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"content": "\u003cp>It’s twenty minutes before Alaska Airlines flight 626 takes off from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-international-airport\">San Francisco International Airport \u003c/a>for Seattle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colette Vance closes her eyes and calms herself with a string of rosary beads, hoping that her claustrophobia doesn’t trigger a panic attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It happened the year prior, when she was flying back to North Carolina for her final semester as a college senior. She had such intense anxiety that she felt as if she was about to die. After graduation, she avoided flying altogether and drove all the way back to California instead. It was on that long road trip home that she realized she needed to confront her fear of flying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fear of flying is less a single phobia than a place where other fears converge. For many people, it’s rooted in one or more anxieties that flying brings into focus — the fear of turbulence, of heights, or of having a panic attack in front of strangers with no escape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Vance, being inside an aircraft activates her claustrophobia — a condition she developed at nine years old. A series of surgeries caused her to feel severe anxiety in closed spaces. Her panic attacks increased during her teenage years, especially on airplanes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I’m in a car, I can pull over, open my door and get some relief,” she says. “But when I’m in a plane, there’s no\u003cem> out\u003c/em>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A safe space to face the fear\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Air travel isn’t something that most people can do often enough to ease their anxiety. Each trip can feel like starting all over again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luckily, Vance found somewhere to practice being uncomfortable: the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fofc.com/\">Fear of Flying Clinic,\u003c/a> a nonprofit support organization hosted at the San Francisco International Airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068789\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_7569-scaled-e1767726106793.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068789\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_7569-scaled-e1767726106793.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Collette Vance, a participant in the Fear of Flying Clinic, prays before takeoff from San Francisco on Aug. 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Evan Roberts/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fran Grant and Jeanne McElhatton, both licensed pilots, founded the clinic in 1976 in San Mateo, California. They created an educational program in order to help Grant’s husband overcome his turbulence anxiety so he could travel to Australia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The curriculum demystified air travel and addressed the physical and psychological roots of fear. The first clinic welcomed a small group of anxious travelers and, by the end, Grant’s husband was calm enough to sleep through turbulence that had once overwhelmed him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, clients from across California spend two consecutive weekends understanding the mechanics of flight and learning how to rewire their anxious thoughts. A four-day workshop culminates in a round-trip graduation flight to Seattle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vance arrives at the clinic on the first day with her mother, Louise, joining eight other participants, including one couple who drove in from Fresno. Volunteers run the workshop — many of whom are nervous flyers and have gone through the clinic themselves — and include instruction from working pilots, air traffic controllers, flight attendants and aircraft maintenance technicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Volunteer psychotherapist Paula Zimmerman begins the workshop by asking everyone to introduce themselves and their concerns about flying. Reasons for signing up range widely: panic attacks, childhood trauma from an earthquake, a decades-old rescue mission during the Vietnam War. One participant in their fifties had never even been inside an airplane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often, Zimmerman says, they sign up because of an important upcoming trip.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Retrain the brain\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Zimmerman wants participants to understand the difference between adrenaline and real danger. Her goal is to help them to distinguish between the thing that’s happening to them and how they \u003cem>think \u003c/em>about the thing that’s happening to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She writes the letter “A” on a large sheet of paper at the front of the room. A stands for an activating event — like, for example, turbulence.[aside postID=news_12065083 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/wmn-afrofuturism-gallery-03-2000x1337.jpg']Then she adds “B”, for belief — the idea you have about the turbulence. Someone might believe, for example, that turbulence means the pilot has lost control, and the plane is going to crash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, she writes “C” — the consequence of that belief. For most everyone in the room, the consequence is often panic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In particular, she wants the group to analyze the tricky second step of belief. If you believe turbulence means disaster, it makes sense you’d be terrified. But what if that belief simply isn’t true?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help make her point, she brings in reinforcements: retired pilot Keith Koch, who flew commercially for 40 years, fields questions about turbulence all the time. Turbulence, he explains, rarely moves a plane more than a few feet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as your seatbelt is on, you’re perfectly safe in turbulence,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His claim is backed by \u003ca href=\"https://ral.ucar.edu/sites/default/files/docs/eick-turbulencerelatedaccidents.pdf\">data\u003c/a>: deaths from turbulence are very \u003ca href=\"https://www.usatoday.com/story/travel/airline-news/2024/05/21/turbulence-deaths-climate-change/73787876007/\">rare\u003c/a>, and no modern commercial aircraft has been lost to turbulence alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zimmerman offers a reframing tool to help shift people out of fear and into fact. Instead of saying “turbulence scares me,” she suggests: “I upset myself when there’s turbulence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12067124\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251213-FEAROFFLYING00367_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12067124\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251213-FEAROFFLYING00367_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251213-FEAROFFLYING00367_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251213-FEAROFFLYING00367_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251213-FEAROFFLYING00367_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Captain Daniel Stellini gives a presentation at the Fear of Flying workshop at the Reflection Room at San Francisco International Airport in San Francisco on Dec. 13, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It sounds subtle, but the shift matters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I give the power to turbulence,” she says, “that means every time I’m in a turbulent flight, I scare \u003cem>myself\u003c/em>!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal is to recognize that the plane isn’t the source of the panic — it’s what you think about the plane that causes your adrenaline to rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In order to retrain their brains to respond differently, the group has to expose themselves to the very thing they think is dangerous: the inside of a plane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How are you going to be less afraid of dogs unless you meet a dog?” she asks. “How are you gonna be less afraid of flying unless you get on a plane?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Exposure, the good kind\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the second day of the clinic, participants gather at United Airlines’ Technical Operations building just north of SFO. They wear bright orange safety vests, walk across the tarmac toward a maintenance hangar and gather beneath the tail of a 787 — also known as “the Dreamliner.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together, they observe the massive aircraft. Just seeing the outline of the emergency exit door triggers a familiar sense of dread and entrapment for Vance, who practices Zimmerman’s reframing.[aside postID=news_[aside postID=news_12065518 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-31-BL-KQED.jpg']“It’s just an airplane,” she tells herself. “Airplanes don’t harm anybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A metal staircase is rolled up to the 787’s back entrance. One by one, participants climb inside. They wander down the aisles, absorbing from all senses. One person peers into the oven in the galley. Another taps the top of each seatback. Vance pauses at the emergency exit door window, her hands clasped behind her as if she’s walking through a museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zimmerman gathers the group toward the rear of the aircraft. A volunteer flight attendant plays the familiar chimes and announcements they’d hear during a real commercial flight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the group closes their eyes and focuses on their break, Zimmerman recites what’s called an “imaginal script” — a first-person narrative meant to help them rehearse their coping strategies and guide them through every step of the air travel experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You feel the speed and the strong acceleration,” she reads. “You hear the sounds as the plane lifts. Your plane has reached cruising altitude.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Graduation in the sky\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The group reunites at the airport one week later. This time, they’re on a real commercial flight to Seattle. As the plane accelerates down the runway, Vance gives herself a pep talk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m in charge. I’m the boss,” she whispers. “I have God on my side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068794\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_7701-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068794\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_7701-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"2560\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_7701-scaled.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_7701-2000x2667.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_7701-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_7701-1152x1536.jpg 1152w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_7701-1536x2048.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Collette Vance looks out the window before takeoff from San Francisco on Aug. 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Evan Roberts/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nearby, there are other nervous flyers from the clinic. Paul is seated just in front of her, and Sarah and Katherine are across the aisle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once the seat belt sign is off, volunteer instructor Koch is free to move about the cabin and check in with each participant. He’s wearing his pilot’s uniform: crisp white shirt and tie, navy blazer, and wings pinned near his lapel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hardest thing you did was show up on day one,” he tells Vance. “If you show up on day one, there’s a really high chance you’ll end up here on day four — right where you are, on an airplane.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plane begins its descent into Seattle. It sinks in for Vance that she made it through the flight without a panic attack, and her excitement swells. She leans forward to Paul, seated in front of her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the plane lands, do you wanna clap and cheer?” she asks. “Pass it down to everybody.” He does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She looks out her window as the ground gets closer and closer. As the wheels hit the runway, the clinic group erupts with cheers and congratulations. Someone jokes that they wish this group could join them on every flight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Seattle airport, they all eat lunch together at a Chinese restaurant and get fortune cookies. On the flight back to SFO later that day, Colette opens hers and shrieks with excitement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her fortune reads: “You will travel to many exotic places in the next few years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Reporter \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.evandavidroberts.com/\">\u003cem>Evan Roberts\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> was a 2025 Summer Fellow with \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kalw.org/people/evan-roberts\">\u003cem>KALW,\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> where he first reported this piece.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fear of flying is less a single phobia than a place where other fears converge. For many people, it’s rooted in one or more anxieties that flying brings into focus — the fear of turbulence, of heights, or of having a panic attack in front of strangers with no escape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Vance, being inside an aircraft activates her claustrophobia — a condition she developed at nine years old. A series of surgeries caused her to feel severe anxiety in closed spaces. Her panic attacks increased during her teenage years, especially on airplanes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I’m in a car, I can pull over, open my door and get some relief,” she says. “But when I’m in a plane, there’s no\u003cem> out\u003c/em>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A safe space to face the fear\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Air travel isn’t something that most people can do often enough to ease their anxiety. Each trip can feel like starting all over again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luckily, Vance found somewhere to practice being uncomfortable: the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fofc.com/\">Fear of Flying Clinic,\u003c/a> a nonprofit support organization hosted at the San Francisco International Airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068789\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_7569-scaled-e1767726106793.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068789\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_7569-scaled-e1767726106793.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Collette Vance, a participant in the Fear of Flying Clinic, prays before takeoff from San Francisco on Aug. 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Evan Roberts/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fran Grant and Jeanne McElhatton, both licensed pilots, founded the clinic in 1976 in San Mateo, California. They created an educational program in order to help Grant’s husband overcome his turbulence anxiety so he could travel to Australia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The curriculum demystified air travel and addressed the physical and psychological roots of fear. The first clinic welcomed a small group of anxious travelers and, by the end, Grant’s husband was calm enough to sleep through turbulence that had once overwhelmed him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, clients from across California spend two consecutive weekends understanding the mechanics of flight and learning how to rewire their anxious thoughts. A four-day workshop culminates in a round-trip graduation flight to Seattle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vance arrives at the clinic on the first day with her mother, Louise, joining eight other participants, including one couple who drove in from Fresno. Volunteers run the workshop — many of whom are nervous flyers and have gone through the clinic themselves — and include instruction from working pilots, air traffic controllers, flight attendants and aircraft maintenance technicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Volunteer psychotherapist Paula Zimmerman begins the workshop by asking everyone to introduce themselves and their concerns about flying. Reasons for signing up range widely: panic attacks, childhood trauma from an earthquake, a decades-old rescue mission during the Vietnam War. One participant in their fifties had never even been inside an airplane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often, Zimmerman says, they sign up because of an important upcoming trip.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Retrain the brain\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Zimmerman wants participants to understand the difference between adrenaline and real danger. Her goal is to help them to distinguish between the thing that’s happening to them and how they \u003cem>think \u003c/em>about the thing that’s happening to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She writes the letter “A” on a large sheet of paper at the front of the room. A stands for an activating event — like, for example, turbulence.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Then she adds “B”, for belief — the idea you have about the turbulence. Someone might believe, for example, that turbulence means the pilot has lost control, and the plane is going to crash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, she writes “C” — the consequence of that belief. For most everyone in the room, the consequence is often panic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In particular, she wants the group to analyze the tricky second step of belief. If you believe turbulence means disaster, it makes sense you’d be terrified. But what if that belief simply isn’t true?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help make her point, she brings in reinforcements: retired pilot Keith Koch, who flew commercially for 40 years, fields questions about turbulence all the time. Turbulence, he explains, rarely moves a plane more than a few feet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as your seatbelt is on, you’re perfectly safe in turbulence,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His claim is backed by \u003ca href=\"https://ral.ucar.edu/sites/default/files/docs/eick-turbulencerelatedaccidents.pdf\">data\u003c/a>: deaths from turbulence are very \u003ca href=\"https://www.usatoday.com/story/travel/airline-news/2024/05/21/turbulence-deaths-climate-change/73787876007/\">rare\u003c/a>, and no modern commercial aircraft has been lost to turbulence alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zimmerman offers a reframing tool to help shift people out of fear and into fact. Instead of saying “turbulence scares me,” she suggests: “I upset myself when there’s turbulence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12067124\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251213-FEAROFFLYING00367_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12067124\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251213-FEAROFFLYING00367_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251213-FEAROFFLYING00367_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251213-FEAROFFLYING00367_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251213-FEAROFFLYING00367_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Captain Daniel Stellini gives a presentation at the Fear of Flying workshop at the Reflection Room at San Francisco International Airport in San Francisco on Dec. 13, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It sounds subtle, but the shift matters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I give the power to turbulence,” she says, “that means every time I’m in a turbulent flight, I scare \u003cem>myself\u003c/em>!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal is to recognize that the plane isn’t the source of the panic — it’s what you think about the plane that causes your adrenaline to rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In order to retrain their brains to respond differently, the group has to expose themselves to the very thing they think is dangerous: the inside of a plane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How are you going to be less afraid of dogs unless you meet a dog?” she asks. “How are you gonna be less afraid of flying unless you get on a plane?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Exposure, the good kind\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the second day of the clinic, participants gather at United Airlines’ Technical Operations building just north of SFO. They wear bright orange safety vests, walk across the tarmac toward a maintenance hangar and gather beneath the tail of a 787 — also known as “the Dreamliner.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together, they observe the massive aircraft. Just seeing the outline of the emergency exit door triggers a familiar sense of dread and entrapment for Vance, who practices Zimmerman’s reframing.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s just an airplane,” she tells herself. “Airplanes don’t harm anybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A metal staircase is rolled up to the 787’s back entrance. One by one, participants climb inside. They wander down the aisles, absorbing from all senses. One person peers into the oven in the galley. Another taps the top of each seatback. Vance pauses at the emergency exit door window, her hands clasped behind her as if she’s walking through a museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zimmerman gathers the group toward the rear of the aircraft. A volunteer flight attendant plays the familiar chimes and announcements they’d hear during a real commercial flight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the group closes their eyes and focuses on their break, Zimmerman recites what’s called an “imaginal script” — a first-person narrative meant to help them rehearse their coping strategies and guide them through every step of the air travel experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You feel the speed and the strong acceleration,” she reads. “You hear the sounds as the plane lifts. Your plane has reached cruising altitude.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Graduation in the sky\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The group reunites at the airport one week later. This time, they’re on a real commercial flight to Seattle. As the plane accelerates down the runway, Vance gives herself a pep talk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m in charge. I’m the boss,” she whispers. “I have God on my side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068794\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_7701-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068794\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_7701-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"2560\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_7701-scaled.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_7701-2000x2667.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_7701-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_7701-1152x1536.jpg 1152w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_7701-1536x2048.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Collette Vance looks out the window before takeoff from San Francisco on Aug. 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Evan Roberts/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nearby, there are other nervous flyers from the clinic. Paul is seated just in front of her, and Sarah and Katherine are across the aisle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once the seat belt sign is off, volunteer instructor Koch is free to move about the cabin and check in with each participant. He’s wearing his pilot’s uniform: crisp white shirt and tie, navy blazer, and wings pinned near his lapel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hardest thing you did was show up on day one,” he tells Vance. “If you show up on day one, there’s a really high chance you’ll end up here on day four — right where you are, on an airplane.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plane begins its descent into Seattle. It sinks in for Vance that she made it through the flight without a panic attack, and her excitement swells. She leans forward to Paul, seated in front of her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the plane lands, do you wanna clap and cheer?” she asks. “Pass it down to everybody.” He does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She looks out her window as the ground gets closer and closer. As the wheels hit the runway, the clinic group erupts with cheers and congratulations. Someone jokes that they wish this group could join them on every flight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Seattle airport, they all eat lunch together at a Chinese restaurant and get fortune cookies. On the flight back to SFO later that day, Colette opens hers and shrieks with excitement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her fortune reads: “You will travel to many exotic places in the next few years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Reporter \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.evandavidroberts.com/\">\u003cem>Evan Roberts\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> was a 2025 Summer Fellow with \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kalw.org/people/evan-roberts\">\u003cem>KALW,\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> where he first reported this piece.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California Prosecutors Push Back on ICE Immunity Claims",
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"headTitle": "California Prosecutors Push Back on ICE Immunity Claims | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California prosecutors are expressing alarm at the Trump administration’s response to the fatal shooting of a Minneapolis woman by an immigration agent, pointing to statements that the agent has \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Tsq4o1VMLuc\">absolute immunity\u003c/a> from prosecution and to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/01/14/nx-s1-5676324/minnesota-ice-shooting-investigation-fbi-renee-macklin-good\">decision to exclude Minnesota investigators\u003c/a> from the inquiry into the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In interviews with KQED, state and local prosecutors vowed to investigate and, if necessary, prosecute federal agents who act illegally in California. But they acknowledged that those probes would be difficult to undertake without federal cooperation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite what Vice President Vance has irresponsibly and erroneously said …There’s no such thing as absolute immunity,” California Attorney General Rob Bonta, a Democrat, said. “Of course, there can be criminal liability for an ICE agent who commits a crime. ICE agents do not have carte blanche and license to kill and commit crimes and assaults and batter and rape and murder Americans. That’s what JD Vance is saying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid aggressive immigration raids in Minneapolis, Renee Macklin Good was shot three times by an ICE agent as she \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/video/us/100000010631041/minneapolis-ice-shooting-video.html\">appeared to turn her car away\u003c/a> from the officer on Jan. 7.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the shooting, federal authorities — including President Donald Trump and Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem — \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/01/12/us/politics/trump-shooting-renee-good-ice.html\">blamed\u003c/a> Good for the shooting, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/01/10/us/politics/trump-ice-shooting-response-minneapolis.html\">excluded\u003c/a> state and local law enforcement from the investigation and moved to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/01/12/us/politics/fbi-renee-good-ice-shooting.html\">focus the probe\u003c/a> on Good’s possible activism, not the ICE agent’s actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069309\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069309\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/KristiNoemGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/KristiNoemGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/KristiNoemGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/KristiNoemGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem speaks at a news conference on Jan. 7, 2026, in Brownsville, Texas. Secretary Noem announced that the federal government would be deploying 500 miles of water barriers in the Rio Grande River. \u003ccite>(Michael Gonzalez/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The precedent here is very simple — you have a federal law enforcement official, engaging in a federal law enforcement action,” Vice President JD Vance said from the White House podium two days after the shooting. “That’s a federal issue; that guy is protected by absolute immunity, he is doing his job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That claim prompted outrage from Democrats around the nation, in part because Macklin Good’s shooting, while she drove her car, is not unique.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration agents have been involved in at least two nonfatal shootings of drivers in Los Angeles in recent months, and a Wall Street Journal investigation \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/us-news/videos-show-how-ice-vehicle-stops-can-escalate-to-shootings-caf17601\">identified\u003c/a> 13 times since July when ICE agents fired into civilians’ vehicles, twice fatally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vance’s comments in particular outraged law enforcement in California and beyond; the administration’s response led six federal prosecutors in Minnesota to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/01/14/nx-s1-5676293/several-federal-prosecutors-in-minnesota-resign-over-ice-shooting-investigation\">resign\u003c/a> this week.[aside postID=news_12069888 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251120-robbontapb-08-bl-KQED.jpg']“I’ve never in my career seen a government official, an elected official, or the head of a law enforcement agency come out and within minutes justify the conduct of the officer or agent (involved in a shooting),” San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins said on KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069540/san-francisco-da-weighs-in-on-minneapolis-ice-shooting\">Political Breakdown\u003c/a> onTuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It tells me that there’s already been a conclusion drawn, that we will not have a full and fair and independent investigation because they’ve already told us that they’ve determined that this shooting was justified. And so there will not be an opportunity for justice should that need to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins, a Democrat, made headlines in October amid threats of Bay Area immigration raids when she said she would\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/joegarofoli/article/jenkins-federal-agents-21114802.php\"> not hesitate to prosecute federal agents \u003c/a>who break the law in San Francisco. Her comments prompted Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche to write a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/DAGToddBlanche/status/1981495700450893894/photo/1\">letter\u003c/a> that offered a preview of the government’s response to the Minnesota case: He declared any arrest of federal agents “illegal and futile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jenkins’ comments were correct, San Mateo County District Attorney Steve Wagstaffe said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s exactly what I feel. I don’t care who they are, I don’t care who or what their role is. If they come into our county, violate the law, they get held accountable just like anybody does,” he said. “Stature or occupation is not relevant as to whether you get prosecuted if you violate the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one of the Los Angeles cases, TikTok streamer Carlitos Ricardo Parias was accused by federal agents of using his car as a deadly weapon; agents claimed they fired at him in self-defense. But a federal judge dismissed the assault charges filed by federal prosecutors, and video of the incident has \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-12-28/federal-judge-dismisses-indictment-against-tiktoker\">raised questions\u003c/a> about the agents’ account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054682\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054682\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250904-STEPHEN-WAGSTAFFE-ON-PB-03-KQED_1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250904-STEPHEN-WAGSTAFFE-ON-PB-03-KQED_1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250904-STEPHEN-WAGSTAFFE-ON-PB-03-KQED_1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250904-STEPHEN-WAGSTAFFE-ON-PB-03-KQED_1-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Mateo County Sheriff Stephen Wagstaffe at KQED in San Francisco on Sept. 4, 2025.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear if there are state or local investigations into that incident: Los Angeles District Attorney Nathan Hochman declined an interview request for this story, and Bonta declined to confirm or deny a state investigation, saying he cannot comment on pending cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But prosecutors said that federal authorities’ actions are eroding trust in law enforcement – and making their jobs harder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rule of law doesn’t truly exist in our country at the highest level right now,” Jenkins said. “We already know that based on the history in this country, there’s so much distrust when it comes to the prosecution of law enforcement for unlawful shootings or even fair investigations into those shootings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wagstaffe said he was dismayed to see the rush to judgment by both the Trump administration and local elected officials, like Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey. Within hours of the Good shooting, Frey \u003ca href=\"https://www.fox9.com/news/minneapolis-mayor-ice-shooting-self-defense-bullshit-officials-will-seek-justice-jan-2026\">declared the federal government’s self-defense claims “bulls—.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Wagstaffe said none of that should affect the investigation.[aside postID=news_12069724 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/SanctuaryCitySFTrumpAP-1020x725.jpg']“What we’re trying to do here is inspire public trust,” he said. “But I’m not going to be influenced in even the slightest by what any other person says.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta, Wagstaffe and Jenkins all said that in the wake of Good’s killing and the subsequent decision by the FBI to shut out Minnesota investigators, they have real concerns about their ability to probe potential use-of-force incidents involving federal authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wagstaffe noted that federal prosecutors generally are not empowered to investigate murders — local district attorneys are. Jenkins said if federal authorities take control of a scene and refuse to share evidence, “it would nearly negate our ability to prosecute.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Bonta said that what should happen after a federal agent uses deadly force is a joint investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should have access to the scene. We should have access to the evidence. We should get cooperation from the federal government,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has made moves to push back on what Democrats here see as ICE’s overreach: Last year, the governor signed a law \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044570/california-bill-would-prohibit-ice-officers-from-wearing-masks-in-the-state\">barring local and federal law enforcement from wearing a mask\u003c/a> while on duty, a law that’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2026-01-14/federal-challenge-california-ice-law-enforcement-mask-ban\">now tied up in court\u003c/a>. The author of that bill, state Sen. Scott Wiener, is currently pushing \u003ca href=\"https://sd11.senate.ca.gov/news/senator-wiener-announces-legislation-hold-federal-other-officers-accountable-lawlessness\">legislation\u003c/a> to make it easier for Californians to sue over violations of constitutional rights, like illegal search and seizures or retaliating against someone for exercising their First Amendment rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058608\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12058608\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2237687579-scaled-e1759877176351.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Federal agents confront protesters outside of the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement building on Sept. 28, 2025, in Portland, Oregon. In a Truth Social post on Sept. 27, President Donald Trump authorized the deployment of military troops to “protect war-ravaged Portland, and any of our ICE Facilities under siege from attack by Antifa, and other domestic terrorists.” \u003ccite>(Mathieu Lewis-Rolland/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bonta urged Californians to report federal misconduct to a new \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/reportmisconduct\">website\u003c/a> his office created, including video of encounters with ICE, which the public \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/reportmisconduct\">is allowed to record.\u003c/a> But he also encouraged protesters and others not to take the bait if federal agents appear to be provoking a violent response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot, and you should not, assault or strike or commit a crime against an officer. You just can’t, no matter what they did in terms of approaching you. If they use force and you think it was unreasonable, you’re not gonna figure it out at that moment,” he said. “I’ll have to get it figured out later in a court of law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Follow orders, be peaceful, but you can observe, you can record, and that can be used later as evidence in a case that you might bring.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California prosecutors are pushing back on claims from the federal government that ICE agents have immunity from prosecution, vowing to investigate federal agents who break the law.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California prosecutors are expressing alarm at the Trump administration’s response to the fatal shooting of a Minneapolis woman by an immigration agent, pointing to statements that the agent has \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Tsq4o1VMLuc\">absolute immunity\u003c/a> from prosecution and to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/01/14/nx-s1-5676324/minnesota-ice-shooting-investigation-fbi-renee-macklin-good\">decision to exclude Minnesota investigators\u003c/a> from the inquiry into the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In interviews with KQED, state and local prosecutors vowed to investigate and, if necessary, prosecute federal agents who act illegally in California. But they acknowledged that those probes would be difficult to undertake without federal cooperation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite what Vice President Vance has irresponsibly and erroneously said …There’s no such thing as absolute immunity,” California Attorney General Rob Bonta, a Democrat, said. “Of course, there can be criminal liability for an ICE agent who commits a crime. ICE agents do not have carte blanche and license to kill and commit crimes and assaults and batter and rape and murder Americans. That’s what JD Vance is saying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid aggressive immigration raids in Minneapolis, Renee Macklin Good was shot three times by an ICE agent as she \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/video/us/100000010631041/minneapolis-ice-shooting-video.html\">appeared to turn her car away\u003c/a> from the officer on Jan. 7.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the shooting, federal authorities — including President Donald Trump and Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem — \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/01/12/us/politics/trump-shooting-renee-good-ice.html\">blamed\u003c/a> Good for the shooting, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/01/10/us/politics/trump-ice-shooting-response-minneapolis.html\">excluded\u003c/a> state and local law enforcement from the investigation and moved to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/01/12/us/politics/fbi-renee-good-ice-shooting.html\">focus the probe\u003c/a> on Good’s possible activism, not the ICE agent’s actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069309\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069309\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/KristiNoemGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/KristiNoemGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/KristiNoemGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/KristiNoemGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem speaks at a news conference on Jan. 7, 2026, in Brownsville, Texas. Secretary Noem announced that the federal government would be deploying 500 miles of water barriers in the Rio Grande River. \u003ccite>(Michael Gonzalez/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The precedent here is very simple — you have a federal law enforcement official, engaging in a federal law enforcement action,” Vice President JD Vance said from the White House podium two days after the shooting. “That’s a federal issue; that guy is protected by absolute immunity, he is doing his job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That claim prompted outrage from Democrats around the nation, in part because Macklin Good’s shooting, while she drove her car, is not unique.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration agents have been involved in at least two nonfatal shootings of drivers in Los Angeles in recent months, and a Wall Street Journal investigation \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/us-news/videos-show-how-ice-vehicle-stops-can-escalate-to-shootings-caf17601\">identified\u003c/a> 13 times since July when ICE agents fired into civilians’ vehicles, twice fatally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vance’s comments in particular outraged law enforcement in California and beyond; the administration’s response led six federal prosecutors in Minnesota to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/01/14/nx-s1-5676293/several-federal-prosecutors-in-minnesota-resign-over-ice-shooting-investigation\">resign\u003c/a> this week.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I’ve never in my career seen a government official, an elected official, or the head of a law enforcement agency come out and within minutes justify the conduct of the officer or agent (involved in a shooting),” San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins said on KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069540/san-francisco-da-weighs-in-on-minneapolis-ice-shooting\">Political Breakdown\u003c/a> onTuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It tells me that there’s already been a conclusion drawn, that we will not have a full and fair and independent investigation because they’ve already told us that they’ve determined that this shooting was justified. And so there will not be an opportunity for justice should that need to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins, a Democrat, made headlines in October amid threats of Bay Area immigration raids when she said she would\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/joegarofoli/article/jenkins-federal-agents-21114802.php\"> not hesitate to prosecute federal agents \u003c/a>who break the law in San Francisco. Her comments prompted Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche to write a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/DAGToddBlanche/status/1981495700450893894/photo/1\">letter\u003c/a> that offered a preview of the government’s response to the Minnesota case: He declared any arrest of federal agents “illegal and futile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jenkins’ comments were correct, San Mateo County District Attorney Steve Wagstaffe said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s exactly what I feel. I don’t care who they are, I don’t care who or what their role is. If they come into our county, violate the law, they get held accountable just like anybody does,” he said. “Stature or occupation is not relevant as to whether you get prosecuted if you violate the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one of the Los Angeles cases, TikTok streamer Carlitos Ricardo Parias was accused by federal agents of using his car as a deadly weapon; agents claimed they fired at him in self-defense. But a federal judge dismissed the assault charges filed by federal prosecutors, and video of the incident has \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-12-28/federal-judge-dismisses-indictment-against-tiktoker\">raised questions\u003c/a> about the agents’ account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054682\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054682\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250904-STEPHEN-WAGSTAFFE-ON-PB-03-KQED_1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250904-STEPHEN-WAGSTAFFE-ON-PB-03-KQED_1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250904-STEPHEN-WAGSTAFFE-ON-PB-03-KQED_1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250904-STEPHEN-WAGSTAFFE-ON-PB-03-KQED_1-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Mateo County Sheriff Stephen Wagstaffe at KQED in San Francisco on Sept. 4, 2025.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear if there are state or local investigations into that incident: Los Angeles District Attorney Nathan Hochman declined an interview request for this story, and Bonta declined to confirm or deny a state investigation, saying he cannot comment on pending cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But prosecutors said that federal authorities’ actions are eroding trust in law enforcement – and making their jobs harder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rule of law doesn’t truly exist in our country at the highest level right now,” Jenkins said. “We already know that based on the history in this country, there’s so much distrust when it comes to the prosecution of law enforcement for unlawful shootings or even fair investigations into those shootings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wagstaffe said he was dismayed to see the rush to judgment by both the Trump administration and local elected officials, like Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey. Within hours of the Good shooting, Frey \u003ca href=\"https://www.fox9.com/news/minneapolis-mayor-ice-shooting-self-defense-bullshit-officials-will-seek-justice-jan-2026\">declared the federal government’s self-defense claims “bulls—.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Wagstaffe said none of that should affect the investigation.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“What we’re trying to do here is inspire public trust,” he said. “But I’m not going to be influenced in even the slightest by what any other person says.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta, Wagstaffe and Jenkins all said that in the wake of Good’s killing and the subsequent decision by the FBI to shut out Minnesota investigators, they have real concerns about their ability to probe potential use-of-force incidents involving federal authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wagstaffe noted that federal prosecutors generally are not empowered to investigate murders — local district attorneys are. Jenkins said if federal authorities take control of a scene and refuse to share evidence, “it would nearly negate our ability to prosecute.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Bonta said that what should happen after a federal agent uses deadly force is a joint investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should have access to the scene. We should have access to the evidence. We should get cooperation from the federal government,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has made moves to push back on what Democrats here see as ICE’s overreach: Last year, the governor signed a law \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044570/california-bill-would-prohibit-ice-officers-from-wearing-masks-in-the-state\">barring local and federal law enforcement from wearing a mask\u003c/a> while on duty, a law that’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2026-01-14/federal-challenge-california-ice-law-enforcement-mask-ban\">now tied up in court\u003c/a>. The author of that bill, state Sen. Scott Wiener, is currently pushing \u003ca href=\"https://sd11.senate.ca.gov/news/senator-wiener-announces-legislation-hold-federal-other-officers-accountable-lawlessness\">legislation\u003c/a> to make it easier for Californians to sue over violations of constitutional rights, like illegal search and seizures or retaliating against someone for exercising their First Amendment rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058608\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12058608\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2237687579-scaled-e1759877176351.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Federal agents confront protesters outside of the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement building on Sept. 28, 2025, in Portland, Oregon. In a Truth Social post on Sept. 27, President Donald Trump authorized the deployment of military troops to “protect war-ravaged Portland, and any of our ICE Facilities under siege from attack by Antifa, and other domestic terrorists.” \u003ccite>(Mathieu Lewis-Rolland/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bonta urged Californians to report federal misconduct to a new \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/reportmisconduct\">website\u003c/a> his office created, including video of encounters with ICE, which the public \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/reportmisconduct\">is allowed to record.\u003c/a> But he also encouraged protesters and others not to take the bait if federal agents appear to be provoking a violent response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot, and you should not, assault or strike or commit a crime against an officer. You just can’t, no matter what they did in terms of approaching you. If they use force and you think it was unreasonable, you’re not gonna figure it out at that moment,” he said. “I’ll have to get it figured out later in a court of law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Follow orders, be peaceful, but you can observe, you can record, and that can be used later as evidence in a case that you might bring.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When her almost 3-year-old daughter started going to a Spanish-language preschool in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> this month, Sarah Klevan’s child care expenses doubled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just two afternoons per week of early learning costs $575 per month, but when tacked on to after-school programs, Klevan and her husband are already paying for their 6-year-old son, there was little room left in their budget for anything else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next to the mortgage, child care takes a big chunk of the couple’s monthly expenses, even when she and her husband earn six figures as a policy researcher and public school librarian, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re really lucky to have family nearby [to provide backup care],” she said. “I really don’t think it would not be feasible for us to live here otherwise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco is trying to make life a little more affordable for middle- and upper-middle-income earners like them by expanding access to child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069997\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069997\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260115-SFCHILDCARESUBSIDIES00041_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260115-SFCHILDCARESUBSIDIES00041_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260115-SFCHILDCARESUBSIDIES00041_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260115-SFCHILDCARESUBSIDIES00041_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sarah Klevan (right), a mother of two, gets her daughter Bea (left) ready to be picked up by her grandpa in San Francisco on Jan. 15, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under a plan Mayor Daniel Lurie announced Wednesday, parents who earn up to $311,000 per year for a family of four, or 200% of the area median income, will qualify for 50% discount at \u003ca href=\"https://sfdec.org/early-learning-for-all/\">more than 500 city-funded early childhood education and care programs\u003c/a> starting in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And a family of four earning less than $233,000 per year, or up to 150% of the area median income, will immediately qualify for free child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is going to remove a huge burden for working parents,” Lurie said Thursday at his state of the city speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He acknowledged that a family of four needs to earn over $160,000 a year just to meet their basic needs, and vowed to make San Francisco the first major city in the nation to offer universal access to child care.[aside postID=news_12069608 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/019_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022_qed.jpg']“Families are being forced to make impossible choices — delaying having children, sacrificing savings, or leaving the communities they call home,” he said. “I will not let that be the future of San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news offered relief for Klevan, who qualifies for child care subsidies under the new eligibility requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be a huge difference for our family,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The subsidies will help her pay for more hours of preschool for her daughter, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than $550 million in unspent money and ongoing funds from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948690/business-tax-provides-crucial-funding-for-early-childhood-education-and-care-in-san-francisco\">commercial real estate tax that voters approved in 2018\u003c/a> will pay for the expanded subsidies. The goal of the tax measure, dubbed Baby Prop C, was to provide early education and care for all children under 5 years old. But revenue from the measure was tied up by a lawsuit that was resolved in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city began by first offering free child care to low-income families, then tuition assistance to families earning between 111% to 150% of the area median income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan also called for increasing the eligibility threshold to cover families making up to 200% of the area median income, but the city didn’t offer a timeline. That left some child care advocates \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/news/education/baby-prop-c-expansion-500-million/article_f77319e4-6693-44bb-a9b2-8b229d04910d.html\">frustrated by the pace of the city’s ambitious plan to offer universal child care.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Stephen Sherill had previously requested a Feb. 4 hearing with the city’s Department of Early Childhood to ask whether the expansion could happen sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069996\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069996\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260115-SFCHILDCARESUBSIDIES00006_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260115-SFCHILDCARESUBSIDIES00006_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260115-SFCHILDCARESUBSIDIES00006_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260115-SFCHILDCARESUBSIDIES00006_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sarah Klevan (top left), and her husband Dylan Beighley (top right) finish up house chores before sending their children Emmett (bottom left) and Bea (bottom right) off to school in San Francisco on Jan. 15, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“One of the biggest expenses for young families is child care, some paying $3,000 a month per child in some cases,” he said Wednesday. “That is a crazy amount because that’s after taxes. That is a massive expense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sherill also cited concerns about how the department is getting the word out to families about their eligibility for the subsidies. After San Francisco expanded them to families earning up to 150% of the area median income in May 2024, only about 200 families signed up, according to data provided by Wu Yee Children’s Services, which is responsible for enrolling eligible families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a comically low number,” he said. “Does every pediatrician’s office know about this, and are they telling their patients? Does everyone who leaves the maternity ward in San Francisco get information about this? When a family signs up online for a slot, are they informed of this subsidy?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sherill asked, “If not enough people take advantage, then what is the point of this program?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s Note: This story was updated on Jan. 15, 2026, to correct Klevan’s monthly child care expenses and include additional quotes from Lurie. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The city is using more than $550 million in unspent money and ongoing funds from a commercial real estate tax to pay for child care subsidies. Mayor Daniel Lurie on Thursday vowed to make San Francisco the first major U.S. city to make sure every family has access to child care.",
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"title": "Lurie Vows to Speed Up Universal Access to Child Care: ‘We’re Going to Be the First’ | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When her almost 3-year-old daughter started going to a Spanish-language preschool in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> this month, Sarah Klevan’s child care expenses doubled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just two afternoons per week of early learning costs $575 per month, but when tacked on to after-school programs, Klevan and her husband are already paying for their 6-year-old son, there was little room left in their budget for anything else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next to the mortgage, child care takes a big chunk of the couple’s monthly expenses, even when she and her husband earn six figures as a policy researcher and public school librarian, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re really lucky to have family nearby [to provide backup care],” she said. “I really don’t think it would not be feasible for us to live here otherwise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco is trying to make life a little more affordable for middle- and upper-middle-income earners like them by expanding access to child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069997\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069997\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260115-SFCHILDCARESUBSIDIES00041_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260115-SFCHILDCARESUBSIDIES00041_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260115-SFCHILDCARESUBSIDIES00041_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260115-SFCHILDCARESUBSIDIES00041_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sarah Klevan (right), a mother of two, gets her daughter Bea (left) ready to be picked up by her grandpa in San Francisco on Jan. 15, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under a plan Mayor Daniel Lurie announced Wednesday, parents who earn up to $311,000 per year for a family of four, or 200% of the area median income, will qualify for 50% discount at \u003ca href=\"https://sfdec.org/early-learning-for-all/\">more than 500 city-funded early childhood education and care programs\u003c/a> starting in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And a family of four earning less than $233,000 per year, or up to 150% of the area median income, will immediately qualify for free child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is going to remove a huge burden for working parents,” Lurie said Thursday at his state of the city speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He acknowledged that a family of four needs to earn over $160,000 a year just to meet their basic needs, and vowed to make San Francisco the first major city in the nation to offer universal access to child care.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Families are being forced to make impossible choices — delaying having children, sacrificing savings, or leaving the communities they call home,” he said. “I will not let that be the future of San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news offered relief for Klevan, who qualifies for child care subsidies under the new eligibility requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be a huge difference for our family,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The subsidies will help her pay for more hours of preschool for her daughter, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than $550 million in unspent money and ongoing funds from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948690/business-tax-provides-crucial-funding-for-early-childhood-education-and-care-in-san-francisco\">commercial real estate tax that voters approved in 2018\u003c/a> will pay for the expanded subsidies. The goal of the tax measure, dubbed Baby Prop C, was to provide early education and care for all children under 5 years old. But revenue from the measure was tied up by a lawsuit that was resolved in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city began by first offering free child care to low-income families, then tuition assistance to families earning between 111% to 150% of the area median income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan also called for increasing the eligibility threshold to cover families making up to 200% of the area median income, but the city didn’t offer a timeline. That left some child care advocates \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/news/education/baby-prop-c-expansion-500-million/article_f77319e4-6693-44bb-a9b2-8b229d04910d.html\">frustrated by the pace of the city’s ambitious plan to offer universal child care.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Stephen Sherill had previously requested a Feb. 4 hearing with the city’s Department of Early Childhood to ask whether the expansion could happen sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069996\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069996\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260115-SFCHILDCARESUBSIDIES00006_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260115-SFCHILDCARESUBSIDIES00006_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260115-SFCHILDCARESUBSIDIES00006_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260115-SFCHILDCARESUBSIDIES00006_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sarah Klevan (top left), and her husband Dylan Beighley (top right) finish up house chores before sending their children Emmett (bottom left) and Bea (bottom right) off to school in San Francisco on Jan. 15, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“One of the biggest expenses for young families is child care, some paying $3,000 a month per child in some cases,” he said Wednesday. “That is a crazy amount because that’s after taxes. That is a massive expense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sherill also cited concerns about how the department is getting the word out to families about their eligibility for the subsidies. After San Francisco expanded them to families earning up to 150% of the area median income in May 2024, only about 200 families signed up, according to data provided by Wu Yee Children’s Services, which is responsible for enrolling eligible families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a comically low number,” he said. “Does every pediatrician’s office know about this, and are they telling their patients? Does everyone who leaves the maternity ward in San Francisco get information about this? When a family signs up online for a slot, are they informed of this subsidy?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sherill asked, “If not enough people take advantage, then what is the point of this program?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s Note: This story was updated on Jan. 15, 2026, to correct Klevan’s monthly child care expenses and include additional quotes from Lurie. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "trump-administration-sues-california-to-allow-oil-wells-near-schools-and-hospitals",
"title": "Trump Administration Sues California to Allow Oil Wells Near Schools and Hospitals",
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"headTitle": "Trump Administration Sues California to Allow Oil Wells Near Schools and Hospitals | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration is suing California over a law that prevents oil and gas drilling within 3,200 feet of homes, hospitals and schools — the latest in the power struggle between the state and federal government over energy rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint, filed Wednesday by the Department of Justice, argued that a law signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2022 — \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/SB1137/id/2606996\">SB 1137\u003c/a> — violates longstanding federal law allowing the government to lease public lands for oil, gas, coal, and other minerals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law, which creates one-kilometer “health-buffer zones” around “sensitive spaces,” according to the California Department of Conservation website, will shut down one-third of all federally authorized oil and gas leases in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The guidelines were developed \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/10/21/california-moves-to-prevent-new-oil-drilling-near-communities-expand-health-protections-2/\">based\u003c/a> on recommendations from a 15-person expert panel to effectively protect residents from harmful emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 8% of California’s population \u003ca href=\"https://earthjustice.org/press/2025/community-groups-will-have-a-voice-in-lawsuit-challenging-ca-oil-gas-setbacks-rule\">lives\u003c/a> within this distance to an oil or gas well. Low-income people are disproportionately affected by resulting health risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Trump administration just sued California for keeping oil wells away from elementary schools, homes, day cares, hospitals, and parks. Think about that,” said Anthony Martinez, a spokesperson for Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055465\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055465\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250509-BeniciaRefinery-31-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250509-BeniciaRefinery-31-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250509-BeniciaRefinery-31-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250509-BeniciaRefinery-31-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Valero Benicia Refinery in Benicia, on May 8, 2025, which processes up to 170,000 barrels of oil a day, making gasoline, diesel, and other fuels for California. Valero plans to shut down the Benicia refinery by April 2026, citing high costs and strict environmental rules. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“SB 1137 creates a science-based buffer zone so kids can go to school, families can live in their homes, and communities can exist without breathing toxic fumes that cause asthma, birth defects, and cancer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This comes days after the Trump administration sued \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12068858/trump-administration-sues-morgan-hill-petaluma-over-local-natural-gas-bans\">two Bay Area cities over energy-efficiency\u003c/a> measures, blocking natural-gas infrastructure in new construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in November, President Donald Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1999366/california-leaders-blast-trumps-idiotic-plan-to-kickstart-offshore-oil-drilling\">proposed\u003c/a> to ramp up oil drilling off the California coast, outraging many state officials.[aside postID=news_11940704 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62774_GettyImages-941954046-qut-1020x680.jpg']In April, Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/04/protecting-american-energy-from-state-overreach/?utm_medium=email&utm_source=govdelivery\">directed\u003c/a> the Justice Department to target state laws that banned or limited the production of energy, “particularly oil, natural gas, coal, hydropower, geothermal, biofuel, critical mineral, and nuclear energy resources”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has claimed that increasing the use of these resources domestically will make energy more affordable, and has said his administration is committed to “unleashing American energy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is yet another unconstitutional and radical policy from Gavin Newsom that threatens our country’s energy independence and makes energy more expensive for the American people,” U.S. Attorney General Pamela Bondi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In accordance with President Trump’s executive orders, this Department of Justice will continue to fight burdensome regulations that violate federal law and hamper domestic energy production — especially in California, where Newsom is clearly intent on subverting federal law at every opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint directly references the \u003ca href=\"https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/COMPS-8336/pdf/COMPS-8336.pdf\">Mineral Leasing Act\u003c/a>, passed in 1920. The law’s text states: “Prior to issuance of any coal lease, the Secretary shall consider effects which mining of the proposed lease might have on an impacted community or area, including, but not limited to, impacts on the environment, on agricultural and other economic activities, and on public services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014668\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014668\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump arrives to deliver remarks about American energy production during a visit to the Double Eagle Energy Oil Rig on July 29, 2020, in Midland, Texas. \u003ccite>(Evan Vucci/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Kassie Siegel, director of the Center for Biological Diversity’s Climate Law Institute, suggested the Trump administration was working on behalf of the oil lobby, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/06/27/california-beats-big-oil-again/\">failed\u003c/a> to overturn SB 1137 in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Big Oil backed down from their deceitful referendum campaign because Californians wouldn’t stand for it,” Siegel said. “This is a last-ditch attempt to overturn the law’s critical health protections. I’m confident this historic law will stand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Siegel added that if the Trump administration’s attempt to strike down California’s law is successful, it would set a “terrible precedent” for environmental protections nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Trump administration is suing California over a law that prevents oil and gas drilling within 3,200 feet of homes, hospitals and schools — the latest in the power struggle between the state and federal government over energy rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint, filed Wednesday by the Department of Justice, argued that a law signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2022 — \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/SB1137/id/2606996\">SB 1137\u003c/a> — violates longstanding federal law allowing the government to lease public lands for oil, gas, coal, and other minerals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law, which creates one-kilometer “health-buffer zones” around “sensitive spaces,” according to the California Department of Conservation website, will shut down one-third of all federally authorized oil and gas leases in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The guidelines were developed \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/10/21/california-moves-to-prevent-new-oil-drilling-near-communities-expand-health-protections-2/\">based\u003c/a> on recommendations from a 15-person expert panel to effectively protect residents from harmful emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 8% of California’s population \u003ca href=\"https://earthjustice.org/press/2025/community-groups-will-have-a-voice-in-lawsuit-challenging-ca-oil-gas-setbacks-rule\">lives\u003c/a> within this distance to an oil or gas well. Low-income people are disproportionately affected by resulting health risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Trump administration just sued California for keeping oil wells away from elementary schools, homes, day cares, hospitals, and parks. Think about that,” said Anthony Martinez, a spokesperson for Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055465\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055465\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250509-BeniciaRefinery-31-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250509-BeniciaRefinery-31-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250509-BeniciaRefinery-31-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250509-BeniciaRefinery-31-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Valero Benicia Refinery in Benicia, on May 8, 2025, which processes up to 170,000 barrels of oil a day, making gasoline, diesel, and other fuels for California. Valero plans to shut down the Benicia refinery by April 2026, citing high costs and strict environmental rules. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“SB 1137 creates a science-based buffer zone so kids can go to school, families can live in their homes, and communities can exist without breathing toxic fumes that cause asthma, birth defects, and cancer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This comes days after the Trump administration sued \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12068858/trump-administration-sues-morgan-hill-petaluma-over-local-natural-gas-bans\">two Bay Area cities over energy-efficiency\u003c/a> measures, blocking natural-gas infrastructure in new construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in November, President Donald Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1999366/california-leaders-blast-trumps-idiotic-plan-to-kickstart-offshore-oil-drilling\">proposed\u003c/a> to ramp up oil drilling off the California coast, outraging many state officials.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In April, Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/04/protecting-american-energy-from-state-overreach/?utm_medium=email&utm_source=govdelivery\">directed\u003c/a> the Justice Department to target state laws that banned or limited the production of energy, “particularly oil, natural gas, coal, hydropower, geothermal, biofuel, critical mineral, and nuclear energy resources”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has claimed that increasing the use of these resources domestically will make energy more affordable, and has said his administration is committed to “unleashing American energy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is yet another unconstitutional and radical policy from Gavin Newsom that threatens our country’s energy independence and makes energy more expensive for the American people,” U.S. Attorney General Pamela Bondi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In accordance with President Trump’s executive orders, this Department of Justice will continue to fight burdensome regulations that violate federal law and hamper domestic energy production — especially in California, where Newsom is clearly intent on subverting federal law at every opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint directly references the \u003ca href=\"https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/COMPS-8336/pdf/COMPS-8336.pdf\">Mineral Leasing Act\u003c/a>, passed in 1920. The law’s text states: “Prior to issuance of any coal lease, the Secretary shall consider effects which mining of the proposed lease might have on an impacted community or area, including, but not limited to, impacts on the environment, on agricultural and other economic activities, and on public services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014668\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014668\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump arrives to deliver remarks about American energy production during a visit to the Double Eagle Energy Oil Rig on July 29, 2020, in Midland, Texas. \u003ccite>(Evan Vucci/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Kassie Siegel, director of the Center for Biological Diversity’s Climate Law Institute, suggested the Trump administration was working on behalf of the oil lobby, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/06/27/california-beats-big-oil-again/\">failed\u003c/a> to overturn SB 1137 in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Big Oil backed down from their deceitful referendum campaign because Californians wouldn’t stand for it,” Siegel said. “This is a last-ditch attempt to overturn the law’s critical health protections. I’m confident this historic law will stand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Siegel added that if the Trump administration’s attempt to strike down California’s law is successful, it would set a “terrible precedent” for environmental protections nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> political leaders are rallying behind a Sonoma County doctor at the center of an interstate abortion dispute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Louisiana officials have charged physician Dr. Rémy Coeytaux, a physician in Healdsburg, with providing abortion medication to a woman in the Gulf Coast state, where the procedure is banned. Leaders there asked California to send him back to face charges — a request Gov. Gavin Newsom refused, citing California laws designed to shield abortion providers from out-of-state prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case tests how far abortion bans can reach beyond state borders — and the strength of California’s telemedicine abortion shield law, passed in September 2023. It’s part of a broader clash that’s deepened since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022, leaving states to chart opposing paths on abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Louisiana should be ashamed for attempting to drag this country backward by criminalizing health care and threatening doctors for doing their jobs,” East Bay Assemblymember Mia Bonta said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coeytaux has not been charged in California in connection with the Louisiana allegations. He declined an interview request. In a statement provided by his attorney, Nancy Northup — president and CEO of abortion rights group Center for Reproductive Rights — wrote: “These allegations are just that: allegations. As such, they are unproven and should not be reported as fact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983101\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1760px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11983101 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/abortion-pill-661e839c21f49.jpg\" alt=\"abortion pill\" width=\"1760\" height=\"1220\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/abortion-pill-661e839c21f49.jpg 1760w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/abortion-pill-661e839c21f49-800x555.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/abortion-pill-661e839c21f49-1020x707.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/abortion-pill-661e839c21f49-160x111.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/abortion-pill-661e839c21f49-1536x1065.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1760px) 100vw, 1760px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A combination pack of mifepristone (L) and misoprostol tablets, two medicines used together for abortions. \u003ccite>(Elisa Wells Plan C/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Northup argued the case reflects a broader conflict between states that protect abortion access and those that ban it. Louisiana is “going after doctors for allegedly harming women” while enforcing an abortion ban that “puts women’s lives at risk every day,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doctors stress that abortion pills are widely used and safe, including when provided via telehealth. Many patients seek medication by mail because abortion is banned where they live.[aside postID=news_12069825 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/GettyImages-2244069197_qed.jpg']Legal experts say the case could have sweeping implications. Since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022, states have taken sharply divergent approaches to abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has passed a series of laws aimed at protecting providers and patients from out-of-state civil and criminal actions tied to abortion care. Louisiana, meanwhile, has one of the nation’s strictest abortion bans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Louisiana is a state that denies women the right to control their own bodies,” said Assemblymember Chris Rogers, who represents Sonoma County. “We will not accept their attempt to control when and how our medical professionals choose to render care as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers said the state went further by publicly posting the doctor’s personal information, a move he described as punitive and potentially dangerous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether states can enforce their abortion laws beyond their borders is likely to face further court challenges. For now, California officials say they will not assist other states in prosecuting doctors for care that is legal here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> political leaders are rallying behind a Sonoma County doctor at the center of an interstate abortion dispute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Louisiana officials have charged physician Dr. Rémy Coeytaux, a physician in Healdsburg, with providing abortion medication to a woman in the Gulf Coast state, where the procedure is banned. Leaders there asked California to send him back to face charges — a request Gov. Gavin Newsom refused, citing California laws designed to shield abortion providers from out-of-state prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case tests how far abortion bans can reach beyond state borders — and the strength of California’s telemedicine abortion shield law, passed in September 2023. It’s part of a broader clash that’s deepened since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022, leaving states to chart opposing paths on abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Louisiana should be ashamed for attempting to drag this country backward by criminalizing health care and threatening doctors for doing their jobs,” East Bay Assemblymember Mia Bonta said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coeytaux has not been charged in California in connection with the Louisiana allegations. He declined an interview request. In a statement provided by his attorney, Nancy Northup — president and CEO of abortion rights group Center for Reproductive Rights — wrote: “These allegations are just that: allegations. As such, they are unproven and should not be reported as fact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983101\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1760px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11983101 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/abortion-pill-661e839c21f49.jpg\" alt=\"abortion pill\" width=\"1760\" height=\"1220\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/abortion-pill-661e839c21f49.jpg 1760w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/abortion-pill-661e839c21f49-800x555.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/abortion-pill-661e839c21f49-1020x707.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/abortion-pill-661e839c21f49-160x111.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/abortion-pill-661e839c21f49-1536x1065.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1760px) 100vw, 1760px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A combination pack of mifepristone (L) and misoprostol tablets, two medicines used together for abortions. \u003ccite>(Elisa Wells Plan C/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Northup argued the case reflects a broader conflict between states that protect abortion access and those that ban it. Louisiana is “going after doctors for allegedly harming women” while enforcing an abortion ban that “puts women’s lives at risk every day,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doctors stress that abortion pills are widely used and safe, including when provided via telehealth. Many patients seek medication by mail because abortion is banned where they live.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Legal experts say the case could have sweeping implications. Since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022, states have taken sharply divergent approaches to abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has passed a series of laws aimed at protecting providers and patients from out-of-state civil and criminal actions tied to abortion care. Louisiana, meanwhile, has one of the nation’s strictest abortion bans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Louisiana is a state that denies women the right to control their own bodies,” said Assemblymember Chris Rogers, who represents Sonoma County. “We will not accept their attempt to control when and how our medical professionals choose to render care as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers said the state went further by publicly posting the doctor’s personal information, a move he described as punitive and potentially dangerous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether states can enforce their abortion laws beyond their borders is likely to face further court challenges. For now, California officials say they will not assist other states in prosecuting doctors for care that is legal here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Facing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064693/california-doctors-urge-ban-on-engineered-stone-as-silicosis-cases-surge\">hundreds of lawsuits by sick workers\u003c/a> in California, a major U.S. artificial stone manufacturer and other industry representatives testified in support of a bill in Congress that would immunize their companies from liability during a Republican-led hearing on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Artificial stone is linked to an aggressive form of an incurable lung disease diagnosed in more than 480 California stonecutters who inhaled toxic silica dust released when slicing and polishing the popular kitchen countertop material. Dozens have undergone lung transplants and 27 people have died from silicosis since 2019, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CCDPHP/DEODC/OHB/Pages/essdashboard.aspx\">state health authorities\u003c/a>. Reported cases nationwide are expected to surge as awareness and surveillance increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/house-bill/5437/text\">H.R. 5437\u003c/a>, introduced by Republican Rep. Tom McClintock last September, would prohibit civil lawsuits against stone slab manufacturers or sellers for harm resulting from the alteration of their products, such as to make kitchen and bathroom countertops and other construction surfaces. The bill would also dismiss hundreds of pending lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry representatives, led by Minnesota-based Cambria, told lawmakers they are being unfairly targeted for damages they attribute to downstream employers at countertop fabrication shops that fail to follow required worker protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rather than hold the bad actors accountable, the lawsuits are being filed against dozens of innocent stone slab manufacturers,” Rebecca Schult, Cambria’s chief legal officer, said. “The wrong parties are being sued, and the lawsuits are overwhelming good companies throughout our industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican members of the House Judiciary subcommittee seemed sympathetic to the companies’ plight. They denounced job safety regulators for insufficient enforcement and focused many of their questions on the impacts of mounting litigation and insurance costs for businesses, which jeopardize industry jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033047\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12033047\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A stone fabricator places his hand on a table that he cut at his home in San Francisco on Oct. 17, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gary Talwar, vice president of Natural Stone Resources, said the Los Angeles area distribution company his family owns faces 65 silica lawsuits and higher insurance premiums. Many small operations are struggling to keep their doors open as well, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As far as a small business, I bring product in, I put it in a warehouse, and I ship it out. Once it leaves my warehouse, I don’t know who cuts it, how they cut it, or what happens,” Talwar said. “There’s hundreds of, maybe thousands of companies across the country, just like myself, that are being hammered with lawsuits. We’re fighting for our lives, and we can’t afford it anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the two-hour hearing, Democrats slammed H.R. 5437 as a proposal seeking special treatment for artificial stone manufacturers and distributors and preventing injured workers from accessing justice in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congress would make a millionaire CEO’s problems go away just like that, while the workers who cut, grind, polish, and install this dangerous product struggle to make ends meet, struggle to stay alive,” said Rep. Hank Johnson, a Georgia Democrat, referring to Cambria’s CEO, Marty Davis, whose campaign donations have benefitted President Donald Trump and GOP candidates.[aside postID=news_12066901 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251115-DEADLY-LUNG-DISEASE-MD-04-KQED-2.jpg']Artificial stone, also known as engineered stone or quartz, can contain more than 90% crystalline silica. Resins and other chemicals added to the factory-made slabs contribute to making engineered stone dust \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12067166/health-emergency-california-doctors-urge-ban-of-countertop-material-linked-to-deadly-disease\">more dangerous than dust from natural stones\u003c/a> such as granite or marble, according to doctors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cambria faces 400 lawsuits from stoneworkers for silica-related injuries, most of them in California, Schult said. Other major manufacturers facing lawsuits, such as Israel-based Caesarstone and Cosentino, headquartered in Spain, have developed low or no-crystalline silica alternatives. But Cambria, which owns a quartz mine that supplies its high-silica products, has not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maryland Rep. Jamie Raskin said the courts should determine whether manufacturers have any responsibility for the impact of their products on stoneworkers. In one of the two cases against Cambria and other manufacturers that went to trial, the company was found \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-08-07/jury-finds-stone-companies-at-fault-in-suit-by-countertop-cutter-with-silicosis\">partially liable\u003c/a> in a $52.4 million verdict for failing to adequately warn of the hazards. Cambria appealed the jury decision. In a separate case, a jury ruled in favor of the defendant manufacturers, a decision that is also on appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You are looking for categorical absolute immunity in all of these cases,” Raskin said in a testy exchange with Schult. “On your definition, there’s no defect on the product, right? So how could you ever be held liable?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cambria has emerged as a vocal opponent of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12067166/health-emergency-california-doctors-urge-ban-of-countertop-material-linked-to-deadly-disease\">doctor’s petition\u003c/a> last month asking California to ban cutting and polishing of artificial stone. The Western Occupational and Environmental Medicine Association said such a ban would encourage the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/oshsb/documents/petition-609.pdf\">use of safer substitutes\u003c/a> developed by some manufacturers for the Australian market. That country was the world’s first to prohibit the sale and use of high-silica artificial stone in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schult said Cambria’s own fabrication shops have cut artificial stone safely for more than 20 years, without a single silicosis case. A Cambria safety video played at the start of the hearing showed state-of-the-art facilities that use robotic machines to cut slabs in glass-enclosed areas. The company told KQED that Cambria’s fabrication practices include the use of handheld devices, but declined to specify how many of its cutting tasks are done by the robotic machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12067172\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12067172\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/StoneworkerGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/StoneworkerGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/StoneworkerGetty1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/StoneworkerGetty1-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A stone countertop fabricator wears a mask to help protect against airborne particles, which can contribute to silicosis, at a shop on Oct. 31, 2023, in Sun Valley, California. \u003ccite>(Brian van der Brug/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some silicosis experts and employers doubt the sophisticated and expensive measures needed to safely handle engineered stone are feasible or affordable for most fabrication shops, which are typically small businesses with fewer than 10 employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA inspectors have found that about 95% of the fabrication operations they’ve visited were not following all of the state’s safety rules. California’s regulations, the nation’s strictest, require artificial stone to be cut or polished with machines that cover the material’s surface in water to suppress dust. Employers must also provide workers with sophisticated respirators that can cost more than $1,000 each, and a ventilation system to clean the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Nevin, an attorney at Brayton Purcell LLP representing hundreds of stonecutters, said that workers are contracting silicosis in even the most sophisticated fabrication facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This epidemic starts and stops with crystalline silica artificial stone. It is entirely the uniquely toxic product that is the problem, not ‘a few bad actors’ in the countertop fabrication process,” Nevin told KQED in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly all of the sick stoneworkers in California are Latino men, many of them undocumented immigrants. McClintock, whose district includes parts of California’s Central Valley, said fabrication shops that violate worker protections undercut law-abiding competitors while regulators fail to enforce existing rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064718\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12064718 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251119-Miners-Lung-silicosis-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251119-Miners-Lung-silicosis-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251119-Miners-Lung-silicosis-01-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251119-Miners-Lung-silicosis-01-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A photo of a pair of lungs with silicosis used in a Cal/OSHA presentation slide about the disease, and rising numbers of cases in California, at a public meeting on Nov. 13, 2025. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Museomed via Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It appears they’re just turning a blind eye to law-breaking by sweatshops that are breaking our immigration laws, labor, health and safety laws, exposing their employees to the dust that causes silicosis,” McClintock told Schult. “And it appears that instead of enforcing the law against these illegal practices, the Democrats prefer to drive you out of business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is not the only state facing a growing silicosis problem. Dozens of additional cases have been identified in Washington, Utah, Colorado, Illinois, Massachusetts and other states where engineered stone is being cut. David Michaels, a former assistant secretary at the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, believes thousands more silicosis cases across the country have not been reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lawsuits play an important role in public health protection. If lawsuits by workers with silicosis are prohibited, these manufacturers will make no effort to prevent more workers from dying or becoming disabled by silicosis,” Michaels, an epidemiologist and professor at the George Washington University Milken Institute School of Public Health, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We shouldn’t be discussing immunity from litigation. We should be discussing banning this product to make it safe for workers, and that would protect the manufacturers and the distributors as well,” he added. “We should not allow the carnage to continue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, fabrication workers not yet diagnosed with silicosis sued Cambria and other major manufacturers and distributors in federal court in San Francisco, seeking to require the companies to pay for medical monitoring for all California workers exposed to artificial stone dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Facing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064693/california-doctors-urge-ban-on-engineered-stone-as-silicosis-cases-surge\">hundreds of lawsuits by sick workers\u003c/a> in California, a major U.S. artificial stone manufacturer and other industry representatives testified in support of a bill in Congress that would immunize their companies from liability during a Republican-led hearing on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Artificial stone is linked to an aggressive form of an incurable lung disease diagnosed in more than 480 California stonecutters who inhaled toxic silica dust released when slicing and polishing the popular kitchen countertop material. Dozens have undergone lung transplants and 27 people have died from silicosis since 2019, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CCDPHP/DEODC/OHB/Pages/essdashboard.aspx\">state health authorities\u003c/a>. Reported cases nationwide are expected to surge as awareness and surveillance increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/house-bill/5437/text\">H.R. 5437\u003c/a>, introduced by Republican Rep. Tom McClintock last September, would prohibit civil lawsuits against stone slab manufacturers or sellers for harm resulting from the alteration of their products, such as to make kitchen and bathroom countertops and other construction surfaces. The bill would also dismiss hundreds of pending lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry representatives, led by Minnesota-based Cambria, told lawmakers they are being unfairly targeted for damages they attribute to downstream employers at countertop fabrication shops that fail to follow required worker protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rather than hold the bad actors accountable, the lawsuits are being filed against dozens of innocent stone slab manufacturers,” Rebecca Schult, Cambria’s chief legal officer, said. “The wrong parties are being sued, and the lawsuits are overwhelming good companies throughout our industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican members of the House Judiciary subcommittee seemed sympathetic to the companies’ plight. They denounced job safety regulators for insufficient enforcement and focused many of their questions on the impacts of mounting litigation and insurance costs for businesses, which jeopardize industry jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033047\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12033047\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A stone fabricator places his hand on a table that he cut at his home in San Francisco on Oct. 17, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gary Talwar, vice president of Natural Stone Resources, said the Los Angeles area distribution company his family owns faces 65 silica lawsuits and higher insurance premiums. Many small operations are struggling to keep their doors open as well, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As far as a small business, I bring product in, I put it in a warehouse, and I ship it out. Once it leaves my warehouse, I don’t know who cuts it, how they cut it, or what happens,” Talwar said. “There’s hundreds of, maybe thousands of companies across the country, just like myself, that are being hammered with lawsuits. We’re fighting for our lives, and we can’t afford it anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the two-hour hearing, Democrats slammed H.R. 5437 as a proposal seeking special treatment for artificial stone manufacturers and distributors and preventing injured workers from accessing justice in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congress would make a millionaire CEO’s problems go away just like that, while the workers who cut, grind, polish, and install this dangerous product struggle to make ends meet, struggle to stay alive,” said Rep. Hank Johnson, a Georgia Democrat, referring to Cambria’s CEO, Marty Davis, whose campaign donations have benefitted President Donald Trump and GOP candidates.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Artificial stone, also known as engineered stone or quartz, can contain more than 90% crystalline silica. Resins and other chemicals added to the factory-made slabs contribute to making engineered stone dust \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12067166/health-emergency-california-doctors-urge-ban-of-countertop-material-linked-to-deadly-disease\">more dangerous than dust from natural stones\u003c/a> such as granite or marble, according to doctors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cambria faces 400 lawsuits from stoneworkers for silica-related injuries, most of them in California, Schult said. Other major manufacturers facing lawsuits, such as Israel-based Caesarstone and Cosentino, headquartered in Spain, have developed low or no-crystalline silica alternatives. But Cambria, which owns a quartz mine that supplies its high-silica products, has not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maryland Rep. Jamie Raskin said the courts should determine whether manufacturers have any responsibility for the impact of their products on stoneworkers. In one of the two cases against Cambria and other manufacturers that went to trial, the company was found \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-08-07/jury-finds-stone-companies-at-fault-in-suit-by-countertop-cutter-with-silicosis\">partially liable\u003c/a> in a $52.4 million verdict for failing to adequately warn of the hazards. Cambria appealed the jury decision. In a separate case, a jury ruled in favor of the defendant manufacturers, a decision that is also on appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You are looking for categorical absolute immunity in all of these cases,” Raskin said in a testy exchange with Schult. “On your definition, there’s no defect on the product, right? So how could you ever be held liable?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cambria has emerged as a vocal opponent of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12067166/health-emergency-california-doctors-urge-ban-of-countertop-material-linked-to-deadly-disease\">doctor’s petition\u003c/a> last month asking California to ban cutting and polishing of artificial stone. The Western Occupational and Environmental Medicine Association said such a ban would encourage the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/oshsb/documents/petition-609.pdf\">use of safer substitutes\u003c/a> developed by some manufacturers for the Australian market. That country was the world’s first to prohibit the sale and use of high-silica artificial stone in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schult said Cambria’s own fabrication shops have cut artificial stone safely for more than 20 years, without a single silicosis case. A Cambria safety video played at the start of the hearing showed state-of-the-art facilities that use robotic machines to cut slabs in glass-enclosed areas. The company told KQED that Cambria’s fabrication practices include the use of handheld devices, but declined to specify how many of its cutting tasks are done by the robotic machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12067172\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12067172\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/StoneworkerGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/StoneworkerGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/StoneworkerGetty1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/StoneworkerGetty1-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A stone countertop fabricator wears a mask to help protect against airborne particles, which can contribute to silicosis, at a shop on Oct. 31, 2023, in Sun Valley, California. \u003ccite>(Brian van der Brug/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some silicosis experts and employers doubt the sophisticated and expensive measures needed to safely handle engineered stone are feasible or affordable for most fabrication shops, which are typically small businesses with fewer than 10 employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA inspectors have found that about 95% of the fabrication operations they’ve visited were not following all of the state’s safety rules. California’s regulations, the nation’s strictest, require artificial stone to be cut or polished with machines that cover the material’s surface in water to suppress dust. Employers must also provide workers with sophisticated respirators that can cost more than $1,000 each, and a ventilation system to clean the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Nevin, an attorney at Brayton Purcell LLP representing hundreds of stonecutters, said that workers are contracting silicosis in even the most sophisticated fabrication facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This epidemic starts and stops with crystalline silica artificial stone. It is entirely the uniquely toxic product that is the problem, not ‘a few bad actors’ in the countertop fabrication process,” Nevin told KQED in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly all of the sick stoneworkers in California are Latino men, many of them undocumented immigrants. McClintock, whose district includes parts of California’s Central Valley, said fabrication shops that violate worker protections undercut law-abiding competitors while regulators fail to enforce existing rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064718\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12064718 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251119-Miners-Lung-silicosis-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251119-Miners-Lung-silicosis-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251119-Miners-Lung-silicosis-01-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251119-Miners-Lung-silicosis-01-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A photo of a pair of lungs with silicosis used in a Cal/OSHA presentation slide about the disease, and rising numbers of cases in California, at a public meeting on Nov. 13, 2025. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Museomed via Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It appears they’re just turning a blind eye to law-breaking by sweatshops that are breaking our immigration laws, labor, health and safety laws, exposing their employees to the dust that causes silicosis,” McClintock told Schult. “And it appears that instead of enforcing the law against these illegal practices, the Democrats prefer to drive you out of business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is not the only state facing a growing silicosis problem. Dozens of additional cases have been identified in Washington, Utah, Colorado, Illinois, Massachusetts and other states where engineered stone is being cut. David Michaels, a former assistant secretary at the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, believes thousands more silicosis cases across the country have not been reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lawsuits play an important role in public health protection. If lawsuits by workers with silicosis are prohibited, these manufacturers will make no effort to prevent more workers from dying or becoming disabled by silicosis,” Michaels, an epidemiologist and professor at the George Washington University Milken Institute School of Public Health, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We shouldn’t be discussing immunity from litigation. We should be discussing banning this product to make it safe for workers, and that would protect the manufacturers and the distributors as well,” he added. “We should not allow the carnage to continue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, fabrication workers not yet diagnosed with silicosis sued Cambria and other major manufacturers and distributors in federal court in San Francisco, seeking to require the companies to pay for medical monitoring for all California workers exposed to artificial stone dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>[This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.]\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The biggest news in the governor’s race this week is who isn’t running: After months of fits and starts and conflicting signals, Attorney General Rob Bonta said late Sunday that he will \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069366/attorney-general-rob-bonta-announces-he-wont-run-for-governor\">not seek the top job\u003c/a> and instead run for reelection as attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s the latest high-profile Democrat to pass despite pressure from labor and other progressive groups who were hoping to see a well-known ally jump into the race and consolidate the Democratic vote. Former Vice President Kamala Harris and Sen. Alex Padilla also opted against running last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That leaves a crowded — but wide — open field. The latest \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8wp3s6qw\">UC Berkeley poll\u003c/a> showed only two candidates — former Democratic Rep. Katie Porter and Republican Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco — in double digits. Another recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-december-2025/\">poll\u003c/a> from the Public Policy Institute of California had Porter leading the field with former Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra, a Democrat, and Republican businessman Steve Hilton tied for second place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those surveys were taken before two Democrats jumped into the race: Rep. Eric Swalwell and billionaire progressive activist Tom Steyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democratic field also includes Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond, former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa and former state Controller Betty Yee. San José Mayor Matt Mahan has also been making noises about potentially getting in — but has yet to decide. (A quick note: It’s unlikely a Republican could actually win the office, given that Democrats outnumber GOP voters in the state nearly two to one, but Hilton or Bianco could make it into the top two runoff.)[aside postID=news_12069366 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/RobBontaTrumpGetty.jpg']Mark Baldassare, who leads the PPIC poll, said the survey showed mixed signals from the state’s sizable Democratic electorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many Californians are saying they’re looking for somebody with experience and a proven track record, but not necessarily somebody who’s gonna continue to do what Gavin Newsom has done, although he remains popular as governor,” he said, noting that the poll found 56% of likely voters approve of the job Newsom’s doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That dynamic — Newsom remaining relatively popular among his base while voters want the next governor to move the state in a new direction — could make for some interesting messaging gymnastics among the Democratic candidates in the months leading up to the June 2 primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Billionaire tax dustup\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Speaking of potentially awkward conversations, mainstream Democrats are in a tizzy about a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/25-0024A1%20%28Billionaire%20Tax%20%29.pdf\">proposal\u003c/a> from some of their closest allies in labor to impose a one-time tax on billionaires in California to fill deep cuts to healthcare approved by the Trump administration and congressional Republicans. The proposal would have to be approved by state voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has already made his displeasure known, while none of the candidates for governor has taken a firm position yet several, including Steyer and Thurmond, have signaled their openness to the idea but haven’t weighed in on the actual ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though the measure has yet to qualify for the ballot, it’s shaping up to be a huge fight, with Newsom staunchly opposed, some billionaires \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/26/technology/california-wealth-tax-page-thiel.html\">considering fleeing the state\u003c/a> and national Republicans salivating over the prospect of California alienating its wealthiest residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069154\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069154\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1706\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom greets legislators as he arrives at the state Capitol in Sacramento to give his final State of the State address as governor on Thursday, Jan. 8, 2026. \u003ccite>(Hector Amezcua/The Sacramento Bee)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom seemed to be dancing around the proposal in his final State of the State address last week, where he gave a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069094/in-final-state-of-state-speech-gov-newsom-says-california-offers-model-for-the-nation\">full-throated defense\u003c/a> of the state’s progressive tax system that also seemed to serve as a thinly veiled message to his progressive allies pushing the ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In California, we proudly built one of the most progressive tax systems in the nation. One that asks the highest-income residents to pay a little bit more, without punishing people who are making a little bit less,” he said. “Think about this: 11 states tax their middle class more than California does, and 16 states tax their low-wage earners more than California taxes its high-wage earners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how much of Newsom’s opposition has to do with his potential run for president in 2028 — he won’t be in the governor’s office to deal with the fallout if it passes. But his flat rejection of the tax and other tax proposals in recent years has earned him high marks from one key group in California: the state’s powerful chamber of commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Chamber of Commerce CEO Jennifer Barrera praised the governor for “drawing the line in the sand on tax policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Congressional shakeup\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>November’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061715/california-divided-heres-whats-at-stake-for-californians-whose-districts-could-get-rewritten-by-prop-50\">Proposition 50\u003c/a>, which redrew the state’s congressional maps to give Democrats a leg up in the 2026 midterms, isn’t the only thing shuffling House races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Doug LaMalfa, a longtime North State politician, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12068742/northern-california-republican-congressman-doug-lamalfa-dies-at-65\">died suddenly last week\u003c/a>. His death leaves Republicans with an even smaller House majority and means Newsom is now responsible for deciding when a special election to replace him for the rest of his term — which ends next January — should take place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But whatever happens with LaMalfa’s seat this year, the future of his district is even more uncertain: The district previously ran from just north of Sacramento up to the Oregon border, encompassing mostly rural, red areas. But the boundaries were significantly changed by Prop. 50 to include parts of more liberal Sonoma County, making it a tough seat for Republicans to win this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would have been an uphill battle even for someone as well-known as LaMalfa, and it’s not clear which Republicans may enter the race. On Wednesday, Republican state Assemblyman James Gallagher said he will run in the special election to fill the final months of LaMalfa’s term, but did not say if he will run for a full term in the new district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The seat is one of five congressional districts redrawn to give Democrats an advantage. On Wednesday, a federal appeals court ruled that Proposition 50 should stand, rejecting Republican arguments that it amounts to illegal gerrymandering. The state GOP, which brought the suit, said it plans to appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We will be closely watching that court case — along with all the congressional races — in the year ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California v. Trump\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Of course, we can’t talk about the stories we’ll be watching in 2026 without mentioning the ongoing tensions and battles between the Trump administration and California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just this week, Trump said he plans to \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/donald-trump-payments-funding-sanctuary-cities-states-11354460\">cut off all funding\u003c/a> to sanctuary jurisdictions on Feb. 1, including the state of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s not just funding fights: There’s the ongoing anger simmering between the administration and blue cities and states over immigration raids and last week’s fatal Minneapolis shooting by an ICE officer. California officials say they’re ready to hold federal officials to account if they do anything illegal here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On our podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069540/san-francisco-da-weighs-in-on-minneapolis-ice-shooting\">Political Breakdown\u003c/a>, I sat down with San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins this week to talk about what that could look like and what concerns she has about the Minnesota investigation, given the exclusion of local and state investigators from that probe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Minneapolis shooting also came after a rare loss for Trump in the U.S. Supreme Court over his deployment of National Guard troops. The ruling led to the withdrawal of troops from Los Angeles, where they’d been stationed since June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We will be keeping a close eye on all these things in 2026, from funding cuts to ICE raids to potential troop deployments. Stay tuned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Don’t Miss:\u003c/strong>\u003c/em> Next week, Political Breakdown co-host Scott Shafer and I will step out of the podcast booth and on-stage to interview San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie, one year into his first term. The in-person event is sold out, but come catch us on the free livestream! \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/event/6022\">You can register here\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>[This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.]\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The biggest news in the governor’s race this week is who isn’t running: After months of fits and starts and conflicting signals, Attorney General Rob Bonta said late Sunday that he will \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069366/attorney-general-rob-bonta-announces-he-wont-run-for-governor\">not seek the top job\u003c/a> and instead run for reelection as attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s the latest high-profile Democrat to pass despite pressure from labor and other progressive groups who were hoping to see a well-known ally jump into the race and consolidate the Democratic vote. Former Vice President Kamala Harris and Sen. Alex Padilla also opted against running last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That leaves a crowded — but wide — open field. The latest \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8wp3s6qw\">UC Berkeley poll\u003c/a> showed only two candidates — former Democratic Rep. Katie Porter and Republican Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco — in double digits. Another recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-december-2025/\">poll\u003c/a> from the Public Policy Institute of California had Porter leading the field with former Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra, a Democrat, and Republican businessman Steve Hilton tied for second place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Mark Baldassare, who leads the PPIC poll, said the survey showed mixed signals from the state’s sizable Democratic electorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many Californians are saying they’re looking for somebody with experience and a proven track record, but not necessarily somebody who’s gonna continue to do what Gavin Newsom has done, although he remains popular as governor,” he said, noting that the poll found 56% of likely voters approve of the job Newsom’s doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That dynamic — Newsom remaining relatively popular among his base while voters want the next governor to move the state in a new direction — could make for some interesting messaging gymnastics among the Democratic candidates in the months leading up to the June 2 primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Billionaire tax dustup\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Speaking of potentially awkward conversations, mainstream Democrats are in a tizzy about a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/25-0024A1%20%28Billionaire%20Tax%20%29.pdf\">proposal\u003c/a> from some of their closest allies in labor to impose a one-time tax on billionaires in California to fill deep cuts to healthcare approved by the Trump administration and congressional Republicans. The proposal would have to be approved by state voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has already made his displeasure known, while none of the candidates for governor has taken a firm position yet several, including Steyer and Thurmond, have signaled their openness to the idea but haven’t weighed in on the actual ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though the measure has yet to qualify for the ballot, it’s shaping up to be a huge fight, with Newsom staunchly opposed, some billionaires \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/26/technology/california-wealth-tax-page-thiel.html\">considering fleeing the state\u003c/a> and national Republicans salivating over the prospect of California alienating its wealthiest residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069154\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069154\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1706\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom greets legislators as he arrives at the state Capitol in Sacramento to give his final State of the State address as governor on Thursday, Jan. 8, 2026. \u003ccite>(Hector Amezcua/The Sacramento Bee)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom seemed to be dancing around the proposal in his final State of the State address last week, where he gave a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069094/in-final-state-of-state-speech-gov-newsom-says-california-offers-model-for-the-nation\">full-throated defense\u003c/a> of the state’s progressive tax system that also seemed to serve as a thinly veiled message to his progressive allies pushing the ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In California, we proudly built one of the most progressive tax systems in the nation. One that asks the highest-income residents to pay a little bit more, without punishing people who are making a little bit less,” he said. “Think about this: 11 states tax their middle class more than California does, and 16 states tax their low-wage earners more than California taxes its high-wage earners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how much of Newsom’s opposition has to do with his potential run for president in 2028 — he won’t be in the governor’s office to deal with the fallout if it passes. But his flat rejection of the tax and other tax proposals in recent years has earned him high marks from one key group in California: the state’s powerful chamber of commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Chamber of Commerce CEO Jennifer Barrera praised the governor for “drawing the line in the sand on tax policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Congressional shakeup\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>November’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061715/california-divided-heres-whats-at-stake-for-californians-whose-districts-could-get-rewritten-by-prop-50\">Proposition 50\u003c/a>, which redrew the state’s congressional maps to give Democrats a leg up in the 2026 midterms, isn’t the only thing shuffling House races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Doug LaMalfa, a longtime North State politician, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12068742/northern-california-republican-congressman-doug-lamalfa-dies-at-65\">died suddenly last week\u003c/a>. His death leaves Republicans with an even smaller House majority and means Newsom is now responsible for deciding when a special election to replace him for the rest of his term — which ends next January — should take place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But whatever happens with LaMalfa’s seat this year, the future of his district is even more uncertain: The district previously ran from just north of Sacramento up to the Oregon border, encompassing mostly rural, red areas. But the boundaries were significantly changed by Prop. 50 to include parts of more liberal Sonoma County, making it a tough seat for Republicans to win this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would have been an uphill battle even for someone as well-known as LaMalfa, and it’s not clear which Republicans may enter the race. On Wednesday, Republican state Assemblyman James Gallagher said he will run in the special election to fill the final months of LaMalfa’s term, but did not say if he will run for a full term in the new district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The seat is one of five congressional districts redrawn to give Democrats an advantage. On Wednesday, a federal appeals court ruled that Proposition 50 should stand, rejecting Republican arguments that it amounts to illegal gerrymandering. The state GOP, which brought the suit, said it plans to appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We will be closely watching that court case — along with all the congressional races — in the year ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California v. Trump\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Of course, we can’t talk about the stories we’ll be watching in 2026 without mentioning the ongoing tensions and battles between the Trump administration and California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just this week, Trump said he plans to \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/donald-trump-payments-funding-sanctuary-cities-states-11354460\">cut off all funding\u003c/a> to sanctuary jurisdictions on Feb. 1, including the state of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s not just funding fights: There’s the ongoing anger simmering between the administration and blue cities and states over immigration raids and last week’s fatal Minneapolis shooting by an ICE officer. California officials say they’re ready to hold federal officials to account if they do anything illegal here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On our podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069540/san-francisco-da-weighs-in-on-minneapolis-ice-shooting\">Political Breakdown\u003c/a>, I sat down with San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins this week to talk about what that could look like and what concerns she has about the Minnesota investigation, given the exclusion of local and state investigators from that probe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Minneapolis shooting also came after a rare loss for Trump in the U.S. Supreme Court over his deployment of National Guard troops. The ruling led to the withdrawal of troops from Los Angeles, where they’d been stationed since June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We will be keeping a close eye on all these things in 2026, from funding cuts to ICE raids to potential troop deployments. Stay tuned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Don’t Miss:\u003c/strong>\u003c/em> Next week, Political Breakdown co-host Scott Shafer and I will step out of the podcast booth and on-stage to interview San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie, one year into his first term. The in-person event is sold out, but come catch us on the free livestream! \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/event/6022\">You can register here\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "how-the-bay-areas-gay-bars-became-a-battleground-for-lgtbq-rights-in-the-1950s",
"title": "How the Bay Area’s Gay Bars Became a Battleground for LGBTQ+ Rights in the 1950s",
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"headTitle": "How the Bay Area’s Gay Bars Became a Battleground for LGBTQ+ Rights in the 1950s | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> has an international reputation as a haven of freedom and culture for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/lgbtq\">LGBTQ+\u003c/a> community. And with good reason.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco elected \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11706248/40-years-after-assassinations-assessing-the-legacies-of-harvey-milk-and-george-moscone\">Harvey Milk\u003c/a>, California’s first openly gay public official. It’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11876846/never-take-it-down-the-original-1978-rainbow-flag-returns-to-sf\">the birthplace of the rainbow pride flag\u003c/a>, now a global symbol. The city has also long had an iconic drag queen scene and legendary nightlife with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13930323/san-francisco-gay-bars-history-silver-rail-febes-black-cat\">a long history of bustling gay\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13929998/historic-lesbian-bars-san-francisco-mauds-pegs-front-anns-monas-440-tommy-vasu\">lesbian bars\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Bay Area was not always this way. The LGBTQ+ community had to fight for these freedoms and safe spaces. Often, this fight was against oppressive policing from the state and local government. And some important moments in that fight happened in unexpected places, like Pacifica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was like, whoa, it says this was in Pacifica! Why have I never heard of it?” Bay Curious listener Henry Lie asked. He’d stumbled across mention of a 1956 police raid at a bar called Hazel’s Inn, where nearly a hundred queer folks were arrested. He wanted to know more.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Progress and repression of LGBTQ+ rights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“The early 1950s, I would say it was the heyday of gay nightlife in San Francisco,” said Nan Alamilla Boyd, an oral historian at the UC Berkeley’s Bancroft Library. As a longtime researcher of San Francisco’s LGBTQ+ history, Boyd has interviewed dozens of queer individuals who frequented gay bars during this time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her interviews uncover stories of the Bay Area’s history, especially the repression queer people faced in the 1950s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069459\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HAZEL_S-BUILDING_1966-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069459\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HAZEL_S-BUILDING_1966-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1171\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HAZEL_S-BUILDING_1966-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HAZEL_S-BUILDING_1966-KQED-160x94.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HAZEL_S-BUILDING_1966-KQED-1536x899.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The building once housed Hazel’s Inn. This photo was taken in 1966, when the city condemned the building. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of The Pacifica Historical Society)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“A lot of these people [I interviewed] witnessed front row seats to [this repressive era], and kept being as out and proud as possible and survived to tell about it,” Boyd said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1951, the California State Board of Equalization revoked the liquor license of the Black Cat Cafe, a popular gay bar, because the establishment was “injurious to public morals.” The Black Cat owner, Sol Stouman, appealed the move to the California Supreme Court. The court ruled in his favor, affirming that the presence of LGBTQ+ people in a bar was allowable, as long as there were no “immoral acts” taking place. The case is known as Stoumen v. Reilly and many historians see it as the first legal victory for the LGBTQ+ community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The argument was that it’s not illegal to be a homosexual, it’s illegal to do homosexual acts,” Boyd explained. “I know it seems really regressive now, but the decision was liberating because the conclusion was that it wasn’t status that was illegal, it was behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first time, LGBTQ+ people had the protected right to gather at bars without facing prosecution for simply being a queer person in public. And so queer nightlife blossomed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were maybe four or five ‘lesbian bars’ in North Beach within walking distance of each other at any point in time between 1948 and 1955,” Boyd said.[aside postID=news_12029551 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250205-WildSideWest-21-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']But just a few years later, the U.S. government started targeting the LGBTQ+ community. Now known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.history.com/articles/state-department-gay-employees-outed-fired-lavender-scare\">Lavender Scare\u003c/a>, many of the freedoms enjoyed in the early 50s came under attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Dwight D. Eisenhower signed an executive order in 1953 banning gay people from federal work for immoral conduct and “sexual perversion.” And in California, a new state agency called the Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control was created in 1955. Known as the ABC, its job was to ensure that licensed bars abided by legal and \u003cem>moral \u003c/em>codes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Things really changed in 1955,” Boyd said. The ABC began waging a war against gay bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency found ways to undermine the protections previously won by the LGBTQ+ community in Stouman v. Reilly. Since “homosexual acts” were still illegal, suddenly the state was very concerned about specific actions taking place in bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a question about what exactly [were] the behaviors that [were] illegal,” Boyd said. “Do you have to see someone having sex in the bar? Or is it kissing? What about fondling? What about sitting on a lap? What about dancing close? So, all this stuff then started being hashed out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With each enforcement action against queer bar patrons, the ABC expanded the definition of illegal acts. Soon, even dancing with someone of the same sex was punishable. The ABC even collaborated with local law enforcement agencies to conduct undercover surveillance operations that identified and monitored LGBTQ gathering spots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 1955, the gay bars in San Francisco were getting less and less safe. And as harassment and policing increased, the LGBTQ+ community began looking for new places to gather outside of San Francisco, away from well-known gay bars. The community ended up down the coast, where they made Hazel’s Inn their spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Hazel’s Inn raid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the early hours of Feb. 19, 1956, a group of 35 ABC and San Mateo County Sheriff’s officers stormed into a full and bustling Hazel’s Inn. There were around 200 patrons present in the bar, mostly men, when the sheriff jumped onto the bar and announced, “This is a raid!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ninety people were arrested that night, including the bar’s owner, Hazel Nikola, a straight woman in her 60’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069461\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 2125px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069461\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2125\" height=\"2560\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-scaled.jpg 2125w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-2000x2409.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-160x193.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-1275x1536.jpg 1275w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-1700x2048.jpg 1700w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2125px) 100vw, 2125px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Coverage of the Hazel’s Inn raid from the San Francisco Chronicle in 1956. It was common, at the time, for newspapers to use derogatory language in reference to the LGBTQ community. \u003ccite>(The San Francisco Chronicle via Newsbank)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hazel’s Inn had been under state surveillance for months, and patrons were forced to walk past a line of agents who had been watching them. One by one, agents picked out those they had seen showing queer affection. Most of those arrested faced vagrancy charges. Nikola’s liquor license was quickly revoked for knowingly hosting a hangout for queer people and for serving an underage person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When \u003ca href=\"https://www.newspapers.com/article/the-times-20-february-1956-smt-hazels-i/10556199/\">\u003cem>The San Mateo Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a> asked Sheriff Earl Whitmore about the raid, he said, “Let it be known that we are not going to tolerate gatherings of homosexuals in the county.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The full extent of the ABC’s operation at Hazel’s Inn became clear as the case was brought before\u003ca href=\"https://go.gale.com/ps/i.do?p=AHSI&u=glbths&id=GALE%7CMDRLJF555849529&v=2.1&it=r&sid=bookmark-AHSI&sPage=11&asid=6014d9b9\"> the ABC Board\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://caselaw.findlaw.com/court/ca-court-of-appeal/1810632.html\">court\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court documents, Laurence E. Strong, an ABC agent, described the scene at Hazel’s Inn the night of the raid and in the months leading up to it. Strong described how one male patron sat on another man’s lap and how two others were seen holding hands. In the corner of the bar, a couple was seen embracing as one nestled his head into the other’s shoulder. Some men pinched each other’s butts and fondled each other while dancing. Women danced close together with other women. Men were seen powdering their faces and women wore slacks and sports coats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These scenes of queerness would be used in court to justify the revocation of Nikola’s liquor license for being a “resort for sexual perverts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While most of those arrested that night were cleared of charges, the damage had already been done. Newspapers caught wind of the raid, and patrons were publicly outed, with their names, occupations and home addresses published for all to see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were so fearful,” Boyd said. “There were [LGBTQ+ people] who would never go out because they were afraid of getting arrested. And then [their] name would be in the paper and [their] life would be ruined.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Hazel’s Inn raid became a playbook for the state to target the queer community over the following 15 years. Surveillance, raids, and the revocation of liquor licenses were all part of a strategy to push LGBTQ+ people out of the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Resistance amidst repression\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Looking back at this history of aggressive policing against queer people and their bars, it’s no surprise that queer nightlife continues to be central to the LGBTQ+ community. For many, gay bars were the only spaces they were afforded the freedom to be openly queer. They were also the battlegrounds where civil rights were won and lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the fight for LGBTQ+ rights continues. As the federal government uses its power to withhold \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049666/nowhere-else-to-go-sf-families-protest-kaisers-new-limits-on-gender-affirming-care\">gender-affirming healthcare\u003c/a> and to target\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047432/us-sues-california-over-its-refusal-to-ban-transgender-athletes-from-girls-sports\"> transgender youth in sports\u003c/a>, Boyd said it can be hard to keep hope alive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068581\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260102-hazelsinnraid00178_TV_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068581\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260102-hazelsinnraid00178_TV_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260102-hazelsinnraid00178_TV_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260102-hazelsinnraid00178_TV_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260102-hazelsinnraid00178_TV_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nan Alamilla Boyd, a historian, poses for a portrait at the GLBT Historical Society Archives in San Francisco on Jan. 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ / KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The hits [to LGBTQ+ rights] keep coming and in many different ways,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, her work has taught her that in times of repression, powerful political organizing and cultural innovation can emerge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By the early 1960s, [queer] bartenders and the bar owners had pretty elaborate methods to resist the policing agencies,” Boyd said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They created a resistance movement powerful enough to outlast the government’s efforts to eradicate queer nightlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t really make cultural innovation illegal because it happens,” Boyd said. “It’s everything, everywhere, all at once. It’s the thing that’s our spirit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s because of that indomitable spirit that the Bay Area looks and feels the way it does today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12063643 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251008-GirlintheFishbowl-01-BL.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>San Francisco and its surrounding Bay Area have long been known as a gay capital of the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After all, it’s here, where the first lesbian civil rights group was formed, the Daughters of Bilitis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And where Harvey Milk became an iconic gay public official! [tape]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Harvey Milk:\u003c/strong> I will fight to represent my constituents. I will fight to represent the city and county of San Francisco. I will fight to give those people who once walked away hope, so that those people will walk back in. Thank you very much. [clapping]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>It was the birthplace of the Gay pride flag. And it’s where city hall is lit up in a rainbow for pride month. This is the Bay Area that our question asker, Henry Lie, knows well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music stops\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Lie: \u003c/strong>I’m originally from Pacifica…went to high school at Terranova High School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Henry always thought of Pacifica as an extension of San Francisco — it’s just a few miles south, after all. And, there’s not a whole lot that surprises Henry about his hometown. That is until he learned about a moment in Pacifica’s history that left him with a ton of questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Lie:\u003c/strong> We have this museum.. I think I was there and saw like a footnote or something and it just said like, oh yeah, Hazel’s Inn raid where, you know, there was a large gathering of LGBTQ+ identifying people and a bunch of people were arrested, couple of people charged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Henry had stumbled across a forgotten moment in history — a massive police raid that took place in 1956, part of a crusade to push LGBTQ people out of the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Ominous music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local newspapers documented the raid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Voice Over 1: \u003c/strong>San Francisco Examiner: Ninety persons, mostly men, were booked at the San Mateo County jail yesterday after a vice raid on a tavern suspected of being a gathering place for sex deviates.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Voice Over 2: \u003c/strong>San Mateo Times: The raid, according to Sheriff Whitmore, “was to let homosexuals know we’re not going to tolerate their congregation in this county.” \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Voice Over 3: \u003c/strong>Redwood City Tribune: Mrs. Nicola, owner of Hazel’s Inn, is charged with operating a resort for sexual deviates. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Big questions began surfacing for Henry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Lie:\u003c/strong> And I was like, whoa, I’ve never even heard of Hazel’s Inn. This says this was in Pacifica. Why have I never heard of it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> So he came to Bay Curious, hoping to find out more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Lie:\u003c/strong> Could you dive deeper into the Hazel’s Inn raid in Pacifica and the effects that it had on the LGBTQ plus community in the greater Bay area in the late 1950s?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Bay Curious theme music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>I’m Olivia Allen-Price and this is Bay Curious. This week, we’re going back to the gay bars of the 1950s to learn about a moment in time when the San Francisco Bay Area was far less welcoming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All that coming right up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme music ends\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sponsor Break\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>To dig deeper into Bay Area queer history, KQED’s Ana De Almeida Amaral takes us to Pacifica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral:\u003c/strong> Pacifica is a beautiful place, with sprawling views of the ocean and stunning beaches. It has that small town feel, complete with a\u003cem> tiny\u003c/em> museum showcasing its history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> This is our little museum…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Laura Del Rosso was born and raised in Pacifica, and serves as a docent and board member for the Pacifica Coastside Museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> This whole area around here was full of speakeasies, taverns, restaurants, and brothels during Prohibition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>It seems hard to imagine now, but this small town was once infamous for its nightlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso: \u003c/strong>Some people think that San Mateo County coast was actually the wettest place in the whole United States, meaning there was more booze here and in Half Moon Bay area than anywhere else in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>While the historical society has long been aware of the clandestine nightlife during Prohibition, it wasn’t until a few years ago that they started uncovering the history of a hushed queer nightlife scene that took hold right here, in the 1950’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Jazzy music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Hazel’s Inn was a tavern in Sharp Park, now a neighborhood in Pacifica. ^The bar is long gone^, but in 1956 the Pacifica Tribune, described it as a large and homey space, with knick-nacks above a mahogany bar, a shuffle board, a dance floor and a jukebox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hazel’s Inn was owned and run by Hazel Nikola, a straight woman in her 60s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> From what we understand then, after she got a divorce she was running the place by herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And the place was popular! Sometimes there were up to 500 patrons in a weekend. For a long time it catered mostly to locals and tourists on holiday at the beach, but then in 1955 and 56, the LGBT community made it \u003cem>their\u003c/em> spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> When the gay men started coming from San Francisco, she welcomed them. And she was non-judgmental. However, it’s obvious that somebody was not happy and did contact the sheriff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>But before we can get to that night — the night of the Hazel’s Inn raid — we have to ask why here? Miles from San Francisco, hidden in a small town, far from any other gay nightlife, why was Hazel’s Inn the place that attracted hundreds of LGBTQ people?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>To answer this question, I went to the archives at the GLBT historical society — where collections documenting the Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Trans community are housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There, I met Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd. She’s an oral historian with the Bancroft Library at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd: \u003c/strong>I was professor of women and gender studies at San Francisco State for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>She’s one of the few people who has researched queer nightlife in the 1950’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> 1956, 90 persons, mostly men were booked at the San Mateo county jail…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>At the archives we read some of the newspaper clippings about Hazel’s Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> Suspected of being a gathering place for sex deviates…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>She did a lot of her research back in the 1990s and was able to interview dozens of queer people who lived in the Bay Area in the 1940s and 50s. Most of them have since passed away, so her work and these archives are some of the last links to this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Piano music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Back in the 1940s, San Francisco already had a queer nightlife scene, but at the time it was illegal to be gay. And bars that were caught serving queer people… that was illegal too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> If you were not a legal kind of person, then you couldn’t like buy a drink in a bar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>But the law changed in 1951— when the Black Cat Cafe, in San Francisco, had its liquor license suspended for serving members of the LGBT community. The owner appealed the decision to the California Supreme court. The case is known as Stouman vs. Riley and it’s a big moment in queer civil rights history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> The argument was that it’s not illegal to be a homosexual, it’s illegal to do homosexual acts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>The court agreed. And the ruling became one of the first civil rights protections for LGBTQ people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music ends\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>For the first time, they had the protected right to assemble. Gay men and lesbian women could buy drinks at bars and hang out with other queer friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is as long as there were no homosexual acts taking place that were deemed “illegal or immoral.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many legal decisions, it was a vague but powerful protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> I know it seems really regressive now, right? But the decision was liberating because the conclusion was that it wasn’t Status that was illegal, it was behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And so queer nightlife in the Bay Area blossomed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> In the early 1950s, I would say it was the heyday of gay nightlife in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And really iconic gay bars came into the picture. The Black Cat Cafe was running again, Tommy’s Place and Ann’s 440 opened. And these places became sanctuaries for the LGBT community to be \u003cem>together. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> There were maybe four or five quote unquote lesbian bars in North Beach in walking distance of each other at any point in time between like, let’s say, 1948 and 1955. So it’s like a really interesting community that evolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And this was really important because in the 1950s it was still not super safe to be gay. Many queer folks were closeted by day in order to keep their jobs. But at night…at the bar…there was a freedom that didn’t really exist anywhere else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> And it was before the state caught wind of what was happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>But then a panic started to take hold in the United States…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Senator McCarthy archival tape:\u003c/strong> Are you a member of the communist conspiracy as of this moment?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>A conservative mindset took hold in American politics and culture — ushering in a time of suspicion and fear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Senator McCarthy archival tape:\u003c/strong> Our nation may very well die, and I ask you caused it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And quickly, LGBT people become \u003cu>targets\u003c/u> at the federal, state and local level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Eisenhower signed an executive order in 1953 banning gay people from federal work, labeling them as having immoral conduct and “sexual perversion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, in 1955 \u003cem>California\u003c/em> created a new state agency called the Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control or the ABC. An agency whose sole job was to ensure that licensed bars abided by legal and \u003cem>moral\u003c/em> codes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And from the moment the department of Alcoholic Beverage control was created a top priority for them was to…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd: \u003c/strong>Shut down the gay bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And they did this by finding ways around those vague protections won in the Stouman v. Riley case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While queer people were granted the right to assemble, “homosexual acts” were still illegal, so authorities started taking an interest in the specifics of what that meant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> There’s a question about like, well then what exactly are the behaviors that are illegal? Like, do you have to like see someone, having sex in the bar? Or is it kissing? What about fondling? What about sitting on a lap? What about holding hands? What about dancing close? So all this stuff was like, then started being hashed out, you know, this is an illegal act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And the Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control started collaborating with a bunch of law enforcement agencies throughout the Bay Area to ferret out people engaged in those acts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 1955, the gay bars in San Francisco were getting less and less safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as harassment and policing increased, the LGBT community began looking for new places to gather outside of San Francisco, away from well-known gay bars, and they ended up down the coast, at Hazel’s Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sound design of a raucous bar scene\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only testimonies about what happened on Feb. 19, 1956, the night that Hazel’s Inn was raided, come from court documents and hearings at the Alcoholic Beverage Control Board. Laurence E. Strong, an ABC agent, described in detail what was happening at the bar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That night, the dance floor was alive, and the bar was filled with around 200 patrons, mostly men. These men wrapped their arms around each other and embraced one another while dancing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also described how one patron sat on another man’s lap and how two other men held hands. In the corner of the bar, a couple embraced as one nestled his head into the other’s shoulder. Some men pinched each other’s butts and fondled each other while dancing. Women danced close together with other women. Men were seen powdering their faces and women wore slacks and sports coats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It sounds like a scene of queer joy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music turns tense\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suddenly, 35 law enforcement agents stormed the bar — a mix of San Mateo county sheriff’s officers and ABC agents began arresting people. The sheriff jumped on to the bar and announced:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice over:\u003c/strong> “This is a raid!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Patrons were forced to walk past a line of agents. And one by one, agents picked out people they had seen showing queer affection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Boyd says that the Alcoholic Beverage Control Board had been watching Hazel’s Inn for months, gathering evidence and building a case that behavior there was “illegal and immoral.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd: \u003c/strong>They had undercover agents in the bars. And they would go in twos or threes and they would watch each other. And somebody would get an interested person, and then would sort of lead them on, until there was some kind of physical, sexual, or flirtatious engagement that involved touching. It was entrapment. And that was a common and acceptable practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Ninety people were arrested that night at Hazel’s Inn, including Hazel Nikola — the owner. The bar’s liquor license was quickly revoked for being quote “a resort for sexual perverts” and for serving someone underaged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mass arrest caught the attention of a variety of civil rights groups, including the ACLU who represented 30 defendants. Most of those arrested were cleared of charges, but the damage had already been done. People were outed in the newspapers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> There would be a list of the people and their address and sometimes their occupation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice over: \u003c/strong>The San Mateo Times: Local persons arrested were: Iris Ann Glasgow, 24 years old. Clerk. 1515 James Street, Redwood City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Many of these people were publicly named as “sexual perverts”. That often meant being ostracized or losing their job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> People were so fearful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cello music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>As for the bar, Hazel fought the revocation of her liquor license for\u003cem> two years \u003c/em>but the court ultimately sided with the ABC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> I think she was just really bitter about what happened here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music ends\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Back in the Pacifica Coastside museum, Laura reflected on what the raid did to Hazel Nikola.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> She lost her liquor license and things just kind of went downhill for her. You have that information on the thing. And she ended up, she ended closing. She was very, very bitter at the end. She felt like she was really an important part of the community and that they had kind of betrayed her. She left Sharp Park and went to live somewhere else. And never came back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>For the queer community, the effects were even more devastating. The Hazel’s Inn Raid became a playbook for the state to target the queer community over the next 15 years. (Surveillance, raids, and the revocation of liquor licenses.) It was a strategy to push LGBTQ people out of the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it didn’t work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite this aggressive policing and repression, the gay bars never died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Queer patrons, and bartenders, and bar owners found ways to keep going. They found ways to spot surveillance in their bars, they organized and worked to keep the police out of their spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historian Dr. Boyd again:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> My takeaway from history as a historian is that during these times of repression. There’s cultural innovation that happens. You can’t really name it yet, right? But it’s taking shape you know, that there’s something coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>During those years of extreme repression, queer activists were making connections, organizing, and laying the groundwork for the next several decades of activism that would see LGBTQ rights expand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area has changed a lot since the raid at Hazel’s Inn. But still, a fearless commitment to community and authenticity — the spirit that kept these gay bars alive — lives on here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>That was reporter Ana De Almeida Amaral. Featuring the voices of Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman, Carly Severn, Christopher Beale and Paul Lancour for archival material.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Did you know that Bay Curious listeners help choose which questions we answer on the podcast? Each month we have a new voting round up at \u003ca href=\"http://baycurious.org\">BayCurious.org\u003c/a>, with three fascinating questions to choose from. This month…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Question 1: \u003c/strong>Did the Navy airship America crash land into several houses? What happened to the crew?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Question 2:\u003c/strong> Why is San Francisco home to so many federal and statewide courts? Why aren’t they in Sacramento or Los Angeles?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Question 3: \u003c/strong>I want to learn more about San Francisco upzoning and how people feel about it in the Richmond and Sunset districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Cast your vote with one click at \u003ca href=\"http://baycurious.org\">BayCurious.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Lie:\u003c/strong> Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Become a member today at \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/donate\">kqed.org/donate\u003c/a>. Our show is produced by Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale and me Olivia Allen-Price. With extra support from Katie Sprenger, Matt Morales, Tim Olsen, Maha Sanad, Jen Chien, Ethan Toven-Lindsey and everyone on team KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m Olivia Allen-Price. Have a wonderful week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "How the Bay Area’s Gay Bars Became a Battleground for LGBTQ+ Rights in the 1950s | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> has an international reputation as a haven of freedom and culture for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/lgbtq\">LGBTQ+\u003c/a> community. And with good reason.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco elected \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11706248/40-years-after-assassinations-assessing-the-legacies-of-harvey-milk-and-george-moscone\">Harvey Milk\u003c/a>, California’s first openly gay public official. It’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11876846/never-take-it-down-the-original-1978-rainbow-flag-returns-to-sf\">the birthplace of the rainbow pride flag\u003c/a>, now a global symbol. The city has also long had an iconic drag queen scene and legendary nightlife with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13930323/san-francisco-gay-bars-history-silver-rail-febes-black-cat\">a long history of bustling gay\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13929998/historic-lesbian-bars-san-francisco-mauds-pegs-front-anns-monas-440-tommy-vasu\">lesbian bars\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Bay Area was not always this way. The LGBTQ+ community had to fight for these freedoms and safe spaces. Often, this fight was against oppressive policing from the state and local government. And some important moments in that fight happened in unexpected places, like Pacifica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was like, whoa, it says this was in Pacifica! Why have I never heard of it?” Bay Curious listener Henry Lie asked. He’d stumbled across mention of a 1956 police raid at a bar called Hazel’s Inn, where nearly a hundred queer folks were arrested. He wanted to know more.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Progress and repression of LGBTQ+ rights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“The early 1950s, I would say it was the heyday of gay nightlife in San Francisco,” said Nan Alamilla Boyd, an oral historian at the UC Berkeley’s Bancroft Library. As a longtime researcher of San Francisco’s LGBTQ+ history, Boyd has interviewed dozens of queer individuals who frequented gay bars during this time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her interviews uncover stories of the Bay Area’s history, especially the repression queer people faced in the 1950s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069459\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HAZEL_S-BUILDING_1966-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069459\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HAZEL_S-BUILDING_1966-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1171\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HAZEL_S-BUILDING_1966-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HAZEL_S-BUILDING_1966-KQED-160x94.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HAZEL_S-BUILDING_1966-KQED-1536x899.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The building once housed Hazel’s Inn. This photo was taken in 1966, when the city condemned the building. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of The Pacifica Historical Society)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“A lot of these people [I interviewed] witnessed front row seats to [this repressive era], and kept being as out and proud as possible and survived to tell about it,” Boyd said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1951, the California State Board of Equalization revoked the liquor license of the Black Cat Cafe, a popular gay bar, because the establishment was “injurious to public morals.” The Black Cat owner, Sol Stouman, appealed the move to the California Supreme Court. The court ruled in his favor, affirming that the presence of LGBTQ+ people in a bar was allowable, as long as there were no “immoral acts” taking place. The case is known as Stoumen v. Reilly and many historians see it as the first legal victory for the LGBTQ+ community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The argument was that it’s not illegal to be a homosexual, it’s illegal to do homosexual acts,” Boyd explained. “I know it seems really regressive now, but the decision was liberating because the conclusion was that it wasn’t status that was illegal, it was behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first time, LGBTQ+ people had the protected right to gather at bars without facing prosecution for simply being a queer person in public. And so queer nightlife blossomed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were maybe four or five ‘lesbian bars’ in North Beach within walking distance of each other at any point in time between 1948 and 1955,” Boyd said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But just a few years later, the U.S. government started targeting the LGBTQ+ community. Now known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.history.com/articles/state-department-gay-employees-outed-fired-lavender-scare\">Lavender Scare\u003c/a>, many of the freedoms enjoyed in the early 50s came under attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Dwight D. Eisenhower signed an executive order in 1953 banning gay people from federal work for immoral conduct and “sexual perversion.” And in California, a new state agency called the Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control was created in 1955. Known as the ABC, its job was to ensure that licensed bars abided by legal and \u003cem>moral \u003c/em>codes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Things really changed in 1955,” Boyd said. The ABC began waging a war against gay bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency found ways to undermine the protections previously won by the LGBTQ+ community in Stouman v. Reilly. Since “homosexual acts” were still illegal, suddenly the state was very concerned about specific actions taking place in bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a question about what exactly [were] the behaviors that [were] illegal,” Boyd said. “Do you have to see someone having sex in the bar? Or is it kissing? What about fondling? What about sitting on a lap? What about dancing close? So, all this stuff then started being hashed out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With each enforcement action against queer bar patrons, the ABC expanded the definition of illegal acts. Soon, even dancing with someone of the same sex was punishable. The ABC even collaborated with local law enforcement agencies to conduct undercover surveillance operations that identified and monitored LGBTQ gathering spots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 1955, the gay bars in San Francisco were getting less and less safe. And as harassment and policing increased, the LGBTQ+ community began looking for new places to gather outside of San Francisco, away from well-known gay bars. The community ended up down the coast, where they made Hazel’s Inn their spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Hazel’s Inn raid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the early hours of Feb. 19, 1956, a group of 35 ABC and San Mateo County Sheriff’s officers stormed into a full and bustling Hazel’s Inn. There were around 200 patrons present in the bar, mostly men, when the sheriff jumped onto the bar and announced, “This is a raid!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ninety people were arrested that night, including the bar’s owner, Hazel Nikola, a straight woman in her 60’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069461\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 2125px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069461\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2125\" height=\"2560\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-scaled.jpg 2125w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-2000x2409.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-160x193.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-1275x1536.jpg 1275w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-1700x2048.jpg 1700w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2125px) 100vw, 2125px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Coverage of the Hazel’s Inn raid from the San Francisco Chronicle in 1956. It was common, at the time, for newspapers to use derogatory language in reference to the LGBTQ community. \u003ccite>(The San Francisco Chronicle via Newsbank)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hazel’s Inn had been under state surveillance for months, and patrons were forced to walk past a line of agents who had been watching them. One by one, agents picked out those they had seen showing queer affection. Most of those arrested faced vagrancy charges. Nikola’s liquor license was quickly revoked for knowingly hosting a hangout for queer people and for serving an underage person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When \u003ca href=\"https://www.newspapers.com/article/the-times-20-february-1956-smt-hazels-i/10556199/\">\u003cem>The San Mateo Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a> asked Sheriff Earl Whitmore about the raid, he said, “Let it be known that we are not going to tolerate gatherings of homosexuals in the county.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The full extent of the ABC’s operation at Hazel’s Inn became clear as the case was brought before\u003ca href=\"https://go.gale.com/ps/i.do?p=AHSI&u=glbths&id=GALE%7CMDRLJF555849529&v=2.1&it=r&sid=bookmark-AHSI&sPage=11&asid=6014d9b9\"> the ABC Board\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://caselaw.findlaw.com/court/ca-court-of-appeal/1810632.html\">court\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court documents, Laurence E. Strong, an ABC agent, described the scene at Hazel’s Inn the night of the raid and in the months leading up to it. Strong described how one male patron sat on another man’s lap and how two others were seen holding hands. In the corner of the bar, a couple was seen embracing as one nestled his head into the other’s shoulder. Some men pinched each other’s butts and fondled each other while dancing. Women danced close together with other women. Men were seen powdering their faces and women wore slacks and sports coats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These scenes of queerness would be used in court to justify the revocation of Nikola’s liquor license for being a “resort for sexual perverts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While most of those arrested that night were cleared of charges, the damage had already been done. Newspapers caught wind of the raid, and patrons were publicly outed, with their names, occupations and home addresses published for all to see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were so fearful,” Boyd said. “There were [LGBTQ+ people] who would never go out because they were afraid of getting arrested. And then [their] name would be in the paper and [their] life would be ruined.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Hazel’s Inn raid became a playbook for the state to target the queer community over the following 15 years. Surveillance, raids, and the revocation of liquor licenses were all part of a strategy to push LGBTQ+ people out of the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Resistance amidst repression\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Looking back at this history of aggressive policing against queer people and their bars, it’s no surprise that queer nightlife continues to be central to the LGBTQ+ community. For many, gay bars were the only spaces they were afforded the freedom to be openly queer. They were also the battlegrounds where civil rights were won and lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the fight for LGBTQ+ rights continues. As the federal government uses its power to withhold \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049666/nowhere-else-to-go-sf-families-protest-kaisers-new-limits-on-gender-affirming-care\">gender-affirming healthcare\u003c/a> and to target\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047432/us-sues-california-over-its-refusal-to-ban-transgender-athletes-from-girls-sports\"> transgender youth in sports\u003c/a>, Boyd said it can be hard to keep hope alive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068581\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260102-hazelsinnraid00178_TV_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068581\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260102-hazelsinnraid00178_TV_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260102-hazelsinnraid00178_TV_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260102-hazelsinnraid00178_TV_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260102-hazelsinnraid00178_TV_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nan Alamilla Boyd, a historian, poses for a portrait at the GLBT Historical Society Archives in San Francisco on Jan. 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ / KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The hits [to LGBTQ+ rights] keep coming and in many different ways,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, her work has taught her that in times of repression, powerful political organizing and cultural innovation can emerge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By the early 1960s, [queer] bartenders and the bar owners had pretty elaborate methods to resist the policing agencies,” Boyd said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They created a resistance movement powerful enough to outlast the government’s efforts to eradicate queer nightlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t really make cultural innovation illegal because it happens,” Boyd said. “It’s everything, everywhere, all at once. It’s the thing that’s our spirit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s because of that indomitable spirit that the Bay Area looks and feels the way it does today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>San Francisco and its surrounding Bay Area have long been known as a gay capital of the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After all, it’s here, where the first lesbian civil rights group was formed, the Daughters of Bilitis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And where Harvey Milk became an iconic gay public official! [tape]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Harvey Milk:\u003c/strong> I will fight to represent my constituents. I will fight to represent the city and county of San Francisco. I will fight to give those people who once walked away hope, so that those people will walk back in. Thank you very much. [clapping]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>It was the birthplace of the Gay pride flag. And it’s where city hall is lit up in a rainbow for pride month. This is the Bay Area that our question asker, Henry Lie, knows well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music stops\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Lie: \u003c/strong>I’m originally from Pacifica…went to high school at Terranova High School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Henry always thought of Pacifica as an extension of San Francisco — it’s just a few miles south, after all. And, there’s not a whole lot that surprises Henry about his hometown. That is until he learned about a moment in Pacifica’s history that left him with a ton of questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Lie:\u003c/strong> We have this museum.. I think I was there and saw like a footnote or something and it just said like, oh yeah, Hazel’s Inn raid where, you know, there was a large gathering of LGBTQ+ identifying people and a bunch of people were arrested, couple of people charged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Henry had stumbled across a forgotten moment in history — a massive police raid that took place in 1956, part of a crusade to push LGBTQ people out of the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Ominous music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local newspapers documented the raid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Voice Over 1: \u003c/strong>San Francisco Examiner: Ninety persons, mostly men, were booked at the San Mateo County jail yesterday after a vice raid on a tavern suspected of being a gathering place for sex deviates.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Voice Over 2: \u003c/strong>San Mateo Times: The raid, according to Sheriff Whitmore, “was to let homosexuals know we’re not going to tolerate their congregation in this county.” \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Voice Over 3: \u003c/strong>Redwood City Tribune: Mrs. Nicola, owner of Hazel’s Inn, is charged with operating a resort for sexual deviates. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Big questions began surfacing for Henry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Lie:\u003c/strong> And I was like, whoa, I’ve never even heard of Hazel’s Inn. This says this was in Pacifica. Why have I never heard of it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> So he came to Bay Curious, hoping to find out more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Lie:\u003c/strong> Could you dive deeper into the Hazel’s Inn raid in Pacifica and the effects that it had on the LGBTQ plus community in the greater Bay area in the late 1950s?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Bay Curious theme music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>I’m Olivia Allen-Price and this is Bay Curious. This week, we’re going back to the gay bars of the 1950s to learn about a moment in time when the San Francisco Bay Area was far less welcoming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All that coming right up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme music ends\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sponsor Break\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>To dig deeper into Bay Area queer history, KQED’s Ana De Almeida Amaral takes us to Pacifica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral:\u003c/strong> Pacifica is a beautiful place, with sprawling views of the ocean and stunning beaches. It has that small town feel, complete with a\u003cem> tiny\u003c/em> museum showcasing its history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> This is our little museum…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Laura Del Rosso was born and raised in Pacifica, and serves as a docent and board member for the Pacifica Coastside Museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> This whole area around here was full of speakeasies, taverns, restaurants, and brothels during Prohibition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>It seems hard to imagine now, but this small town was once infamous for its nightlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso: \u003c/strong>Some people think that San Mateo County coast was actually the wettest place in the whole United States, meaning there was more booze here and in Half Moon Bay area than anywhere else in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>While the historical society has long been aware of the clandestine nightlife during Prohibition, it wasn’t until a few years ago that they started uncovering the history of a hushed queer nightlife scene that took hold right here, in the 1950’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Jazzy music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Hazel’s Inn was a tavern in Sharp Park, now a neighborhood in Pacifica. ^The bar is long gone^, but in 1956 the Pacifica Tribune, described it as a large and homey space, with knick-nacks above a mahogany bar, a shuffle board, a dance floor and a jukebox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hazel’s Inn was owned and run by Hazel Nikola, a straight woman in her 60s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> From what we understand then, after she got a divorce she was running the place by herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And the place was popular! Sometimes there were up to 500 patrons in a weekend. For a long time it catered mostly to locals and tourists on holiday at the beach, but then in 1955 and 56, the LGBT community made it \u003cem>their\u003c/em> spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> When the gay men started coming from San Francisco, she welcomed them. And she was non-judgmental. However, it’s obvious that somebody was not happy and did contact the sheriff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>But before we can get to that night — the night of the Hazel’s Inn raid — we have to ask why here? Miles from San Francisco, hidden in a small town, far from any other gay nightlife, why was Hazel’s Inn the place that attracted hundreds of LGBTQ people?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>To answer this question, I went to the archives at the GLBT historical society — where collections documenting the Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Trans community are housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There, I met Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd. She’s an oral historian with the Bancroft Library at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd: \u003c/strong>I was professor of women and gender studies at San Francisco State for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>She’s one of the few people who has researched queer nightlife in the 1950’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> 1956, 90 persons, mostly men were booked at the San Mateo county jail…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>At the archives we read some of the newspaper clippings about Hazel’s Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> Suspected of being a gathering place for sex deviates…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>She did a lot of her research back in the 1990s and was able to interview dozens of queer people who lived in the Bay Area in the 1940s and 50s. Most of them have since passed away, so her work and these archives are some of the last links to this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Piano music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Back in the 1940s, San Francisco already had a queer nightlife scene, but at the time it was illegal to be gay. And bars that were caught serving queer people… that was illegal too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> If you were not a legal kind of person, then you couldn’t like buy a drink in a bar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>But the law changed in 1951— when the Black Cat Cafe, in San Francisco, had its liquor license suspended for serving members of the LGBT community. The owner appealed the decision to the California Supreme court. The case is known as Stouman vs. Riley and it’s a big moment in queer civil rights history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> The argument was that it’s not illegal to be a homosexual, it’s illegal to do homosexual acts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>The court agreed. And the ruling became one of the first civil rights protections for LGBTQ people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music ends\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>For the first time, they had the protected right to assemble. Gay men and lesbian women could buy drinks at bars and hang out with other queer friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is as long as there were no homosexual acts taking place that were deemed “illegal or immoral.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many legal decisions, it was a vague but powerful protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> I know it seems really regressive now, right? But the decision was liberating because the conclusion was that it wasn’t Status that was illegal, it was behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And so queer nightlife in the Bay Area blossomed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> In the early 1950s, I would say it was the heyday of gay nightlife in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And really iconic gay bars came into the picture. The Black Cat Cafe was running again, Tommy’s Place and Ann’s 440 opened. And these places became sanctuaries for the LGBT community to be \u003cem>together. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> There were maybe four or five quote unquote lesbian bars in North Beach in walking distance of each other at any point in time between like, let’s say, 1948 and 1955. So it’s like a really interesting community that evolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And this was really important because in the 1950s it was still not super safe to be gay. Many queer folks were closeted by day in order to keep their jobs. But at night…at the bar…there was a freedom that didn’t really exist anywhere else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> And it was before the state caught wind of what was happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>But then a panic started to take hold in the United States…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Senator McCarthy archival tape:\u003c/strong> Are you a member of the communist conspiracy as of this moment?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>A conservative mindset took hold in American politics and culture — ushering in a time of suspicion and fear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Senator McCarthy archival tape:\u003c/strong> Our nation may very well die, and I ask you caused it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And quickly, LGBT people become \u003cu>targets\u003c/u> at the federal, state and local level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Eisenhower signed an executive order in 1953 banning gay people from federal work, labeling them as having immoral conduct and “sexual perversion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, in 1955 \u003cem>California\u003c/em> created a new state agency called the Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control or the ABC. An agency whose sole job was to ensure that licensed bars abided by legal and \u003cem>moral\u003c/em> codes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And from the moment the department of Alcoholic Beverage control was created a top priority for them was to…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd: \u003c/strong>Shut down the gay bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And they did this by finding ways around those vague protections won in the Stouman v. Riley case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While queer people were granted the right to assemble, “homosexual acts” were still illegal, so authorities started taking an interest in the specifics of what that meant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> There’s a question about like, well then what exactly are the behaviors that are illegal? Like, do you have to like see someone, having sex in the bar? Or is it kissing? What about fondling? What about sitting on a lap? What about holding hands? What about dancing close? So all this stuff was like, then started being hashed out, you know, this is an illegal act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And the Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control started collaborating with a bunch of law enforcement agencies throughout the Bay Area to ferret out people engaged in those acts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 1955, the gay bars in San Francisco were getting less and less safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as harassment and policing increased, the LGBT community began looking for new places to gather outside of San Francisco, away from well-known gay bars, and they ended up down the coast, at Hazel’s Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sound design of a raucous bar scene\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only testimonies about what happened on Feb. 19, 1956, the night that Hazel’s Inn was raided, come from court documents and hearings at the Alcoholic Beverage Control Board. Laurence E. Strong, an ABC agent, described in detail what was happening at the bar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That night, the dance floor was alive, and the bar was filled with around 200 patrons, mostly men. These men wrapped their arms around each other and embraced one another while dancing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also described how one patron sat on another man’s lap and how two other men held hands. In the corner of the bar, a couple embraced as one nestled his head into the other’s shoulder. Some men pinched each other’s butts and fondled each other while dancing. Women danced close together with other women. Men were seen powdering their faces and women wore slacks and sports coats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It sounds like a scene of queer joy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music turns tense\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suddenly, 35 law enforcement agents stormed the bar — a mix of San Mateo county sheriff’s officers and ABC agents began arresting people. The sheriff jumped on to the bar and announced:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice over:\u003c/strong> “This is a raid!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Patrons were forced to walk past a line of agents. And one by one, agents picked out people they had seen showing queer affection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Boyd says that the Alcoholic Beverage Control Board had been watching Hazel’s Inn for months, gathering evidence and building a case that behavior there was “illegal and immoral.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd: \u003c/strong>They had undercover agents in the bars. And they would go in twos or threes and they would watch each other. And somebody would get an interested person, and then would sort of lead them on, until there was some kind of physical, sexual, or flirtatious engagement that involved touching. It was entrapment. And that was a common and acceptable practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Ninety people were arrested that night at Hazel’s Inn, including Hazel Nikola — the owner. The bar’s liquor license was quickly revoked for being quote “a resort for sexual perverts” and for serving someone underaged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mass arrest caught the attention of a variety of civil rights groups, including the ACLU who represented 30 defendants. Most of those arrested were cleared of charges, but the damage had already been done. People were outed in the newspapers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> There would be a list of the people and their address and sometimes their occupation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice over: \u003c/strong>The San Mateo Times: Local persons arrested were: Iris Ann Glasgow, 24 years old. Clerk. 1515 James Street, Redwood City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Many of these people were publicly named as “sexual perverts”. That often meant being ostracized or losing their job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> People were so fearful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cello music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>As for the bar, Hazel fought the revocation of her liquor license for\u003cem> two years \u003c/em>but the court ultimately sided with the ABC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> I think she was just really bitter about what happened here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music ends\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Back in the Pacifica Coastside museum, Laura reflected on what the raid did to Hazel Nikola.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> She lost her liquor license and things just kind of went downhill for her. You have that information on the thing. And she ended up, she ended closing. She was very, very bitter at the end. She felt like she was really an important part of the community and that they had kind of betrayed her. She left Sharp Park and went to live somewhere else. And never came back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>For the queer community, the effects were even more devastating. The Hazel’s Inn Raid became a playbook for the state to target the queer community over the next 15 years. (Surveillance, raids, and the revocation of liquor licenses.) It was a strategy to push LGBTQ people out of the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it didn’t work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite this aggressive policing and repression, the gay bars never died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Queer patrons, and bartenders, and bar owners found ways to keep going. They found ways to spot surveillance in their bars, they organized and worked to keep the police out of their spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historian Dr. Boyd again:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> My takeaway from history as a historian is that during these times of repression. There’s cultural innovation that happens. You can’t really name it yet, right? But it’s taking shape you know, that there’s something coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>During those years of extreme repression, queer activists were making connections, organizing, and laying the groundwork for the next several decades of activism that would see LGBTQ rights expand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area has changed a lot since the raid at Hazel’s Inn. But still, a fearless commitment to community and authenticity — the spirit that kept these gay bars alive — lives on here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>That was reporter Ana De Almeida Amaral. Featuring the voices of Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman, Carly Severn, Christopher Beale and Paul Lancour for archival material.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Did you know that Bay Curious listeners help choose which questions we answer on the podcast? Each month we have a new voting round up at \u003ca href=\"http://baycurious.org\">BayCurious.org\u003c/a>, with three fascinating questions to choose from. This month…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Question 1: \u003c/strong>Did the Navy airship America crash land into several houses? What happened to the crew?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Question 2:\u003c/strong> Why is San Francisco home to so many federal and statewide courts? Why aren’t they in Sacramento or Los Angeles?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Question 3: \u003c/strong>I want to learn more about San Francisco upzoning and how people feel about it in the Richmond and Sunset districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Cast your vote with one click at \u003ca href=\"http://baycurious.org\">BayCurious.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Lie:\u003c/strong> Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Become a member today at \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/donate\">kqed.org/donate\u003c/a>. Our show is produced by Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale and me Olivia Allen-Price. With extra support from Katie Sprenger, Matt Morales, Tim Olsen, Maha Sanad, Jen Chien, Ethan Toven-Lindsey and everyone on team KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m Olivia Allen-Price. Have a wonderful week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>"
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"slug": "santa-cruz-the-first-in-california-to-terminate-its-contract-with-flock-safety",
"title": "Santa Cruz the First in California to Terminate Its Contract With Flock Safety",
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"headTitle": "Santa Cruz the First in California to Terminate Its Contract With Flock Safety | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Santa Cruz has terminated its contract with Flock Safety, the automated license plate reader operator, over data privacy concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Cruz City Council voted 6-1 on Tuesday to terminate the city’s contract with Flock, citing reports that the city’s data has been accessed by out-of-state agencies, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066989/california-cities-double-down-on-license-plate-readers-as-federal-surveillance-grows?utm_source=chatgpt.com\">at a time\u003c/a> when the Trump administration is pursuing an increasingly aggressive immigration enforcement agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us, the threat to our civil liberties was greater than any benefit we could get from the flawed product,” said Mayor Fred Keeley, who voted against the Flock contract in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not interested, as they continue to develop their product, to be an experiment for a system which appears to have enormously big holes in it that they discover every day and try to patch to fix,” he said, adding he doesn’t fault the Santa Cruz Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC5003726529\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, Santa Cruz police\u003ca href=\"https://www.santacruzsentinel.com/2025/11/18/santa-cruz-pauses-participation-in-flocks-statewide-sharing-portal/\"> Chief Bernie Escalante confirmed\u003c/a> the city’s Flock data had been accessed by out-of-state agencies, prompting city officials to \u003ca href=\"https://lookout.co/city-of-santa-cruz-pauses-statewide-license-plate-data-sharing-citing-flock-safetys-violation-of-california-law/story\">temporarily limit\u003c/a> outside agencies’ access to the city’s license plate reader data and to review its agreement with Flock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California for 10 years has prohibited the sharing of license plate data out of state. Ten years!” said Peter Gelblum, chair of the ACLU’s Santa Cruz County Chapter, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12066350\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1760px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12066350\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/flock-camera-6936dca8e38fe.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1760\" height=\"1084\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/flock-camera-6936dca8e38fe.jpg 1760w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/flock-camera-6936dca8e38fe-160x99.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/flock-camera-6936dca8e38fe-1536x946.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1760px) 100vw, 1760px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Flock camera at Fashion Valley Mall cast in silhouette on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Scott Rodd/KPBS)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to Gelblum and other civil liberties advocates, Santa Cruz is the first city in California to end its Flock contract. He credited the Trump administration’s immigration policies for dialing up the sense of urgency in the sanctuary city, as well as data compiled by the recently formed grassroots group \u003ca href=\"https://www.gettheflockout.org\">Get the Flock Out\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They laid out a case that included the finding that, between June and October 2025, state agencies\u003ca href=\"https://lookout.co/anti-flock-group-finds-that-state-agencies-accessed-scpd-camera-data-thousands-of-times-on-feds-behalf-since-mid-2024/story\"> accessed Santa Cruz camera data roughly 4,000 times\u003c/a> on behalf of federal law enforcement, including U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, in violation of California’s SB 34.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under SB 34, California law enforcement agencies are required to adopt detailed usage and privacy policies governing license plate reader data, restrict access to authorized purposes, and regularly audit searches to prevent misuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And yet, the typical standard Flock contract, which the agencies in Santa Cruz County all signed, enables nationwide sharing, and nationwide sharing was going on the entire time,” Gelblum said.[aside postID=news_12066989 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-License-Plate-Readers-01-KQED.jpg']A Flock spokesman told KQED the company has always been willing to comply with requests from law enforcement agencies to shut down outside access to data, to ensure compliance with state and local laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trevor Chandler, director of public affairs for Flock, said the company is committed to honoring the values of every community, so that their civil liberty concerns “don’t have to come at the expense of community safety. All of those tools to customize sharing … can be customized at any moment, for any reason, by any city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though precise tallies differ, civil liberties advocates say roughly 30 municipalities nationwide have recently canceled their contracts with Flock. But Chandler said Flock doesn’t feel threatened by the increased scrutiny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We saw Oakland put their program on pause, then \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066989/california-cities-double-down-on-license-plate-readers-as-federal-surveillance-grows\">went on to reauthorize it\u003c/a>. We saw San Diego put their program on pause, customized safety features, then reauthorized it. So if the conversation with Santa Cruz comes back, we’re happy to have that conversation,” Chandler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Cruz first signed its contract with Flock in 2024, and it was scheduled to expire on March 27. Tuesday’s vote allows the city to terminate the agreement with 30 days’ notice, or Feb. 12 at the earliest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Santa Cruz got it right,” Sarah Hamid, director of strategic campaigns with the Electronic Frontier Foundation, wrote KQED. “Santa Cruz joins nearly two dozen jurisdictions in 2025 that canceled or rejected Flock contracts by exercising procurement power — local democracy’s most underutilized tool. These communities recognized that Flock’s surveillance risks are difficult to adequately mitigate through policy alone, and chose instead to invest in public safety approaches that don’t require mass surveillance infrastructure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Santa Cruz City Council voted to terminate its contract with Flock Safety, the license plate reader company that has come under scrutiny for its data collection and sharing practices.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Santa Cruz has terminated its contract with Flock Safety, the automated license plate reader operator, over data privacy concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Cruz City Council voted 6-1 on Tuesday to terminate the city’s contract with Flock, citing reports that the city’s data has been accessed by out-of-state agencies, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066989/california-cities-double-down-on-license-plate-readers-as-federal-surveillance-grows?utm_source=chatgpt.com\">at a time\u003c/a> when the Trump administration is pursuing an increasingly aggressive immigration enforcement agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us, the threat to our civil liberties was greater than any benefit we could get from the flawed product,” said Mayor Fred Keeley, who voted against the Flock contract in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not interested, as they continue to develop their product, to be an experiment for a system which appears to have enormously big holes in it that they discover every day and try to patch to fix,” he said, adding he doesn’t fault the Santa Cruz Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC5003726529\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, Santa Cruz police\u003ca href=\"https://www.santacruzsentinel.com/2025/11/18/santa-cruz-pauses-participation-in-flocks-statewide-sharing-portal/\"> Chief Bernie Escalante confirmed\u003c/a> the city’s Flock data had been accessed by out-of-state agencies, prompting city officials to \u003ca href=\"https://lookout.co/city-of-santa-cruz-pauses-statewide-license-plate-data-sharing-citing-flock-safetys-violation-of-california-law/story\">temporarily limit\u003c/a> outside agencies’ access to the city’s license plate reader data and to review its agreement with Flock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California for 10 years has prohibited the sharing of license plate data out of state. Ten years!” said Peter Gelblum, chair of the ACLU’s Santa Cruz County Chapter, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12066350\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1760px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12066350\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/flock-camera-6936dca8e38fe.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1760\" height=\"1084\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/flock-camera-6936dca8e38fe.jpg 1760w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/flock-camera-6936dca8e38fe-160x99.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/flock-camera-6936dca8e38fe-1536x946.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1760px) 100vw, 1760px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Flock camera at Fashion Valley Mall cast in silhouette on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Scott Rodd/KPBS)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to Gelblum and other civil liberties advocates, Santa Cruz is the first city in California to end its Flock contract. He credited the Trump administration’s immigration policies for dialing up the sense of urgency in the sanctuary city, as well as data compiled by the recently formed grassroots group \u003ca href=\"https://www.gettheflockout.org\">Get the Flock Out\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They laid out a case that included the finding that, between June and October 2025, state agencies\u003ca href=\"https://lookout.co/anti-flock-group-finds-that-state-agencies-accessed-scpd-camera-data-thousands-of-times-on-feds-behalf-since-mid-2024/story\"> accessed Santa Cruz camera data roughly 4,000 times\u003c/a> on behalf of federal law enforcement, including U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, in violation of California’s SB 34.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under SB 34, California law enforcement agencies are required to adopt detailed usage and privacy policies governing license plate reader data, restrict access to authorized purposes, and regularly audit searches to prevent misuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And yet, the typical standard Flock contract, which the agencies in Santa Cruz County all signed, enables nationwide sharing, and nationwide sharing was going on the entire time,” Gelblum said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A Flock spokesman told KQED the company has always been willing to comply with requests from law enforcement agencies to shut down outside access to data, to ensure compliance with state and local laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trevor Chandler, director of public affairs for Flock, said the company is committed to honoring the values of every community, so that their civil liberty concerns “don’t have to come at the expense of community safety. All of those tools to customize sharing … can be customized at any moment, for any reason, by any city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though precise tallies differ, civil liberties advocates say roughly 30 municipalities nationwide have recently canceled their contracts with Flock. But Chandler said Flock doesn’t feel threatened by the increased scrutiny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We saw Oakland put their program on pause, then \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066989/california-cities-double-down-on-license-plate-readers-as-federal-surveillance-grows\">went on to reauthorize it\u003c/a>. We saw San Diego put their program on pause, customized safety features, then reauthorized it. So if the conversation with Santa Cruz comes back, we’re happy to have that conversation,” Chandler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Cruz first signed its contract with Flock in 2024, and it was scheduled to expire on March 27. Tuesday’s vote allows the city to terminate the agreement with 30 days’ notice, or Feb. 12 at the earliest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Santa Cruz got it right,” Sarah Hamid, director of strategic campaigns with the Electronic Frontier Foundation, wrote KQED. “Santa Cruz joins nearly two dozen jurisdictions in 2025 that canceled or rejected Flock contracts by exercising procurement power — local democracy’s most underutilized tool. These communities recognized that Flock’s surveillance risks are difficult to adequately mitigate through policy alone, and chose instead to invest in public safety approaches that don’t require mass surveillance infrastructure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump\u003c/a> administration has cut over 157 open roles at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> Veterans Affairs Medical Center and outpatient clinics across the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according to the Federal Unionists Network, an association of federal workers, who say these jobs are critical. The SFVAMC employs physicians, nurses, social workers, psychologists and other healthcare professionals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frontline VA workers, veterans and union representatives from the National Federation of Federal Employees held a rally outside the Medical Center at 4150 Clement St. in San Francisco on Wednesday afternoon to protest the cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They warned that cuts will weaken the VA health care system by translating into higher strain on the medical center in the form of “longer wait times, heavier patient loads, reduced services and increased safety risks for the veterans who rely on the VA for care”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Smith, an occupational therapist and the NFFE Local 1 Union president, said the positions lost include peer support specialists — veterans hired to support fellow veterans’ access to mental health treatment — as well as psychologists, therapists and nurses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069822\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069822\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011426_SF-VA-CUTS-_GH_003-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011426_SF-VA-CUTS-_GH_003-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011426_SF-VA-CUTS-_GH_003-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011426_SF-VA-CUTS-_GH_003-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Suzanne Gordon, an award-winning journalist and co-founder of the Veterans Healthcare Policy Institute, speaks during a rally opposing proposed staffing cuts at the San Francisco VA Medical Center on Jan. 14, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That includes the SFVAMC’s singular emergency room social worker position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that one is just ludicrous frankly … They help ensure veterans get the resources that they need when they’re in a crisis. This is absolutely going to have an impact on Bay Area veterans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This month, the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs has begun the process of cutting up to 37,000 vacant positions nationwide in what government officials have called a \u003ca href=\"https://news.va.gov/press-room/va-launches-veterans-health-administration-reorganization/\">“reorganization”\u003c/a> of the VA health care system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Since March, we’ve been conducting a holistic review of the department centered on reducing bureaucracy and improving services to Veterans,” VA Secretary Doug Collins said in a \u003ca href=\"https://news.va.gov/press-room/va-to-reduce-staff-by-nearly-30k-by-end-of-fy2025/\">statement\u003c/a> in July. “As a result of our efforts, VA is headed in the right direction — both in terms of staff levels and customer service. A department-wide [Reduction in Force] is off the table, but that doesn’t mean we’re done improving VA. Our review has resulted in a host of new ideas for better serving Veterans that we will continue to pursue.”[aside postID=news_12068953 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/230913-ChildCareCenterEviction-007-BL_qed.jpg']Collins is expected to \u003ca href=\"https://www.veterans.senate.gov/2026/1/chairman-moran-announces-committee-hearing-with-secretary-collins-on-reorganization-of-va-healthcare-system\">testify\u003c/a> before the Senate Committee on Veterans Affairs on the details surrounding proposed changes on Jan. 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nationwide cuts were announced in December, targeting positions that have been vacant for at least a year. The VA has argued that the dissolution of these positions will not negatively affect care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No VA employees are being removed, and this will have zero impact on veteran care,” VA Press Secretary Pete Kasperowicz said. He called the positions “mostly COVID-era roles that are no longer necessary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s sort of like saying that, you know, you could throw out your fire extinguisher because your house hasn’t caught fire lately, and you have a sink and a bucket,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sunny afternoon rally in San Francisco’s Land End drew honks and cheers from passing cars. Suzanne Gordon, co-founder of the Veterans Healthcare Policy Institute, told the crowd that the administration’s decision will strangle the system and kill patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’ll end up depriving them of healthcare because of staff cuts and capping cuts … Every healthcare system has vacant positions, but a healthy healthcare system fills them quickly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco rally followed one in New York City \u003ca href=\"https://www.nationalnursesunited.org/press/nurses-and-veterans-to-rally-against-trump-plan-to-eliminate-hundreds-of-va-jobs-in-nyc\">last week\u003c/a>. Nurses and Veterans rallied in the Bronx against the Trump administration’s cuts, after the VA eliminated at least 383 veterans-related health care positions across the five boroughs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They warned that cuts will weaken the VA health care system by translating into higher strain on the medical center in the form of “longer wait times, heavier patient loads, reduced services and increased safety risks for the veterans who rely on the VA for care”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Smith, an occupational therapist and the NFFE Local 1 Union president, said the positions lost include peer support specialists — veterans hired to support fellow veterans’ access to mental health treatment — as well as psychologists, therapists and nurses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069822\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069822\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011426_SF-VA-CUTS-_GH_003-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011426_SF-VA-CUTS-_GH_003-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011426_SF-VA-CUTS-_GH_003-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011426_SF-VA-CUTS-_GH_003-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Suzanne Gordon, an award-winning journalist and co-founder of the Veterans Healthcare Policy Institute, speaks during a rally opposing proposed staffing cuts at the San Francisco VA Medical Center on Jan. 14, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That includes the SFVAMC’s singular emergency room social worker position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that one is just ludicrous frankly … They help ensure veterans get the resources that they need when they’re in a crisis. This is absolutely going to have an impact on Bay Area veterans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This month, the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs has begun the process of cutting up to 37,000 vacant positions nationwide in what government officials have called a \u003ca href=\"https://news.va.gov/press-room/va-launches-veterans-health-administration-reorganization/\">“reorganization”\u003c/a> of the VA health care system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Since March, we’ve been conducting a holistic review of the department centered on reducing bureaucracy and improving services to Veterans,” VA Secretary Doug Collins said in a \u003ca href=\"https://news.va.gov/press-room/va-to-reduce-staff-by-nearly-30k-by-end-of-fy2025/\">statement\u003c/a> in July. “As a result of our efforts, VA is headed in the right direction — both in terms of staff levels and customer service. A department-wide [Reduction in Force] is off the table, but that doesn’t mean we’re done improving VA. Our review has resulted in a host of new ideas for better serving Veterans that we will continue to pursue.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Collins is expected to \u003ca href=\"https://www.veterans.senate.gov/2026/1/chairman-moran-announces-committee-hearing-with-secretary-collins-on-reorganization-of-va-healthcare-system\">testify\u003c/a> before the Senate Committee on Veterans Affairs on the details surrounding proposed changes on Jan. 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nationwide cuts were announced in December, targeting positions that have been vacant for at least a year. The VA has argued that the dissolution of these positions will not negatively affect care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No VA employees are being removed, and this will have zero impact on veteran care,” VA Press Secretary Pete Kasperowicz said. He called the positions “mostly COVID-era roles that are no longer necessary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s sort of like saying that, you know, you could throw out your fire extinguisher because your house hasn’t caught fire lately, and you have a sink and a bucket,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sunny afternoon rally in San Francisco’s Land End drew honks and cheers from passing cars. Suzanne Gordon, co-founder of the Veterans Healthcare Policy Institute, told the crowd that the administration’s decision will strangle the system and kill patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’ll end up depriving them of healthcare because of staff cuts and capping cuts … Every healthcare system has vacant positions, but a healthy healthcare system fills them quickly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco rally followed one in New York City \u003ca href=\"https://www.nationalnursesunited.org/press/nurses-and-veterans-to-rally-against-trump-plan-to-eliminate-hundreds-of-va-jobs-in-nyc\">last week\u003c/a>. Nurses and Veterans rallied in the Bronx against the Trump administration’s cuts, after the VA eliminated at least 383 veterans-related health care positions across the five boroughs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Attorney General Rob Bonta Says if Trump Ends Sanctuary City Funding, He Will Lose",
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"headTitle": "Attorney General Rob Bonta Says if Trump Ends Sanctuary City Funding, He Will Lose | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>After \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump\u003c/a> announced this week that he plans to withhold funding from cities and states that have “sanctuary” immigration policies beginning next month, Attorney General \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rob-bonta\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a> and Bay Area cities are promising to take legal action should payments stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta and Bay Area prosecutors said Wednesday that California has repeatedly won legal battles to block similar threats by the president during both of his administrations, and would do so again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a lawless repeat offender president who has lost on this issue multiple times already and will lose again,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump made the threat on Tuesday amid escalating immigration crackdowns in Democrat-led cities, where three people have been shot by federal officials this month. In an address to the Detroit Economic Club, he said that beginning Feb. 1, his administration would withhold all payments to sanctuary cities and their states, which he said “protect criminals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No more payments will be made by the federal government to states for their corrupt criminal protection centers known as sanctuary cities,” he reiterated in a post on social media on Wednesday. “All they do is breed crime and violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045683\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045683\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump addresses the nation, alongside Vice President JD Vance (left), Secretary of State Marco Rubio (second, right) and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth (right), from the White House in Washington, D.C. on June 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Carlos Barria/Pool/AFP via Getty Images )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The announcement echoes a pair of executive orders from last January, which said that the administration would take action to ensure that jurisdictions with sanctuary policies do not receive federal funding. A memorandum by Attorney General Pam Bondi in February reiterated that sentiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A San Francisco federal judge in April \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037376/sf-santa-clara-counties-ask-us-court-halt-trumps-sanctuary-city-funding-freeze\">granted a preliminary injunction \u003c/a>halting those orders, which was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053486/judge-blocks-trump-from-cutting-money-to-la-chicago-and-bay-area-cities-over-sanctuary-policies\">extended in August\u003c/a> and expanded to more than 30 cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same judge in 2017 ruled that a similar Trump executive order was “\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/11/21/565678707/enter-title#:~:text=Sullivan/Getty%20Images-,Protesters%20stand%20arm%2Din%2Darm%20as%20they%20block%20an%20entrance,cooperate%20with%20federal%20immigration%20authorities.&text=The%20Trump%20administration%20cannot%20withhold,the%20previous%20ones%2C%20is%20permanent.\">unduly coercive\u003c/a>” and violated the separation of powers, and permanently blocked him from withholding funds over cities’ sanctuary policies.[aside postID=news_12069540 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260113-BROOKE-JENKINS-ON-PB-MD-04-KQED-1.jpg']“Federal courts have held a number of times that our sanctuary policies are lawful,” said San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, whose office is party to the suit filed earlier this year. “This administration has repeatedly tried to withhold funding or impose illegal funding conditions on our city and many others. We’ve already taken legal action to protect our federal funding, and we’re going to continue to do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu said the move feels like an attempt by the president to distract from “horrific actions” in Minneapolis, where 37-year-old Renee Good was shot and killed by an ICE agent earlier this month while acting as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069104/bay-area-immigrant-defense-groups-report-surge-in-support-after-minneapolis-ice-killing\">legal observer for immigrants\u003c/a> in the city, according to Minnesota’s Attorney General.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Kristi Noem, meanwhile, has said Good was carrying out actions that amounted to an “act of domestic terrorism” before she was shot, and Trump has made false claims about the events that led up to the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two others were shot by Border Patrol agents in Portland, Oregon, the following day, on Jan. 8, during an attempt to pull over their vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024429\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024429\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference with elected and public safety officials and labor leaders in front of City Hall in San Francisco on Jan. 28, 2025, to reaffirm San Francisco’s commitment to being a Sanctuary City. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chiu and Tony LoPresti, county counsel for Santa Clara County, both said that whether the cities launch further legal action will depend on whether Trump follows through on this week’s threats, and in what form.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Santa Clara County doesn’t use “sanctuary” language specifically, it also has policies that assert its right not to use local resources to aid federal immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are certainly going to ensure that we’re enforcing the injunctions that we have in place, and that we will continue as a county … to litigate our constitutional rights not to cooperate with the federal government and their immigration enforcement campaign,” LoPresti said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Mayor Barbara Lee called Trump’s announcement an attempt to “bully” sanctuary cities, and said that threats from Washington would not be effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should the Trump administration begin withholding funds next month, Bonta said, the state is prepared to take legal action “within minutes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got the arguments, we have the briefs, we have a legal strategy,” he said. “We just need to see how his general statements manifest into a specific action — what funding to what city for what issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe it’ll be nothing, but we’re not counting on that. We believe he’s gonna do something, and whatever it is, we’ll be ready,” he continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/tychehendricks\">\u003cem>Tyche Hendricks\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump\u003c/a> announced this week that he plans to withhold funding from cities and states that have “sanctuary” immigration policies beginning next month, Attorney General \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rob-bonta\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a> and Bay Area cities are promising to take legal action should payments stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta and Bay Area prosecutors said Wednesday that California has repeatedly won legal battles to block similar threats by the president during both of his administrations, and would do so again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a lawless repeat offender president who has lost on this issue multiple times already and will lose again,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump made the threat on Tuesday amid escalating immigration crackdowns in Democrat-led cities, where three people have been shot by federal officials this month. In an address to the Detroit Economic Club, he said that beginning Feb. 1, his administration would withhold all payments to sanctuary cities and their states, which he said “protect criminals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No more payments will be made by the federal government to states for their corrupt criminal protection centers known as sanctuary cities,” he reiterated in a post on social media on Wednesday. “All they do is breed crime and violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045683\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045683\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump addresses the nation, alongside Vice President JD Vance (left), Secretary of State Marco Rubio (second, right) and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth (right), from the White House in Washington, D.C. on June 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Carlos Barria/Pool/AFP via Getty Images )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The announcement echoes a pair of executive orders from last January, which said that the administration would take action to ensure that jurisdictions with sanctuary policies do not receive federal funding. A memorandum by Attorney General Pam Bondi in February reiterated that sentiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A San Francisco federal judge in April \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037376/sf-santa-clara-counties-ask-us-court-halt-trumps-sanctuary-city-funding-freeze\">granted a preliminary injunction \u003c/a>halting those orders, which was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053486/judge-blocks-trump-from-cutting-money-to-la-chicago-and-bay-area-cities-over-sanctuary-policies\">extended in August\u003c/a> and expanded to more than 30 cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same judge in 2017 ruled that a similar Trump executive order was “\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/11/21/565678707/enter-title#:~:text=Sullivan/Getty%20Images-,Protesters%20stand%20arm%2Din%2Darm%20as%20they%20block%20an%20entrance,cooperate%20with%20federal%20immigration%20authorities.&text=The%20Trump%20administration%20cannot%20withhold,the%20previous%20ones%2C%20is%20permanent.\">unduly coercive\u003c/a>” and violated the separation of powers, and permanently blocked him from withholding funds over cities’ sanctuary policies.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Federal courts have held a number of times that our sanctuary policies are lawful,” said San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, whose office is party to the suit filed earlier this year. “This administration has repeatedly tried to withhold funding or impose illegal funding conditions on our city and many others. We’ve already taken legal action to protect our federal funding, and we’re going to continue to do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu said the move feels like an attempt by the president to distract from “horrific actions” in Minneapolis, where 37-year-old Renee Good was shot and killed by an ICE agent earlier this month while acting as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069104/bay-area-immigrant-defense-groups-report-surge-in-support-after-minneapolis-ice-killing\">legal observer for immigrants\u003c/a> in the city, according to Minnesota’s Attorney General.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Kristi Noem, meanwhile, has said Good was carrying out actions that amounted to an “act of domestic terrorism” before she was shot, and Trump has made false claims about the events that led up to the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two others were shot by Border Patrol agents in Portland, Oregon, the following day, on Jan. 8, during an attempt to pull over their vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024429\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024429\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference with elected and public safety officials and labor leaders in front of City Hall in San Francisco on Jan. 28, 2025, to reaffirm San Francisco’s commitment to being a Sanctuary City. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chiu and Tony LoPresti, county counsel for Santa Clara County, both said that whether the cities launch further legal action will depend on whether Trump follows through on this week’s threats, and in what form.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Santa Clara County doesn’t use “sanctuary” language specifically, it also has policies that assert its right not to use local resources to aid federal immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are certainly going to ensure that we’re enforcing the injunctions that we have in place, and that we will continue as a county … to litigate our constitutional rights not to cooperate with the federal government and their immigration enforcement campaign,” LoPresti said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Mayor Barbara Lee called Trump’s announcement an attempt to “bully” sanctuary cities, and said that threats from Washington would not be effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should the Trump administration begin withholding funds next month, Bonta said, the state is prepared to take legal action “within minutes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got the arguments, we have the briefs, we have a legal strategy,” he said. “We just need to see how his general statements manifest into a specific action — what funding to what city for what issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe it’ll be nothing, but we’re not counting on that. We believe he’s gonna do something, and whatever it is, we’ll be ready,” he continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/tychehendricks\">\u003cem>Tyche Hendricks\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Federal Judges Uphold California’s New Congressional Maps Favoring Democrats",
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"content": "\u003cp>A three-judge panel ruled Wednesday that the new congressional maps \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062781/proposition-50-passes-in-california-boosting-democrats-in-fight-for-us-house-control\">created by California voters\u003c/a> in the fall are legal and should remain in place, handing a win to state Democrats who hope the new districts will swing five congressional seats for their party next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling denies a request by California Republicans and the Trump administration for the federal court in Los Angeles to issue a preliminary injunction blocking the maps \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064834/how-prop-50-just-rewrote-californias-2026-congressional-map\">created by Proposition 50\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 117-page \u003ca href=\"https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cacd.994285/gov.uscourts.cacd.994285.216.0.pdf\">ruling\u003c/a>, the federal judges rejected GOP arguments that the new maps amounted to racial gerrymandering, which has been prohibited by the U.S. Supreme Court. The panel ruled 2-1, with the two Democratic appointees ruling for California and Judge Kenneth K. Lee, who was appointed by President Trump, dissenting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the opinion, Judge Josephine Staton wrote that the panel’s conclusion “probably seems obvious to anyone who followed the news” about Proposition 50 last year. She noted that during the campaign, no one ever described the new maps as racially motivated — including the Republican plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one on either side of that debate characterized the map as a racial gerrymander,” the opinion states, noting that the California Republican Party called it a “political power grab to help Democrats retake Congress and impeach Trump,” and Attorney General Pamela J. Bondi deemed it a “redistricting power grab” for political gain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judges also rejected Republican arguments that the voters’ intent did not matter. The majority wrote that voters clearly were endorsing the argument that both sides were making: that this was a partisan power grab, aimed at giving Democrats a leg up in the midterm elections and counteracting what GOP-led states were doing with their own districts.[aside postID=news_12069094 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomStateoftheState2026AP.jpg']Democrats celebrated the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Republicans’ weak attempt to silence voters failed. California voters overwhelmingly supported Prop 50 — to respond to Trump’s rigging in Texas — and that is exactly what this court concluded,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Republican Party said they will appeal the decision and ask the U.S. Supreme Court for an emergency injunction blocking the maps. The question must be decided soon: Congressional candidates have until March 6 to file papers to run for office in the June primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although the majority of the three-judge panel did not side with our challenge to the Prop 50 map, we appreciate the thoughtful and timely work of all three judges,” said state party chair Corrin Rankin. “The well reasoned dissenting opinion better reflects our interpretation of the law and the facts, which we will reassert to the Supreme Court….We look forward to continuing this fight in the courts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom pushed lawmakers to put Proposition 50 on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052064/newsom-calls-for-special-election-to-redraw-californias-congressional-maps\">a special statewide ballot\u003c/a> after Trump set off a mid-decade redistricting scramble by demanding Texas redraw its maps to benefit Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his dissenting opinion, Lee wrote that race “likely played a predominant role in drawing at least one district because the smoking gun is in the hands of Paul Mitchell,” referring to a Democratic consultant who helped draw the new lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee argued that Mitchell publicly “boasted” about boosting Latino voting power in the 13th Congressional District in the Central Valley, and that voter intent should not be the only basis for the court’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be sure, California’s main goal was to add more Democratic congressional seats. But that larger political gerrymandering plan does not allow California to smuggle in racially gerrymandered seats,” said Lee, who wrote that Democrats likely wanted to create a Latino majority district “as part of a racial spoils system to award a key constituency that may be drifting away from the Democratic party.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A three-judge panel ruled Wednesday that the new congressional maps \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062781/proposition-50-passes-in-california-boosting-democrats-in-fight-for-us-house-control\">created by California voters\u003c/a> in the fall are legal and should remain in place, handing a win to state Democrats who hope the new districts will swing five congressional seats for their party next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling denies a request by California Republicans and the Trump administration for the federal court in Los Angeles to issue a preliminary injunction blocking the maps \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064834/how-prop-50-just-rewrote-californias-2026-congressional-map\">created by Proposition 50\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 117-page \u003ca href=\"https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cacd.994285/gov.uscourts.cacd.994285.216.0.pdf\">ruling\u003c/a>, the federal judges rejected GOP arguments that the new maps amounted to racial gerrymandering, which has been prohibited by the U.S. Supreme Court. The panel ruled 2-1, with the two Democratic appointees ruling for California and Judge Kenneth K. Lee, who was appointed by President Trump, dissenting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the opinion, Judge Josephine Staton wrote that the panel’s conclusion “probably seems obvious to anyone who followed the news” about Proposition 50 last year. She noted that during the campaign, no one ever described the new maps as racially motivated — including the Republican plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one on either side of that debate characterized the map as a racial gerrymander,” the opinion states, noting that the California Republican Party called it a “political power grab to help Democrats retake Congress and impeach Trump,” and Attorney General Pamela J. Bondi deemed it a “redistricting power grab” for political gain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judges also rejected Republican arguments that the voters’ intent did not matter. The majority wrote that voters clearly were endorsing the argument that both sides were making: that this was a partisan power grab, aimed at giving Democrats a leg up in the midterm elections and counteracting what GOP-led states were doing with their own districts.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Democrats celebrated the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Republicans’ weak attempt to silence voters failed. California voters overwhelmingly supported Prop 50 — to respond to Trump’s rigging in Texas — and that is exactly what this court concluded,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Republican Party said they will appeal the decision and ask the U.S. Supreme Court for an emergency injunction blocking the maps. The question must be decided soon: Congressional candidates have until March 6 to file papers to run for office in the June primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although the majority of the three-judge panel did not side with our challenge to the Prop 50 map, we appreciate the thoughtful and timely work of all three judges,” said state party chair Corrin Rankin. “The well reasoned dissenting opinion better reflects our interpretation of the law and the facts, which we will reassert to the Supreme Court….We look forward to continuing this fight in the courts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom pushed lawmakers to put Proposition 50 on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052064/newsom-calls-for-special-election-to-redraw-californias-congressional-maps\">a special statewide ballot\u003c/a> after Trump set off a mid-decade redistricting scramble by demanding Texas redraw its maps to benefit Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his dissenting opinion, Lee wrote that race “likely played a predominant role in drawing at least one district because the smoking gun is in the hands of Paul Mitchell,” referring to a Democratic consultant who helped draw the new lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee argued that Mitchell publicly “boasted” about boosting Latino voting power in the 13th Congressional District in the Central Valley, and that voter intent should not be the only basis for the court’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be sure, California’s main goal was to add more Democratic congressional seats. But that larger political gerrymandering plan does not allow California to smuggle in racially gerrymandered seats,” said Lee, who wrote that Democrats likely wanted to create a Latino majority district “as part of a racial spoils system to award a key constituency that may be drifting away from the Democratic party.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
"title": "Close All Tabs",
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"info": "Close All Tabs breaks down how digital culture shapes our world through thoughtful insights and irreverent humor.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
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"id": "code-switch-life-kit",
"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
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},
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"freakonomics-radio": {
"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/4s8b",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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