light of the school reopening debate has exposed the political naivete of many officials serving on local school boards — positions long considered a first step toward higher office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Contra Costa County, the entire Oakley Union Elementary School District Board \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/02/19/entire-oakley-school-board-resigns-over-embarrassing-hot-mic-moment-during-public-meeting/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">resigned last week\u003c/a> after making derogatory comments on a live video stream about parents who had pushed to reopen schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in San Francisco, board members made national headlines for embarking on a quixotic mission \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/coronavirusliveupdates\">to rename dozens of (still empty) public schools\u003c/a>, in some cases relying on flawed research to render judgment on whether a name was connected to enslavement, oppression or racism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11861638\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11861638\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47274_021_SanFrancisco_ClarendonSchoolReopeningRally_02182021-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47274_021_SanFrancisco_ClarendonSchoolReopeningRally_02182021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47274_021_SanFrancisco_ClarendonSchoolReopeningRally_02182021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47274_021_SanFrancisco_ClarendonSchoolReopeningRally_02182021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47274_021_SanFrancisco_ClarendonSchoolReopeningRally_02182021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47274_021_SanFrancisco_ClarendonSchoolReopeningRally_02182021-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign says “Please Reopen Our Schools” at a park across from Clarendon Elementary School in San Francisco on Feb. 18, 2021, where students and parents rallied in support of reopening schools. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now, groups of irate parents have progressed from survey responses and public comment periods to a more menacing form of political feedback: a vow to recall or challenge school board members who don’t reopen schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A political action committee called The Campaign for Better Public Schools \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/coronavirusliveupdates/news/11861151/new-pac-targets-san-francisco-school-board-over-reopening\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">launched in San Francisco last week\u003c/a>, backed by parents with the goal of shaking up a board that they believe has been incompetent and recalcitrant, with little to show for months of discussion and millions in federal and state relief dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee may pursue a direct recall of sitting board members, challenge them in future elections or work to change how members are selected — either by breaking the board into districts or handing appointment power to the mayor, said Seeyew Mo, the group’s executive director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole point of my organization is to give voices to those who are not represented, so we welcome everyone and we will continue to work to make sure that diverse voices are represented,” Mo said. “And I don’t think there is any commissioner on the board or any of the organizations out there that can claim that they represent everybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Short of actually recalling commissioners, supporters of the San Francisco campaign don’t have to look far for examples of payoff: The San Ramon Valley Unified School District welcomed back elementary school students in early February, weeks after three board members were targeted with a recall campaign in response to their decision to postpone an earlier reopening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers of “Parent Power” in San Ramon \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/02/10/san-ramon-unified-opens-some-schools-for-in-person-learning/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">told the Mercury News\u003c/a> that they plan to continue gathering signatures to force a recall election for the three board members in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Parent Groups a ‘Major Force,’ but for Whom?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For school board officials, the organization of parents railing against school closures offers a rare political counterweight to the clout of local teachers unions, said former San Francisco Mayor Art Agnos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sad part about the school board elections is that there is only one dominant, overwhelming power, and that is the teachers union,” said Agnos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But others view the reopening advocates, with their finely written press releases announcing camera-friendly protests in front of shuttered schools, as just the latest example of wealthy constituents finding a way to elevate their own concerns — not those of the broader community.[pullquote size=\"large\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Joan Buchanan, former state assemblywoman\"]“When you’re dealing with people’s children, that’s their most precious gift and they care about them and they want to do what’s best for them.”[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The folks who are the most persistent in communicating with [elected] offices are almost always the more affluent, connected people in the district,” said Jim Stearns, a San Francisco political consultant, who is currently advising the United Educators of San Francisco teachers union. “They almost always have an outsized voice in issues like this, and I do think that’s the same here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question for local and state politicians is how high the heat from the reopening debate will rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the state’s improving COVID-19 outlook will result in the reopening of classrooms and a cooling of tensions. Maybe the local recall campaigns will turn more nakedly partisan, potentially turning off liberals who support teachers unions and don’t have an immediate stake in the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the potential for local school issues to escalate politically should not be underestimated. In the early 1970s, San Francisco lawyer Quentin Kopp launched a decades-long political career with his opposition to the city’s school desegregation plan — channeling the anger that white and Chinese parents held towards busing into a successful run for supervisor in 1971. Kopp’s career would take him to the state senate and a superior court judgeship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few years later, parent activist Bobbi Fiedler organized tens of thousands of parents in the San Fernando Valley against desegregation busing, and, in 1977, she toppled the president of the Los Angeles school board. Three years later, Fiedler was in Congress, after riding the same issue to knock off 10-term U.S. Rep. James Corman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Already, national Republicans are \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/elections/openourschools-gop-targets-teachers-unions-bid-retake-suburbs-n1257899\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">eyeing the school reopening debate\u003c/a> as a political winner to gain back ground in suburban House districts in 2022. And many California families may already be “voting with their feet” and leaving public schools — although the data on the state’s record pandemic \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2021/01/california-schools-record-enrollment-drop/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">enrollment drop is still noisy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the movement’s breakout potential might be limited by time and the region’s liberal leanings, Agnos says parent groups are just in their “embryonic stage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there is no balanced response from the school district in general and the school board in particular, I think this movement could grow into a major force,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>At a recent meeting of the Fremont Unified School District Board of Education, Superintendent CJ Cammack presented the results of a self-selecting survey of parents, asking their feelings about continuing remote learning across the district’s 42 schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The survey results should have provided a level of comfort for the elected board to stay the course: 63% of the nearly 11,000 parents who responded said they preferred to have their child remain in distance learning for the rest of the school year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the public comment period began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For nearly an hour, parents called in to levy their frustrations at the board, urging its members to produce a plan to reopen classrooms in the Bay Area’s third largest school district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What about the 36% of the district? Are they not important?” asked Irene Shen, a district parent. “Not every parent will come here to speak but everyone will vote with their feet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The status of public schools in California has remained largely static in the year since the pandemic began: Most \u003ca href=\"https://maps.schools.covid19.ca.gov/public.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">remain shuttered, \u003c/a>and large Bay Area districts like San Francisco, Oakland and Fremont have been in distance learning throughout the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the political landscape is shifting rapidly as local and state officials attempt to chart the course for a potential return to class. Finding a consensus among parents on such an emotionally charged issue is proving impossible, with surveys and polling providing limited guidance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, increasingly organized groups of parents advocating for an immediate return to class are emerging as a potent political counterweight to teachers unions that have so far resisted those calls \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11858457/as-battle-over-reopening-san-francisco-schools-turns-ugly-equity-emerges-as-fault-line\">until members are vaccinated\u003c/a>. In San Francisco and the East Bay suburb of San Ramon, parent groups \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Effort-launched-to-recall-three-S-F-school-board-15968429.php\">have vowed to derail the political careers of board members\u003c/a> standing in the way of reopening. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only sure thing in the debate over reopening schools, Cammack said, is that, “Any return to on-campus learning will not be fast enough for some, and far too soon for others.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A ‘Politically Fragile’ Issue\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>That’s no solace to policymakers who prefer to operate with more well-defined levels of public opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local districts looking for guidance from the state Legislature have so far found gridlock, as Democratic lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11860986/democratic-state-legislators-split-with-newsom-on-school-reopening\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">have yet to agree\u003c/a> on a plan to return students to class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A proposal unveiled last week by Democrats in the state Senate and Assembly would send billions of dollars to local districts to bring back grades K-6 by April 15 — if coronavirus case rates drop below 7 cases per 100,000 residents (the state’s “red” tier) and teachers are offered vaccines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has argued that guidance from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/community/schools-childcare/operation-strategy.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a> makes it clear that schools can reopen immediately with the proper mitigation measures, and that teacher vaccinations are not a necessary prerequisite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing the pressure of a potential recall election, Newsom has grown bolder in his pronouncements that union intransigence could leave students out of classrooms until the fall. Labor leaders, who heavily supported Newsom in his 2018 run for governor, have responded by \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/tKm7Iry5brA?t=999\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">singling him out for criticism\u003c/a> and launching their own ad campaign to promote a reopening strategy that includes vaccinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think there’s an easy solution to any of this,” said former state Assemblywoman Joan Buchanan, D-Alamo, who chaired the Assembly Education Committee.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Buchanan said education policy has always been a politically fragile issue. During her days in the state Legislature, she said, few lawmakers showed interest in sitting on education committees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one wanted to serve on the Education Committee unless that was your passion, because it had more bills than any other committee and the meetings were longer,” Buchanan remembered. “And the reason they were longer is because it’s a very emotional issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re dealing with people’s children, that’s their most precious gift and they care about them and they want to do what’s best for them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But finding a statewide consensus among parents about what is best for kids has been futile. And public polling has offered lawmakers little counsel, with conflicting results that indicate support for in-person learning but little agreement on what a safe return to it looks like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is difficult to identify the signal in the noise of all of the polling data,” said Martin West, professor of education at the Harvard Graduate School of Education. “Exactly what question you pose to parents matters a huge deal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What the Data Says, and Doesn’t\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Education Next, a research journal run by West, \u003ca href=\"https://www.educationnext.org/pandemic-parent-survey-finds-perverse-pattern-students-more-likely-to-be-attending-school-in-person-where-covid-is-spreading-more-rapidly/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">surveyed parents around the country\u003c/a> toward the end of 2020 and found that parents of 60% of students believe their kids are learning less during the pandemic. But parents of 74% of students still expressed satisfaction with the instruction and activities provided at their child’s school, and views of teachers unions remained at pre-pandemic levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Likewise, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.huffpost.com/entry/teachers-unions-schools-reopen-covid_n_60218ee6c5b6173dd2f89ceb\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">February poll from HuffPost/YouGov\u003c/a> found Americans strongly support the bargaining position of teachers unions, but just 41% believe the risk of reopening schools outweighs the consequence of keeping them closed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without hard data on their constituent’s views, state lawmakers, including Newsom, have drawn on their own experiences as parents to empathize with public frustration.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "“Equity requires meeting the needs of the most marginalized students. Distanced learning has widened the opportunity and performance gap.”",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a Monday hearing on a reopening bill, legislators representing predominately Black and Latino communities shared stories of residents for whom a reopening of schools would come with a new set of anxieties and challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a [former] teacher, and all my friends are teachers, they’re ready to go back to the classroom, they know the importance of that,” said Assemblywoman Cristina Garcia, D-Bell Gardens. “But they are afraid when they see the rates of infection in Bell Gardens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In practice, California’s state government has largely kicked school reopening decisions to the local level. Both Newsom and legislative Democrats have language in their latest proposals that would require a collective bargaining agreement between local districts and unions on reopening safety protocols — essentially ensuring that political battle over reopening will play out one by one in the hundreds of districts across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And at the local level, piecing together a consensus from surveys, interest group lobbying and parental outrage — while identifying which voices are missing from the conversation — has been just as difficult, particularly for elected board members promising to keep equity at the center of the reopening debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11861641\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11861641\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47103_033_SanFrancisco_LowellBSURally_02052021-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47103_033_SanFrancisco_LowellBSURally_02052021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47103_033_SanFrancisco_LowellBSURally_02052021-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47103_033_SanFrancisco_LowellBSURally_02052021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47103_033_SanFrancisco_LowellBSURally_02052021-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47103_033_SanFrancisco_LowellBSURally_02052021-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">SFUSD Board of Education President Gabriela López speaking during a rally at Lowell High School on Feb. 5, 2021, is facing a recall campaign. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Oakland Unified School District, \u003ca href=\"https://dashboards.ousd.org/views/2020FallFamilySurvey/Intro?%3Aembed=y\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a fall 2020 survey found\u003c/a> 41% of parents planned to send their child back to school if classrooms reopened, compared to 27% who said they would not, and 31% who were “unsure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But among Black parents, the split was 35% to 33% against returning, with Latino parents responding with a similar 36% to 32% divide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A survey of \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1FgRX68QeYT7C01jyfNfEXeIloxJgtZAd/view\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco Unified School District\u003c/a> parents found that 57% of respondents planned to return their children to in-person learning — with wide gaps between white (80%), Black (57%), Latino (61%) and Asian (36%) respondents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Equity Emerges as a Fault Line\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Many supporters of reopening classrooms have rallied around the call of equity, with some trumpeting the disproportionate effects of distance learning that have left low-income, Black and Latino children \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/who-is-losing-ground-with-distance-learning-in-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">less access to live instruction and internet-connected\u003c/a> learning. But there is no agreed-upon definition of equity, and it’s not always members of the Black and Latino communities making those calls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Equity requires meeting the needs of the most marginalized students. Distanced learning has widened the opportunity and performance gap,” said Padma Gopalakrishnan, a parent who weighed in at the Fremont Unified board meeting. “The survey did not identify these students. We need to help them … so we need to open our schools.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul Fong, a former state assemblyman who until recently led the faculty union at the San Jose-Evergreen Community College District, said he wouldn’t give added weight to vocal parents “just because they’re squeaking louder.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really feel for the school board members right now because they’re the ones that are on the front lines of this, getting the heat from the community,” Fong added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the white-hot light of the school reopening debate has exposed the political naivete of many officials serving on local school boards — positions long considered a first step toward higher office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Contra Costa County, the entire Oakley Union Elementary School District Board \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/02/19/entire-oakley-school-board-resigns-over-embarrassing-hot-mic-moment-during-public-meeting/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">resigned last week\u003c/a> after making derogatory comments on a live video stream about parents who had pushed to reopen schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in San Francisco, board members made national headlines for embarking on a quixotic mission \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/coronavirusliveupdates\">to rename dozens of (still empty) public schools\u003c/a>, in some cases relying on flawed research to render judgment on whether a name was connected to enslavement, oppression or racism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11861638\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11861638\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47274_021_SanFrancisco_ClarendonSchoolReopeningRally_02182021-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47274_021_SanFrancisco_ClarendonSchoolReopeningRally_02182021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47274_021_SanFrancisco_ClarendonSchoolReopeningRally_02182021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47274_021_SanFrancisco_ClarendonSchoolReopeningRally_02182021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47274_021_SanFrancisco_ClarendonSchoolReopeningRally_02182021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47274_021_SanFrancisco_ClarendonSchoolReopeningRally_02182021-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign says “Please Reopen Our Schools” at a park across from Clarendon Elementary School in San Francisco on Feb. 18, 2021, where students and parents rallied in support of reopening schools. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now, groups of irate parents have progressed from survey responses and public comment periods to a more menacing form of political feedback: a vow to recall or challenge school board members who don’t reopen schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A political action committee called The Campaign for Better Public Schools \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/coronavirusliveupdates/news/11861151/new-pac-targets-san-francisco-school-board-over-reopening\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">launched in San Francisco last week\u003c/a>, backed by parents with the goal of shaking up a board that they believe has been incompetent and recalcitrant, with little to show for months of discussion and millions in federal and state relief dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee may pursue a direct recall of sitting board members, challenge them in future elections or work to change how members are selected — either by breaking the board into districts or handing appointment power to the mayor, said Seeyew Mo, the group’s executive director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole point of my organization is to give voices to those who are not represented, so we welcome everyone and we will continue to work to make sure that diverse voices are represented,” Mo said. “And I don’t think there is any commissioner on the board or any of the organizations out there that can claim that they represent everybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Short of actually recalling commissioners, supporters of the San Francisco campaign don’t have to look far for examples of payoff: The San Ramon Valley Unified School District welcomed back elementary school students in early February, weeks after three board members were targeted with a recall campaign in response to their decision to postpone an earlier reopening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers of “Parent Power” in San Ramon \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/02/10/san-ramon-unified-opens-some-schools-for-in-person-learning/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">told the Mercury News\u003c/a> that they plan to continue gathering signatures to force a recall election for the three board members in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Parent Groups a ‘Major Force,’ but for Whom?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For school board officials, the organization of parents railing against school closures offers a rare political counterweight to the clout of local teachers unions, said former San Francisco Mayor Art Agnos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sad part about the school board elections is that there is only one dominant, overwhelming power, and that is the teachers union,” said Agnos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But others view the reopening advocates, with their finely written press releases announcing camera-friendly protests in front of shuttered schools, as just the latest example of wealthy constituents finding a way to elevate their own concerns — not those of the broader community.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The folks who are the most persistent in communicating with [elected] offices are almost always the more affluent, connected people in the district,” said Jim Stearns, a San Francisco political consultant, who is currently advising the United Educators of San Francisco teachers union. “They almost always have an outsized voice in issues like this, and I do think that’s the same here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question for local and state politicians is how high the heat from the reopening debate will rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the state’s improving COVID-19 outlook will result in the reopening of classrooms and a cooling of tensions. Maybe the local recall campaigns will turn more nakedly partisan, potentially turning off liberals who support teachers unions and don’t have an immediate stake in the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the potential for local school issues to escalate politically should not be underestimated. In the early 1970s, San Francisco lawyer Quentin Kopp launched a decades-long political career with his opposition to the city’s school desegregation plan — channeling the anger that white and Chinese parents held towards busing into a successful run for supervisor in 1971. Kopp’s career would take him to the state senate and a superior court judgeship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few years later, parent activist Bobbi Fiedler organized tens of thousands of parents in the San Fernando Valley against desegregation busing, and, in 1977, she toppled the president of the Los Angeles school board. Three years later, Fiedler was in Congress, after riding the same issue to knock off 10-term U.S. Rep. James Corman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Already, national Republicans are \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/elections/openourschools-gop-targets-teachers-unions-bid-retake-suburbs-n1257899\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">eyeing the school reopening debate\u003c/a> as a political winner to gain back ground in suburban House districts in 2022. And many California families may already be “voting with their feet” and leaving public schools — although the data on the state’s record pandemic \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2021/01/california-schools-record-enrollment-drop/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">enrollment drop is still noisy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the movement’s breakout potential might be limited by time and the region’s liberal leanings, Agnos says parent groups are just in their “embryonic stage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there is no balanced response from the school district in general and the school board in particular, I think this movement could grow into a major force,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Gov. Newsom Signs $7.6 Billion COVID-19 Relief Package",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a $7.6 billion coronavirus relief package on Tuesday that will give at least $600 one-time payments to 5.7 million people while setting aside more than $2 billion in grants for struggling small businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed the law as Congress is debating a much larger \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/02/22/970122376/highlights-from-the-house-covid-bill\">stimulus package for the nation\u003c/a>, a proposal that could also put money into the pockets of most Americans. And it comes as the first-term governor is facing a recall effort fueled in part by widespread anger over his handling of the coronavirus, particularly its impact on businesses.[aside postID=\"news_11859941\" label=\"more on recall effort\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The backbone of our economy is small business. We recognize the stress, the strain that so many small businesses have been under,” Newsom said at a bill-signing ceremony at Solomon’s Deli in Sacramento. “And we recognize as well our responsibility to do more and to do better to help support these small businesses through this very difficult and trying time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom administration still bans indoor dining in most of the state while limiting how many people can enter retail stores at the same time. Newsom said Tuesday the state will ease those restrictions in five counties, with more to come in the coming weeks as the number of new infections have fallen in recent weeks along with coronavirus-related hospitalizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/CAgovernor/status/1364275825156087812\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom used his emergency powers in November to set aside $500 million for small business grants. In the first round of funding, the program received more than 334,000 applications totaling more than $4.4 billion in requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law Newsom signed on Thursday puts another $2 billion into that program. Businesses with annual revenues between $1,000 and $2.5 million are eligible for the money, with a priority given to businesses owned by women and minorities and businesses in areas with high unemployment rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature will likely approve more aid for businesses next week. Lawmakers had planned to pass a bill on Monday that would have let businesses deduct up to $150,000 in expenses covered by federal loans from their state taxes — a $2 billion benefit over six years. But they decided to amend the bill to let businesses deduct more than $150,000 from their taxes, raising the price tag for the state to about $2.3 billion, Newsom said.[aside postID=\"news_11858051\" label=\"californians turn up the heat on newsom\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once that law is passed, it will bring the total state stimulus package to just under $10 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s big even for California standards,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The package includes $3.7 billion to pay at least $600 in one-time payments to about 5.7 million people. Most of these people will get the money by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11823707/will-newsom-back-benefits-for-undocumented-californians\">claiming the California “earned income tax credit”\u003c/a> on their tax returns. In general, those are people who make $30,000 per year or less.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money will also go to people who earn under $75,000 per year and use an individual taxpayer identification number to file their income taxes. These are people who don’t have Social Security numbers, including immigrants who were ineligible for the federal stimulus payments Congress approved last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Bree Bernwanger, a senior attorney with the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area, argued the case. She said the 9th Circuit’s ruling is a reminder that ICE officials must prioritize the safety of people in their custody over the agency’s interest in detaining them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE violates the Constitution when it subjects people to an unreasonable risk of harm in detention,” she said. “And the risk of contracting COVID is a serious one that is constitutionally protected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bernwanger also noted that ICE detention is a form of civil custody, meant to hold people facing possible deportation if they are a danger to the public or unlikely to appear in immigration court as scheduled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the fact that those who were let free are back in their homes, safe from the pandemic, and with only rare allegations that any of them violated the court order for their release shows that ICE detention is largely unnecessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE detention is a sham,” Bernwanger said. “It hasn’t been keeping anyone safer. It’s actually just been more dangerous to our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ICE spokesman said the agency is currently reviewing the 9th Circuit’s decision and has no further comment because the matter is in litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 9th Circuit panel referred the case to a mediation program to work out next steps, noting that conditions in ICE detention have changed considerably in recent months, as the pandemic progressed and Chhabria ordered additional protections.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>More renters in Richmond may soon be protected from evictions after the City Council on Tuesday approved directing city staff to draft stronger eviction protections for tenants during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We feel the urgency of now, that we have to take action. So what we want to do is fill the gaps. This is the best scenario that we can do and we want to do the best scenario,\" said Richmond City Council member Gayle McLaughlin, who introduced the item.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Richmond City Council member Gayle McLaughlin']'We feel the urgency of now, that we have to take action. So what we want to do is fill the gaps. This is the best scenario that we can do and we want to do the best scenario.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite statewide protections that prevent tenants from eviction for nonpayment of rent if they claim a financial hardship, evictions are still happening, including in the city of Richmond. Contra Costa County evicted 135 people between the beginning of the pandemic and the end of 2020, the second-highest number of evictions across the Bay Area. That’s according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11856817/more-than-500-bay-area-residents-have-been-evicted-during-the-pandemic-despite-protections\">a KQED analysis of sheriff lockouts\u003c/a> that was cited in the council member’s report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are another community that didn't pass strong protections. And so as a result, many of their community members did get evicted. I think this is a way to try and close those loopholes,” said Leah Simon-Weisberg, a tenant rights attorney and legal director for the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond city attorneys are now working on drafting an eviction protection ordinance modeled after San Francisco and Alameda counties, which have seen the fewest evictions in the region. Tenant groups attribute the low eviction numbers to the local moratoriums, which have halted nearly all evictions, except for health and safety cases or if a rental is being taken off the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond does not currently have a local moratorium in place, and earlier eviction protections expired last September. Renters remain vulnerable to eviction for lease violations, no-fault evictions or rent debt that predated the pandemic. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without robust COVID-19 eviction protections, Richmond residential tenants will continue to be at risk of eviction during the pandemic and inequity and instability will grow,” Richmond City Council members McLaughlin and Melvin Willis \u003ca href=\"http://sireweb.ci.richmond.ca.us/sirepub/cache/2/jygrqgsrrlx5hsxukuagmlj3/61431802172021043907639.PDF\">wrote in a memo\u003c/a> supporting the issue. “Adding additional tenant protections will prevent displacement, reduce the transmission of COVID-19 and promote the stability and the health and safety of the residents and businesses of Richmond.” [aside tag=\"eviction-moratorium,rent\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some tenants' attorneys say a blanket eviction ban is necessary to prevent further housing insecurity or homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want to put more families out on the street right now,” said Anne Tamiko Omura, executive director of the Eviction Defense Center, which offers legal services to tenants in Alameda and parts of Contra Costa counties. She said 98% of her clients in Richmond facing eviction are people of color, and are mostly Black and Latino families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tuesday's meeting, Tamiko Omura urged the Richmond City Council to consider pausing unlawful detainers and sheriff lockouts from going forward while the coronavirus pandemic is still a threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are begging you,\" she said. \"If Richmond doesn't do anything, we're just going to continue to see more of the same: predominantly low-income people of color being pushed into homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Council member Eduardo Martinez suggested including additional protections for property owners who have not received rent and may be at risk of foreclosure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is an issue that's much larger than just tenants,\" Martinez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond Mayor Tom Butt cast the only no vote, arguing that the city’s rent control and the state eviction protections already do enough to shield tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"order": 9
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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},
"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Political Breakdown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/572155894/political-breakdown",
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