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"content": "\u003cp>Amid a looming $22.5 billion deficit, California housing advocates expressed relief that Gov. Gavin Newsom is largely keeping funding for housing and homelessness programs intact in his \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/budget/2023-24/#/Home\">2023–24 budget plan\u003c/a>. But, they said, it’s insufficient to meaningfully reduce homelessness across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were relieved to see that the programs that are serving Californians who are struggling, the very people who are experiencing homelessness, were protected,” said Chione Flegal, executive director of the statewide advocacy organization Housing California, adding, “The resources we’re investing still don’t come close to meeting the scale of the need that Californians are experiencing.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Matt Schwartz, CEO, California Housing Partnership\"]‘Until we have the state investing at a much bigger scale and a longer-term horizon, we’re not really going to be able to make substantial progress.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan keeps in place $3.4 billion to address homelessness committed in prior budgets, including $400 million for a third round of grants to cities to clear homeless encampments and $1 billion to fund a fifth round of grants for local governments through the Homeless Housing, Assistance and Prevention (HHAP) Grant Program. That’s a flexible pool of funding cities and counties can use to fund everything from shelter operations to new housing for people exiting homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address the deficit, the draft budget also calls for more than $9 billion in cuts overall, including $350 million to housing programs supporting homeownership and construction of in-law units.[aside postID=\"news_11937658,news_11936184,news_11937161\" label=\"Related Posts\"]At a news conference Tuesday, Newsom touted the combined $15.3 billion committed to homelessness programs in last year’s budget and this proposal. But he expressed frustration that unprecedented levels of funding for housing and homelessness in recent years weren’t yielding better results. When he took office, he said the state invested a mere $500 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite this new funding, \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2022-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\">homelessness across California increased more than 23% between 2007 and 2022 (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, including rising more than 6% between 2020 and 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More accountability, more transparency,” Newsom said. “There’s never been more resources ever to support these efforts. We want to see things materialize.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the proposal, Newsom said new homelessness-related grants would only be doled out to local governments that comply with state housing law. The administration also wants to push for new legislation that would force local leaders applying for the money to provide greater detail about how they plan to spend it, with priority given to things like clearing encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People just have had it. They want to see these encampments cleaned up, they’re fed up,” Newsom said. “People want to see results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But increased efforts to close encampments will likely be met with resistance. A group of unhoused San Francisco residents sued the city over its sweeps last year, arguing that forced displacements and destruction of property violate their constitutional rights. A judge granted a preliminary injunction barring further sweeps as the case moves forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In order to meaningfully reduce homelessness, Matt Schwartz, CEO of the California Housing Partnership, wants to see a dedicated funding source in the vein of the \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/press-release-asm-wick-sintroduces-housing-opportunities-for-everyone-hope-act/\">HOPE Act\u003c/a> (ACA 14) Assemblymember Buffy Wicks introduced last year, which proposed to dedicate 5% of the state’s general fund each year over the next decade to the state’s affordable housing and homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Until we have the state investing at a much bigger scale and a longer-term horizon, we’re not really going to be able to make substantial progress,” Schwartz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address the state’s housing shortage — particularly for people with low incomes — the California Housing Partnership estimates California needs to invest \u003ca href=\"https://roadmaphome2030.org/\">$18 billion each year over the next 10 years\u003c/a> to add 1.2 million affordable homes, or roughly 119,000 a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed budget maintains current affordable housing production levels, or about 20,000 new affordable homes per year. Abram Diaz, policy director for the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California, said that’s an improvement over the past but a long way from enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It should buy us another year of production,” Diaz said. “We had hoped we could go above and beyond that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz said he’ll be working to secure more money for the cause as lawmakers hash out the budget over the coming months, before the start of the next fiscal year, on July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because if we can’t, and we face another recession and another budget gap in the next fiscal year, then we really might start feeling more of a crunch,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acknowledging that a comprehensive funding solution is a ways off, some advocates are beginning to coalesce around a stopgap solution: a statewide affordable housing bond of at least $10 billion on the 2024 ballot. Voters last approved a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=1&year=2018\">$4 billion state bond (Proposition 1)\u003c/a> for affordable housing in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, an effort is underway to put forward a constitutional amendment for the 2024 ballot that would reduce the voter threshold for local housing bonds from two-thirds to a simple majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and lawmakers are also looking for new legislative solutions to remove obstacles to building affordable housing and make what money there is stretch further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a big part of the solution,” Diaz said, “and something a lot of stakeholders look at very heavily in tough budget years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At a news conference Tuesday, Newsom touted the combined $15.3 billion committed to homelessness programs in last year’s budget and this proposal. But he expressed frustration that unprecedented levels of funding for housing and homelessness in recent years weren’t yielding better results. When he took office, he said the state invested a mere $500 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite this new funding, \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2022-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\">homelessness across California increased more than 23% between 2007 and 2022 (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, including rising more than 6% between 2020 and 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More accountability, more transparency,” Newsom said. “There’s never been more resources ever to support these efforts. We want to see things materialize.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the proposal, Newsom said new homelessness-related grants would only be doled out to local governments that comply with state housing law. The administration also wants to push for new legislation that would force local leaders applying for the money to provide greater detail about how they plan to spend it, with priority given to things like clearing encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People just have had it. They want to see these encampments cleaned up, they’re fed up,” Newsom said. “People want to see results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But increased efforts to close encampments will likely be met with resistance. A group of unhoused San Francisco residents sued the city over its sweeps last year, arguing that forced displacements and destruction of property violate their constitutional rights. A judge granted a preliminary injunction barring further sweeps as the case moves forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In order to meaningfully reduce homelessness, Matt Schwartz, CEO of the California Housing Partnership, wants to see a dedicated funding source in the vein of the \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/press-release-asm-wick-sintroduces-housing-opportunities-for-everyone-hope-act/\">HOPE Act\u003c/a> (ACA 14) Assemblymember Buffy Wicks introduced last year, which proposed to dedicate 5% of the state’s general fund each year over the next decade to the state’s affordable housing and homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Until we have the state investing at a much bigger scale and a longer-term horizon, we’re not really going to be able to make substantial progress,” Schwartz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address the state’s housing shortage — particularly for people with low incomes — the California Housing Partnership estimates California needs to invest \u003ca href=\"https://roadmaphome2030.org/\">$18 billion each year over the next 10 years\u003c/a> to add 1.2 million affordable homes, or roughly 119,000 a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed budget maintains current affordable housing production levels, or about 20,000 new affordable homes per year. Abram Diaz, policy director for the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California, said that’s an improvement over the past but a long way from enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It should buy us another year of production,” Diaz said. “We had hoped we could go above and beyond that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz said he’ll be working to secure more money for the cause as lawmakers hash out the budget over the coming months, before the start of the next fiscal year, on July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because if we can’t, and we face another recession and another budget gap in the next fiscal year, then we really might start feeling more of a crunch,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acknowledging that a comprehensive funding solution is a ways off, some advocates are beginning to coalesce around a stopgap solution: a statewide affordable housing bond of at least $10 billion on the 2024 ballot. Voters last approved a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=1&year=2018\">$4 billion state bond (Proposition 1)\u003c/a> for affordable housing in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, an effort is underway to put forward a constitutional amendment for the 2024 ballot that would reduce the voter threshold for local housing bonds from two-thirds to a simple majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and lawmakers are also looking for new legislative solutions to remove obstacles to building affordable housing and make what money there is stretch further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a big part of the solution,” Diaz said, “and something a lot of stakeholders look at very heavily in tough budget years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Ballot measures to build more affordable housing and protect tenants from soaring rent increases were plentiful and fared well in last week’s midterm elections both in the Bay Area and across the U.S., a sign of growing angst over record-high rents exacerbated by inflation and a dearth of available homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters approved capping rent increases at below inflation in three U.S. cities: Portland, Maine, and Richmond and Santa Monica in California. Another measure was leading in the vote count in Pasadena outside Los Angeles. In Florida, voters in Orange County, which includes Orlando, overwhelmingly passed a rent-stabilization measure, although a court ruling means it’s unlikely to go into force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most states preempt cities and counties from enacting rent stabilization, the result of lobbying by the real estate industry in the 1970s. Still, in cities accustomed to rent regulation, voters approved stronger rent caps and more tenant protections.[aside label='Related Articles' tag='housing']A measure in Richmond to limit how much landlords can raise the rent each year was approved by a 14-point margin: Measure P caps rent increases at 3% annually, or 60% of the local consumer price index (CPI), whichever is lower, building off the city’s existing rent-stabilization ordinance that was passed in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gayle McLaughlin, a City Council member who backed the measure, said soaring inflation and an impending recession made the issue of rent control more salient for Richmond voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our tenant community has a lot of low-income renters, and we need to protect them,” she said. “So this cap on future rent increases … will really give our renters a sense of security, so that they won’t worry about being thrown out on the streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there were also considerable dissenting voices in Richmond, with nearly 43% of voters opposing Measure P. Derek Barnes, CEO of the East Bay Rental Housing Association, said inflation is hurting landlords, too — especially smaller landlords who don’t have deep pockets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Things like this [measure] really do make it difficult for owner-operators to run rental properties,” he said. “The rent increase cap just makes it extremely difficult to run a business, especially when expenses have increased exponentially.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were also dozens of proposals nationwide on the Nov. 8 ballot raising money for and authorizing construction of affordable housing, said Diane Yentel, president and CEO of the National Low Income Housing Coalition. Many passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Housing is a winning campaign issue. It’s one that voters show up for and it’s one that should cause policymakers at all levels to act,” said Yentel, adding that even a loss can be a win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The act of organizing itself builds strength, it builds power, and it builds connections and it builds momentum,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, more than 73% of voters approved and passed Measure U for the issuance of $850 million in general obligation bonds, of which $350 million would be used for the purchase, renovation or construction of affordable housing. Oakland voters also approved Measure V, which expands eviction protections for tenants in RVs and new units and removes failure to execute a new lease as a just cause for eviction, while also prohibiting the eviction of educators and children during the academic school year. That measure passed with a 66% majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not all ballot measures passed in the Bay Area. In Berkeley, Measure L — which would have issued $650 million in general obligation bonds to fund city services, including $200 million for affordable housing — didn’t get the necessary two-thirds vote needed to pass, even though 57% of voters did approve the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calls for more affordable homes and policies to keep tenants housed have been growing as homelessness increases even in places outside coastal urban centers such as San Francisco and Los Angeles. Moreover, teachers, police officers and other public servants say they cannot afford to live in the places where they work, resulting in nightmare commutes and staffing shortages.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Diane Yentel, president and CEO, National Low Income Housing Coalition\"]‘Housing is a winning campaign issue. It’s one that voters show up for and it’s one that should cause policymakers at all levels to act.’[/pullquote]Backers say \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/2022-midterm-elections-florida-san-francisco-pasadena-c5119510b99f75bba8a9530aa8475c96\">rent control policies are needed to curb sharp increases\u003c/a> that put tenants at risk of eviction. They say protections are especially needed now as \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/2022-midterm-elections-california-race-and-ethnicity-san-francisco-529b630af101faf35ff400c674b6e2b1\">more corporations snap up rental housing for profit\u003c/a>. As of 2018, the U.S. Census Bureau found businesses owned nearly half of rental units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The market is out of whack. The government needs to step in and regulate it so there can be stability,” said Leah Simon-Weisberg, a tenants rights attorney and chair of the rent board in Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents nationwide say rent control increases costs for landlords, the majority of whom are mom-and-pop operations with a handful of units each. Restricting rents will spur disinvestment in rental stock and discourage construction of affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Decades of empirical research have shown this policy does not help the underlying cause of the housing shortage that we have now. If anything, it makes the housing challenge more acute,” said Ben Harrold, public policy manager at the National Apartment Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Portland, Maine, 55% of voters approved a measure to slim down an existing rent cap, from 100% of the consumer price index to 70%. The proposal also dictates a host of other tenant protections, such as limiting security deposits to one month’s rent and requiring 90 days’ notice for a rent increase or lease termination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A ballot measure in Pasadena to cap annual rent increases at 75% of the consumer price index had more than 52% of the vote late Tuesday, and the campaign declared victory. The campaign’s finance coordinator, Ryan Bell, said organizers went all-out to reach voters, but also, the timing was right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pandemic really made it clear that people who are renting their housing are insecure by definition. Their housing could be taken away from them in some cities for no cause, and a massive rent increase is functionally an eviction,” he said. “There’s just more and more stories.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the rent cap overwhelmingly approved by voters in Orange County, Florida, is on hold. A court ruled it didn’t meet what it acknowledged was an “extremely high bar” set by a state law that requires a housing emergency be identified before a rent cap can be put in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 60% of voters approved the measure after rents that jumped 25% between 2020 and 2021 and another double-digit increase this year. The Board of County Commissioners in Orange County was scheduled to meet Thursday to decide whether to appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant advocates and landlords do agree on the need for more affordable housing, and cities and counties in Arizona, Maryland, Missouri, North Carolina, Texas and Ohio were among those that approved bond measures for more units, according to the National Low Income Housing Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-colorado-legislature-2bae5eaf93322850ef83af7a01c80e73\">In Colorado, voters approved a sweeping measure to set aside roughly $300 million\u003c/a> a year for programs that curb homelessness and promote affordable housing. But in Denver, where Zillow data shows that median rental prices jumped $600 in two years, 58% of voters rejected a $12 million proposal to expand free legal counsel for all tenants facing eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The eviction fund would have been financed by a $75 annual fee on landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Drew Hamrick, vice president of government affairs for the Apartment Association of Metro Denver, the opposing argument “that resonated the most was that this $12 million tax was going to end up being paid for by the consumer regardless of what political outlook you have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Ballot measures to build more affordable housing and protect tenants from soaring rent increases were plentiful and fared well in last week’s midterm elections both in the Bay Area and across the U.S., a sign of growing angst over record-high rents exacerbated by inflation and a dearth of available homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters approved capping rent increases at below inflation in three U.S. cities: Portland, Maine, and Richmond and Santa Monica in California. Another measure was leading in the vote count in Pasadena outside Los Angeles. In Florida, voters in Orange County, which includes Orlando, overwhelmingly passed a rent-stabilization measure, although a court ruling means it’s unlikely to go into force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most states preempt cities and counties from enacting rent stabilization, the result of lobbying by the real estate industry in the 1970s. Still, in cities accustomed to rent regulation, voters approved stronger rent caps and more tenant protections.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A measure in Richmond to limit how much landlords can raise the rent each year was approved by a 14-point margin: Measure P caps rent increases at 3% annually, or 60% of the local consumer price index (CPI), whichever is lower, building off the city’s existing rent-stabilization ordinance that was passed in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gayle McLaughlin, a City Council member who backed the measure, said soaring inflation and an impending recession made the issue of rent control more salient for Richmond voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our tenant community has a lot of low-income renters, and we need to protect them,” she said. “So this cap on future rent increases … will really give our renters a sense of security, so that they won’t worry about being thrown out on the streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there were also considerable dissenting voices in Richmond, with nearly 43% of voters opposing Measure P. Derek Barnes, CEO of the East Bay Rental Housing Association, said inflation is hurting landlords, too — especially smaller landlords who don’t have deep pockets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Things like this [measure] really do make it difficult for owner-operators to run rental properties,” he said. “The rent increase cap just makes it extremely difficult to run a business, especially when expenses have increased exponentially.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were also dozens of proposals nationwide on the Nov. 8 ballot raising money for and authorizing construction of affordable housing, said Diane Yentel, president and CEO of the National Low Income Housing Coalition. Many passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Housing is a winning campaign issue. It’s one that voters show up for and it’s one that should cause policymakers at all levels to act,” said Yentel, adding that even a loss can be a win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The act of organizing itself builds strength, it builds power, and it builds connections and it builds momentum,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, more than 73% of voters approved and passed Measure U for the issuance of $850 million in general obligation bonds, of which $350 million would be used for the purchase, renovation or construction of affordable housing. Oakland voters also approved Measure V, which expands eviction protections for tenants in RVs and new units and removes failure to execute a new lease as a just cause for eviction, while also prohibiting the eviction of educators and children during the academic school year. That measure passed with a 66% majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not all ballot measures passed in the Bay Area. In Berkeley, Measure L — which would have issued $650 million in general obligation bonds to fund city services, including $200 million for affordable housing — didn’t get the necessary two-thirds vote needed to pass, even though 57% of voters did approve the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calls for more affordable homes and policies to keep tenants housed have been growing as homelessness increases even in places outside coastal urban centers such as San Francisco and Los Angeles. Moreover, teachers, police officers and other public servants say they cannot afford to live in the places where they work, resulting in nightmare commutes and staffing shortages.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Backers say \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/2022-midterm-elections-florida-san-francisco-pasadena-c5119510b99f75bba8a9530aa8475c96\">rent control policies are needed to curb sharp increases\u003c/a> that put tenants at risk of eviction. They say protections are especially needed now as \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/2022-midterm-elections-california-race-and-ethnicity-san-francisco-529b630af101faf35ff400c674b6e2b1\">more corporations snap up rental housing for profit\u003c/a>. As of 2018, the U.S. Census Bureau found businesses owned nearly half of rental units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The market is out of whack. The government needs to step in and regulate it so there can be stability,” said Leah Simon-Weisberg, a tenants rights attorney and chair of the rent board in Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents nationwide say rent control increases costs for landlords, the majority of whom are mom-and-pop operations with a handful of units each. Restricting rents will spur disinvestment in rental stock and discourage construction of affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Decades of empirical research have shown this policy does not help the underlying cause of the housing shortage that we have now. If anything, it makes the housing challenge more acute,” said Ben Harrold, public policy manager at the National Apartment Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Portland, Maine, 55% of voters approved a measure to slim down an existing rent cap, from 100% of the consumer price index to 70%. The proposal also dictates a host of other tenant protections, such as limiting security deposits to one month’s rent and requiring 90 days’ notice for a rent increase or lease termination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A ballot measure in Pasadena to cap annual rent increases at 75% of the consumer price index had more than 52% of the vote late Tuesday, and the campaign declared victory. The campaign’s finance coordinator, Ryan Bell, said organizers went all-out to reach voters, but also, the timing was right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pandemic really made it clear that people who are renting their housing are insecure by definition. Their housing could be taken away from them in some cities for no cause, and a massive rent increase is functionally an eviction,” he said. “There’s just more and more stories.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the rent cap overwhelmingly approved by voters in Orange County, Florida, is on hold. A court ruled it didn’t meet what it acknowledged was an “extremely high bar” set by a state law that requires a housing emergency be identified before a rent cap can be put in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 60% of voters approved the measure after rents that jumped 25% between 2020 and 2021 and another double-digit increase this year. The Board of County Commissioners in Orange County was scheduled to meet Thursday to decide whether to appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant advocates and landlords do agree on the need for more affordable housing, and cities and counties in Arizona, Maryland, Missouri, North Carolina, Texas and Ohio were among those that approved bond measures for more units, according to the National Low Income Housing Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-colorado-legislature-2bae5eaf93322850ef83af7a01c80e73\">In Colorado, voters approved a sweeping measure to set aside roughly $300 million\u003c/a> a year for programs that curb homelessness and promote affordable housing. But in Denver, where Zillow data shows that median rental prices jumped $600 in two years, 58% of voters rejected a $12 million proposal to expand free legal counsel for all tenants facing eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The eviction fund would have been financed by a $75 annual fee on landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Drew Hamrick, vice president of government affairs for the Apartment Association of Metro Denver, the opposing argument “that resonated the most was that this $12 million tax was going to end up being paid for by the consumer regardless of what political outlook you have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "In Pushing Affordable Housing Measures, Local Leaders Ask Voters to Contend With Racist Housing Law",
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"content": "\u003cp>Oakland City Councilmember Carroll Fife wants you to know what Article 34 is. She wants you to face it, in all its historical ugliness, and do something about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule, embedded in the state constitution, requires local governments to turn to their voters for approval if they want to build public housing. Californians voted to add it to the constitution in 1950 and it’s been making it harder to build affordable housing since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s still people who don’t know that Article 34 was a direct result of white backlash to civil rights victories and the attempt of President Truman to desegregate housing,” Fife said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s why she put \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/RESO-89244-Article-34-filed-materials_2022-07-30-030818_xvqf.pdf\">Measure Q (PDF)\u003c/a> on the ballot this year. On its face, it’s a wonky bit of housing policy that would grant the city permission under Article 34 to add up to 13,000 low-rent units in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wants voters to approve that housing, but she wants more than that from the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted people to know how our racist past in California impacts all of us today,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2j08r197\">Oakland’s past is bound up with Article 34’s.\u003c/a> A battle that began in 1949 over a public housing project in the city birthed a juggernaut of real estate and property owners that called itself the Oakland Committee for Home Protection, which went on to play a key role in getting Article 34 on the ballot. The group joined forces with other real estate interests in California, and argued that taxpayers should have greater control over how public money is spent in their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign for Article 34 appealed to racist fears about integrating neighborhoods and Cold War anxieties about encroaching communism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Article 34 was intended to keep neighborhoods segregated,” said Amie Fishman, executive director of the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California, which represents affordable housing developers. She says the rule slowed lower-income home construction for decades.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11907336,news_11922784,news_11825550\"]“No other type of housing development asks nor requires voter approval in this kind of capacity,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2j08r197\">Article 34 votes blocked public housing proposals throughout the ’50s and ’60s\u003c/a>, according to a report published by UC Berkeley’s Othering and Belonging Institute. Among them was a 1968 San José project and two 1966 proposals in San Mateo County, where there was no public housing at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule further stymied lower-income housing by keeping local officials from ever bringing forward new proposals, the report finds, because they understood voters would likely shoot them down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, the courts \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.law.scu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1634&context=lawreview\">stripped Article 34 of some of its power (PDF)\u003c/a>, and local lawmakers and developers found ways around it, but it remains a hurdle today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every time we build affordable housing, we have to ensure that something meets Article 34 authorization or that there is a workaround,” Fishman said. “And that adds cost, it adds time, it adds burden.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Momentum to scrap Article 34 is building at a time when affordable housing is seen as a primary antidote to rising homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers recently voted to put a constitutional amendment on the 2024 ballot that would repeal it. The California Association of Realtors, the group originally behind Article 34, is now a major proponent of the effort. \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/aboutus/mediacenter/newsreleases/2022releases/apology\">The group recently apologized\u003c/a> for its role in passing the regulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this election, Article 34 is the reason voters in Oakland and two other Bay Area cities are being asked to decide the future of thousands of affordable housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/Measure%20N%20-%20November%208%2C%202022%20Election.pdf\">Berkeley’s Measure N (PDF)\u003c/a> would authorize 3,000 units of affordable housing units for residents with lower incomes, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.ssf.net/home/showpublisheddocument/27256/637952318238800000\">South San Francisco’s Measure AA (PDF)\u003c/a> would give the go-ahead for roughly 2,000 units over eight years — up to 1% of the total number of existing units in the city each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cities are planning for that lower-income housing as they face pressure to meet state-mandated targets over the next eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would be completely new to the city of South San Francisco,” said City Councilmember James Coleman, who’s behind Measure AA. In the past that city has turned to private developers or nonprofits to build affordable housing, he said, and this would allow the city to fund and control more of the process themselves. He argues that would expedite things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, this kind of authorization isn’t new. Voters have approved similar measures for decades, but Mayor Jesse Arreguín says the stakes are always high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that this could, if it doesn’t pass, put a stop to the work that we’re doing in Berkeley to build more affordable housing is unacceptable,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, he says, the initiative is facing greater opposition than in years past. In all three cities, resistance centers on the cost to taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Explore KQED's Full 2022 Voter Guide\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59253_Early_Voting_013-qut-1020x681.jpg\"]Arreguín is hoping California voters will repeal Article 34 when they get the chance in a couple years. “We should have done it a long time ago,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://shou.senate.ca.gov/sites/shou.senate.ca.gov/files/3.%20SCA%202%20%28Allen%29%20-%20analysis.pdf\">Three past attempts to repeal or change Article 34 have failed (PDF)\u003c/a>, the last time in 1993. And if this one is going to succeed, it will require a major voter-education push.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people don’t have any idea about Article 34,” said state Senator Ben Allen (D-Los Angeles), who’s behind the legislative drive to take the amendment to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once they get it, most people are actually very interested in repealing the article,” he said. “But until then, folks just don’t have enough information to get behind something like this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland’s Carroll Fife is hoping to change that by putting Measure Q on the ballot this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I have anything to do with it, then repealing Article 34 will have reverberative effects for what is developed in the state of California and especially in Oakland,” she said, “where we desperately, desperately need to build units that people can afford.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Article 34 is not the biggest barrier to building affordable housing today — political will, limited land and massive construction costs top most experts’ lists. Nor is Article 34 the only way communities can exercise local control — think zoning laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But scrapping it would mean one less obstacle on a path that’s crowded with them, said Gloria Bruce, executive director of East Bay Housing Organizations. For her, successfully convincing the public Article 34 should go would also represent a foundational change in how Californians think about housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would mean that we’ve found a way to message that creating more homes for our neighbors is way more important than some abstract fear about local control,” she said. “It’s that value shift that’s at the bottom of all of these difficulties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Oakland City Councilmember Carroll Fife wants you to know what Article 34 is. She wants you to face it, in all its historical ugliness, and do something about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule, embedded in the state constitution, requires local governments to turn to their voters for approval if they want to build public housing. Californians voted to add it to the constitution in 1950 and it’s been making it harder to build affordable housing since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s still people who don’t know that Article 34 was a direct result of white backlash to civil rights victories and the attempt of President Truman to desegregate housing,” Fife said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s why she put \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/RESO-89244-Article-34-filed-materials_2022-07-30-030818_xvqf.pdf\">Measure Q (PDF)\u003c/a> on the ballot this year. On its face, it’s a wonky bit of housing policy that would grant the city permission under Article 34 to add up to 13,000 low-rent units in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wants voters to approve that housing, but she wants more than that from the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted people to know how our racist past in California impacts all of us today,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2j08r197\">Oakland’s past is bound up with Article 34’s.\u003c/a> A battle that began in 1949 over a public housing project in the city birthed a juggernaut of real estate and property owners that called itself the Oakland Committee for Home Protection, which went on to play a key role in getting Article 34 on the ballot. The group joined forces with other real estate interests in California, and argued that taxpayers should have greater control over how public money is spent in their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign for Article 34 appealed to racist fears about integrating neighborhoods and Cold War anxieties about encroaching communism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Article 34 was intended to keep neighborhoods segregated,” said Amie Fishman, executive director of the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California, which represents affordable housing developers. She says the rule slowed lower-income home construction for decades.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“No other type of housing development asks nor requires voter approval in this kind of capacity,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2j08r197\">Article 34 votes blocked public housing proposals throughout the ’50s and ’60s\u003c/a>, according to a report published by UC Berkeley’s Othering and Belonging Institute. Among them was a 1968 San José project and two 1966 proposals in San Mateo County, where there was no public housing at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule further stymied lower-income housing by keeping local officials from ever bringing forward new proposals, the report finds, because they understood voters would likely shoot them down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, the courts \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.law.scu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1634&context=lawreview\">stripped Article 34 of some of its power (PDF)\u003c/a>, and local lawmakers and developers found ways around it, but it remains a hurdle today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every time we build affordable housing, we have to ensure that something meets Article 34 authorization or that there is a workaround,” Fishman said. “And that adds cost, it adds time, it adds burden.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Momentum to scrap Article 34 is building at a time when affordable housing is seen as a primary antidote to rising homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers recently voted to put a constitutional amendment on the 2024 ballot that would repeal it. The California Association of Realtors, the group originally behind Article 34, is now a major proponent of the effort. \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/aboutus/mediacenter/newsreleases/2022releases/apology\">The group recently apologized\u003c/a> for its role in passing the regulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this election, Article 34 is the reason voters in Oakland and two other Bay Area cities are being asked to decide the future of thousands of affordable housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/Measure%20N%20-%20November%208%2C%202022%20Election.pdf\">Berkeley’s Measure N (PDF)\u003c/a> would authorize 3,000 units of affordable housing units for residents with lower incomes, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.ssf.net/home/showpublisheddocument/27256/637952318238800000\">South San Francisco’s Measure AA (PDF)\u003c/a> would give the go-ahead for roughly 2,000 units over eight years — up to 1% of the total number of existing units in the city each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cities are planning for that lower-income housing as they face pressure to meet state-mandated targets over the next eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would be completely new to the city of South San Francisco,” said City Councilmember James Coleman, who’s behind Measure AA. In the past that city has turned to private developers or nonprofits to build affordable housing, he said, and this would allow the city to fund and control more of the process themselves. He argues that would expedite things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, this kind of authorization isn’t new. Voters have approved similar measures for decades, but Mayor Jesse Arreguín says the stakes are always high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that this could, if it doesn’t pass, put a stop to the work that we’re doing in Berkeley to build more affordable housing is unacceptable,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, he says, the initiative is facing greater opposition than in years past. In all three cities, resistance centers on the cost to taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Arreguín is hoping California voters will repeal Article 34 when they get the chance in a couple years. “We should have done it a long time ago,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://shou.senate.ca.gov/sites/shou.senate.ca.gov/files/3.%20SCA%202%20%28Allen%29%20-%20analysis.pdf\">Three past attempts to repeal or change Article 34 have failed (PDF)\u003c/a>, the last time in 1993. And if this one is going to succeed, it will require a major voter-education push.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people don’t have any idea about Article 34,” said state Senator Ben Allen (D-Los Angeles), who’s behind the legislative drive to take the amendment to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once they get it, most people are actually very interested in repealing the article,” he said. “But until then, folks just don’t have enough information to get behind something like this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland’s Carroll Fife is hoping to change that by putting Measure Q on the ballot this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I have anything to do with it, then repealing Article 34 will have reverberative effects for what is developed in the state of California and especially in Oakland,” she said, “where we desperately, desperately need to build units that people can afford.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Article 34 is not the biggest barrier to building affordable housing today — political will, limited land and massive construction costs top most experts’ lists. Nor is Article 34 the only way communities can exercise local control — think zoning laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But scrapping it would mean one less obstacle on a path that’s crowded with them, said Gloria Bruce, executive director of East Bay Housing Organizations. For her, successfully convincing the public Article 34 should go would also represent a foundational change in how Californians think about housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would mean that we’ve found a way to message that creating more homes for our neighbors is way more important than some abstract fear about local control,” she said. “It’s that value shift that’s at the bottom of all of these difficulties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Emily Ross and her partner moved to Richmond together a decade ago. She was working in Napa, her partner was working in San Francisco and they couldn’t find an affordable place to live in either city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We looked all over the Bay and we wound up getting offered a place in Richmond,” Ross said. “We’d been looking for so long and it was the perfect halfway point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ross, 36, fell in love with Richmond as she got involved with local activism centered around racial justice and tenants rights. She worked for an education nonprofit in West Contra Costa County and Oakland schools, but when the pandemic hit, her position was eliminated. Her income dropped as she became an independent contractor, managing political campaigns. Then she and her partner split up, and she had to get her own place. Money got even tighter.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"forum_2010101889929,education_535942,forum_2010101890989\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rent is my No. 1 concern when I think about my personal finances. Every time I need a car repair or some unexpected expense comes up, it’s a stressor, you know,” she said. “It’s one of those weird things where I recognize how close I am to the brink of economic disaster.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, she received an email from her landlord saying that her rent would increase by 5% to $1472 a month. Ross lives in a rent-controlled apartment, but under Richmond’s existing \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.richmond.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/41144/Richmond-Fair-Rent-Just-Cause-for-Eviction-and-Homeowner-Protection-Ordinance\">rent stabilization ordinance (PDF)\u003c/a>, landlords can increase their rents along with the Consumer Price Index, or roughly the rate of inflation. But in years like this one, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/cea/written-materials/2021/07/06/historical-parallels-to-todays-inflationary-episode/\">inflation is soaring to historic levels\u003c/a>, some rents are, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On this year’s ballot, Richmond voters will get a chance to change that. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.richmond.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/62288/MEASURE-P---RENT-CONTROL---NOVEMBER-2022-ELECTION?bidId=\">Measure P (PDF)\u003c/a> would limit the rent increases landlords can charge tenants to 3% a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be scary if the measure doesn’t pass,” Ross said. “I think, within a couple years, I would either need a significantly different line of work or I would need to live in a different city and I don’t love any of those options, so I’m going to hope it passes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930801\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930801\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a woman with short hair and glasses stands drinking from a mug by the sink in her apartment kitchen\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Because her rent has increased, Ross forgoes doctor’s appointments and car repairs so she doesn’t get behind on rent. She has built a community here and doesn’t want to get pushed out by the high cost of living. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Richmond’s years-old fight over rent control\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>About half of Richmond’s 118,000 residents rent their homes, according to figures from the Richmond Rent Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m all for homeownership, but some residents are going to rent their whole lives,” said City Councilmember Gayle McLaughlin, who has been fighting for tenants’ rights since joining the council. “I see myself as likely being one of those renters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon after getting elected to Richmond’s City Council in 2005, she introduced the idea of rent control, but was the only vote in favor of it. A decade later, things had changed and the council approved a renter protection measure that included a rent cap and a just-cause eviction ordinance that set rules on when landlords can evict their tenants. Despite opposition from the California Apartment Association and other property owners, Richmond voters approved the measure in 2016. Measure P promises to amend that ordinance to deal with inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I consider Measure P a way to avoid displacement, a way to prevent homelessness, and a way to help our struggling families in Richmond stay in their homes,” said McLaughlin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Daniels and his wife are among those who have been priced out of Richmond by rising rents. They had been living in a senior living community in Richmond since 2005 and were paying $950 for a two-bedroom apartment. By the time they left Richmond this year, their rent had risen to $1,435.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Gayle McLaughlin, Richmond City Councilmember \"]‘I consider Measure P a way to avoid displacement, a way to prevent homelessness, and a way to help our struggling families in Richmond stay in their homes.’[/pullquote]“The only people that can afford to pay rent there are people who are still working,” said Daniels. “If you’re in retirement and you’re not getting much money from Social Security, you can’t afford to pay it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They searched for another rental in Richmond, but couldn’t find anything within their price range. So Daniels and his wife joined a waitlist for an apartment in Pinole. When they were finally accepted after four years of waiting, they jumped at the opportunity. Now they pay $993 a month for their two-bedroom apartment, which is bigger than their place in Richmond was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We love [our apartment in Pinole] — it’s quiet, the people are friendly,” Daniels said. “My wife already adopted some pets, and a lot of birds and butterflies come around here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that some of his friends from Richmond have asked him for an application to live in his apartment complex in Pinole.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Landlords affected by inflation, too\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mike Vasilas owns two buildings in Richmond, one with four units and another with three. His father immigrated from Greece in the early 1970s and worked as a contractor, building homes throughout Richmond. Seventeen years ago, Vasilas inherited the business from his father and also works as a general contractor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really hands-on, especially for the small guy, small-business style,” said Vasilas. “If someone calls you in the middle of the night, [saying] the water heater blew up, you’re the one going down there and taking care of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many small landlords, Vasilas, 40, tries to do most of the upkeep for his buildings himself, but the cost of maintenance has risen. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nahb.org/blog/2022/04/building-materials-prices-start-2022-with-8-percent-increase\">National Association of Home Builders\u003c/a>, one of the largest trade associations for contractors and developers, the price of building materials has increased by 33% since the start of the pandemic. Vasilas doesn’t have access to the same resources that large corporate landlords do and worries that more rent restrictions could put smaller landlords out of business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The market has gone through the roof for construction,” he said. “You can’t get materials, you can’t get a contractor to come out. It costs — all that has just gone through the roof.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vasilas opposes Measure P because he feels it pinches small landlords the hardest. He’s in favor of capping the rent for a couple years while inflation is high, but he believes landlords should eventually be able to charge their tenants rates that align with inflation so they can make a reasonable profit from their properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The costs [to maintain a building] are going to continue to go up, whether or not we have high [inflation],” he said. “The costs are going up but [the amount that] you’re allowed to increase the rent is basically nothing. It makes you feel hopeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Renter protections gain momentum across the state\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Richmond is one of many cities throughout the state to consider renter protections this year. \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/06/01/oakland-rent-control-increases-3/\">Oakland passed a similar rent cap\u003c/a> earlier this year, and this November, voters there \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/rov_app/measures\">will decide whether to set stricter rules\u003c/a> on why a landlord can evict their tenants. Fairfax, \u003ca href=\"https://www.petaluma360.com/article/news/petaluma-approves-just-cause-ordinance-with-4-2-vote-amid-split-support/\">Petaluma\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/09/28/antioch-approves-rent-stabilization-with-rollback-date-new-tenant-protections/\">Antioch\u003c/a> all passed renter protection measures through their city councils. \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/housing-homelessness/rent-control-pasadena-measure-h-november-2022-election-pomona-bell-gardens-california-housing-landlords-tenants-ab1482\">Residents in Pasadena\u003c/a> are getting ready to vote on their own rent control measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930813\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930813\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-800x549.jpg\" alt=\"a woman in a striped shirt speaks at a rally while a person holds a sign that says 'no rent hikes'\" width=\"800\" height=\"549\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leah Simon-Weisberg, now legal director for tenants rights group the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, speaks during a rally in Oakland in 2017. \u003ccite>(Anda Chu/Bay Area News Group/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Everyone feels anxiety about housing, whether you’re wealthy or not, because your kids can’t move back to your community even if you’re upper-middle-class and your teachers don’t have housing,” said Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director for the tenants’ rights group the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simon-Weisberg said this movement has been gaining momentum since the Great Recession and the pandemic made things worse for most renters. Now as tenants face steep rent hikes along with inflation, they are starting to push back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the ways you push back is you have to regulate the market, and so rent control, just-cause ordinances and anti-harassment ordinances, those are all ways of basically fighting back,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "With Bay Area tenants facing astronomical rent increases, housing advocates are pushing for more protections to help struggling renters — but landlords say they're struggling, too. Here's how the fight is playing out in one East Bay city.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Emily Ross and her partner moved to Richmond together a decade ago. She was working in Napa, her partner was working in San Francisco and they couldn’t find an affordable place to live in either city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We looked all over the Bay and we wound up getting offered a place in Richmond,” Ross said. “We’d been looking for so long and it was the perfect halfway point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ross, 36, fell in love with Richmond as she got involved with local activism centered around racial justice and tenants rights. She worked for an education nonprofit in West Contra Costa County and Oakland schools, but when the pandemic hit, her position was eliminated. Her income dropped as she became an independent contractor, managing political campaigns. Then she and her partner split up, and she had to get her own place. Money got even tighter.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rent is my No. 1 concern when I think about my personal finances. Every time I need a car repair or some unexpected expense comes up, it’s a stressor, you know,” she said. “It’s one of those weird things where I recognize how close I am to the brink of economic disaster.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, she received an email from her landlord saying that her rent would increase by 5% to $1472 a month. Ross lives in a rent-controlled apartment, but under Richmond’s existing \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.richmond.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/41144/Richmond-Fair-Rent-Just-Cause-for-Eviction-and-Homeowner-Protection-Ordinance\">rent stabilization ordinance (PDF)\u003c/a>, landlords can increase their rents along with the Consumer Price Index, or roughly the rate of inflation. But in years like this one, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/cea/written-materials/2021/07/06/historical-parallels-to-todays-inflationary-episode/\">inflation is soaring to historic levels\u003c/a>, some rents are, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On this year’s ballot, Richmond voters will get a chance to change that. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.richmond.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/62288/MEASURE-P---RENT-CONTROL---NOVEMBER-2022-ELECTION?bidId=\">Measure P (PDF)\u003c/a> would limit the rent increases landlords can charge tenants to 3% a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be scary if the measure doesn’t pass,” Ross said. “I think, within a couple years, I would either need a significantly different line of work or I would need to live in a different city and I don’t love any of those options, so I’m going to hope it passes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930801\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930801\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a woman with short hair and glasses stands drinking from a mug by the sink in her apartment kitchen\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Because her rent has increased, Ross forgoes doctor’s appointments and car repairs so she doesn’t get behind on rent. She has built a community here and doesn’t want to get pushed out by the high cost of living. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Richmond’s years-old fight over rent control\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>About half of Richmond’s 118,000 residents rent their homes, according to figures from the Richmond Rent Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m all for homeownership, but some residents are going to rent their whole lives,” said City Councilmember Gayle McLaughlin, who has been fighting for tenants’ rights since joining the council. “I see myself as likely being one of those renters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon after getting elected to Richmond’s City Council in 2005, she introduced the idea of rent control, but was the only vote in favor of it. A decade later, things had changed and the council approved a renter protection measure that included a rent cap and a just-cause eviction ordinance that set rules on when landlords can evict their tenants. Despite opposition from the California Apartment Association and other property owners, Richmond voters approved the measure in 2016. Measure P promises to amend that ordinance to deal with inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I consider Measure P a way to avoid displacement, a way to prevent homelessness, and a way to help our struggling families in Richmond stay in their homes,” said McLaughlin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Daniels and his wife are among those who have been priced out of Richmond by rising rents. They had been living in a senior living community in Richmond since 2005 and were paying $950 for a two-bedroom apartment. By the time they left Richmond this year, their rent had risen to $1,435.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I consider Measure P a way to avoid displacement, a way to prevent homelessness, and a way to help our struggling families in Richmond stay in their homes.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The only people that can afford to pay rent there are people who are still working,” said Daniels. “If you’re in retirement and you’re not getting much money from Social Security, you can’t afford to pay it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They searched for another rental in Richmond, but couldn’t find anything within their price range. So Daniels and his wife joined a waitlist for an apartment in Pinole. When they were finally accepted after four years of waiting, they jumped at the opportunity. Now they pay $993 a month for their two-bedroom apartment, which is bigger than their place in Richmond was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We love [our apartment in Pinole] — it’s quiet, the people are friendly,” Daniels said. “My wife already adopted some pets, and a lot of birds and butterflies come around here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that some of his friends from Richmond have asked him for an application to live in his apartment complex in Pinole.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Landlords affected by inflation, too\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mike Vasilas owns two buildings in Richmond, one with four units and another with three. His father immigrated from Greece in the early 1970s and worked as a contractor, building homes throughout Richmond. Seventeen years ago, Vasilas inherited the business from his father and also works as a general contractor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really hands-on, especially for the small guy, small-business style,” said Vasilas. “If someone calls you in the middle of the night, [saying] the water heater blew up, you’re the one going down there and taking care of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many small landlords, Vasilas, 40, tries to do most of the upkeep for his buildings himself, but the cost of maintenance has risen. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nahb.org/blog/2022/04/building-materials-prices-start-2022-with-8-percent-increase\">National Association of Home Builders\u003c/a>, one of the largest trade associations for contractors and developers, the price of building materials has increased by 33% since the start of the pandemic. Vasilas doesn’t have access to the same resources that large corporate landlords do and worries that more rent restrictions could put smaller landlords out of business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The market has gone through the roof for construction,” he said. “You can’t get materials, you can’t get a contractor to come out. It costs — all that has just gone through the roof.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vasilas opposes Measure P because he feels it pinches small landlords the hardest. He’s in favor of capping the rent for a couple years while inflation is high, but he believes landlords should eventually be able to charge their tenants rates that align with inflation so they can make a reasonable profit from their properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The costs [to maintain a building] are going to continue to go up, whether or not we have high [inflation],” he said. “The costs are going up but [the amount that] you’re allowed to increase the rent is basically nothing. It makes you feel hopeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Renter protections gain momentum across the state\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Richmond is one of many cities throughout the state to consider renter protections this year. \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/06/01/oakland-rent-control-increases-3/\">Oakland passed a similar rent cap\u003c/a> earlier this year, and this November, voters there \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/rov_app/measures\">will decide whether to set stricter rules\u003c/a> on why a landlord can evict their tenants. Fairfax, \u003ca href=\"https://www.petaluma360.com/article/news/petaluma-approves-just-cause-ordinance-with-4-2-vote-amid-split-support/\">Petaluma\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/09/28/antioch-approves-rent-stabilization-with-rollback-date-new-tenant-protections/\">Antioch\u003c/a> all passed renter protection measures through their city councils. \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/housing-homelessness/rent-control-pasadena-measure-h-november-2022-election-pomona-bell-gardens-california-housing-landlords-tenants-ab1482\">Residents in Pasadena\u003c/a> are getting ready to vote on their own rent control measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930813\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930813\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-800x549.jpg\" alt=\"a woman in a striped shirt speaks at a rally while a person holds a sign that says 'no rent hikes'\" width=\"800\" height=\"549\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leah Simon-Weisberg, now legal director for tenants rights group the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, speaks during a rally in Oakland in 2017. \u003ccite>(Anda Chu/Bay Area News Group/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Everyone feels anxiety about housing, whether you’re wealthy or not, because your kids can’t move back to your community even if you’re upper-middle-class and your teachers don’t have housing,” said Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director for the tenants’ rights group the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simon-Weisberg said this movement has been gaining momentum since the Great Recession and the pandemic made things worse for most renters. Now as tenants face steep rent hikes along with inflation, they are starting to push back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the ways you push back is you have to regulate the market, and so rent control, just-cause ordinances and anti-harassment ordinances, those are all ways of basically fighting back,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Newsom Campaigned on Building 3.5 Million Homes. He Hasn't Gotten Even Close",
"title": "Newsom Campaigned on Building 3.5 Million Homes. He Hasn't Gotten Even Close",
"headTitle": "CALmatters | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>It’s difficult for housing advocates to criticize Gov. Gavin Newsom because he’s done more to boost production than any other governor in recent memory — but that’s mostly because the bar is so low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measured against the goal he set for himself, Newsom’s record is less impressive. Just 13% of the 3.5 million homes he campaigned on building have been permitted, let alone built. He’s walked back the goal many times, settling on a new target earlier this year: Cities need to have planned a combined 2.5 million homes by 2030. So, a million fewer homes planned for, not built, and over a longer time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom can point to some accomplishments: He signed bills that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2019/09/big-rent-hikes-illegal-in-california-heres-what-to-know/\">capped big rent hikes statewide\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/09/california-housing-crisis-newsom-signs-bills/\">legalized duplexes and fourplexes\u003c/a> on most developable land and unlocked millions of potential \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/09/california-housing-podcast-ab-2011/\">apartments on empty strip malls\u003c/a>. He \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">sheltered tens of thousands of people experiencing homelessness\u003c/a> amid a pandemic and dedicated more dollars to housing and homelessness than ever before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as he finalizes his first term and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/election-2022/2022/10/gavin-newsom-campaign-president/\">coasts into the second\u003c/a>, Newsom finds himself mired in an even deeper housing and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">homelessness crisis\u003c/a> than the one he inherited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Running for governor in 2017, then-Lt. Gov. Newsom pledged to spur a never-before-seen tsunami of homebuilding in California to bridge the gap between the growing population and shrinking stock of housing driving the affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As Governor, I will lead the effort to develop the 3.5 million new housing units we need by 2025 because our solutions must be as bold as the problem is big,” Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@GavinNewsom/the-california-dream-starts-at-home-9dbb38c51cae\">wrote on Medium\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal was true to character: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2018/10/gavin-newsom-profile-california-governor-election/\">big, hairy and audacious\u003c/a>. It would have required building an average of 500,000 homes a year in a state that has only surpassed the 300,000 mark \u003ca href=\"https://la.curbed.com/2018/11/8/18073066/california-governor-election-gavin-newsom-housing-plan\">twice in more than 50 years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom didn’t get even close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the nearly four years since he took office, California cities are projected to have permitted a total of about 452,000 homes — fewer than Newsom pledged he’d build in one year alone, according to local data collected by the Construction Industry Research Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/_/Re1mI4JBl1bUtlSDHcnI?src=embed\" title=\"2022 Housing production in California\" width=\"800\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about his shortcomings at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JSy2VOGkBF8&t=1s\">recent press conference\u003c/a>, Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-10-21/newsom-gavin-affordable-housing-homeless-q-a\">wrote off his original goal\u003c/a> as he has many times before, by paraphrasing Michelangelo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The biggest risk in life, however one defines risk, is not that we aim too high and miss it. It’s that we aim too low and reach it,” Newsom said. “It was always a stretch goal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing advocates acknowledge that policy change is by nature slow and incremental, and like many other proposals, long-term housing goals took a back seat to the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the reality on the ground — that there aren’t enough houses for everyone and the ones that exist are hideously expensive — continues to exasperate \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-may-2022/\">Californians who repeatedly rank housing and homelessness among their top concerns\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Brian Dahle, the \u003ca href=\"https://briandahle.com/homelessness/\">Republican candidate for governor\u003c/a>, and other state Republicans have routinely attacked Newsom’s record on housing, including \u003ca href=\"https://republicans.senate.ca.gov/content/legislative-republicans-call-special-session-combat-homeless-crisis-immediately\">calling for a special session\u003c/a> on homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need government to treat this the way we treat a natural disaster, because that’s how it’s impacting people’s lives,” said Chione Lucina Muñoz Flegal, executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.housingca.org/\">Housing California\u003c/a>, a housing advocacy organization. “And that’s not what we see happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-a-marshall-plan-for-housing\">A Marshall Plan for housing?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing policy advocates described Newsom’s stated goal of 3.5 million new homes in four years the same way he has: aspirational. They say that’s because the state doesn’t build housing in California — private developers do, with the approval of local governments. So what really grabbed advocates’ attention was the “Marshall Plan for affordable housing” Newsom pledged to launch during his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/01/gavin-newsom-california-inauguration-speech-policy-highlights/\">inaugural speech\u003c/a>, recalling the multibillion-dollar program to rebuild Western Europe following World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As much as the number was important, the idea of building a streamlined process of building, that was amazing, because that’s really the challenge of California,” said Dan Dunmoyer, president of the California Building Industry Association. He said that dream remains elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has some of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">highest housing costs\u003c/a> in the nation because of how little “marshaling” there is, Dunmoyer said. Land costs are prohibitive, and zoning rules limit much of what can be built. Housing must get approved at the local level, which has ample opportunity for community input. Those communities can then block unpopular projects, such as multifamily or affordable housing. Another culprit: impact fees cities charge to fund infrastructure that can \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/residential-impact-fees/\">exceed $150,000 a home\u003c/a>, some of the highest in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Louis Mirante, vice president of public policy, Bay Area Council\"]'To stop a project, you only need one red light. But to make a project go, you need at least 100 green lights. A lot of the legislation the governor has been signing has been those green lights.'[/pullquote]The closest Newsom may have gotten to bulldozing those barriers is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/11/newsom-pandemic-beat-homelessness/\">Project Homekey\u003c/a>. After COVID-19 hit, the administration scrambled to turn 94 hotels and motels into more than 6,000 shelter units for people experiencing homelessness, which would later become permanent homes, within record-setting months. The projects \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2021/11/04/main-recoverylab-cities-la-sros-518602\">bypassed local land use rules and a marquee environmental law\u003c/a> often blamed for slowing or killing controversial projects. The state has since expanded the $800 million project with more than $2.75 billion in new funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed more than a dozen bills allowing housing types that met certain conditions to skip lengthy approval processes at the local level. Two are expected to have the biggest impact: one that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/08/california-housing-crisis-zoning-bill/\">legalized duplexes and fourplexes\u003c/a> on the two-thirds of developable land in California \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/SB-9-Brief-July-2021-Final.pdf\">previously zoned for single-family homes\u003c/a>, and another that \u003ca href=\"https://urbanfootprint.com/ab2011-analysis/\">allows apartments\u003c/a> on land previously allotted for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-crisis-unions/\">retail centers, parking lots and offices along arterial roads\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a zoning change doesn’t build housing, it’s a first step to making it legal. Combined, the two laws could open up previously blocked space for more than 2 million housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The effect of legislation is often hard to prove, because it’s only one factor of many in the development process,” said Louis Mirante, vice president of public policy at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareacouncil.org/\">Bay Area Council\u003c/a>. “To stop a project, you only need one red light. But to make a project go, you need at least 100 green lights. A lot of the legislation the governor has been signing has been those green lights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But yellow and red lights abound, including rising interest rates and prohibitive material costs. While it took political courage to sign a controversial measure like the one streamlining duplex and fourplex construction, Newsom remained largely quiet on those bills until they reached the finish line, and hasn’t championed a more sweeping production policy proposal on his own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He can step in and resolve the problems if he really wanted to prioritize the issue,” said Chris Martin, policy director at Housing California. “He has the power to do it, but politically, it’s challenging. He’s going to have to make some uncomfortable decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-moving-the-goalposts\">Moving the goalposts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Newsom has repeatedly called the 3.5 million goal taken from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/mckinsey/industries/public%20and%20social%20sector/our%20insights/closing%20californias%20housing%20gap/closing-californias-housing-gap-full-report.pdf\">2016 McKinsey study\u003c/a> a moon shot, he has put his weight behind another number: 2.5 million. That’s how many homes the Legislature has mandated California cities to plan for by 2030, and Newsom’s team is making sure they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before we can reach our stretch goals, before you can reach the moon, you’ve got to get off the launch pad,” said Jason Elliott, Newsom’s senior counselor on housing and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Housing Coverage' tag='housing']The planning law has been on the books for decades, but it wasn’t until 2017 that the state Legislature gave the process teeth by creating standards and penalties cities must abide by. The \u003cem>plans\u003c/em> for the housing that those standards and penalties apply to weren’t even due for most cities until this year. And the deadlines are different for different regions. It’s a slow process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities now have to zone for more than double the housing they did in previous years, and it has to be on sites where housing could actually be built. And if they don’t do it, they risk \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/03/california-housing-goals/\">losing affordable housing dollars\u003c/a> or even \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/10/california-housing-crisis-nimby/\">forgoing housing approval decisions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But having laws on the books — even if they feature new penalties — doesn’t mean anything unless someone is there to enforce them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To that end, Newsom staffed up a $4.65 million \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/04/california-duplex-housing/\">accountability and enforcement unit\u003c/a> within the housing department, with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-podcast-rob-bonta-housing-enforcement/\">reinforcements at the state’s Justice Department\u003c/a>. Cities seem to be paying heed, but it’s all fun and games until actual homes get built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many years in California, the Regional Housing Needs [Allocation] process was an afterthought at best,” Elliott said. “It was not taken seriously because there were largely no consequences for local governments failing to meet their responsibilities. And that’s not ancient history, but through a very concerted effort by this governor and the administration in partnership with the Legislature, RHNA is now very serious. And I think communities are taking it seriously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, planning isn’t building, and a recurring complaint about the process from cities is that while it requires a lot of affordable housing to be planned for — 1 million of the 2.5 million units must be affordable to the lowest earners — the state doesn’t provide nearly enough tax credits and other subsidies to build it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re funding a quarter of that, at best,” said Paavo Monkkonen, associate professor of urban planning at UCLA’s Luskin School of Public Affairs. “So that’s an interesting conundrum, where their own goal is unattainable. And there’s not really a Manhattan Project to make that happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/9c485c33-4c31-4f78-ae36-07dc50a75dc3?src=embed\" title=\"Affordable housing production\" width=\"800\" height=\"850\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the Legislature, Newsom has dedicated unprecedented dollars to affordable housing, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/07/19/governor-newsom-signs-historic-housing-and-homelessness-funding-package-as-part-of-100-billion-california-comeback-plan/\">$10.3 billion in 2021\u003c/a>. Funding the current affordable housing need alone, however, would require \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/roadmaphome2030/\">nearly $18 billion a year over a decade\u003c/a>, according to a recent estimate from Housing California and California Housing Partnership. And there is no long-term source of funding for housing in California. As budget projections for next year sour, affordable housing advocates worry those funds might dry up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In these years of good budget outlook, the administration has done a really good job,” said Marina Wiant, vice president of government affairs at the \u003ca href=\"https://calhsng.org/\">California Housing Consortium\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan housing advocacy organization. “It’s going to be interesting to see what they do when they have to make tough budget choices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Gavin Newsom campaigned on housing production, an issue important to many Californians. But despite some accomplishments, the housing crisis is worse now than when he took office.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s difficult for housing advocates to criticize Gov. Gavin Newsom because he’s done more to boost production than any other governor in recent memory — but that’s mostly because the bar is so low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measured against the goal he set for himself, Newsom’s record is less impressive. Just 13% of the 3.5 million homes he campaigned on building have been permitted, let alone built. He’s walked back the goal many times, settling on a new target earlier this year: Cities need to have planned a combined 2.5 million homes by 2030. So, a million fewer homes planned for, not built, and over a longer time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom can point to some accomplishments: He signed bills that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2019/09/big-rent-hikes-illegal-in-california-heres-what-to-know/\">capped big rent hikes statewide\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/09/california-housing-crisis-newsom-signs-bills/\">legalized duplexes and fourplexes\u003c/a> on most developable land and unlocked millions of potential \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/09/california-housing-podcast-ab-2011/\">apartments on empty strip malls\u003c/a>. He \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">sheltered tens of thousands of people experiencing homelessness\u003c/a> amid a pandemic and dedicated more dollars to housing and homelessness than ever before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as he finalizes his first term and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/election-2022/2022/10/gavin-newsom-campaign-president/\">coasts into the second\u003c/a>, Newsom finds himself mired in an even deeper housing and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">homelessness crisis\u003c/a> than the one he inherited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Running for governor in 2017, then-Lt. Gov. Newsom pledged to spur a never-before-seen tsunami of homebuilding in California to bridge the gap between the growing population and shrinking stock of housing driving the affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As Governor, I will lead the effort to develop the 3.5 million new housing units we need by 2025 because our solutions must be as bold as the problem is big,” Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@GavinNewsom/the-california-dream-starts-at-home-9dbb38c51cae\">wrote on Medium\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal was true to character: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2018/10/gavin-newsom-profile-california-governor-election/\">big, hairy and audacious\u003c/a>. It would have required building an average of 500,000 homes a year in a state that has only surpassed the 300,000 mark \u003ca href=\"https://la.curbed.com/2018/11/8/18073066/california-governor-election-gavin-newsom-housing-plan\">twice in more than 50 years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom didn’t get even close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the nearly four years since he took office, California cities are projected to have permitted a total of about 452,000 homes — fewer than Newsom pledged he’d build in one year alone, according to local data collected by the Construction Industry Research Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/_/Re1mI4JBl1bUtlSDHcnI?src=embed\" title=\"2022 Housing production in California\" width=\"800\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about his shortcomings at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JSy2VOGkBF8&t=1s\">recent press conference\u003c/a>, Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-10-21/newsom-gavin-affordable-housing-homeless-q-a\">wrote off his original goal\u003c/a> as he has many times before, by paraphrasing Michelangelo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The biggest risk in life, however one defines risk, is not that we aim too high and miss it. It’s that we aim too low and reach it,” Newsom said. “It was always a stretch goal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing advocates acknowledge that policy change is by nature slow and incremental, and like many other proposals, long-term housing goals took a back seat to the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the reality on the ground — that there aren’t enough houses for everyone and the ones that exist are hideously expensive — continues to exasperate \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-may-2022/\">Californians who repeatedly rank housing and homelessness among their top concerns\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Brian Dahle, the \u003ca href=\"https://briandahle.com/homelessness/\">Republican candidate for governor\u003c/a>, and other state Republicans have routinely attacked Newsom’s record on housing, including \u003ca href=\"https://republicans.senate.ca.gov/content/legislative-republicans-call-special-session-combat-homeless-crisis-immediately\">calling for a special session\u003c/a> on homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need government to treat this the way we treat a natural disaster, because that’s how it’s impacting people’s lives,” said Chione Lucina Muñoz Flegal, executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.housingca.org/\">Housing California\u003c/a>, a housing advocacy organization. “And that’s not what we see happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-a-marshall-plan-for-housing\">A Marshall Plan for housing?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing policy advocates described Newsom’s stated goal of 3.5 million new homes in four years the same way he has: aspirational. They say that’s because the state doesn’t build housing in California — private developers do, with the approval of local governments. So what really grabbed advocates’ attention was the “Marshall Plan for affordable housing” Newsom pledged to launch during his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/01/gavin-newsom-california-inauguration-speech-policy-highlights/\">inaugural speech\u003c/a>, recalling the multibillion-dollar program to rebuild Western Europe following World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As much as the number was important, the idea of building a streamlined process of building, that was amazing, because that’s really the challenge of California,” said Dan Dunmoyer, president of the California Building Industry Association. He said that dream remains elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has some of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">highest housing costs\u003c/a> in the nation because of how little “marshaling” there is, Dunmoyer said. Land costs are prohibitive, and zoning rules limit much of what can be built. Housing must get approved at the local level, which has ample opportunity for community input. Those communities can then block unpopular projects, such as multifamily or affordable housing. Another culprit: impact fees cities charge to fund infrastructure that can \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/residential-impact-fees/\">exceed $150,000 a home\u003c/a>, some of the highest in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'To stop a project, you only need one red light. But to make a project go, you need at least 100 green lights. A lot of the legislation the governor has been signing has been those green lights.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The closest Newsom may have gotten to bulldozing those barriers is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/11/newsom-pandemic-beat-homelessness/\">Project Homekey\u003c/a>. After COVID-19 hit, the administration scrambled to turn 94 hotels and motels into more than 6,000 shelter units for people experiencing homelessness, which would later become permanent homes, within record-setting months. The projects \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2021/11/04/main-recoverylab-cities-la-sros-518602\">bypassed local land use rules and a marquee environmental law\u003c/a> often blamed for slowing or killing controversial projects. The state has since expanded the $800 million project with more than $2.75 billion in new funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed more than a dozen bills allowing housing types that met certain conditions to skip lengthy approval processes at the local level. Two are expected to have the biggest impact: one that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/08/california-housing-crisis-zoning-bill/\">legalized duplexes and fourplexes\u003c/a> on the two-thirds of developable land in California \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/SB-9-Brief-July-2021-Final.pdf\">previously zoned for single-family homes\u003c/a>, and another that \u003ca href=\"https://urbanfootprint.com/ab2011-analysis/\">allows apartments\u003c/a> on land previously allotted for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-crisis-unions/\">retail centers, parking lots and offices along arterial roads\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a zoning change doesn’t build housing, it’s a first step to making it legal. Combined, the two laws could open up previously blocked space for more than 2 million housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The effect of legislation is often hard to prove, because it’s only one factor of many in the development process,” said Louis Mirante, vice president of public policy at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareacouncil.org/\">Bay Area Council\u003c/a>. “To stop a project, you only need one red light. But to make a project go, you need at least 100 green lights. A lot of the legislation the governor has been signing has been those green lights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But yellow and red lights abound, including rising interest rates and prohibitive material costs. While it took political courage to sign a controversial measure like the one streamlining duplex and fourplex construction, Newsom remained largely quiet on those bills until they reached the finish line, and hasn’t championed a more sweeping production policy proposal on his own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He can step in and resolve the problems if he really wanted to prioritize the issue,” said Chris Martin, policy director at Housing California. “He has the power to do it, but politically, it’s challenging. He’s going to have to make some uncomfortable decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-moving-the-goalposts\">Moving the goalposts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Newsom has repeatedly called the 3.5 million goal taken from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/mckinsey/industries/public%20and%20social%20sector/our%20insights/closing%20californias%20housing%20gap/closing-californias-housing-gap-full-report.pdf\">2016 McKinsey study\u003c/a> a moon shot, he has put his weight behind another number: 2.5 million. That’s how many homes the Legislature has mandated California cities to plan for by 2030, and Newsom’s team is making sure they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before we can reach our stretch goals, before you can reach the moon, you’ve got to get off the launch pad,” said Jason Elliott, Newsom’s senior counselor on housing and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The planning law has been on the books for decades, but it wasn’t until 2017 that the state Legislature gave the process teeth by creating standards and penalties cities must abide by. The \u003cem>plans\u003c/em> for the housing that those standards and penalties apply to weren’t even due for most cities until this year. And the deadlines are different for different regions. It’s a slow process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities now have to zone for more than double the housing they did in previous years, and it has to be on sites where housing could actually be built. And if they don’t do it, they risk \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/03/california-housing-goals/\">losing affordable housing dollars\u003c/a> or even \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/10/california-housing-crisis-nimby/\">forgoing housing approval decisions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But having laws on the books — even if they feature new penalties — doesn’t mean anything unless someone is there to enforce them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To that end, Newsom staffed up a $4.65 million \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/04/california-duplex-housing/\">accountability and enforcement unit\u003c/a> within the housing department, with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-podcast-rob-bonta-housing-enforcement/\">reinforcements at the state’s Justice Department\u003c/a>. Cities seem to be paying heed, but it’s all fun and games until actual homes get built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many years in California, the Regional Housing Needs [Allocation] process was an afterthought at best,” Elliott said. “It was not taken seriously because there were largely no consequences for local governments failing to meet their responsibilities. And that’s not ancient history, but through a very concerted effort by this governor and the administration in partnership with the Legislature, RHNA is now very serious. And I think communities are taking it seriously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, planning isn’t building, and a recurring complaint about the process from cities is that while it requires a lot of affordable housing to be planned for — 1 million of the 2.5 million units must be affordable to the lowest earners — the state doesn’t provide nearly enough tax credits and other subsidies to build it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re funding a quarter of that, at best,” said Paavo Monkkonen, associate professor of urban planning at UCLA’s Luskin School of Public Affairs. “So that’s an interesting conundrum, where their own goal is unattainable. And there’s not really a Manhattan Project to make that happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/9c485c33-4c31-4f78-ae36-07dc50a75dc3?src=embed\" title=\"Affordable housing production\" width=\"800\" height=\"850\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the Legislature, Newsom has dedicated unprecedented dollars to affordable housing, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/07/19/governor-newsom-signs-historic-housing-and-homelessness-funding-package-as-part-of-100-billion-california-comeback-plan/\">$10.3 billion in 2021\u003c/a>. Funding the current affordable housing need alone, however, would require \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/roadmaphome2030/\">nearly $18 billion a year over a decade\u003c/a>, according to a recent estimate from Housing California and California Housing Partnership. And there is no long-term source of funding for housing in California. As budget projections for next year sour, affordable housing advocates worry those funds might dry up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In these years of good budget outlook, the administration has done a really good job,” said Marina Wiant, vice president of government affairs at the \u003ca href=\"https://calhsng.org/\">California Housing Consortium\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan housing advocacy organization. “It’s going to be interesting to see what they do when they have to make tough budget choices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"headTitle": "From Menlo Park to Laguna Beach, Residents Turn to Ballot Box to Fight New California Housing Mandates | KQED",
"labelTerm": {
"site": "news"
},
"content": "\u003cp>Suburban Park lives up to its bucolic name. The trees are leafy. The lawns are manicured. School-age children glide by on push scooters and bounce basketballs on sun-dappled sidewalks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s here, amid the nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.redfin.com/neighborhood/9706/CA/Menlo-Park/Suburban-Park-Lorelei-Manr-Flood-Park-Triangle/housing-market\">$2 million single-family homes\u003c/a> in this Menlo Park neighborhood, that a new battleground has emerged in the fight to preserve what some still consider an American ideal: one home for every lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside every fifth house or so are green lawn signs proclaiming “Yes on V,” in support of a \u003ca href=\"https://beta.menlopark.org/Government/Departments/City-Managers-Office/City-Clerk/Elections/November-8-2022-General-Election/Measure-V\">ballot measure\u003c/a> that would make it harder to build apartments throughout the city. The measure would require a vote for any changes to what can be built — but only in single-family neighborhoods.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Chris Elmendorf, law professor, UC Davis\"]‘The state housing agency is no longer treating housing element approvals as a one-and-done proposition.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have no choice,” said Nicole Chessari, a Suburban Park homeowner who is co-leading the Yes on Measure V campaign. “No one was listening to us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians opposed to new development in their neighborhoods have long had local elected leaders on their side. But their power to say no is waning. Faced with a massive housing shortage, state leaders over the past half-dozen years have approved a bevy of new laws to override opposition to new housing and have become more willing to take recalcitrant cities to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are new laws to permit backyard apartments, allow duplexes on single-family lots, convert offices and big-box stores to housing and prohibit parking requirements near transit. Central to these changes are new mandates for cities to not only plan for more housing but to do so in a way that reverses racial segregation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, residents in some California cities are firing back. From Menlo Park to \u003ca href=\"https://www.votescount.us/Home/Elections/November2022CaliforniaGeneralElection/LocalMeasuresNovember2022/S-WATFuture.aspx\">Watsonville\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.lagunabeachindy.com/laguna-residents-form-new-pac-against-measure-q/\">Laguna Beach\u003c/a>, they’re hoping to rely on another time-tested tradition: using the ballot box to restrict growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A case study\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Menlo Park’s Measure V arose to contest one specific project: ninety units of affordable housing with priority for teachers and staff of the Ravenswood City School District in Suburban Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The concrete lot is now overrun with weeds. But it was once home to the James Flood Elementary School, which closed in 2011 due to dwindling enrollment. Ravenswood district staff have been searching for a way to reuse the parcel — and generate income for the district — ever since, said William Eger, chief business officer for the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I arrived a couple years ago, the district was in the process of analyzing our overall district footprint, thinking about, ‘How do we address some of these funding inequities?’” Eger said. “How can we use some of the assets we have, including our physical assets, the land that we own, in order to provide for our staff to afford to live in the area?”[aside postID=\"news_11927941,news_11927063,news_11924697\" label=\"Related Posts\"]In January, the district’s board took a step toward building teacher housing on the former school site, when it voted unanimously to enter into \u003ca href=\"https://paloaltoonline.com/news/2022/01/24/developers-propose-affordable-housing-lab-offices-on-ravenswood-land\">an exclusive negotiating agreement\u003c/a> with a developer. And it was around that time that Chessari and her neighbors caught wind of the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we heard that they wanted to build new housing on [the site], we were actually very excited about that,” she said. “But then we heard the volume, and were like, ‘Whoa, that’s going to transform the neighborhood into a thoroughfare and totally change it and make it unsafe for our kids.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929535\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929535 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut.jpg\" alt=\"An outside view stowing a road, trees and house in the distance.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The site of the former James Flood Elementary School in Menlo Park on Thursday, Sept., 29, 2022. which the Ravenswood City School District has proposed to repurpose as affordable teacher housing, but a proposed ballot initiative, called Measure V, may delay or even potentially block the project. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The former school property is flanked on two sides by Suburban Park and rows of single-family homes. To the east is Highway 101, and to the west is Flood Park, a green space with a baseball diamond and picnic tables.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the school was open, traffic flowed through the park. But in early discussions about housing on the site, the district contemplated routing traffic through the neighborhood instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What followed was several months of negotiations among some Suburban Park residents, district staff and city council members. Chessari said neighbors opposed to the district’s plans ultimately had three demands: reduce the number of housing units from 90 to 60; guarantee — as opposed to prioritize — 50% of the units would be used for Ravenswood staff; and provide a second egress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and some residents met with four of the city’s five council members but failed to reach an agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the council didn’t have her and her supporters’ interests in mind, then Chessari thought residents should be able to voice their concerns directly. So, she started gathering signatures for a ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That way, she said, anytime developers propose projects in single-family neighborhoods across Menlo Park, residents would be able to weigh in. Nearly \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">80% of the city’s residential land\u003c/a> is zoned for single-family housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After seeing what happened in our [neighborhood], it was kind of a case study,” Chessari said. “This can and will happen citywide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will it work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since the 1970s, citizen-initiated ballot measures have been a favorite tool to thwart development in California. According to a 2004 doctoral dissertation by Mai Thi Nguyen at UC Irvine, there were more than \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/2004-Mai-Thi-Nguyen-dissertation.pdf\">140 such measures to control growth approved between 1986 and 1999 (PDF)\u003c/a>, though not all of them were aimed specifically at housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those measures, however, have become increasingly at odds with changes to state law, said Chris Elmendorf, law professor at UC Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ten years ago, this strategy … would have seemed pretty clever,” he said. “But I don’t think it’s necessarily so clever or effective now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every eight years, cities produce housing element reports showing how they will rezone areas to meet state-mandated housing goals and — new for this cycle — reduce residential segregation. Local leaders have long written these reports only later to ignore them without consequence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s changed as state leaders have become more willing to hold cities accountable, Elmendorf said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state housing agency is no longer treating housing element approvals as a one-and-done proposition,” he said. “It is instead treating the housing elements as an eight-year contract between the state and the city over things the city will do, including rezoning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929534\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929534 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a light tank top shirt and blue jeans sits in a chair outside.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Suburban Park homeowner Nicole Chessari poses for a portrait at her home on Thursday, Sept. 29, 2022. Chessari is co-leading the Yes on Measure V campaign, a ballot initiative that would require a citywide vote to add apartments in single-family neighborhoods throughout Menlo Park. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Menlo Park, city leaders included plans to rezone the Flood school to allow for 90 affordable housing units in its \u003ca href=\"https://beta.menlopark.org/files/sharedassets/public/community-development/documents/projects/housing-element-update/menlo-park-2023-2031-housing-element-primary-hcd-review-draft.pdf\">draft housing element\u003c/a>. Once a property is rezoned, new state laws prohibit the city from reducing the number of allowed housing units or requiring onerous conditions, like a second road, that might make the project financially infeasible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, Chessari said, “It’s out of everybody’s hands. The city has very, very limited ability to control the project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are also real consequences now for cities that fail to present housing plans that meet the state’s requirements. When that happens, they may lose control over what gets built there altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such is the case in Redondo Beach, where a developer in August proposed a \u003ca href=\"https://reason.com/2022/09/09/this-renegade-california-developer-wants-to-build-a-2300-unit-megaproject-in-a-nimby-stronghold/\">massive, 2,300-unit housing project\u003c/a> at the site of a defunct power plant, while the city was out of compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as that housing element is not compliant, people can come in and build some pretty dense housing,” said Michael Manville, associate professor of urban planning at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, some cities have been ignoring their own voters’ ballot measures if they limit the amount of housing needed to satisfy the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Alameda, for instance, residents voted in 1973 to prohibit apartment buildings across the island town. A second measure in 1991 capped densities to one home for every 2,000-square-foot lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing a mandate for 5,353 new housing units, city officials are \u003ca href=\"https://alamedapost.com/news/general-plan-and-draft-housing-element-update-debated/\">overriding those initiatives\u003c/a>, which state officials have called “\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/community-development/housing-element/docs/alaalamedacity-ta-112921.pdf\">preempted and unenforceable\u003c/a>,” in their draft housing element.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929536\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929536 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-scaled.jpg\" alt='An outdoor view with a green lawn sign and a large brown sign that reads \"Suburban Park.\"' width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A lawn sign supporting Measure V stands in front of the entrance to Suburban Park on Thursday, Sept. 29, 2022. The ballot initiative would require a citywide vote to add apartments in single-family neighborhoods throughout Menlo Park. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Southern California city of Encinitas, voters need to approve any major changes to what can be built there. City leaders have twice put the entire housing element to a vote only to have residents reject it. So, a judge allowed local leaders to ignore the voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf said the lesson there is that while voter initiatives can clog up — or at least delay — the process for cities to rezone for more housing, they can’t override state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no authority of the voters of Encinitas or Menlo Park or any other city to do through direct democracy something that the city council cannot do,” Elmendorf said. “Voters can’t exempt themselves from that law by passing a ballot measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question in Menlo Park is whether Measure V will prevent the city from meeting new obligations under the housing element to \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/community-development/affh/docs/affh_document_final_4-27-2021.pdf\">undo racial segregation\u003c/a> by requiring cities to site affordable housing in more affluent neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Who are we really?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For many of the opponents of Menlo Park’s Measure V, the ballot initiative is not simply about limiting apartments in single-family neighborhoods: It’s also about whether the city will continue policies that have disproportionately harmed residents of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929520\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 160px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929520 size-thumbnail\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone-160x349.jpg\" alt=\"A black and white image of an old news article.\" width=\"160\" height=\"349\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone-160x349.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone.jpg 372w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 160px) 100vw, 160px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An excerpt from the Daily Palo Alto Times describing ‘blockbusting’ in Belle Haven, a real estate practice to scare white homeowners into selling their properties to encourage segregation, on Aug. 10, 1955. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Pam Jones)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Suburban Park was first established in the 1920s and grew during the post-WWII housing boom. In 1949, Menlo Park annexed it, along with the Belle Haven neighborhood directly to its east. At the time, both were mostly white neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Margarita-Mendez-Deed.jpg\">Suburban Park was subject to racial covenants that barred Black residents\u003c/a> and other people of color from living there, Belle Haven became a predominantly Black neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Real estate agents \u003ca href=\"https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015018404650&view=1up&seq=510&q1=%22Menlo%20Park%22\">actively recruited\u003c/a> Black homeowners to Belle Haven in a process known as racial steering, and then tried to \u003ca href=\"https://www.menlotogether.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/MPCSD-Slides-Color-of-Law.pdf\">scare white homeowners\u003c/a> into selling their properties, a practice called blockbusting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Belle Haven is separated from Suburban Park and the rest of the city by the Bayshore Highway, which was widened in 1956 to \u003ca href=\"http://libraryarchives.metro.net/DPGTL/Californiahighways/chpw_1959_marapr.pdf#page=8\">become Highway 101\u003c/a>. Pam Jones, a longtime Belle Haven resident who grew up in the area, remembers how the highway widening disconnected Belle Haven from the rest of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It changes everything, and it isolates you,” she said. “There was just this sense of being unwelcomed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929538\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929538 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a green turtleneck sweater stands outside.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Longtime Menlo Park resident Pam Jones opposes a ballot measure that would rewrite zoning laws to limit housing developments in the city. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both neighborhoods were originally part of the Ravenswood district, but Suburban Park seceded in 1975, joining the Menlo Park City School District instead. A 1976 lawsuit challenged the racial isolation of students of color at Ravenswood, ultimately resulting in a settlement agreement 10 years later. But Ravenswood continues to serve \u003ca href=\"http://www.ravenswoodschools.org/Choose-Ravenswood/index.html\">almost exclusively students of color\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the four elementary school districts in Menlo Park, Ravenswood is one of the \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">least well-resourced\u003c/a> with the \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1r9lNoWauD6f341SPcJIHM3Q-Lupw9UU7/view\">lowest average teacher salaries\u003c/a>. Eger said the proposed housing project would generate roughly $500,000 for the district annually — money that would go to staff salaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s big money for us,” he said. “We know this is a huge need for our staff, and it’s a huge need for our families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929521\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 416px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929521 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955.jpg\" alt='A black and white maps that reads \"Ravenswood Attendance Areas Set.\"' width=\"416\" height=\"339\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955.jpg 416w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955-160x130.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 416px) 100vw, 416px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The original Ravenswood City School District included Suburban Park and many other Menlo Park neighborhoods that ultimately seceded from the district, with the exception of Belle Haven. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Pam Jones)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The disparities between the two neighborhoods transcend educational outcomes, though, and also manifest in the city’s development patterns. Suburban Park has remained relatively unchanged in the past 20 years, but Belle Haven and the adjacent, formerly industrial area now known as the Bayfront, have seen rapid growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/blogs/technology-blog/story/2011-02-08/facebook-moving-headquarters-from-palo-alto-to-former-sun-microsystems-campus-in-menlo-park#:~:text=Facebook%20is%20moving%20its%20headquarters,Sun%20Microsystems%20in%20Menlo%20Park.&text=David%20Ebersman%2C%20Facebook's%20chief%20financial,57%2Dacre%20Menlo%20Park%20property.\">Meta, Facebook’s parent company, moved its headquarters there\u003c/a> in 2011. Since then, the city has seen a staggering \u003ca href=\"https://beta.menlopark.org/files/sharedassets/public/community-development/documents/projects/housing-element-update/menlo-park-2023-2031-housing-element-primary-hcd-review-draft.pdf\">2,000% increase in tech jobs\u003c/a>, much of it centered in the Bayfront. And in 2016, \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">the city placed nearly all new development there\u003c/a>, including 4.1 million square feet of commercial development and 5,500 new housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a recent tour, construction cranes loomed in the sky as steel clanked and drills buzzed. Jones said the constant din has made it hard to live there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pollution and the traffic are the other big things, and then a sense of, well, ‘You don’t have anyplace else to put it, so you’re dumping it on us,’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Jones said, Measure V could mean more of the same. By requiring a popular vote to add denser housing in single-family neighborhoods, city staff concluded \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">the measure would effectively redirect any new development into areas that are already zoned for denser housing\u003c/a>, which — with the exception of the city’s downtown area — are Belle Haven and Bayfront.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ballot measure can then be seen to continue the same cycle of putting the highest densities and most affordable units in the area of the community that is predominantly lower income, marginalized, and communities of color,” the \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">report\u003c/a> reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929539\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929539 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A closeup view of a woman wearing a green turtleneck sweater stands outside.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Longtime Menlo Park resident Pam Jones opposes a ballot measure that would rewrite zoning laws to limit housing developments in the city. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Jones, the intent of Measure V is clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really about racism. It’s about classism,” she said. “Whenever you say, ‘You’re going to change my neighborhood, you’re going to blight my neighborhood,’ you are talking about people of color that don’t look like you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chessari recoiled at that suggestion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, that argument is very offensive to me,” she said. The city could choose to site increased development downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones and Chessari do agree on one point, though: Measure V is about the future of Menlo Park and who gets the last word on what can be built, and where.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who are we really?” Jones wondered. “How do we really want to live? How do we want to treat our neighbors?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We’ll know when all of the ballots are counted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Local ballot measures to block housing are nothing new in California. It just might not work anymore.",
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"title": "From Menlo Park to Laguna Beach, Residents Turn to Ballot Box to Fight New California Housing Mandates | KQED",
"description": "Local ballot measures to block housing are nothing new in California. It just might not work anymore.",
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"headline": "From Menlo Park to Laguna Beach, Residents Turn to Ballot Box to Fight New California Housing Mandates",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Suburban Park lives up to its bucolic name. The trees are leafy. The lawns are manicured. School-age children glide by on push scooters and bounce basketballs on sun-dappled sidewalks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s here, amid the nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.redfin.com/neighborhood/9706/CA/Menlo-Park/Suburban-Park-Lorelei-Manr-Flood-Park-Triangle/housing-market\">$2 million single-family homes\u003c/a> in this Menlo Park neighborhood, that a new battleground has emerged in the fight to preserve what some still consider an American ideal: one home for every lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside every fifth house or so are green lawn signs proclaiming “Yes on V,” in support of a \u003ca href=\"https://beta.menlopark.org/Government/Departments/City-Managers-Office/City-Clerk/Elections/November-8-2022-General-Election/Measure-V\">ballot measure\u003c/a> that would make it harder to build apartments throughout the city. The measure would require a vote for any changes to what can be built — but only in single-family neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The state housing agency is no longer treating housing element approvals as a one-and-done proposition.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have no choice,” said Nicole Chessari, a Suburban Park homeowner who is co-leading the Yes on Measure V campaign. “No one was listening to us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians opposed to new development in their neighborhoods have long had local elected leaders on their side. But their power to say no is waning. Faced with a massive housing shortage, state leaders over the past half-dozen years have approved a bevy of new laws to override opposition to new housing and have become more willing to take recalcitrant cities to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are new laws to permit backyard apartments, allow duplexes on single-family lots, convert offices and big-box stores to housing and prohibit parking requirements near transit. Central to these changes are new mandates for cities to not only plan for more housing but to do so in a way that reverses racial segregation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, residents in some California cities are firing back. From Menlo Park to \u003ca href=\"https://www.votescount.us/Home/Elections/November2022CaliforniaGeneralElection/LocalMeasuresNovember2022/S-WATFuture.aspx\">Watsonville\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.lagunabeachindy.com/laguna-residents-form-new-pac-against-measure-q/\">Laguna Beach\u003c/a>, they’re hoping to rely on another time-tested tradition: using the ballot box to restrict growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A case study\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Menlo Park’s Measure V arose to contest one specific project: ninety units of affordable housing with priority for teachers and staff of the Ravenswood City School District in Suburban Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The concrete lot is now overrun with weeds. But it was once home to the James Flood Elementary School, which closed in 2011 due to dwindling enrollment. Ravenswood district staff have been searching for a way to reuse the parcel — and generate income for the district — ever since, said William Eger, chief business officer for the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I arrived a couple years ago, the district was in the process of analyzing our overall district footprint, thinking about, ‘How do we address some of these funding inequities?’” Eger said. “How can we use some of the assets we have, including our physical assets, the land that we own, in order to provide for our staff to afford to live in the area?”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In January, the district’s board took a step toward building teacher housing on the former school site, when it voted unanimously to enter into \u003ca href=\"https://paloaltoonline.com/news/2022/01/24/developers-propose-affordable-housing-lab-offices-on-ravenswood-land\">an exclusive negotiating agreement\u003c/a> with a developer. And it was around that time that Chessari and her neighbors caught wind of the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we heard that they wanted to build new housing on [the site], we were actually very excited about that,” she said. “But then we heard the volume, and were like, ‘Whoa, that’s going to transform the neighborhood into a thoroughfare and totally change it and make it unsafe for our kids.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929535\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929535 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut.jpg\" alt=\"An outside view stowing a road, trees and house in the distance.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The site of the former James Flood Elementary School in Menlo Park on Thursday, Sept., 29, 2022. which the Ravenswood City School District has proposed to repurpose as affordable teacher housing, but a proposed ballot initiative, called Measure V, may delay or even potentially block the project. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The former school property is flanked on two sides by Suburban Park and rows of single-family homes. To the east is Highway 101, and to the west is Flood Park, a green space with a baseball diamond and picnic tables.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the school was open, traffic flowed through the park. But in early discussions about housing on the site, the district contemplated routing traffic through the neighborhood instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What followed was several months of negotiations among some Suburban Park residents, district staff and city council members. Chessari said neighbors opposed to the district’s plans ultimately had three demands: reduce the number of housing units from 90 to 60; guarantee — as opposed to prioritize — 50% of the units would be used for Ravenswood staff; and provide a second egress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and some residents met with four of the city’s five council members but failed to reach an agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the council didn’t have her and her supporters’ interests in mind, then Chessari thought residents should be able to voice their concerns directly. So, she started gathering signatures for a ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That way, she said, anytime developers propose projects in single-family neighborhoods across Menlo Park, residents would be able to weigh in. Nearly \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">80% of the city’s residential land\u003c/a> is zoned for single-family housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After seeing what happened in our [neighborhood], it was kind of a case study,” Chessari said. “This can and will happen citywide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will it work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since the 1970s, citizen-initiated ballot measures have been a favorite tool to thwart development in California. According to a 2004 doctoral dissertation by Mai Thi Nguyen at UC Irvine, there were more than \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/2004-Mai-Thi-Nguyen-dissertation.pdf\">140 such measures to control growth approved between 1986 and 1999 (PDF)\u003c/a>, though not all of them were aimed specifically at housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those measures, however, have become increasingly at odds with changes to state law, said Chris Elmendorf, law professor at UC Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ten years ago, this strategy … would have seemed pretty clever,” he said. “But I don’t think it’s necessarily so clever or effective now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every eight years, cities produce housing element reports showing how they will rezone areas to meet state-mandated housing goals and — new for this cycle — reduce residential segregation. Local leaders have long written these reports only later to ignore them without consequence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s changed as state leaders have become more willing to hold cities accountable, Elmendorf said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state housing agency is no longer treating housing element approvals as a one-and-done proposition,” he said. “It is instead treating the housing elements as an eight-year contract between the state and the city over things the city will do, including rezoning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929534\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929534 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a light tank top shirt and blue jeans sits in a chair outside.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Suburban Park homeowner Nicole Chessari poses for a portrait at her home on Thursday, Sept. 29, 2022. Chessari is co-leading the Yes on Measure V campaign, a ballot initiative that would require a citywide vote to add apartments in single-family neighborhoods throughout Menlo Park. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Menlo Park, city leaders included plans to rezone the Flood school to allow for 90 affordable housing units in its \u003ca href=\"https://beta.menlopark.org/files/sharedassets/public/community-development/documents/projects/housing-element-update/menlo-park-2023-2031-housing-element-primary-hcd-review-draft.pdf\">draft housing element\u003c/a>. Once a property is rezoned, new state laws prohibit the city from reducing the number of allowed housing units or requiring onerous conditions, like a second road, that might make the project financially infeasible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, Chessari said, “It’s out of everybody’s hands. The city has very, very limited ability to control the project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are also real consequences now for cities that fail to present housing plans that meet the state’s requirements. When that happens, they may lose control over what gets built there altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such is the case in Redondo Beach, where a developer in August proposed a \u003ca href=\"https://reason.com/2022/09/09/this-renegade-california-developer-wants-to-build-a-2300-unit-megaproject-in-a-nimby-stronghold/\">massive, 2,300-unit housing project\u003c/a> at the site of a defunct power plant, while the city was out of compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as that housing element is not compliant, people can come in and build some pretty dense housing,” said Michael Manville, associate professor of urban planning at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, some cities have been ignoring their own voters’ ballot measures if they limit the amount of housing needed to satisfy the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Alameda, for instance, residents voted in 1973 to prohibit apartment buildings across the island town. A second measure in 1991 capped densities to one home for every 2,000-square-foot lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing a mandate for 5,353 new housing units, city officials are \u003ca href=\"https://alamedapost.com/news/general-plan-and-draft-housing-element-update-debated/\">overriding those initiatives\u003c/a>, which state officials have called “\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/community-development/housing-element/docs/alaalamedacity-ta-112921.pdf\">preempted and unenforceable\u003c/a>,” in their draft housing element.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929536\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929536 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-scaled.jpg\" alt='An outdoor view with a green lawn sign and a large brown sign that reads \"Suburban Park.\"' width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A lawn sign supporting Measure V stands in front of the entrance to Suburban Park on Thursday, Sept. 29, 2022. The ballot initiative would require a citywide vote to add apartments in single-family neighborhoods throughout Menlo Park. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Southern California city of Encinitas, voters need to approve any major changes to what can be built there. City leaders have twice put the entire housing element to a vote only to have residents reject it. So, a judge allowed local leaders to ignore the voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf said the lesson there is that while voter initiatives can clog up — or at least delay — the process for cities to rezone for more housing, they can’t override state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no authority of the voters of Encinitas or Menlo Park or any other city to do through direct democracy something that the city council cannot do,” Elmendorf said. “Voters can’t exempt themselves from that law by passing a ballot measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question in Menlo Park is whether Measure V will prevent the city from meeting new obligations under the housing element to \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/community-development/affh/docs/affh_document_final_4-27-2021.pdf\">undo racial segregation\u003c/a> by requiring cities to site affordable housing in more affluent neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Who are we really?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For many of the opponents of Menlo Park’s Measure V, the ballot initiative is not simply about limiting apartments in single-family neighborhoods: It’s also about whether the city will continue policies that have disproportionately harmed residents of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929520\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 160px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929520 size-thumbnail\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone-160x349.jpg\" alt=\"A black and white image of an old news article.\" width=\"160\" height=\"349\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone-160x349.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone.jpg 372w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 160px) 100vw, 160px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An excerpt from the Daily Palo Alto Times describing ‘blockbusting’ in Belle Haven, a real estate practice to scare white homeowners into selling their properties to encourage segregation, on Aug. 10, 1955. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Pam Jones)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Suburban Park was first established in the 1920s and grew during the post-WWII housing boom. In 1949, Menlo Park annexed it, along with the Belle Haven neighborhood directly to its east. At the time, both were mostly white neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Margarita-Mendez-Deed.jpg\">Suburban Park was subject to racial covenants that barred Black residents\u003c/a> and other people of color from living there, Belle Haven became a predominantly Black neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Real estate agents \u003ca href=\"https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015018404650&view=1up&seq=510&q1=%22Menlo%20Park%22\">actively recruited\u003c/a> Black homeowners to Belle Haven in a process known as racial steering, and then tried to \u003ca href=\"https://www.menlotogether.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/MPCSD-Slides-Color-of-Law.pdf\">scare white homeowners\u003c/a> into selling their properties, a practice called blockbusting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Belle Haven is separated from Suburban Park and the rest of the city by the Bayshore Highway, which was widened in 1956 to \u003ca href=\"http://libraryarchives.metro.net/DPGTL/Californiahighways/chpw_1959_marapr.pdf#page=8\">become Highway 101\u003c/a>. Pam Jones, a longtime Belle Haven resident who grew up in the area, remembers how the highway widening disconnected Belle Haven from the rest of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It changes everything, and it isolates you,” she said. “There was just this sense of being unwelcomed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929538\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929538 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a green turtleneck sweater stands outside.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Longtime Menlo Park resident Pam Jones opposes a ballot measure that would rewrite zoning laws to limit housing developments in the city. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both neighborhoods were originally part of the Ravenswood district, but Suburban Park seceded in 1975, joining the Menlo Park City School District instead. A 1976 lawsuit challenged the racial isolation of students of color at Ravenswood, ultimately resulting in a settlement agreement 10 years later. But Ravenswood continues to serve \u003ca href=\"http://www.ravenswoodschools.org/Choose-Ravenswood/index.html\">almost exclusively students of color\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the four elementary school districts in Menlo Park, Ravenswood is one of the \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">least well-resourced\u003c/a> with the \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1r9lNoWauD6f341SPcJIHM3Q-Lupw9UU7/view\">lowest average teacher salaries\u003c/a>. Eger said the proposed housing project would generate roughly $500,000 for the district annually — money that would go to staff salaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s big money for us,” he said. “We know this is a huge need for our staff, and it’s a huge need for our families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929521\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 416px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929521 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955.jpg\" alt='A black and white maps that reads \"Ravenswood Attendance Areas Set.\"' width=\"416\" height=\"339\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955.jpg 416w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955-160x130.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 416px) 100vw, 416px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The original Ravenswood City School District included Suburban Park and many other Menlo Park neighborhoods that ultimately seceded from the district, with the exception of Belle Haven. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Pam Jones)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The disparities between the two neighborhoods transcend educational outcomes, though, and also manifest in the city’s development patterns. Suburban Park has remained relatively unchanged in the past 20 years, but Belle Haven and the adjacent, formerly industrial area now known as the Bayfront, have seen rapid growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/blogs/technology-blog/story/2011-02-08/facebook-moving-headquarters-from-palo-alto-to-former-sun-microsystems-campus-in-menlo-park#:~:text=Facebook%20is%20moving%20its%20headquarters,Sun%20Microsystems%20in%20Menlo%20Park.&text=David%20Ebersman%2C%20Facebook's%20chief%20financial,57%2Dacre%20Menlo%20Park%20property.\">Meta, Facebook’s parent company, moved its headquarters there\u003c/a> in 2011. Since then, the city has seen a staggering \u003ca href=\"https://beta.menlopark.org/files/sharedassets/public/community-development/documents/projects/housing-element-update/menlo-park-2023-2031-housing-element-primary-hcd-review-draft.pdf\">2,000% increase in tech jobs\u003c/a>, much of it centered in the Bayfront. And in 2016, \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">the city placed nearly all new development there\u003c/a>, including 4.1 million square feet of commercial development and 5,500 new housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a recent tour, construction cranes loomed in the sky as steel clanked and drills buzzed. Jones said the constant din has made it hard to live there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pollution and the traffic are the other big things, and then a sense of, well, ‘You don’t have anyplace else to put it, so you’re dumping it on us,’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Jones said, Measure V could mean more of the same. By requiring a popular vote to add denser housing in single-family neighborhoods, city staff concluded \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">the measure would effectively redirect any new development into areas that are already zoned for denser housing\u003c/a>, which — with the exception of the city’s downtown area — are Belle Haven and Bayfront.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ballot measure can then be seen to continue the same cycle of putting the highest densities and most affordable units in the area of the community that is predominantly lower income, marginalized, and communities of color,” the \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">report\u003c/a> reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929539\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929539 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A closeup view of a woman wearing a green turtleneck sweater stands outside.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Longtime Menlo Park resident Pam Jones opposes a ballot measure that would rewrite zoning laws to limit housing developments in the city. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Jones, the intent of Measure V is clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really about racism. It’s about classism,” she said. “Whenever you say, ‘You’re going to change my neighborhood, you’re going to blight my neighborhood,’ you are talking about people of color that don’t look like you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chessari recoiled at that suggestion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, that argument is very offensive to me,” she said. The city could choose to site increased development downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones and Chessari do agree on one point, though: Measure V is about the future of Menlo Park and who gets the last word on what can be built, and where.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who are we really?” Jones wondered. “How do we really want to live? How do we want to treat our neighbors?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We’ll know when all of the ballots are counted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "mountain-view-rv-residents-face-new-parking-restrictions-oct-1-heres-what-to-know",
"title": "Mountain View RV Residents Face New Parking Restrictions Oct. 1. Here's What to Know",
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"headTitle": "Mountain View RV Residents Face New Parking Restrictions Oct. 1. Here’s What to Know | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>On Oct. 1, Mountain View will begin enforcing two parking restrictions: the Narrow Streets Ordinance and the Bike Lane Ordinance. Both measures restrict where oversized vehicles — including RVs and large trucks — can park in the city. This comes a week after the city released the details of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925199/we-are-also-worthy-of-this-place-mountain-view-rv-residents-wait-in-limbo-amid-impending-street-parking-settlement\">a tentative settlement it reached with a group of RV residents\u003c/a> who had sued the city over the parking restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement gives Mountain View authorities the green light to begin fining and towing vehicles that are in violation of the parking rules. Vehicles larger than 22 feet long or 7 feet high can no longer park on streets that are less than 40 feet wide — which represents roughly 90% of Mountain View streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11925199,news_11848619,news_11889042\"]If an RV parks on one of these “narrow streets” or a street with a bike lane, officials can ticket the vehicle. Owners also can be ticketed again after 72 hours if they do not move or end up parking on another narrow street. Each ticket will come with a fine of $65.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the owner does not move the vehicle after 72 hours, they can be ticketed again. After three citations, the city can immediately tow the vehicle. An RV also can be immediately towed if it’s blocking a driveway or parked in the path of traffic.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What does the settlement mean for RV residents?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to the settlement, the city must provide at least three miles of “street segments” where people can park their vehicles. The city defines street segments as specific sections of a few streets distributed across the city. The settlement states that street segments “shall have some parking capacity for [oversized vehicles] on both sides of the street.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>So where can RV residents park starting Oct. 1?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Below is a list of the street segments in Mountain View where RVs can park. Keep in mind that streets where many RVs used to park, like Continental Circle and Crisanto Avenue, will be marked as either a narrow street or a bike lane street — meaning off-limits for RVs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, once an RV owner finds a parking spot where RVs are allowed, they can only stay there for 72 hours max. On Oct. 1, Mountain View will also begin to enforce City Code Section 19.72, which prohibits all vehicles from parking for more than 72 hours anywhere in the city. This rule also requires that when a vehicle moves to find a new parking spot after its 72 hours are up, that new parking spot must be 1,000 feet (or roughly one-fifth of a mile) away from its previous parking spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a vehicle doesn’t move to a new parking spot after 72 hours, the city says the owner can receive a warning or citation and/or get towed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Spaces where RVs and other oversized vehicles can park beginning Oct. 1\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>KQED created this list based on a map provided by the city. However, always pay close attention to the parking signs you see on the streets because those determine how the city will enforce its rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>North Mountain View\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Casey Avenue\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Broderick Way\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Coast Avenue\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Marine Way\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Space Park Way\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Pear Avenue\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Armand Drive\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Leghorn Street:\u003c/strong> Two blocks between San Antonio Road to Rengstorff Avenue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Independence Avenue:\u003c/strong> Two blocks from East Charleston Road to Wyandotte Street; southern half of the block between Old Middlefield Way and Wyandotte Street\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Wyandotte Street:\u003c/strong> One block between San Antonio Road and Independence Avenue; eastern half of the block between Independence Avenue and Rengstorff Avenue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Old Middlefield Way:\u003c/strong> Blocks stretching between San Antonio Road and the eastern end of the street\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Plymouth Street:\u003c/strong> Two blocks between Rengstorff Avenue and Amherst Way\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Colony Street:\u003c/strong> Western portion of the block between Rengstorff Avenue and Sierra Vista Avenue (look for where the parking restriction signs are placed)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Terra Bella Avenue:\u003c/strong> Blocks stretching from West Middlefield Road to the start of San Leandro Street (in front of Recology Mountain View)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Linda Vista Avenue:\u003c/strong> Between West Middlefield Road and Moonbeam Drive; and the northern half of the block between Terra Bella Avenue and where Linda Vista Avenue dead-ends\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>West Mountain View\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Ortega Avenue\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Del Medio Avenue:\u003c/strong> Blocks stretching from California Street to the 100 block\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Del Medio Court:\u003c/strong> Between Del Medio Avenue and the start of the Montelena Court cul-de-sac\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Fayette Drive:\u003c/strong> Between Mayfield Avenue and San Antonio Road\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Pacchetti Way:\u003c/strong> Between California Street and Freedom Lane\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>East Mountain View\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Winston Place\u003c/strong> (between Leong Drive and Emily Drive)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of National Avenue\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Pioneer Way\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Clyde Court\u003c/strong> (breaks off from Clyde Avenue)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Logue Avenue:\u003c/strong> Between Maude Avenue and the northern end of the street\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Ravendale Drive:\u003c/strong> Space between where Ravendale Drive turns and North Bernardo Avenue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>North Bernardo Avenue:\u003c/strong> Between East Middlefield Road and the Central Expressway\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Devoto Street:\u003c/strong> Between Borello Way and Muir Drive\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Muir Drive:\u003c/strong> Southern half of the block between Devoto Street and Moraga Drive\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Easy Street:\u003c/strong> Between Creekside Park and ramp to get on Highway 85\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Downtown Mountain View\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Polaris Avenue\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Gemini Avenue\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Stierlin Road:\u003c/strong> Between North Shoreline Boulevard and Windmill Park Lane\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Central Avenue:\u003c/strong> Blocks between Andsbury Avenue and Moffett Boulevard\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Moffett Boulevard:\u003c/strong> Between Jackson Street and Cypress Point Drive\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Wright Avenue:\u003c/strong> Between North Shoreline Boulevard and Granada Drive\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Villa Street:\u003c/strong> Between Escuela Avenue and Higdon Avenue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>California Street:\u003c/strong> Block between Castro Street and Hope Street\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>View Street:\u003c/strong> Blocks between Church Street and El Camino Real\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Centre Street:\u003c/strong> Block between CA 237 and Yuba Drive\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Yuba Drive:\u003c/strong> Between El Camino Real and Church Street\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>South Mountain View\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Ernestine Lane:\u003c/strong> Between Dennis Lane and Mountain View Avenue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Mountain View Avenue:\u003c/strong> Between Ernestine Lane and Vista Grande Avenue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Miramonte Avenue:\u003c/strong> Between split with Park Drive and Rincon Street\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Camille Court:\u003c/strong> Between Bonita Avenue and Petie Way\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Ednamary Way:\u003c/strong> Between Clark Avenue and El Monte Avenue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Clark Avenue:\u003c/strong> Between Marich Way and Jardin Drive\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Dale Avenue:\u003c/strong> Short segment in the middle of the block between Continental Circle and Heatherstone Way (look for where the parking restriction signs are placed)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11927290\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-1-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11927290\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-1-800x1236.jpg\" alt=\"a map of parking spots in Mountain View\" width=\"800\" height=\"1236\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-1-800x1236.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-1-1020x1576.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-1-160x247.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-1-994x1536.jpg 994w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-1-1325x2048.jpg 1325w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-1-1920x2967.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-1-scaled.jpg 1656w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">When issuing a ticket, police have to provide a copy of this map so RV residents know where they can and cannot park. The city of Mountain View started distributing these maps in early September. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the City of Mountain View)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>What will happen to RVs that remain parked on a ‘narrow’ street?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Starting October 1, the Mountain View police can immediately ticket any RV or oversized vehicle they spot parked on a narrow street. If the vehicle stays in the same spot — or moves to another street deemed off-limits for RVs — officials need to wait 72 hours before they can issue another fine. If a vehicle has been ticketed three times and is spotted once again by the police, that vehicle will be towed immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s important to keep in mind that the city doesn’t need to wait for the third citation to tow a vehicle. The settlement allows Mountain View to tow RVs with at least one ticket, as long as 72 hours have passed since the police issued the first fine. If a vehicle is towed, you can call (650) 903-6344 about retrieving it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the settlement also allows police officers the option to grant RV owners more than 72 hours to move their vehicle before calling in the tow truck. This can only happen if the police officer believes there is “good cause.” A “good cause” extension could be granted if there is a mechanical issue that prevents the RV from moving or if the RV owner was not properly notified that their vehicle was violating parking rules. If this is the case, the vehicle owner would have to prove this to the police officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can RV residents prepare for the parking rules?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>KQED spoke to former Mountain View Mayor Lenny Siegel to better understand how people living in RVs can prepare for the parking restrictions. He’s an outspoken advocate for RV residents who has closely followed the developments of the Narrow Street Ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would advise people not to wait for the last minute to figure out where they would want to move,” he said. “A lot of these streets often have cars parked on them during the day and so they will have to figure out a time when they’re available.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But most importantly, Siegel said, “you have to be prepared for backlash.” He points out that some of the streets where RVs will be allowed to park after October 1 are residential streets that are not used to RVs. Some areas may be more friendly to RVs than others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another thing to keep in mind is the 72-hour parking limit. Some RV residents said they are considering a strategy to trade parking spots with each other every 72 hours, and that way follow both the Narrow Street Ordinance and the parking limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing options are available?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The city of Mountain View has distributed a flyer titled “Other Resources and Information,” listing the contact information of agencies and nonprofits in the South Bay that offer shelter and food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11927297\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/20220817_170205-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11927297\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/20220817_170205-800x1421.jpg\" alt=\"a flyer listing resources for residents of RVs\" width=\"800\" height=\"1421\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/20220817_170205-800x1421.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/20220817_170205-1020x1812.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/20220817_170205-160x284.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/20220817_170205-865x1536.jpg 865w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/20220817_170205-1153x2048.jpg 1153w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/20220817_170205-1920x3410.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/20220817_170205-scaled.jpg 1441w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A flyer distributed by the city of Mountain View listing resources for RV residents. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Only two programs listed offer some sort of housing: \u003ca href=\"https://www.movemv.org/\">MOVE Mountain View\u003c/a> and Santa Clara County’s Here4You hotline. MOVE MV provides free parking lots for people who are living in RVs or other vehicles. These lots include shared bathrooms, hand-washing facilities and security. Residents are required to work with a case manager to find permanent housing, which may not be in Mountain View.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is a waitlist to enter MOVE. To get on the list, go \u003ca href=\"https://www.movemv.org/\">through the program’s website\u003c/a> or call (650) 861-0181. KQED was unable to obtain information on how long the waitlist currently is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other option is the Here4You hotline, which connects callers to the network of homeless shelters across Santa Clara County. These are congregate shelters, with private rooms and shared restrooms and social spaces, that offer 60-day stays and the assistance of social workers to find long-term housing. There are options available for families as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of these shelters have rules, like a curfew that requires guests to be back at a certain time. But if you work at night and can provide documentation from your employer that confirms your schedule, the shelter can be flexible with this requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To reach the hotline, call (408) 385-2400. Callers will be asked to provide some personal information to complete an intake form and start the process to find a shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several of the RV residents who have spoken to KQED have said that these options are not feasible for them for various reasons, including long wait times to receive assistance or worries that they may lose their RV. KQED will continue researching alternate options for RV residents who may be affected by the parking restrictions and update this guide as we find them.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "With two new ordinances restricting where oversized vehicles can park in the city, here's an in-progress guide to resources for people who live in RVs.",
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"title": "Mountain View RV Residents Face New Parking Restrictions Oct. 1. Here's What to Know | KQED",
"description": "With two new ordinances restricting where oversized vehicles can park in the city, here's an in-progress guide to resources for people who live in RVs.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On Oct. 1, Mountain View will begin enforcing two parking restrictions: the Narrow Streets Ordinance and the Bike Lane Ordinance. Both measures restrict where oversized vehicles — including RVs and large trucks — can park in the city. This comes a week after the city released the details of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925199/we-are-also-worthy-of-this-place-mountain-view-rv-residents-wait-in-limbo-amid-impending-street-parking-settlement\">a tentative settlement it reached with a group of RV residents\u003c/a> who had sued the city over the parking restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement gives Mountain View authorities the green light to begin fining and towing vehicles that are in violation of the parking rules. Vehicles larger than 22 feet long or 7 feet high can no longer park on streets that are less than 40 feet wide — which represents roughly 90% of Mountain View streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>If an RV parks on one of these “narrow streets” or a street with a bike lane, officials can ticket the vehicle. Owners also can be ticketed again after 72 hours if they do not move or end up parking on another narrow street. Each ticket will come with a fine of $65.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the owner does not move the vehicle after 72 hours, they can be ticketed again. After three citations, the city can immediately tow the vehicle. An RV also can be immediately towed if it’s blocking a driveway or parked in the path of traffic.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What does the settlement mean for RV residents?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to the settlement, the city must provide at least three miles of “street segments” where people can park their vehicles. The city defines street segments as specific sections of a few streets distributed across the city. The settlement states that street segments “shall have some parking capacity for [oversized vehicles] on both sides of the street.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>So where can RV residents park starting Oct. 1?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Below is a list of the street segments in Mountain View where RVs can park. Keep in mind that streets where many RVs used to park, like Continental Circle and Crisanto Avenue, will be marked as either a narrow street or a bike lane street — meaning off-limits for RVs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, once an RV owner finds a parking spot where RVs are allowed, they can only stay there for 72 hours max. On Oct. 1, Mountain View will also begin to enforce City Code Section 19.72, which prohibits all vehicles from parking for more than 72 hours anywhere in the city. This rule also requires that when a vehicle moves to find a new parking spot after its 72 hours are up, that new parking spot must be 1,000 feet (or roughly one-fifth of a mile) away from its previous parking spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a vehicle doesn’t move to a new parking spot after 72 hours, the city says the owner can receive a warning or citation and/or get towed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Spaces where RVs and other oversized vehicles can park beginning Oct. 1\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>KQED created this list based on a map provided by the city. However, always pay close attention to the parking signs you see on the streets because those determine how the city will enforce its rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>North Mountain View\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Casey Avenue\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Broderick Way\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Coast Avenue\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Marine Way\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Space Park Way\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Pear Avenue\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Armand Drive\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Leghorn Street:\u003c/strong> Two blocks between San Antonio Road to Rengstorff Avenue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Independence Avenue:\u003c/strong> Two blocks from East Charleston Road to Wyandotte Street; southern half of the block between Old Middlefield Way and Wyandotte Street\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Wyandotte Street:\u003c/strong> One block between San Antonio Road and Independence Avenue; eastern half of the block between Independence Avenue and Rengstorff Avenue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Old Middlefield Way:\u003c/strong> Blocks stretching between San Antonio Road and the eastern end of the street\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Plymouth Street:\u003c/strong> Two blocks between Rengstorff Avenue and Amherst Way\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Colony Street:\u003c/strong> Western portion of the block between Rengstorff Avenue and Sierra Vista Avenue (look for where the parking restriction signs are placed)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Terra Bella Avenue:\u003c/strong> Blocks stretching from West Middlefield Road to the start of San Leandro Street (in front of Recology Mountain View)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Linda Vista Avenue:\u003c/strong> Between West Middlefield Road and Moonbeam Drive; and the northern half of the block between Terra Bella Avenue and where Linda Vista Avenue dead-ends\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>West Mountain View\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Ortega Avenue\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Del Medio Avenue:\u003c/strong> Blocks stretching from California Street to the 100 block\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Del Medio Court:\u003c/strong> Between Del Medio Avenue and the start of the Montelena Court cul-de-sac\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Fayette Drive:\u003c/strong> Between Mayfield Avenue and San Antonio Road\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Pacchetti Way:\u003c/strong> Between California Street and Freedom Lane\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>East Mountain View\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Winston Place\u003c/strong> (between Leong Drive and Emily Drive)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of National Avenue\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Pioneer Way\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Clyde Court\u003c/strong> (breaks off from Clyde Avenue)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Logue Avenue:\u003c/strong> Between Maude Avenue and the northern end of the street\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Ravendale Drive:\u003c/strong> Space between where Ravendale Drive turns and North Bernardo Avenue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>North Bernardo Avenue:\u003c/strong> Between East Middlefield Road and the Central Expressway\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Devoto Street:\u003c/strong> Between Borello Way and Muir Drive\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Muir Drive:\u003c/strong> Southern half of the block between Devoto Street and Moraga Drive\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Easy Street:\u003c/strong> Between Creekside Park and ramp to get on Highway 85\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Downtown Mountain View\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Polaris Avenue\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>All of Gemini Avenue\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Stierlin Road:\u003c/strong> Between North Shoreline Boulevard and Windmill Park Lane\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Central Avenue:\u003c/strong> Blocks between Andsbury Avenue and Moffett Boulevard\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Moffett Boulevard:\u003c/strong> Between Jackson Street and Cypress Point Drive\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Wright Avenue:\u003c/strong> Between North Shoreline Boulevard and Granada Drive\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Villa Street:\u003c/strong> Between Escuela Avenue and Higdon Avenue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>California Street:\u003c/strong> Block between Castro Street and Hope Street\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>View Street:\u003c/strong> Blocks between Church Street and El Camino Real\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Centre Street:\u003c/strong> Block between CA 237 and Yuba Drive\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Yuba Drive:\u003c/strong> Between El Camino Real and Church Street\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>South Mountain View\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Ernestine Lane:\u003c/strong> Between Dennis Lane and Mountain View Avenue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Mountain View Avenue:\u003c/strong> Between Ernestine Lane and Vista Grande Avenue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Miramonte Avenue:\u003c/strong> Between split with Park Drive and Rincon Street\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Camille Court:\u003c/strong> Between Bonita Avenue and Petie Way\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Ednamary Way:\u003c/strong> Between Clark Avenue and El Monte Avenue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Clark Avenue:\u003c/strong> Between Marich Way and Jardin Drive\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Dale Avenue:\u003c/strong> Short segment in the middle of the block between Continental Circle and Heatherstone Way (look for where the parking restriction signs are placed)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11927290\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-1-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11927290\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-1-800x1236.jpg\" alt=\"a map of parking spots in Mountain View\" width=\"800\" height=\"1236\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-1-800x1236.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-1-1020x1576.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-1-160x247.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-1-994x1536.jpg 994w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-1-1325x2048.jpg 1325w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-1-1920x2967.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-1-scaled.jpg 1656w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">When issuing a ticket, police have to provide a copy of this map so RV residents know where they can and cannot park. The city of Mountain View started distributing these maps in early September. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the City of Mountain View)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>What will happen to RVs that remain parked on a ‘narrow’ street?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Starting October 1, the Mountain View police can immediately ticket any RV or oversized vehicle they spot parked on a narrow street. If the vehicle stays in the same spot — or moves to another street deemed off-limits for RVs — officials need to wait 72 hours before they can issue another fine. If a vehicle has been ticketed three times and is spotted once again by the police, that vehicle will be towed immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s important to keep in mind that the city doesn’t need to wait for the third citation to tow a vehicle. The settlement allows Mountain View to tow RVs with at least one ticket, as long as 72 hours have passed since the police issued the first fine. If a vehicle is towed, you can call (650) 903-6344 about retrieving it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the settlement also allows police officers the option to grant RV owners more than 72 hours to move their vehicle before calling in the tow truck. This can only happen if the police officer believes there is “good cause.” A “good cause” extension could be granted if there is a mechanical issue that prevents the RV from moving or if the RV owner was not properly notified that their vehicle was violating parking rules. If this is the case, the vehicle owner would have to prove this to the police officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can RV residents prepare for the parking rules?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>KQED spoke to former Mountain View Mayor Lenny Siegel to better understand how people living in RVs can prepare for the parking restrictions. He’s an outspoken advocate for RV residents who has closely followed the developments of the Narrow Street Ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would advise people not to wait for the last minute to figure out where they would want to move,” he said. “A lot of these streets often have cars parked on them during the day and so they will have to figure out a time when they’re available.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But most importantly, Siegel said, “you have to be prepared for backlash.” He points out that some of the streets where RVs will be allowed to park after October 1 are residential streets that are not used to RVs. Some areas may be more friendly to RVs than others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another thing to keep in mind is the 72-hour parking limit. Some RV residents said they are considering a strategy to trade parking spots with each other every 72 hours, and that way follow both the Narrow Street Ordinance and the parking limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing options are available?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The city of Mountain View has distributed a flyer titled “Other Resources and Information,” listing the contact information of agencies and nonprofits in the South Bay that offer shelter and food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11927297\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/20220817_170205-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11927297\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/20220817_170205-800x1421.jpg\" alt=\"a flyer listing resources for residents of RVs\" width=\"800\" height=\"1421\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/20220817_170205-800x1421.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/20220817_170205-1020x1812.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/20220817_170205-160x284.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/20220817_170205-865x1536.jpg 865w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/20220817_170205-1153x2048.jpg 1153w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/20220817_170205-1920x3410.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/20220817_170205-scaled.jpg 1441w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A flyer distributed by the city of Mountain View listing resources for RV residents. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Only two programs listed offer some sort of housing: \u003ca href=\"https://www.movemv.org/\">MOVE Mountain View\u003c/a> and Santa Clara County’s Here4You hotline. MOVE MV provides free parking lots for people who are living in RVs or other vehicles. These lots include shared bathrooms, hand-washing facilities and security. Residents are required to work with a case manager to find permanent housing, which may not be in Mountain View.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is a waitlist to enter MOVE. To get on the list, go \u003ca href=\"https://www.movemv.org/\">through the program’s website\u003c/a> or call (650) 861-0181. KQED was unable to obtain information on how long the waitlist currently is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other option is the Here4You hotline, which connects callers to the network of homeless shelters across Santa Clara County. These are congregate shelters, with private rooms and shared restrooms and social spaces, that offer 60-day stays and the assistance of social workers to find long-term housing. There are options available for families as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of these shelters have rules, like a curfew that requires guests to be back at a certain time. But if you work at night and can provide documentation from your employer that confirms your schedule, the shelter can be flexible with this requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To reach the hotline, call (408) 385-2400. Callers will be asked to provide some personal information to complete an intake form and start the process to find a shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several of the RV residents who have spoken to KQED have said that these options are not feasible for them for various reasons, including long wait times to receive assistance or worries that they may lose their RV. KQED will continue researching alternate options for RV residents who may be affected by the parking restrictions and update this guide as we find them.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "California Clears a Path for Housing Developers to Build on Commercial Lots",
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"content": "\u003cp>They've become a familiar sight along the wide commercial corridors of America: empty buildings once filled by big retailers who have closed their doors, in part because many of their customers shop online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, two new laws in California would let developers build housing on that land and largely prevent revenue-hungry local governments from stopping them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the two bills into law Wednesday, opening up much of the state’s commercial land for residential development. It’s a long-sought victory for affordable housing advocates, who say such sites are ready-made for apartments because they are often near populated areas and come with ample parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a moment on a journey to reconcile the original sin of the state of California, and that's the issue of housing and affordability,” Newsom said in San Francisco before the signing. “We need to all be a little bit more accountable to this crisis of affordability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also signed dozens of other bills aimed at boosting housing production, including streamlining the process for building accessory dwelling units, commonly referred to as in-law units, as well as requiring local governments to approve or deny certain building permits within a specific time frame to cut down on delays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related coverage\" tag=\"housing\"]Local government officials say the laws undermine their authority and upend years of careful planning that reflects community preferences. But there's also a financial consequence, they say, because stores generate more property taxes for local governments than homes do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's a concern when state law is going to override these local decisions, particularly when these local decisions are made in a public process with the community as part of a larger housing plan,” said Jason Rhine, assistant director of legislative affairs for the League of California Cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, the nation's most populous state with just over 39 million residents, has a housing shortage that has driven up home prices and contributed to a homelessness crisis. State officials say California needs to build about 310,000 new housing units each year over the next eight years, more than 2 1/2 times the number the state normally builds each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Just build housing. It's not even that complicated. It's, you know, Econ. 101,\" Newsom said Wednesday. \"Build more housing. Stop talking about it. Enough processing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers in the Democratic-controlled state Legislature introduce dozens of bills each year to try to increase housing production, but many of their boldest ideas often fail in the face of opposition from local governments, labor unions and neighborhood groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One popular idea in recent years has been to override local laws about where housing can be built. Housing advocates complain that local governments are often content to let commercial buildings sit vacant for years — sometimes for decades — hoping for a replacement that will generate more property taxes, rather than change the law to allow housing there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Previous efforts to do so have failed to pass the Legislature, but this year, lawmakers passed two bills, both of which Newsom signed Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2011\">One law\u003c/a> will let developers build housing on some commercial land without having to ask permission from local governments, as long as a certain percentage of the housing is affordable. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB6\">Another law\u003c/a> will let developers build all market-rate housing on some commercial land — which would be more lucrative — but the projects would still have to go through an environmental review process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Stores are leaving permanently. The Sears, the Toys 'R' Us, the JCPenneys, the Kmarts — they are closing,” said Democratic Sen. Anna Caballero, author of one of the laws. “There is not a thing that is going to take the place here commercially, and so the ability to actually transform the property and to do it in an expedited way ... is invaluable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he was running for governor in 2017, \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@GavinNewsom/the-california-dream-starts-at-home-9dbb38c51cae\">Newsom pledged to develop 3.5 million new housing units by 2025\u003c/a> — a number the state is likely to fall far short of. Newsom said Wednesday that he's now shooting for 2.5 million new housing units by 2030, saying his original number “was always a stretch goal\" that “in the process of trying to achieve it will allow us to see what's possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We intend to continue to have audacious goals because Californians deserve them,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new laws reflect a compromise between labor unions and housing developers. Some labor unions, including the powerful State Building and Construction Trades Council of California, had insisted that legislation should require a “skilled and trained” workforce to build the housing. That means a certain percentage of workers would have participated in a state-approved apprenticeship program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But housing developers argue there aren't enough workers available to meet that standard, which would make some projects difficult to complete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The solution was to give homebuilders a choice. The bill that requires affordable housing does not require a skilled and trained workforce, while the bill that doesn't require affordable housing does require one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Doing anything that is big or consequential in the Legislature isn't easy. And it can be messy. But at the end of the day, all sides came together,\" state Senate Democratic Leader Mike McGuire said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED reporter Erin Baldassari contributed to this article. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>They've become a familiar sight along the wide commercial corridors of America: empty buildings once filled by big retailers who have closed their doors, in part because many of their customers shop online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, two new laws in California would let developers build housing on that land and largely prevent revenue-hungry local governments from stopping them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the two bills into law Wednesday, opening up much of the state’s commercial land for residential development. It’s a long-sought victory for affordable housing advocates, who say such sites are ready-made for apartments because they are often near populated areas and come with ample parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a moment on a journey to reconcile the original sin of the state of California, and that's the issue of housing and affordability,” Newsom said in San Francisco before the signing. “We need to all be a little bit more accountable to this crisis of affordability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also signed dozens of other bills aimed at boosting housing production, including streamlining the process for building accessory dwelling units, commonly referred to as in-law units, as well as requiring local governments to approve or deny certain building permits within a specific time frame to cut down on delays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Local government officials say the laws undermine their authority and upend years of careful planning that reflects community preferences. But there's also a financial consequence, they say, because stores generate more property taxes for local governments than homes do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's a concern when state law is going to override these local decisions, particularly when these local decisions are made in a public process with the community as part of a larger housing plan,” said Jason Rhine, assistant director of legislative affairs for the League of California Cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, the nation's most populous state with just over 39 million residents, has a housing shortage that has driven up home prices and contributed to a homelessness crisis. State officials say California needs to build about 310,000 new housing units each year over the next eight years, more than 2 1/2 times the number the state normally builds each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Just build housing. It's not even that complicated. It's, you know, Econ. 101,\" Newsom said Wednesday. \"Build more housing. Stop talking about it. Enough processing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers in the Democratic-controlled state Legislature introduce dozens of bills each year to try to increase housing production, but many of their boldest ideas often fail in the face of opposition from local governments, labor unions and neighborhood groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One popular idea in recent years has been to override local laws about where housing can be built. Housing advocates complain that local governments are often content to let commercial buildings sit vacant for years — sometimes for decades — hoping for a replacement that will generate more property taxes, rather than change the law to allow housing there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Previous efforts to do so have failed to pass the Legislature, but this year, lawmakers passed two bills, both of which Newsom signed Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2011\">One law\u003c/a> will let developers build housing on some commercial land without having to ask permission from local governments, as long as a certain percentage of the housing is affordable. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB6\">Another law\u003c/a> will let developers build all market-rate housing on some commercial land — which would be more lucrative — but the projects would still have to go through an environmental review process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Stores are leaving permanently. The Sears, the Toys 'R' Us, the JCPenneys, the Kmarts — they are closing,” said Democratic Sen. Anna Caballero, author of one of the laws. “There is not a thing that is going to take the place here commercially, and so the ability to actually transform the property and to do it in an expedited way ... is invaluable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he was running for governor in 2017, \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@GavinNewsom/the-california-dream-starts-at-home-9dbb38c51cae\">Newsom pledged to develop 3.5 million new housing units by 2025\u003c/a> — a number the state is likely to fall far short of. Newsom said Wednesday that he's now shooting for 2.5 million new housing units by 2030, saying his original number “was always a stretch goal\" that “in the process of trying to achieve it will allow us to see what's possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We intend to continue to have audacious goals because Californians deserve them,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new laws reflect a compromise between labor unions and housing developers. Some labor unions, including the powerful State Building and Construction Trades Council of California, had insisted that legislation should require a “skilled and trained” workforce to build the housing. That means a certain percentage of workers would have participated in a state-approved apprenticeship program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But housing developers argue there aren't enough workers available to meet that standard, which would make some projects difficult to complete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The solution was to give homebuilders a choice. The bill that requires affordable housing does not require a skilled and trained workforce, while the bill that doesn't require affordable housing does require one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Doing anything that is big or consequential in the Legislature isn't easy. And it can be messy. But at the end of the day, all sides came together,\" state Senate Democratic Leader Mike McGuire said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED reporter Erin Baldassari contributed to this article. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "we-are-also-worthy-of-this-place-mountain-view-rv-residents-wait-in-limbo-amid-impending-street-parking-settlement",
"title": "'We Are Also Worthy of This Place': Mountain View Settles Lawsuit Over RV Parking",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he city of Mountain View and the Law Foundation of Silicon Valley have reached a tentative settlement in a lawsuit over parking laws for RVs and oversized vehicles. Starting on October 1, hundreds of RV residents will have to move their vehicles, or risk being ticketed and towed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement was part of a lawsuit filed in response to Measure C, which voters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11848619/mountain-view-voters-passed-measure-c-now-what-happens-to-rv-dwellers\">overwhelmingly approved in 2020\u003c/a>. Dubbed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/depts/pw/transport/narrow_streets.asp#:~:text=Narrow%20Streets%20Ordinance,-SEC.&text=a.No%20person%20shall%20park,resolution%20of%20the%20city%20council.&text=6.,-Wheelchair%2Daccessible%20vans\">Narrow Streets Ordinance\u003c/a>, it gave the city the green light to tow vehicles perpetually parked on narrow streets (40 feet wide or less), with advocates of the measure arguing the vehicles posed a safety hazard, blocked bike lanes and kept traffic from flowing smoothly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But enforcement has been on hold since then, after the law foundation and other advocacy groups sued the city. The lawsuit claimed the ordinance was inhumane and unconstitutional and would disproportionately affect already marginalized groups, including disabled people, non-native English speakers and people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They effectively banned RVs from the majority of the city, so we saw it as a way of criminalizing homelessness as opposed to addressing the housing crisis,” said Erin Neff, a staff attorney with the law foundation. “The settlement is reflective of a more collaborative approach to helping unhoused people that prevents displacement and doesn’t merely punish people for being unhoused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Francisca Ramirez Vasquez, Mountain View RV resident\"]‘I’ve never lived like this, but I’m not ashamed of it. I will hold my head high because we are not stealing, we are living in a decent place. We are also worthy of this place.’[/pullquote]According to the settlement, the city must provide at least three miles of street segments where people can park their vehicle. If a person is parked on a “narrow” street, police will ticket them, provide them with a map of where they can park and give them 72 hours to move their vehicle before towing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11926755\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 792px\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/civicax/filebank/blobdload.aspx?BlobID=38351\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11926755 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-2.jpg\" alt=\"A map showing streets in the city of Mountain View.\" width=\"792\" height=\"1224\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-2.jpg 792w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-2-160x247.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 792px) 100vw, 792px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Along with a ticket, police have to provide a copy of the map so RV residents know where they can and cannot park. The city of Mountain View started distributing these maps in early September. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the city of Mountain View)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As the Bay Area has gotten more expensive, and housing hasn’t kept up with demand, people have looked to RVs as their plan B — affordable housing that allows them to stay in the Bay Area, close to schools, jobs and even lifesaving medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the lawsuit dragged on, these Mountain View RV residents created their own communities. Children ride their bikes down the streets and play in nearby parks, while parents talk to each other outside. Many of the residents are elderly, and rely on each other for companionship and support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now as enforcement nears, RV residents are grappling with where they will live next and what that means for the networks they have built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925215\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925215\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"smiling woman wearing bright red dress with hands clasped in front, and trees in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francisca Ramirez Vasquez moved into her RV before the pandemic started, when rent got too expensive for her and her husband to stay in an apartment. Her RV allows her to live close to her husband’s workplace and a local park where she often walks. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Francisca Ramirez Vasquez lives in an RV parked on Crisanto Avenue, along with about 30 others. It sits alongside Mountain View’s Caltrain station, and as the train loudly whooshes past, she sweeps the area next to her vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We try to make sure we have our yard clean. We sweep and collect our garbage so we don’t look bad,” she said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925220\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925220\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"woman in bright red dress holds bundle of leaves under a tree as she prepares to place it in a trash bag, with an RV in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francisca Ramirez Vasquez likes to keep the area around her RV clean, so that neighbors can walk by and kids can play outside without having to step over leaves and trash. She says she is ‘worthy’ of Mountain View, even if she can’t afford an apartment here. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ramirez Vasquez, who declined to share her age, used to live in an apartment with her husband in Mountain View, close to Shoreline Park. But in 2019, the rent got too expensive and they couldn’t find housing anywhere else, so they used their savings to buy their RV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a while, her granddaughter lived with them, and went to the school nearby, but she moved away with her mother, and now it’s just Ramirez Vasquez and her husband. She enjoys looking after other children who live next door while their parents are at work. It’s just one of the things that she and her neighbors do to help each other out. When a new RV moves onto their block, they all work together to make space and welcome them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The mere truth is that I’ve never lived like this, but I’m not ashamed of it,” she said. “I will hold my head high because we are not stealing, we are living in a decent place. We are also worthy of this place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925223\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925223\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"woman wearing red dress washes dishes at a sink inside an RV as light streams in through the window\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francisca Ramirez Vasquez washes dishes in the RV where she resides in Mountain View. She said she’s part of a community on Crisanto Avenue, having become friends with neighboring RV residents and looking after children while their parents are at work. She is not ready to leave this community behind. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On her walks through Rengstorff Park, located next to Crisanto Avenue, she has heard people say mean things about people living in RVs. A few months ago, she overheard some outreach workers talking to an unhoused woman staying in the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They said, ‘Why don’t you live in the RVs?’ and she replied, ‘Never. I’m not crazy. They don’t shower.’ I wanted to go off on her, but I decided to stay quiet. But it does make you angry to hear that,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has been encouraging people living in the RVs to pursue other housing programs, like shelters and safe parking sites, city-sanctioned parking lots that also offer services. Ramirez Vasquez has looked into some of them but found they don’t work for her and her husband.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are some shelters, but she heard they have curfews. Her husband works the late shift at a McDonald’s nearby and doesn’t come home until 11 p.m. or midnight. She has also tried to apply for apartments, but many require a credit check and other paperwork. “If you don’t have that, they won’t accept your application, will they?” she asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the city’s Narrow Streets Ordinance map, Crisanto Avenue is considered a “narrow” street, so Ramirez Vasquez will have to move. But this street has become her home, her neighborhood. It’s difficult for her to leave it behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925226\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925226\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"smiling man wearing blue shorts sits in a folding chair outside the side door of his RV\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hector ‘Max’ Hernandez traveled all over the world while serving in the Marines before coming to California and working as a chef at a Palo Alto Italian restaurant. When he lost his job during the pandemic and had to move out of his apartment, he decided to buy an RV for a more stable living situation. He said that when life gave him lemons, he made limoncello. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hector “Max” Hernandez, 70, worked as a chef at a fancy Italian restaurant in Palo Alto for 18 years. Before the pandemic started, he was living in a one-bedroom apartment in Mountain View, but his landlord slowly raised his rent from $1,500 to $2,000 per month. Eventually, his landlord asked for $2,500. His restaurant shut down in the pandemic and he lost his job. He was forced to move out and buy an RV, which he now parks close to Ramirez Vasquez on Crisanto Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not a palace, but it’s a place that I call my home,” he said in Spanish. “There’s a saying in Italian, that when life gives you lemons, make limoncello. I’m not homeless. I have a place to sleep.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez is originally from the seaside town of Mazatlán, Mexico, and owns a three-bedroom house there, but moved to the United States to serve as a Marine and earn enough money to support his family. Today, he is divorced and has family all over the country; his daughter is all grown up and has a job in Japan. He had planned to work for a few more years while the lawsuit played out, but has become tired of the uncertainty around whether he’ll be able to stay on Crisanto Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I keep thinking, well, Max, you have a choice,” he said. “Either you can keep doing this or go back [to Mexico] and live happily ever after, I hope.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He plans to move back to Mexico in December and finally retire. “I’m going to eat big prawns and seafood and fish and drink Pacifico beer,” he said. “That’s my plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925230\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925230\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"photo looking into distance down long street, with one side of street fully lined with RVs\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Continental Circle is one of the most densely packed Mountain View streets for RV residents, many of whom choose to park here because it’s close to the Palo Alto Medical Foundation’s offices. Most of the RV residents KQED spoke with on this street are elderly and require easy access to medical care. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Continental Circle, a 15-minute drive from Crisanto Avenue, is also densely packed with more than 30 RVs and is now officially considered a “narrow street”. On one side there are apartment buildings, and on the other is the Palo Alto Medical Foundation (PAMF), which houses doctors’ offices. That’s what has kept Harry Epstein, 72, parked here for the past 15 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Epstein started getting chronically sick in his 30s and was unable to keep a consistent job. He has a number of health issues, but his chronic fatigue affects him the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Harry Epstein, Mountain View RV resident\"]‘I never want to get rid of this [RV] because whatever happens in life — you don’t have a home, you don’t have a job — well, I do have a home, so I never want to get rid of this.’[/pullquote]“I kept getting jobs and losing them,” he said. “I’d have an apartment and then I’d lose the job and I’d be out on the streets, I’d have nothing. That’s when I started thinking about something like a motor home or living in a car.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is one of many who live here, because it’s all they can afford close to medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been very good for me to be close to PAMF, you know, because I have to go over there for a lot of things, you know. That’s been very, very helpful to be this close,” Epstein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But living here hasn’t been easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925234\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925234\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Close up photo of elderly man wearing blue shirt with large gray beard with exterior wall of RV behind him\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Harry Epstein has had a hate note taped to his windshield and has been harassed by people who walk on the sidewalk outside his RV. He worries for his safety and feels he isn’t protected by the police. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For the past two years, as more and more Bay Area residents have gotten pushed to the streets, Epstein had to deal with some unfriendly RV dwellers who parked next to him. They left trash and started dumpster fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were all sorts of characters coming over there, and it just got to be too evil of a place for me to be hanging around,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He eventually moved to another street nearby, lined with multimillion-dollar homes. A few months ago, he found a hate letter taped to his window.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s intimidating because you don’t know what’s going on here,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925237\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925237\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Elderly man wearing blue shirt strokes his long gray beard, standing outside his RV\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Harry Epstein has heard about other alternative housing programs the city offers, including the Safe Parking Program and LifeMoves temporary housing. But he’s afraid the programs will require him to get rid of his RV, an idea that makes him hesitant to try them out. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Esptein has tried to call the police a few times, when he was worried about his safety, but doesn’t feel protected. During a KQED interview, a police officer visited Epstein to check in on him. When KQED showed the officer the hate note that had been taped to Epstein’s windshield, the officer said her main goal was to provide RV residents with services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She didn’t offer any solutions to his problem. Epstein believes this is because he doesn’t live in a traditional home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t do anything that they would normally do if I were a regular resident calling to complain,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11889042,news_11876745,news_11848619 label='Related Coverage']Police officers and other city officials have come by and encouraged him to find housing at a shelter or apply for a parking spot with their Safe Parking Program. But he has been resistant, because he has the impression that he’d have to eventually give up his RV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never want to get rid of this [RV] because whatever happens in life — you don’t have a home, you don’t have a job — well, I do have a home, so I never want to get rid of this,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Epstein doesn’t have a backup plan and no intention of applying for the city’s alternative housing programs. His street, Dale Avenue, is one of the few streets included in the three miles of permitted parking for RV residents. He won’t have to move his RV, but his neighbors on Continental Circle, many of whom have disabilities and medical issues, will have to park somewhere else or leave Mountain View entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A tentative settlement has been reached in a lawsuit over parking laws for RVs and oversized vehicles in Mountain View. Starting on October 1, hundreds of RV residents will have to move their vehicles, or risk being ticketed and towed.",
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"title": "'We Are Also Worthy of This Place': Mountain View Settles Lawsuit Over RV Parking | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">T\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>he city of Mountain View and the Law Foundation of Silicon Valley have reached a tentative settlement in a lawsuit over parking laws for RVs and oversized vehicles. Starting on October 1, hundreds of RV residents will have to move their vehicles, or risk being ticketed and towed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement was part of a lawsuit filed in response to Measure C, which voters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11848619/mountain-view-voters-passed-measure-c-now-what-happens-to-rv-dwellers\">overwhelmingly approved in 2020\u003c/a>. Dubbed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/depts/pw/transport/narrow_streets.asp#:~:text=Narrow%20Streets%20Ordinance,-SEC.&text=a.No%20person%20shall%20park,resolution%20of%20the%20city%20council.&text=6.,-Wheelchair%2Daccessible%20vans\">Narrow Streets Ordinance\u003c/a>, it gave the city the green light to tow vehicles perpetually parked on narrow streets (40 feet wide or less), with advocates of the measure arguing the vehicles posed a safety hazard, blocked bike lanes and kept traffic from flowing smoothly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But enforcement has been on hold since then, after the law foundation and other advocacy groups sued the city. The lawsuit claimed the ordinance was inhumane and unconstitutional and would disproportionately affect already marginalized groups, including disabled people, non-native English speakers and people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They effectively banned RVs from the majority of the city, so we saw it as a way of criminalizing homelessness as opposed to addressing the housing crisis,” said Erin Neff, a staff attorney with the law foundation. “The settlement is reflective of a more collaborative approach to helping unhoused people that prevents displacement and doesn’t merely punish people for being unhoused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I’ve never lived like this, but I’m not ashamed of it. I will hold my head high because we are not stealing, we are living in a decent place. We are also worthy of this place.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>According to the settlement, the city must provide at least three miles of street segments where people can park their vehicle. If a person is parked on a “narrow” street, police will ticket them, provide them with a map of where they can park and give them 72 hours to move their vehicle before towing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11926755\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 792px\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/civicax/filebank/blobdload.aspx?BlobID=38351\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11926755 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-2.jpg\" alt=\"A map showing streets in the city of Mountain View.\" width=\"792\" height=\"1224\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-2.jpg 792w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-2-160x247.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 792px) 100vw, 792px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Along with a ticket, police have to provide a copy of the map so RV residents know where they can and cannot park. The city of Mountain View started distributing these maps in early September. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the city of Mountain View)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As the Bay Area has gotten more expensive, and housing hasn’t kept up with demand, people have looked to RVs as their plan B — affordable housing that allows them to stay in the Bay Area, close to schools, jobs and even lifesaving medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the lawsuit dragged on, these Mountain View RV residents created their own communities. Children ride their bikes down the streets and play in nearby parks, while parents talk to each other outside. Many of the residents are elderly, and rely on each other for companionship and support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now as enforcement nears, RV residents are grappling with where they will live next and what that means for the networks they have built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925215\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925215\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"smiling woman wearing bright red dress with hands clasped in front, and trees in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francisca Ramirez Vasquez moved into her RV before the pandemic started, when rent got too expensive for her and her husband to stay in an apartment. Her RV allows her to live close to her husband’s workplace and a local park where she often walks. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Francisca Ramirez Vasquez lives in an RV parked on Crisanto Avenue, along with about 30 others. It sits alongside Mountain View’s Caltrain station, and as the train loudly whooshes past, she sweeps the area next to her vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We try to make sure we have our yard clean. We sweep and collect our garbage so we don’t look bad,” she said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925220\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925220\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"woman in bright red dress holds bundle of leaves under a tree as she prepares to place it in a trash bag, with an RV in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francisca Ramirez Vasquez likes to keep the area around her RV clean, so that neighbors can walk by and kids can play outside without having to step over leaves and trash. She says she is ‘worthy’ of Mountain View, even if she can’t afford an apartment here. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ramirez Vasquez, who declined to share her age, used to live in an apartment with her husband in Mountain View, close to Shoreline Park. But in 2019, the rent got too expensive and they couldn’t find housing anywhere else, so they used their savings to buy their RV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a while, her granddaughter lived with them, and went to the school nearby, but she moved away with her mother, and now it’s just Ramirez Vasquez and her husband. She enjoys looking after other children who live next door while their parents are at work. It’s just one of the things that she and her neighbors do to help each other out. When a new RV moves onto their block, they all work together to make space and welcome them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The mere truth is that I’ve never lived like this, but I’m not ashamed of it,” she said. “I will hold my head high because we are not stealing, we are living in a decent place. We are also worthy of this place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925223\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925223\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"woman wearing red dress washes dishes at a sink inside an RV as light streams in through the window\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francisca Ramirez Vasquez washes dishes in the RV where she resides in Mountain View. She said she’s part of a community on Crisanto Avenue, having become friends with neighboring RV residents and looking after children while their parents are at work. She is not ready to leave this community behind. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On her walks through Rengstorff Park, located next to Crisanto Avenue, she has heard people say mean things about people living in RVs. A few months ago, she overheard some outreach workers talking to an unhoused woman staying in the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They said, ‘Why don’t you live in the RVs?’ and she replied, ‘Never. I’m not crazy. They don’t shower.’ I wanted to go off on her, but I decided to stay quiet. But it does make you angry to hear that,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has been encouraging people living in the RVs to pursue other housing programs, like shelters and safe parking sites, city-sanctioned parking lots that also offer services. Ramirez Vasquez has looked into some of them but found they don’t work for her and her husband.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are some shelters, but she heard they have curfews. Her husband works the late shift at a McDonald’s nearby and doesn’t come home until 11 p.m. or midnight. She has also tried to apply for apartments, but many require a credit check and other paperwork. “If you don’t have that, they won’t accept your application, will they?” she asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the city’s Narrow Streets Ordinance map, Crisanto Avenue is considered a “narrow” street, so Ramirez Vasquez will have to move. But this street has become her home, her neighborhood. It’s difficult for her to leave it behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925226\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925226\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"smiling man wearing blue shorts sits in a folding chair outside the side door of his RV\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hector ‘Max’ Hernandez traveled all over the world while serving in the Marines before coming to California and working as a chef at a Palo Alto Italian restaurant. When he lost his job during the pandemic and had to move out of his apartment, he decided to buy an RV for a more stable living situation. He said that when life gave him lemons, he made limoncello. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hector “Max” Hernandez, 70, worked as a chef at a fancy Italian restaurant in Palo Alto for 18 years. Before the pandemic started, he was living in a one-bedroom apartment in Mountain View, but his landlord slowly raised his rent from $1,500 to $2,000 per month. Eventually, his landlord asked for $2,500. His restaurant shut down in the pandemic and he lost his job. He was forced to move out and buy an RV, which he now parks close to Ramirez Vasquez on Crisanto Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not a palace, but it’s a place that I call my home,” he said in Spanish. “There’s a saying in Italian, that when life gives you lemons, make limoncello. I’m not homeless. I have a place to sleep.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez is originally from the seaside town of Mazatlán, Mexico, and owns a three-bedroom house there, but moved to the United States to serve as a Marine and earn enough money to support his family. Today, he is divorced and has family all over the country; his daughter is all grown up and has a job in Japan. He had planned to work for a few more years while the lawsuit played out, but has become tired of the uncertainty around whether he’ll be able to stay on Crisanto Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I keep thinking, well, Max, you have a choice,” he said. “Either you can keep doing this or go back [to Mexico] and live happily ever after, I hope.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He plans to move back to Mexico in December and finally retire. “I’m going to eat big prawns and seafood and fish and drink Pacifico beer,” he said. “That’s my plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925230\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925230\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"photo looking into distance down long street, with one side of street fully lined with RVs\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Continental Circle is one of the most densely packed Mountain View streets for RV residents, many of whom choose to park here because it’s close to the Palo Alto Medical Foundation’s offices. Most of the RV residents KQED spoke with on this street are elderly and require easy access to medical care. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Continental Circle, a 15-minute drive from Crisanto Avenue, is also densely packed with more than 30 RVs and is now officially considered a “narrow street”. On one side there are apartment buildings, and on the other is the Palo Alto Medical Foundation (PAMF), which houses doctors’ offices. That’s what has kept Harry Epstein, 72, parked here for the past 15 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Epstein started getting chronically sick in his 30s and was unable to keep a consistent job. He has a number of health issues, but his chronic fatigue affects him the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I never want to get rid of this [RV] because whatever happens in life — you don’t have a home, you don’t have a job — well, I do have a home, so I never want to get rid of this.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I kept getting jobs and losing them,” he said. “I’d have an apartment and then I’d lose the job and I’d be out on the streets, I’d have nothing. That’s when I started thinking about something like a motor home or living in a car.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is one of many who live here, because it’s all they can afford close to medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been very good for me to be close to PAMF, you know, because I have to go over there for a lot of things, you know. That’s been very, very helpful to be this close,” Epstein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But living here hasn’t been easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925234\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925234\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Close up photo of elderly man wearing blue shirt with large gray beard with exterior wall of RV behind him\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Harry Epstein has had a hate note taped to his windshield and has been harassed by people who walk on the sidewalk outside his RV. He worries for his safety and feels he isn’t protected by the police. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For the past two years, as more and more Bay Area residents have gotten pushed to the streets, Epstein had to deal with some unfriendly RV dwellers who parked next to him. They left trash and started dumpster fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were all sorts of characters coming over there, and it just got to be too evil of a place for me to be hanging around,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He eventually moved to another street nearby, lined with multimillion-dollar homes. A few months ago, he found a hate letter taped to his window.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s intimidating because you don’t know what’s going on here,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925237\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925237\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Elderly man wearing blue shirt strokes his long gray beard, standing outside his RV\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Harry Epstein has heard about other alternative housing programs the city offers, including the Safe Parking Program and LifeMoves temporary housing. But he’s afraid the programs will require him to get rid of his RV, an idea that makes him hesitant to try them out. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Esptein has tried to call the police a few times, when he was worried about his safety, but doesn’t feel protected. During a KQED interview, a police officer visited Epstein to check in on him. When KQED showed the officer the hate note that had been taped to Epstein’s windshield, the officer said her main goal was to provide RV residents with services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She didn’t offer any solutions to his problem. Epstein believes this is because he doesn’t live in a traditional home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t do anything that they would normally do if I were a regular resident calling to complain,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Police officers and other city officials have come by and encouraged him to find housing at a shelter or apply for a parking spot with their Safe Parking Program. But he has been resistant, because he has the impression that he’d have to eventually give up his RV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never want to get rid of this [RV] because whatever happens in life — you don’t have a home, you don’t have a job — well, I do have a home, so I never want to get rid of this,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Epstein doesn’t have a backup plan and no intention of applying for the city’s alternative housing programs. His street, Dale Avenue, is one of the few streets included in the three miles of permitted parking for RV residents. He won’t have to move his RV, but his neighbors on Continental Circle, many of whom have disabilities and medical issues, will have to park somewhere else or leave Mountain View entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Betty Gray couldn’t leave her apartment for seven months after a fall left her injured and needing a wheelchair. Gray developed agoraphobia due to her confinement and sometimes needed as many as nine people to get down the stairs. So she was relieved when she heard about a new apartment that had an accessible entrance. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“There’s just not enough apartments that you can just slide on in,” Gray said. “I feel very humbled and blessed to be here, when there’s so many out there that aren’t.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Today, she’s a proud resident of the newly renovated Stuart Street Co-Op Apartments, which sit next door to the 100-year-old McGee Avenue Baptist Church in South Berkeley. The building was vacant for 20 years, but is now home to eight families.\u003c/span>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Betty Gray, resident of Stuart Street Co-Op Apartments\"]‘For people to go out of their way to be kind to help you … it’s new, and it makes you feel wanted and not hopeless.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Each of the apartments is wheelchair-accessible and has its own in-unit washer and dryer. The building also comes with an electric vehicle for all the residents to share.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“To come to this is nothing short of a miracle. It really is. It has changed my perspective on life because I had just about given up hope,” Gray said. She heard of the apartments by word of mouth, and another resident encouraged her to apply. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925698\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58574_012_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925698\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58574_012_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"People stand outside a blue painted house with white trimming.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58574_012_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58574_012_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58574_012_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58574_012_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58574_012_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A group of people listen to speakers during a celebration on Sept. 14, 2022, for the newly renovated Stuart Street Co-Op Apartments funded by Berkeley’s Small Sites Program. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Stuart Street Co-Op Apartments are the first project funded by Berkeley’s Small Sites Program, which the city council approved in 2018 to create more affordable housing and slow displacement. Instead of building a large new housing complex from scratch, the small-sites model buys and transforms existing buildings that are vacant or run-down. \u003c/span>[aside postID=\"news_11924697,news_11922784\" label=\"Related Posts\"]\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It’s one way to help meet the huge demand for affordable housing in Berkeley, where waitlists can stretch for years, according to Berkeley City Council Member Ben Bartlett.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“These small sites … exist on the marketplace right now, that are everywhere, and sort of underutilized,” Bartlett said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The small sites also fit in better with the surrounding communities than larger housing developments, said Tracy Parent, director of the Bay Area Community Land Trust, which partnered on the project.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Mostly it’s about location, being in diverse neighborhoods spread out across the city, not just all built in one neighborhood,” said Parent. “And that is the key. It’s about preserving the existing social fabric, not just the housing units.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925696\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/003_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925696\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/003_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a yellow sweater and pink and white shirt sits down by an open door.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/003_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/003_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/003_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/003_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/003_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Gray sits in her new apartment in Berkeley on Sept. 14, 2022. She is a resident of the newly renovated Stuart Street Co-Op Apartments funded by Berkeley’s Small Sites Program. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Bay Area Community Land Trust will continue to manage the project, and maintain it as a permanently affordable housing co-op. The land trust owns other projects in Berkeley and Oakland that are home to nearly 100 people.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“For people to go out of their way to be kind to help you … it’s new, and it makes you feel wanted and not hopeless,” Gray said. She said she feels a sense of community with her neighbors. The proximity of the church has allowed her to benefit from church services, like food and plant drives.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Stuart Street provides affordable housing to those making 80% of the average income in Berkeley. Rents in the building are below market for Berkeley at $1,300 a month for a studio and $1,900 for a one-bedroom.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925699\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58572_011_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925699\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58572_011_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a brown hat, sun glasses, a short-sleeved shirt and vest holds a microphone in front of several people.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58572_011_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58572_011_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58572_011_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58572_011_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58572_011_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Derrin Jourdan, chair of the McGee Baptist Board of Trustees, speaks during a celebration on Sept. 14, 2022, for the newly renovated Stuart Street Co-Op Apartments funded by Berkeley’s Small Sites Program. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Derrin Jourdan is chair of the McGee Baptist Board of Trustees, and led the effort from the church’s side in hopes of providing an affordable place for people of color. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“I focus a lot of my unspoken attention on being able to provide a space that people who look like me could afford to stay,” Jourdan said. He said the finished product is more “amazing than I could have imagined.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">McGee Avenue Baptist Church hopes to provide resources for other churches in the Bay Area interested in creating similar programs.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Churches are some of the last, I think, property owners of color throughout Berkeley,” Jourdan said. “If we don’t find ways of leveraging our support, we’re going to find it enormously difficult to hold on to the property.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The project has a long list of funders, including the Local Initiatives Support Corporation, The Bay’s Future Fund, the San Francisco Foundation and the African American Cultural Heritage Action Fund of the National Trust for Historic Preservation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The total cost was $3.3 million, according to the city, or $415,000 per unit. That’s 40% lower than what it costs to build new lower-income housing in the Bay Area, according to figures from the Bay Area Council Economic Institute. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Bay Area Community Land Trust plans to open its second small-site building on Solano Avenue in North Berkeley later this month. The building still houses residents who were facing eviction under the Ellis Act. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925693\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58571_006_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925693\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58571_006_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a business suit and glasses holds a microphone in his right hand outside.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58571_006_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58571_006_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58571_006_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58571_006_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58571_006_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín speaks during a celebration on Sept. 14, 2022, for the newly renovated Stuart Street Co-Op Apartments funded by Berkeley’s Small Sites Program. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín said the city has financed over 800 affordable housing units in the last three years but the city is still in need of more housing. This November, Berkeley residents will have the opportunity to vote on Measure M to tax vacant properties, which Arreguín said could continue to fund the Small Sites Program.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“If we don’t act soon enough, there’s going to be more families that are going to be pushed out of Berkeley,” Arreguín said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Betty Gray couldn’t leave her apartment for seven months after a fall left her injured and needing a wheelchair. Gray developed agoraphobia due to her confinement and sometimes needed as many as nine people to get down the stairs. So she was relieved when she heard about a new apartment that had an accessible entrance. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“There’s just not enough apartments that you can just slide on in,” Gray said. “I feel very humbled and blessed to be here, when there’s so many out there that aren’t.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Today, she’s a proud resident of the newly renovated Stuart Street Co-Op Apartments, which sit next door to the 100-year-old McGee Avenue Baptist Church in South Berkeley. The building was vacant for 20 years, but is now home to eight families.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Each of the apartments is wheelchair-accessible and has its own in-unit washer and dryer. The building also comes with an electric vehicle for all the residents to share.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“To come to this is nothing short of a miracle. It really is. It has changed my perspective on life because I had just about given up hope,” Gray said. She heard of the apartments by word of mouth, and another resident encouraged her to apply. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925698\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58574_012_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925698\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58574_012_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"People stand outside a blue painted house with white trimming.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58574_012_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58574_012_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58574_012_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58574_012_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58574_012_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A group of people listen to speakers during a celebration on Sept. 14, 2022, for the newly renovated Stuart Street Co-Op Apartments funded by Berkeley’s Small Sites Program. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Stuart Street Co-Op Apartments are the first project funded by Berkeley’s Small Sites Program, which the city council approved in 2018 to create more affordable housing and slow displacement. Instead of building a large new housing complex from scratch, the small-sites model buys and transforms existing buildings that are vacant or run-down. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It’s one way to help meet the huge demand for affordable housing in Berkeley, where waitlists can stretch for years, according to Berkeley City Council Member Ben Bartlett.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“These small sites … exist on the marketplace right now, that are everywhere, and sort of underutilized,” Bartlett said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The small sites also fit in better with the surrounding communities than larger housing developments, said Tracy Parent, director of the Bay Area Community Land Trust, which partnered on the project.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Mostly it’s about location, being in diverse neighborhoods spread out across the city, not just all built in one neighborhood,” said Parent. “And that is the key. It’s about preserving the existing social fabric, not just the housing units.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925696\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/003_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925696\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/003_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a yellow sweater and pink and white shirt sits down by an open door.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/003_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/003_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/003_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/003_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/003_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Gray sits in her new apartment in Berkeley on Sept. 14, 2022. She is a resident of the newly renovated Stuart Street Co-Op Apartments funded by Berkeley’s Small Sites Program. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Bay Area Community Land Trust will continue to manage the project, and maintain it as a permanently affordable housing co-op. The land trust owns other projects in Berkeley and Oakland that are home to nearly 100 people.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“For people to go out of their way to be kind to help you … it’s new, and it makes you feel wanted and not hopeless,” Gray said. She said she feels a sense of community with her neighbors. The proximity of the church has allowed her to benefit from church services, like food and plant drives.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Stuart Street provides affordable housing to those making 80% of the average income in Berkeley. Rents in the building are below market for Berkeley at $1,300 a month for a studio and $1,900 for a one-bedroom.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925699\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58572_011_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925699\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58572_011_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a brown hat, sun glasses, a short-sleeved shirt and vest holds a microphone in front of several people.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58572_011_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58572_011_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58572_011_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58572_011_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58572_011_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Derrin Jourdan, chair of the McGee Baptist Board of Trustees, speaks during a celebration on Sept. 14, 2022, for the newly renovated Stuart Street Co-Op Apartments funded by Berkeley’s Small Sites Program. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Derrin Jourdan is chair of the McGee Baptist Board of Trustees, and led the effort from the church’s side in hopes of providing an affordable place for people of color. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“I focus a lot of my unspoken attention on being able to provide a space that people who look like me could afford to stay,” Jourdan said. He said the finished product is more “amazing than I could have imagined.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">McGee Avenue Baptist Church hopes to provide resources for other churches in the Bay Area interested in creating similar programs.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Churches are some of the last, I think, property owners of color throughout Berkeley,” Jourdan said. “If we don’t find ways of leveraging our support, we’re going to find it enormously difficult to hold on to the property.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The project has a long list of funders, including the Local Initiatives Support Corporation, The Bay’s Future Fund, the San Francisco Foundation and the African American Cultural Heritage Action Fund of the National Trust for Historic Preservation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The total cost was $3.3 million, according to the city, or $415,000 per unit. That’s 40% lower than what it costs to build new lower-income housing in the Bay Area, according to figures from the Bay Area Council Economic Institute. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Bay Area Community Land Trust plans to open its second small-site building on Solano Avenue in North Berkeley later this month. The building still houses residents who were facing eviction under the Ellis Act. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925693\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58571_006_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11925693\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58571_006_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a business suit and glasses holds a microphone in his right hand outside.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58571_006_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58571_006_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58571_006_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58571_006_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58571_006_KQED_BerkeleySmallSites_09142022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín speaks during a celebration on Sept. 14, 2022, for the newly renovated Stuart Street Co-Op Apartments funded by Berkeley’s Small Sites Program. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín said the city has financed over 800 affordable housing units in the last three years but the city is still in need of more housing. This November, Berkeley residents will have the opportunity to vote on Measure M to tax vacant properties, which Arreguín said could continue to fund the Small Sites Program.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“If we don’t act soon enough, there’s going to be more families that are going to be pushed out of Berkeley,” Arreguín said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "how-nonprofits-use-a-legal-loophole-to-flip-california-homes-for-a-profit",
"title": "How Nonprofits Use a Legal Loophole to Flip California Homes — for a Profit",
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"headTitle": "How Nonprofits Use a Legal Loophole to Flip California Homes — for a Profit | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Dale Riggins was 7 years old when, in 1968, his father began building the small Richmond apartment complex where Riggins now lives. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Every day during the 10-month construction, he went to the site after school, dragging tools and two-by-fours on the sloped lot set against a small hill where the building began to rise.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I have touched everything in this building. I have painted every corner, put in every window,” Riggins said of the triplex he inherited. “This building was my parents’ life, and it became my life.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923404\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57846_004_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11923404\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57846_004_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"An old photo album showing a black and white photo of a family.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57846_004_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57846_004_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57846_004_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57846_004_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57846_004_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A photo of Dale Riggins, his parents and a cousin in a photo album at his home in Richmond on Aug. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Riggins, 67, retired early from his career in construction and maintenance for the city of Richmond after a knee injury put him on disability in 2008. But, the income from his tenants helped keep him afloat. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The building was in good shape, and I had good tenants,” Riggins said. “Everything was just happy. Until. Yeah, until.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Riggins went through a divorce and sought a modification on his mortgage in 2019. While that was being considered, his lender foreclosed. Everything his parents had worked for seemed to slip through his fingers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“That sent me through a great depression for a year,” he said. “When you do everything you can do, and it seems like it’s not enough, it’s like everything is against you.”\u003c/span>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Steve Boykin, locksmith, Thousand Oaks resident\"]‘I just feel betrayed by my government. You work your whole life. My whole retirement is in my equity, in my home. And these guys legally come and steal it from me.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The ultimate buyer was \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://scdhc-nso.com/about-us\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Southside Neighborhood Stabilization\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a limited partnership registered to an Encinitas, Calif., address. The general partner was a Virginia nonprofit, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.scdhc.com/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Southside Community Development and Housing Corporation\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was this partnership with a nonprofit that allowed the organization to buy the house under a 2020 California law, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB1079\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SB 1079\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. It allows tenants of foreclosed homes, owner-occupants, governments and nonprofits an exclusive 45-day window to\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840140/california-law-prioritizes-people-over-corporate-home-buyers\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> match the winning bid\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> at a foreclosure auction. It was one of \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://cert1.mail-west.com/m5Vyj5I/yuzjanmc7r/15Vgtm/ov4m4af7/5Vqvnq5V60iknp/vonuodf71/pogrlvoeu?_c=d%7Cze7pzanwmhlzgt%7C17sqbhabiiyetbc&_ce=1601327807.e25c9081aeaaaa8fa1ce46db3a83a073\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">15 housing bills\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> signed into law that year aimed at creating more affordable opportunities for renters and homeowners.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Southside’s website states its mission is “advocating for the needs of communities and families” to “stabilize communities throughout the United States.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And while that should have been a relief to Riggins, it wasn’t. He couldn’t understand why a nonprofit, nearly 3,000 miles away, had purchased his property. \u003c/span>[aside postID=\"news_11868037,news_11871064\" label=\"Related Posts\"]\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Why would they want to buy something in California?” Riggins wondered. “And I think that’s the part that just really has me just furious. Why would you want to invest in something that you have never seen?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The two-story triplex, with its salmon-colored stucco and white trim, was one of at least 74 properties Southside Neighborhood Stabilization scooped up since it formed in early 2021. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The organization is one of at least three such entities created in California after SB 1079’s passage to purchase homes in partnership with nonprofits that have the stated goal of providing affordable housing to communities in need. But in a review of nearly 200 property records, and interviews with over a dozen homeowners and investors who’ve purchased properties from them, there’s little evidence these homes are actually being used as affordable housing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“They’re all just being flipped,” said Jeff Cagle, a Central California house flipper who’s lost dozens of foreclosure auction bids to purchasers who invoked SB 1079. “The whole idea was that if nonprofits bought this, this was supposed to benefit affordable housing, but none of them were being retained as affordable housing.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Homes for homeowners, not corporations’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">State Sen. Nancy Skinner (D-Berkeley) first introduced SB 1079 in February 2020 on the heels of a \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11797001/moms-4-housing-group-reaches-agreement-to-buy-vacant-house\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">powerful, two-month-long protest\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> that caught the nation’s attention.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A group of unhoused mothers, called \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://moms4housing.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Moms for Housing\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, had been occupying a vacant home in West Oakland in late 2019 and early 2020. The home was owned by \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11868037/grandma-challenges-real-estate-giant-in-early-test-of-new-california-law\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Wedgewood\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a Redondo Beach real estate firm that specializes in flipping foreclosed homes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The moms’ protest intended to spotlight increasing corporate ownership of housing, which they said led to rising rents and growing homelessness. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And SB 1079 was Skinner’s response. She dubbed the bill “\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://sd09.senate.ca.gov/news/20200928-governor-signs-sb-1079-homes-homeowners-not-corporations\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Homes for Homeowners, Not Corporations\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The intention of SB 1079 was to give a fair chance for tenants, the homeowner who may have lost their home in the foreclosure, or affordable housing groups to be able to buy a foreclosed home at auction,” Skinner said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801339\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS40613_IMG_2315-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11801339\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS40613_IMG_2315-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS40613_IMG_2315-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS40613_IMG_2315-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS40613_IMG_2315-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS40613_IMG_2315-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS40613_IMG_2315-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS40613_IMG_2315-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS40613_IMG_2315-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS40613_IMG_2315-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS40613_IMG_2315-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of the group Moms for Housing in late December in front of the West Oakland house they occupied for several months before being forcefully evicted in January. A community land trust has since agreed to purchase the house and allow the women to move back in. \u003ccite>(Kate Wolffe/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After the Great Recession between 2008 and 2010 left millions of homeowners in foreclosure, private equity investors began buying the devalued homes by the thousands. Today, Wall Street-backed corporations own \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/urban-wire/five-things-might-surprise-you-about-fastest-growing-segment-housing-market\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">more than 200,000 single-family homes\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> across the country. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Skinner’s bill made it illegal to bundle properties together at foreclosure auctions, to make it easier for individuals to bid on them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She thought nonprofits would use the homes they purchased through SB 1079 to create more affordable housing, but the bill doesn’t specifically require it. Nor does it include any enforcement or accountability mechanisms to ensure that’s the case. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We thought we didn’t need to,” Skinner said. “We do a bill with the best intention, but we can’t always see exactly how it’s going to be put into practice.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A new bill, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1837\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">AB 1837\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, by Assemblymember Mia Bonta (D-Oakland) would mandate homes purchased by nonprofits be used to house residents with lower incomes for at least 30 years. The bill is expected to be voted on in the Senate this week, and return to the Assembly for a concurrence vote by the end of the month. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We want to ensure that a nonprofit housing developer actually is the recipient of this particular opportunity,” Bonta said, “and that it doesn’t end up being a nonprofit that is kind of clothed in wolves’ clothing.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An opportunity\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In many ways, the same economic forces that drove Moms for Housing’s protest also prompted a Richmond, Va., nonprofit to get into the business of buying foreclosed homes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tim Hayes is the director of distressed assets for that nonprofit, Southside Community Development and Housing Corporation. He said the Blackwell neighborhood where SCDHC was born was gentrifying, in part due to the organization’s work improving the community. The organization turned to local banks for loans to help purchase properties in the neighborhood and keep people from being priced out. But, the banks wouldn’t lend to them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Therefore private developers reaped the benefits of the years of SCDHC’s work,” Hayes said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, in 2015, President Barack Obama \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://content.next.westlaw.com/3-610-4325?__lrTS=20210130035919415&transitionType=Default&contextData=(sc.Default)&firstPage=true\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">directed the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to begin selling some of the foreclosed homes to verified nonprofits.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hayes saw an opportunity. SCDHC could buy the debt on homes going through foreclosure and sell the houses to homeowners, rather than allow investors to buy and rent them out. The sales would generate income for the nonprofit, which could help them expand their work developing affordable housing in and around Richmond, Va. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We had frustration with our community now being overtaken by developers,” Hayes said. “We go to the bank, they say no. HUD then says, ‘Hey, y’all might be able to work in this program. We think if done right, you can help people, but at the same time, you can make some money to help you expand your operations, to grow, develop.’”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SCDHC became certified through HUD’s \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://content.next.westlaw.com/3-610-4325?__lrTS=20210130035919415&transitionType=Default&contextData=(sc.Default)&firstPage=true\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">distressed asset stabilization program\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> and began buying non-performing loans on homes going through foreclosure across 33 states. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They partnered with Louis Amaya, the CEO and founder of \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://pemco-capital.com/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">PEMCO Capital Management\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, to help them comply with each state’s policies around buying distressed assets.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923503\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1577px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/PemCo-About-Us-page.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11923503\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/PemCo-About-Us-page.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1577\" height=\"859\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/PemCo-About-Us-page.jpg 1577w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/PemCo-About-Us-page-800x436.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/PemCo-About-Us-page-1020x556.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/PemCo-About-Us-page-160x87.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/PemCo-About-Us-page-1536x837.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1577px) 100vw, 1577px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">PEMCO’s website explains its approach to asset management.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Amaya didn’t respond to multiple requests for an interview. But his company’s website describes itself as “an institutional platform for investors to gain exposure in niche sectors within the distressed residential mortgage and real estate markets.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“There were certain expertises that we just didn’t have,” Hayes said. “We hired PEMCO to be part of the distressed asset sale team.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As soon as SB 1079 went into effect in 2021, SCDHC formed a limited partnership, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/2021-SNS-Limited-Partnership-Initial-Filing.pdf\">Southside Neighborhood Stabilization\u003c/a>, with Amaya managing the properties. Hayes said it was an extension of their ongoing work in California and other states. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The goal, Hayes said, is to help residents stay in their homes, either through refinancing or credit counseling. In instances where a tenant is living in the home, Hayes said Southside offers cash to help relocate. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But there’s always a balance, Hayes said. SCDHC partners with private investors to front the money to purchase the foreclosed homes. Those investors expect a return, he said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“What we attempt to do also is balance outcomes with returns,” Hayes said. “We endeavor to do what’s right, to allow people an opportunity to re\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">main in their homes.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Where are we going to go?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Before Riggins’ mother, Susie Riggins, died in 2003, she told her son, “‘Whatever you do, try to keep the building because your father built it,'” Riggins said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“That’s all she had to say,” he said. “And that’s what I set out to do.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For Riggins’ parents, the apartment building wasn’t just a source of rental income; it was an investment in the community. They had moved from Arkansas and Louisiana to Richmond, Ca., in the mid-1940s as part of the Great Migration, when millions of African Americans moved from the South to the North and West in search of safer lives. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Riggins’ father, Clinton Riggins, took a job as a steelworker at the Hunters Point Naval Shipyard in San Francisco. And despite the lack of traditional mortgages available to Black residents, Clinton Riggins was able to buy a home in Richmond. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“People didn’t have nothing back then in the ’30s and ’40s,” Riggins said. “But when (my father) got here, he was able to do it.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Riggins said his parents always instructed him to keep the rents low, and if he had to raise them, to do it gradually. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“My mother said, ‘Your father built this to help people, not to make money,’” Riggins said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s one reason Riggins’ tenants stayed so long and, in some cases, came back. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923435\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57859_016_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11923435\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57859_016_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A person sitting outdoors near a home.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57859_016_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57859_016_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57859_016_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57859_016_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57859_016_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cynthia Hernandez sits on her porch in Richmond on Aug. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Cynthia Hernandez first moved from the Mission District in San Francisco to Riggins’ building with her mom in 2009, when she was just 18 years old. She eventually left to live on her own as a young adult but returned in 2019, when she and her husband moved back in with her mom.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We were looking more towards buying a home in this area,” Hernandez said, “so we wanted to save a few bucks.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When the pandemic hit, the unit next door became vacant, so she and her husband moved in. And it was around this time that she said their relationship with Riggins changed from a typical tenant-landlord relationship to one that was more familiar. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We got a lot closer,” Hernandez said. “We were helping each other out with groceries, with toilet paper, with all the essentials.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After he separated from his wife, Riggins said he worked with the community group Richmond Neighborhood Housing Services to fill out mortgage modification forms required by his lender, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2009/05/15/business/economy/15norris.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">World Savings Bank\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He couldn’t understand why the company, in the midst of that process, started to foreclose. Riggins has since hired a lawyer that’s suing the servicer on the loan, Rushmore Loan Management Services, for allegedly violating the state’s \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/hbor\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Homeowner Bill of Rights\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> — a set of laws that protect homeowners facing foreclosure. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When the notice of default on the mortgage appeared, speculators began bombarding the house with flyers, letters and calls. So Hernandez began looking for help — both to understand what was happening and to figure out what her rights were if she faced eviction. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I freaked out,” Hernandez said. “Where are we going to go? Like, what can we do?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923432\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57860_014_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11923432\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57860_014_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"A person's hands are on a desk alongside paperwork.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57860_014_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57860_014_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57860_014_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57860_014_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57860_014_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cynthia Hernandez looks through paperwork she collected during the foreclosure of the building where she lives with her family on Aug. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hernandez eventually found \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.richmondland.org/potowski-av\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Richmond Land\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a new community land trust based in Richmond, Ca., that was looking for its first project. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">By this point, Southside had already purchased the property, and had served the residents with eviction papers. Hayes said the company first offered the residents $5,000, but didn’t get a response, so they proceeded with the eviction process. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We made it clear to (Southside) that what was happening was problematic,” said Mia Carbajal, director of place-keeping at Richmond Land, “and that we are really interested in stopping the eviction by purchasing the building.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Southside Neighborhood Stabilization eventually agreed to sell the building to Richmond Land for $600,000 — which is $59,000 more than the $541,000 it paid to purchase it. The amount barely covered Southside’s expenses, Hayes said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Looking back, Carbajal said she doesn’t begrudge Southside for wanting a return on the purchase, or its practice of buying foreclosed homes as a way of generating income for the nonprofit’s work in Richmond, Va. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think it just really speaks to our nation’s austerity, our disinvestment in housing,” Carbajal said, “and organizations that are in the business of affordable housing, doing what they need to do to cover their expenses.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923436\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57863_019_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11923436\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57863_019_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Two people holding the hands of a child to lift them up in the air.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57863_019_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57863_019_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57863_019_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57863_019_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57863_019_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cynthia Hernandez walks with her family on the street in front of her home in Richmond on Aug. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the end, it all worked out for Hernandez and Riggins: They got to stay in their homes and will eventually have the opportunity to buy the building. Richmond Land will maintain ownership of the land itself, ensuring the property is sold at an affordable price to all future buyers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But others who dealt with Southside were less satisfied with the results. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Neighborhood stabilization\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Southside Neighborhood Stabilization shelled out nearly $29 million to purchase 74 properties under SB 1079. So far, more than half — 47 — have already been sold for a total of about $6 million in gross revenue, according to property records. Of those, 32 are now owner-occupied. The rest have gone to investors.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Southside requires its buyers to sign an affidavit, attesting that they will either live in the property or sell to someone who will. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hayes said that’s because the organization’s goal is to create more homeownership opportunities, which is also a stated goal of SB 1079. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We view ourselves as a holistic organization, but also realizing that most wealth accumulation comes from homeownership,” Hayes said. “And when I can never access homeownership, it then limits so many things, let alone generational wealth transfers. So, that’s the mission that we really have.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But some of the homeowners and investors who have encountered Southside question whether their practices actually make it easier for people to afford their homes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923427\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Steve-Boykin-Thousand-Oaks-home-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11923427\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Steve-Boykin-Thousand-Oaks-home-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A home with a tanned rooftop.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Steve-Boykin-Thousand-Oaks-home-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Steve-Boykin-Thousand-Oaks-home-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Steve-Boykin-Thousand-Oaks-home-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Steve-Boykin-Thousand-Oaks-home-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Steve-Boykin-Thousand-Oaks-home-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Steve-Boykin-Thousand-Oaks-home-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Boykin paid $239,000 to Southside to get the deed to his home back, property records show. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Steve Boykin)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In Thousand Oaks, Steve Boykin paid Southside Neighborhood Stabilization nearly a quarter of a million dollars just to get the deed to his home back. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Boykin, a locksmith and lifelong Thousand Oaks resident, had taken out a home equity line of credit in 2007 for $150,000, though he says he only used about $44,000 of it. The loan was sold to another company, which then charged him a higher interest rate. Boykin got a lawyer to dispute the new charges, and in the meantime, the bank foreclosed.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Southside Neighborhood Stabilization bought the debt on his property for $166,100. Boykin negotiated to pay them $239,000 to buy it back, according to property records. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I had to pay them, I didn’t have a choice,” he said. “They’re holding (the deed) over my head. You know, ‘We’re going to sell your house. We have the deed to the house, and we can sell it.’”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hayes said Boykin’s case was “an amazing outcome.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Rather than being evicted, we allowed the owner to remain in their home,” he said. “All processes can be improved. However, it continues to feel as if SCDHC — on an incredibly small sample — is being painted as a bad actor, and we are not.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But Boykin didn’t see it that way. He sold two plots of land in Paso Robles, where he had planned to build his retirement home, to pay Southside. At 63, he expected to retire in two years. Now, he knows he’ll be working much longer. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I just feel betrayed by my government,” Boykin said. “You work your whole life. My whole retirement is in my equity, in my home. And these guys legally come and steal it from me.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Other investors and homeowners who purchased homes from Southside said the sales felt like typical flips and questioned what kind of value the nonprofit added. The homes often needed major repairs, but they weren’t sold at a discount. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lauren Every-Wortman purchased a home near Joshua Tree National Park in January for $453,000 — about $100,000 higher than the current median-priced home there, according to Zillow — even though it needed a new roof and floors, a new irrigation system and a new deck.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Every-Wortman’s boyfriend dug into the property records and found that Southside purchased the home for $295,000.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s inflating the market,” Every-Wortman said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hayes said the organization is transparent about the conditions of the homes it sells.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We could fix everything,” Hayes said, “but the reality of it is that then changes the price point.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They also have to absorb costs, Hayes said, from the real estate agents to lawyers, to closing and filing costs.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">By the fall of 2021, Hayes said Southside decided to stop purchasing properties through SB 1079. They had gotten some inquiries about its activities, he said, and they didn’t want to continue “until the Legislature can create more clarity about what we’ve done.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We began to get more inquiries that were trying to paint us in a certain picture,” Hayes said. “And in Tim Hayes terminology, we’re like, ‘Screw this. We’ve done too much to now all of a sudden to be backed into a corner.’”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to property records, Southside’s last two purchases in California were made on January 4. But while Southside began winding down its operations, other nonprofits were just getting started. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Corporations clothed as nonprofits\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the summer of 2021, two California-based house-flipping corporations created their own affordable housing nonprofits and began using SB 1079 to purchase and flip foreclosed homes, according to public records. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One of the groups, \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">called the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/20220818-Articles-of-Incorporation-CV-Neighborhood-Stabilization-Foundation-later-Dove-Street.pdf\">CV Neighborhood Stabilization Foundation\u003c/a>, says its mission is to “create and implement programs for the development of and preservation of affordable housing.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The foundation later\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/20210907-CV-Neighborhood-Stablization-Foundation-name-change-to-Dove-Street-Housing-Foundation.pdf\"> changed its name to Dove Street Housing Foundation \u003c/a>and formed a \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/20220218-DS-Housing-AHP-Title-Holdings-LP.pdf\">number\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/20210921-DS-HOUSING-CCCRR-01-LP-with-Dove-Street-Housing-Foundation.pdf\">different\u003c/a> limited \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/20210921-DS-HOUSING-AHP-01-LP.pdf\">partnerships, \u003c/a>which together purchased at least 68 properties since November. At least 12 of them used SB 1079, according to property records. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Dove Street’s nonprofit status is what enables the partnerships to use SB 1079 to match foreclosure auction bids.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923505\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1485px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClearVue-Res.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11923505\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClearVue-Res.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1485\" height=\"316\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClearVue-Res.jpg 1485w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClearVue-Res-800x170.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClearVue-Res-1020x217.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClearVue-Res-160x34.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1485px) 100vw, 1485px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">ClearVue Real Estate Services’ website.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The foundation’s president, Matt Regan, is also the co-founder, president and COO of \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://clearvueres.com/about-us/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">ClearVue Real Estate Services\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> LLC, which, according to its website, “specializes in the acquisition, management, and disposition of residential REO [real estate owned] properties and targeted whole loans nationwide.” Regan did not respond to requests for comment. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Of the 34 properties Dove Street has already sold, property records show 25 have gone to other investors. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One of those investors was Gerry Ochoa, a small-time landlord who purchased a property in Bakersfield from one of Dove Street’s limited partnerships. A fire had gutted the two manufactured homes on the lot. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He expects he’ll spend upward of $380,000 to demolish the homes and construct a five-unit building in their place, which he plans to market as luxury units.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I’m targeting more of these young folks that work at home nowadays,” Ochoa said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923402\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Capitol-Real-Estate-Group-sign-on-William-Rawls-front-lawn.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11923402\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Capitol-Real-Estate-Group-sign-on-William-Rawls-front-lawn-800x370.jpg\" alt=\"Real estate signs on a lawn.\" width=\"800\" height=\"370\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Capitol-Real-Estate-Group-sign-on-William-Rawls-front-lawn-800x370.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Capitol-Real-Estate-Group-sign-on-William-Rawls-front-lawn-1020x471.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Capitol-Real-Estate-Group-sign-on-William-Rawls-front-lawn-160x74.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Capitol-Real-Estate-Group-sign-on-William-Rawls-front-lawn.jpg 1344w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">When William Rawls purchased his Tulare home, the sign in the front lawn directed him to Capitol Real Estate Group. Property records show the owner of the property was actually RMMC LP, a limited partnership with an affordable housing nonprofit, called Affordable Housing NFP Inc., listed as the general partner. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of William Rawls)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In Tulare, William Rawls had just gone through a divorce when, earlier this year, he began looking for a new home. He bought a beige, one-story tract home from \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/20210706-cert-of-LP-for-RMMC-general-partnership-with-Affordable-Housing-NFP-Inc.pdf\">RMMC LP\u003c/a> in March.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rawls was surprised to learn that RMMC is a limited partnership with an affordable housing nonprofit, called \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/20210604-Articles-of-Incorporation-Nonrprofit-Affordable-Housing-NFP-Inc.pdf\">Affordable Housing NFP Inc.\u003c/a>, listed as the general partner, and property records show they used SB 1079 to buy the home.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“They just slapped lipstick on a pig,” Rawls said, adding that he’s in the process of replacing all the floors that had grown mold due to leaking pipes. “It was a gut job.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">RMMC LP formed in July 2021 and bought its first property in November. So far, it’s purchased at least 56 mostly single-family homes, and property records show that at least 22 of the buys were SB 1079 purchases. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The nonprofit’s president, Armando Banuelos, is also the CEO of \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://capitolreg.com/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Capitol Real Estate Group\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. A recent \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.meetup.com/bakersfield-real-estate-investing-meetup-group-reitribe/events/287601283/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Bakersfield meetup\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> described Banuelos as a specialist in “\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">fix-n-flip, rentals” and other real estate ventures. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Banuelos and other representatives from the company didn’t respond to requests for comment. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On the front lawn of Rawls’ eventual home, Capitol had posted signs directing buyers to their company. Rawls said there was never any mention of using the homes as affordable housing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“If it’s supposed to be affordable housing, then they lied,” Rawls said. “What a farce.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Closing the loophole\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Under Bonta’s new bill, AB 1837, properties purchased by nonprofits under SB 1079 would carry deed restrictions that mandate the housing remains affordable for at least 30 years. And nonprofits would have to have board members with California addresses. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Several people involved in the house-flipping industry said the changes would help close the loophole in SB 1079, but the new legislation may not go as far as the author intends. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Foreclosure auctions typically involve all-cash buys. And it’s unlikely that owners or tenants of foreclosed properties have the hundreds of thousands of dollars on hand to compete. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The idea that regular people are just going to (use) this,” said Jeff Cagle, the Central California house flipper, “it’s not going to happen.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923403\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57856_012_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11923403\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57856_012_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57856_012_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57856_012_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57856_012_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57856_012_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57856_012_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dale Riggins stands outside his home in Richmond on Aug. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nonprofits may stand a better chance at matching the auction prices, and last year, the Legislature approved a $500 million revolving fund, called the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/foreclosure-intervention-housing-preservation-program#:~:text=FIHPP%20was%20added%20to%20California%27s,funds)%20to%20manage%20the%20program.\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Foreclosure Intervention Housing Preservation Program\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, to help them do just that. Those funds are expected to be available sometime this year. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But even with this fund, Hayes said few nonprofits have the capacity to operate at scale, which is why he thinks partnerships with private investors are so effective. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We’re just concerned that it’s being guided in the path of some unique outcomes that will not really impact all nonprofits. It may connect a sliver of nonprofits,” he said, adding that the vast majority of foreclosed homes will be purchased by “the same people that have always done it.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For Bonta, however, the goal of her legislation is more narrowly focused on reforming SB 1079 and ensuring that if nonprofits buy the homes, they use them as affordable housing for residents with low incomes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We’re trying to make sure that the intention of our legislation,” she said, “matches the actual implementation.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A 2020 law intended to make it easier for homeowners and nonprofits to buy foreclosed homes has been used by fake and out-of-state nonprofits to scoop up nearly 200 foreclosed homes across California, property records show.",
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"title": "How Nonprofits Use a Legal Loophole to Flip California Homes — for a Profit | KQED",
"description": "A 2020 law intended to make it easier for homeowners and nonprofits to buy foreclosed homes has been used by fake and out-of-state nonprofits to scoop up nearly 200 foreclosed homes across California, property records show.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Dale Riggins was 7 years old when, in 1968, his father began building the small Richmond apartment complex where Riggins now lives. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Every day during the 10-month construction, he went to the site after school, dragging tools and two-by-fours on the sloped lot set against a small hill where the building began to rise.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I have touched everything in this building. I have painted every corner, put in every window,” Riggins said of the triplex he inherited. “This building was my parents’ life, and it became my life.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923404\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57846_004_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11923404\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57846_004_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"An old photo album showing a black and white photo of a family.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57846_004_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57846_004_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57846_004_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57846_004_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57846_004_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A photo of Dale Riggins, his parents and a cousin in a photo album at his home in Richmond on Aug. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Riggins, 67, retired early from his career in construction and maintenance for the city of Richmond after a knee injury put him on disability in 2008. But, the income from his tenants helped keep him afloat. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The building was in good shape, and I had good tenants,” Riggins said. “Everything was just happy. Until. Yeah, until.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Riggins went through a divorce and sought a modification on his mortgage in 2019. While that was being considered, his lender foreclosed. Everything his parents had worked for seemed to slip through his fingers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“That sent me through a great depression for a year,” he said. “When you do everything you can do, and it seems like it’s not enough, it’s like everything is against you.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I just feel betrayed by my government. You work your whole life. My whole retirement is in my equity, in my home. And these guys legally come and steal it from me.’",
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"citation": "Steve Boykin, locksmith, Thousand Oaks resident",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The ultimate buyer was \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://scdhc-nso.com/about-us\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Southside Neighborhood Stabilization\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a limited partnership registered to an Encinitas, Calif., address. The general partner was a Virginia nonprofit, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.scdhc.com/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Southside Community Development and Housing Corporation\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was this partnership with a nonprofit that allowed the organization to buy the house under a 2020 California law, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB1079\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SB 1079\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. It allows tenants of foreclosed homes, owner-occupants, governments and nonprofits an exclusive 45-day window to\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840140/california-law-prioritizes-people-over-corporate-home-buyers\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> match the winning bid\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> at a foreclosure auction. It was one of \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://cert1.mail-west.com/m5Vyj5I/yuzjanmc7r/15Vgtm/ov4m4af7/5Vqvnq5V60iknp/vonuodf71/pogrlvoeu?_c=d%7Cze7pzanwmhlzgt%7C17sqbhabiiyetbc&_ce=1601327807.e25c9081aeaaaa8fa1ce46db3a83a073\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">15 housing bills\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> signed into law that year aimed at creating more affordable opportunities for renters and homeowners.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Southside’s website states its mission is “advocating for the needs of communities and families” to “stabilize communities throughout the United States.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And while that should have been a relief to Riggins, it wasn’t. He couldn’t understand why a nonprofit, nearly 3,000 miles away, had purchased his property. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Why would they want to buy something in California?” Riggins wondered. “And I think that’s the part that just really has me just furious. Why would you want to invest in something that you have never seen?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The two-story triplex, with its salmon-colored stucco and white trim, was one of at least 74 properties Southside Neighborhood Stabilization scooped up since it formed in early 2021. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The organization is one of at least three such entities created in California after SB 1079’s passage to purchase homes in partnership with nonprofits that have the stated goal of providing affordable housing to communities in need. But in a review of nearly 200 property records, and interviews with over a dozen homeowners and investors who’ve purchased properties from them, there’s little evidence these homes are actually being used as affordable housing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“They’re all just being flipped,” said Jeff Cagle, a Central California house flipper who’s lost dozens of foreclosure auction bids to purchasers who invoked SB 1079. “The whole idea was that if nonprofits bought this, this was supposed to benefit affordable housing, but none of them were being retained as affordable housing.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Homes for homeowners, not corporations’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">State Sen. Nancy Skinner (D-Berkeley) first introduced SB 1079 in February 2020 on the heels of a \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11797001/moms-4-housing-group-reaches-agreement-to-buy-vacant-house\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">powerful, two-month-long protest\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> that caught the nation’s attention.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A group of unhoused mothers, called \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://moms4housing.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Moms for Housing\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, had been occupying a vacant home in West Oakland in late 2019 and early 2020. The home was owned by \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11868037/grandma-challenges-real-estate-giant-in-early-test-of-new-california-law\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Wedgewood\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a Redondo Beach real estate firm that specializes in flipping foreclosed homes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The moms’ protest intended to spotlight increasing corporate ownership of housing, which they said led to rising rents and growing homelessness. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And SB 1079 was Skinner’s response. She dubbed the bill “\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://sd09.senate.ca.gov/news/20200928-governor-signs-sb-1079-homes-homeowners-not-corporations\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Homes for Homeowners, Not Corporations\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The intention of SB 1079 was to give a fair chance for tenants, the homeowner who may have lost their home in the foreclosure, or affordable housing groups to be able to buy a foreclosed home at auction,” Skinner said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801339\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS40613_IMG_2315-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11801339\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS40613_IMG_2315-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS40613_IMG_2315-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS40613_IMG_2315-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS40613_IMG_2315-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS40613_IMG_2315-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS40613_IMG_2315-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS40613_IMG_2315-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS40613_IMG_2315-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS40613_IMG_2315-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS40613_IMG_2315-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of the group Moms for Housing in late December in front of the West Oakland house they occupied for several months before being forcefully evicted in January. A community land trust has since agreed to purchase the house and allow the women to move back in. \u003ccite>(Kate Wolffe/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After the Great Recession between 2008 and 2010 left millions of homeowners in foreclosure, private equity investors began buying the devalued homes by the thousands. Today, Wall Street-backed corporations own \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/urban-wire/five-things-might-surprise-you-about-fastest-growing-segment-housing-market\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">more than 200,000 single-family homes\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> across the country. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Skinner’s bill made it illegal to bundle properties together at foreclosure auctions, to make it easier for individuals to bid on them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She thought nonprofits would use the homes they purchased through SB 1079 to create more affordable housing, but the bill doesn’t specifically require it. Nor does it include any enforcement or accountability mechanisms to ensure that’s the case. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We thought we didn’t need to,” Skinner said. “We do a bill with the best intention, but we can’t always see exactly how it’s going to be put into practice.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A new bill, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1837\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">AB 1837\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, by Assemblymember Mia Bonta (D-Oakland) would mandate homes purchased by nonprofits be used to house residents with lower incomes for at least 30 years. The bill is expected to be voted on in the Senate this week, and return to the Assembly for a concurrence vote by the end of the month. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We want to ensure that a nonprofit housing developer actually is the recipient of this particular opportunity,” Bonta said, “and that it doesn’t end up being a nonprofit that is kind of clothed in wolves’ clothing.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An opportunity\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In many ways, the same economic forces that drove Moms for Housing’s protest also prompted a Richmond, Va., nonprofit to get into the business of buying foreclosed homes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tim Hayes is the director of distressed assets for that nonprofit, Southside Community Development and Housing Corporation. He said the Blackwell neighborhood where SCDHC was born was gentrifying, in part due to the organization’s work improving the community. The organization turned to local banks for loans to help purchase properties in the neighborhood and keep people from being priced out. But, the banks wouldn’t lend to them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Therefore private developers reaped the benefits of the years of SCDHC’s work,” Hayes said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, in 2015, President Barack Obama \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://content.next.westlaw.com/3-610-4325?__lrTS=20210130035919415&transitionType=Default&contextData=(sc.Default)&firstPage=true\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">directed the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to begin selling some of the foreclosed homes to verified nonprofits.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hayes saw an opportunity. SCDHC could buy the debt on homes going through foreclosure and sell the houses to homeowners, rather than allow investors to buy and rent them out. The sales would generate income for the nonprofit, which could help them expand their work developing affordable housing in and around Richmond, Va. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We had frustration with our community now being overtaken by developers,” Hayes said. “We go to the bank, they say no. HUD then says, ‘Hey, y’all might be able to work in this program. We think if done right, you can help people, but at the same time, you can make some money to help you expand your operations, to grow, develop.’”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SCDHC became certified through HUD’s \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://content.next.westlaw.com/3-610-4325?__lrTS=20210130035919415&transitionType=Default&contextData=(sc.Default)&firstPage=true\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">distressed asset stabilization program\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> and began buying non-performing loans on homes going through foreclosure across 33 states. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They partnered with Louis Amaya, the CEO and founder of \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://pemco-capital.com/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">PEMCO Capital Management\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, to help them comply with each state’s policies around buying distressed assets.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923503\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1577px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/PemCo-About-Us-page.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11923503\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/PemCo-About-Us-page.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1577\" height=\"859\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/PemCo-About-Us-page.jpg 1577w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/PemCo-About-Us-page-800x436.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/PemCo-About-Us-page-1020x556.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/PemCo-About-Us-page-160x87.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/PemCo-About-Us-page-1536x837.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1577px) 100vw, 1577px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">PEMCO’s website explains its approach to asset management.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Amaya didn’t respond to multiple requests for an interview. But his company’s website describes itself as “an institutional platform for investors to gain exposure in niche sectors within the distressed residential mortgage and real estate markets.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“There were certain expertises that we just didn’t have,” Hayes said. “We hired PEMCO to be part of the distressed asset sale team.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As soon as SB 1079 went into effect in 2021, SCDHC formed a limited partnership, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/2021-SNS-Limited-Partnership-Initial-Filing.pdf\">Southside Neighborhood Stabilization\u003c/a>, with Amaya managing the properties. Hayes said it was an extension of their ongoing work in California and other states. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The goal, Hayes said, is to help residents stay in their homes, either through refinancing or credit counseling. In instances where a tenant is living in the home, Hayes said Southside offers cash to help relocate. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But there’s always a balance, Hayes said. SCDHC partners with private investors to front the money to purchase the foreclosed homes. Those investors expect a return, he said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“What we attempt to do also is balance outcomes with returns,” Hayes said. “We endeavor to do what’s right, to allow people an opportunity to re\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">main in their homes.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Where are we going to go?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Before Riggins’ mother, Susie Riggins, died in 2003, she told her son, “‘Whatever you do, try to keep the building because your father built it,'” Riggins said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“That’s all she had to say,” he said. “And that’s what I set out to do.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For Riggins’ parents, the apartment building wasn’t just a source of rental income; it was an investment in the community. They had moved from Arkansas and Louisiana to Richmond, Ca., in the mid-1940s as part of the Great Migration, when millions of African Americans moved from the South to the North and West in search of safer lives. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Riggins’ father, Clinton Riggins, took a job as a steelworker at the Hunters Point Naval Shipyard in San Francisco. And despite the lack of traditional mortgages available to Black residents, Clinton Riggins was able to buy a home in Richmond. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“People didn’t have nothing back then in the ’30s and ’40s,” Riggins said. “But when (my father) got here, he was able to do it.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Riggins said his parents always instructed him to keep the rents low, and if he had to raise them, to do it gradually. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“My mother said, ‘Your father built this to help people, not to make money,’” Riggins said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s one reason Riggins’ tenants stayed so long and, in some cases, came back. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923435\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57859_016_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11923435\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57859_016_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A person sitting outdoors near a home.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57859_016_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57859_016_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57859_016_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57859_016_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57859_016_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cynthia Hernandez sits on her porch in Richmond on Aug. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Cynthia Hernandez first moved from the Mission District in San Francisco to Riggins’ building with her mom in 2009, when she was just 18 years old. She eventually left to live on her own as a young adult but returned in 2019, when she and her husband moved back in with her mom.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We were looking more towards buying a home in this area,” Hernandez said, “so we wanted to save a few bucks.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When the pandemic hit, the unit next door became vacant, so she and her husband moved in. And it was around this time that she said their relationship with Riggins changed from a typical tenant-landlord relationship to one that was more familiar. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We got a lot closer,” Hernandez said. “We were helping each other out with groceries, with toilet paper, with all the essentials.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After he separated from his wife, Riggins said he worked with the community group Richmond Neighborhood Housing Services to fill out mortgage modification forms required by his lender, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2009/05/15/business/economy/15norris.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">World Savings Bank\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He couldn’t understand why the company, in the midst of that process, started to foreclose. Riggins has since hired a lawyer that’s suing the servicer on the loan, Rushmore Loan Management Services, for allegedly violating the state’s \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/hbor\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Homeowner Bill of Rights\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> — a set of laws that protect homeowners facing foreclosure. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When the notice of default on the mortgage appeared, speculators began bombarding the house with flyers, letters and calls. So Hernandez began looking for help — both to understand what was happening and to figure out what her rights were if she faced eviction. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I freaked out,” Hernandez said. “Where are we going to go? Like, what can we do?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923432\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57860_014_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11923432\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57860_014_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"A person's hands are on a desk alongside paperwork.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57860_014_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57860_014_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57860_014_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57860_014_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57860_014_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cynthia Hernandez looks through paperwork she collected during the foreclosure of the building where she lives with her family on Aug. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hernandez eventually found \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.richmondland.org/potowski-av\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Richmond Land\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a new community land trust based in Richmond, Ca., that was looking for its first project. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">By this point, Southside had already purchased the property, and had served the residents with eviction papers. Hayes said the company first offered the residents $5,000, but didn’t get a response, so they proceeded with the eviction process. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We made it clear to (Southside) that what was happening was problematic,” said Mia Carbajal, director of place-keeping at Richmond Land, “and that we are really interested in stopping the eviction by purchasing the building.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Southside Neighborhood Stabilization eventually agreed to sell the building to Richmond Land for $600,000 — which is $59,000 more than the $541,000 it paid to purchase it. The amount barely covered Southside’s expenses, Hayes said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Looking back, Carbajal said she doesn’t begrudge Southside for wanting a return on the purchase, or its practice of buying foreclosed homes as a way of generating income for the nonprofit’s work in Richmond, Va. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think it just really speaks to our nation’s austerity, our disinvestment in housing,” Carbajal said, “and organizations that are in the business of affordable housing, doing what they need to do to cover their expenses.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923436\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57863_019_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11923436\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57863_019_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Two people holding the hands of a child to lift them up in the air.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57863_019_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57863_019_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57863_019_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57863_019_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57863_019_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cynthia Hernandez walks with her family on the street in front of her home in Richmond on Aug. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the end, it all worked out for Hernandez and Riggins: They got to stay in their homes and will eventually have the opportunity to buy the building. Richmond Land will maintain ownership of the land itself, ensuring the property is sold at an affordable price to all future buyers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But others who dealt with Southside were less satisfied with the results. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Neighborhood stabilization\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Southside Neighborhood Stabilization shelled out nearly $29 million to purchase 74 properties under SB 1079. So far, more than half — 47 — have already been sold for a total of about $6 million in gross revenue, according to property records. Of those, 32 are now owner-occupied. The rest have gone to investors.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Southside requires its buyers to sign an affidavit, attesting that they will either live in the property or sell to someone who will. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hayes said that’s because the organization’s goal is to create more homeownership opportunities, which is also a stated goal of SB 1079. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We view ourselves as a holistic organization, but also realizing that most wealth accumulation comes from homeownership,” Hayes said. “And when I can never access homeownership, it then limits so many things, let alone generational wealth transfers. So, that’s the mission that we really have.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But some of the homeowners and investors who have encountered Southside question whether their practices actually make it easier for people to afford their homes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923427\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Steve-Boykin-Thousand-Oaks-home-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11923427\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Steve-Boykin-Thousand-Oaks-home-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A home with a tanned rooftop.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Steve-Boykin-Thousand-Oaks-home-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Steve-Boykin-Thousand-Oaks-home-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Steve-Boykin-Thousand-Oaks-home-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Steve-Boykin-Thousand-Oaks-home-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Steve-Boykin-Thousand-Oaks-home-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Steve-Boykin-Thousand-Oaks-home-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Boykin paid $239,000 to Southside to get the deed to his home back, property records show. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Steve Boykin)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In Thousand Oaks, Steve Boykin paid Southside Neighborhood Stabilization nearly a quarter of a million dollars just to get the deed to his home back. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Boykin, a locksmith and lifelong Thousand Oaks resident, had taken out a home equity line of credit in 2007 for $150,000, though he says he only used about $44,000 of it. The loan was sold to another company, which then charged him a higher interest rate. Boykin got a lawyer to dispute the new charges, and in the meantime, the bank foreclosed.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Southside Neighborhood Stabilization bought the debt on his property for $166,100. Boykin negotiated to pay them $239,000 to buy it back, according to property records. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I had to pay them, I didn’t have a choice,” he said. “They’re holding (the deed) over my head. You know, ‘We’re going to sell your house. We have the deed to the house, and we can sell it.’”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hayes said Boykin’s case was “an amazing outcome.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Rather than being evicted, we allowed the owner to remain in their home,” he said. “All processes can be improved. However, it continues to feel as if SCDHC — on an incredibly small sample — is being painted as a bad actor, and we are not.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But Boykin didn’t see it that way. He sold two plots of land in Paso Robles, where he had planned to build his retirement home, to pay Southside. At 63, he expected to retire in two years. Now, he knows he’ll be working much longer. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I just feel betrayed by my government,” Boykin said. “You work your whole life. My whole retirement is in my equity, in my home. And these guys legally come and steal it from me.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Other investors and homeowners who purchased homes from Southside said the sales felt like typical flips and questioned what kind of value the nonprofit added. The homes often needed major repairs, but they weren’t sold at a discount. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lauren Every-Wortman purchased a home near Joshua Tree National Park in January for $453,000 — about $100,000 higher than the current median-priced home there, according to Zillow — even though it needed a new roof and floors, a new irrigation system and a new deck.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Every-Wortman’s boyfriend dug into the property records and found that Southside purchased the home for $295,000.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s inflating the market,” Every-Wortman said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hayes said the organization is transparent about the conditions of the homes it sells.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We could fix everything,” Hayes said, “but the reality of it is that then changes the price point.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They also have to absorb costs, Hayes said, from the real estate agents to lawyers, to closing and filing costs.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">By the fall of 2021, Hayes said Southside decided to stop purchasing properties through SB 1079. They had gotten some inquiries about its activities, he said, and they didn’t want to continue “until the Legislature can create more clarity about what we’ve done.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We began to get more inquiries that were trying to paint us in a certain picture,” Hayes said. “And in Tim Hayes terminology, we’re like, ‘Screw this. We’ve done too much to now all of a sudden to be backed into a corner.’”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to property records, Southside’s last two purchases in California were made on January 4. But while Southside began winding down its operations, other nonprofits were just getting started. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Corporations clothed as nonprofits\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the summer of 2021, two California-based house-flipping corporations created their own affordable housing nonprofits and began using SB 1079 to purchase and flip foreclosed homes, according to public records. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One of the groups, \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">called the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/20220818-Articles-of-Incorporation-CV-Neighborhood-Stabilization-Foundation-later-Dove-Street.pdf\">CV Neighborhood Stabilization Foundation\u003c/a>, says its mission is to “create and implement programs for the development of and preservation of affordable housing.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The foundation later\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/20210907-CV-Neighborhood-Stablization-Foundation-name-change-to-Dove-Street-Housing-Foundation.pdf\"> changed its name to Dove Street Housing Foundation \u003c/a>and formed a \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/20220218-DS-Housing-AHP-Title-Holdings-LP.pdf\">number\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/20210921-DS-HOUSING-CCCRR-01-LP-with-Dove-Street-Housing-Foundation.pdf\">different\u003c/a> limited \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/20210921-DS-HOUSING-AHP-01-LP.pdf\">partnerships, \u003c/a>which together purchased at least 68 properties since November. At least 12 of them used SB 1079, according to property records. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Dove Street’s nonprofit status is what enables the partnerships to use SB 1079 to match foreclosure auction bids.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923505\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1485px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClearVue-Res.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11923505\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClearVue-Res.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1485\" height=\"316\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClearVue-Res.jpg 1485w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClearVue-Res-800x170.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClearVue-Res-1020x217.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClearVue-Res-160x34.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1485px) 100vw, 1485px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">ClearVue Real Estate Services’ website.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The foundation’s president, Matt Regan, is also the co-founder, president and COO of \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://clearvueres.com/about-us/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">ClearVue Real Estate Services\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> LLC, which, according to its website, “specializes in the acquisition, management, and disposition of residential REO [real estate owned] properties and targeted whole loans nationwide.” Regan did not respond to requests for comment. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Of the 34 properties Dove Street has already sold, property records show 25 have gone to other investors. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One of those investors was Gerry Ochoa, a small-time landlord who purchased a property in Bakersfield from one of Dove Street’s limited partnerships. A fire had gutted the two manufactured homes on the lot. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He expects he’ll spend upward of $380,000 to demolish the homes and construct a five-unit building in their place, which he plans to market as luxury units.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I’m targeting more of these young folks that work at home nowadays,” Ochoa said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923402\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Capitol-Real-Estate-Group-sign-on-William-Rawls-front-lawn.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11923402\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Capitol-Real-Estate-Group-sign-on-William-Rawls-front-lawn-800x370.jpg\" alt=\"Real estate signs on a lawn.\" width=\"800\" height=\"370\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Capitol-Real-Estate-Group-sign-on-William-Rawls-front-lawn-800x370.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Capitol-Real-Estate-Group-sign-on-William-Rawls-front-lawn-1020x471.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Capitol-Real-Estate-Group-sign-on-William-Rawls-front-lawn-160x74.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Capitol-Real-Estate-Group-sign-on-William-Rawls-front-lawn.jpg 1344w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">When William Rawls purchased his Tulare home, the sign in the front lawn directed him to Capitol Real Estate Group. Property records show the owner of the property was actually RMMC LP, a limited partnership with an affordable housing nonprofit, called Affordable Housing NFP Inc., listed as the general partner. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of William Rawls)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In Tulare, William Rawls had just gone through a divorce when, earlier this year, he began looking for a new home. He bought a beige, one-story tract home from \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/20210706-cert-of-LP-for-RMMC-general-partnership-with-Affordable-Housing-NFP-Inc.pdf\">RMMC LP\u003c/a> in March.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rawls was surprised to learn that RMMC is a limited partnership with an affordable housing nonprofit, called \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/20210604-Articles-of-Incorporation-Nonrprofit-Affordable-Housing-NFP-Inc.pdf\">Affordable Housing NFP Inc.\u003c/a>, listed as the general partner, and property records show they used SB 1079 to buy the home.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“They just slapped lipstick on a pig,” Rawls said, adding that he’s in the process of replacing all the floors that had grown mold due to leaking pipes. “It was a gut job.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">RMMC LP formed in July 2021 and bought its first property in November. So far, it’s purchased at least 56 mostly single-family homes, and property records show that at least 22 of the buys were SB 1079 purchases. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The nonprofit’s president, Armando Banuelos, is also the CEO of \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://capitolreg.com/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Capitol Real Estate Group\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. A recent \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.meetup.com/bakersfield-real-estate-investing-meetup-group-reitribe/events/287601283/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Bakersfield meetup\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> described Banuelos as a specialist in “\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">fix-n-flip, rentals” and other real estate ventures. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Banuelos and other representatives from the company didn’t respond to requests for comment. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On the front lawn of Rawls’ eventual home, Capitol had posted signs directing buyers to their company. Rawls said there was never any mention of using the homes as affordable housing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“If it’s supposed to be affordable housing, then they lied,” Rawls said. “What a farce.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Closing the loophole\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Under Bonta’s new bill, AB 1837, properties purchased by nonprofits under SB 1079 would carry deed restrictions that mandate the housing remains affordable for at least 30 years. And nonprofits would have to have board members with California addresses. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Several people involved in the house-flipping industry said the changes would help close the loophole in SB 1079, but the new legislation may not go as far as the author intends. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Foreclosure auctions typically involve all-cash buys. And it’s unlikely that owners or tenants of foreclosed properties have the hundreds of thousands of dollars on hand to compete. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The idea that regular people are just going to (use) this,” said Jeff Cagle, the Central California house flipper, “it’s not going to happen.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923403\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57856_012_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11923403\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57856_012_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57856_012_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57856_012_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57856_012_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57856_012_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57856_012_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dale Riggins stands outside his home in Richmond on Aug. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nonprofits may stand a better chance at matching the auction prices, and last year, the Legislature approved a $500 million revolving fund, called the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/foreclosure-intervention-housing-preservation-program#:~:text=FIHPP%20was%20added%20to%20California%27s,funds)%20to%20manage%20the%20program.\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Foreclosure Intervention Housing Preservation Program\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, to help them do just that. Those funds are expected to be available sometime this year. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But even with this fund, Hayes said few nonprofits have the capacity to operate at scale, which is why he thinks partnerships with private investors are so effective. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We’re just concerned that it’s being guided in the path of some unique outcomes that will not really impact all nonprofits. It may connect a sliver of nonprofits,” he said, adding that the vast majority of foreclosed homes will be purchased by “the same people that have always done it.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For Bonta, however, the goal of her legislation is more narrowly focused on reforming SB 1079 and ensuring that if nonprofits buy the homes, they use them as affordable housing for residents with low incomes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We’re trying to make sure that the intention of our legislation,” she said, “matches the actual implementation.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "These California Affordable Housing Bills Could Create More Than a Million Apartments — if Labor Unions Can Agree on Terms",
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"content": "\u003cp>Days from the end of the legislative session, political observers are once again asking themselves whether a bitter, unresolved battle over labor standards will spell the end of California’s most ambitious proposal to solve its housing affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 2011, which would \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2011\">unlock commercial real estate\u003c/a> for residential use, \u003ca href=\"https://urbanfootprint.com/ab2011-analysis/\">potentially leading to more than 1 million apartments\u003c/a> across the state, has splintered organized labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While affordable housing developers, the state’s carpenters union and even the \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/newsletters/california-playbook/2022/05/17/why-california-passes-laws-it-expects-to-get-struck-down-00032959\">largest unions representing teachers and health care workers\u003c/a> support the bill, it faces fiery opposition from the formidable Building and Construction Trades Council and the even bigger \u003ca href=\"https://calaborfed.org/\">California Labor Federation\u003c/a> behind them. The council, colloquially known as the trades, represents 450,000 workers in nearly every other construction industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11922784,news_11813844\"]In years past, the fight over labor standards signaled early death knells for housing bills. But since the carpenters and a few nonconstruction labor groups joined hands with developers, this bill plowed through legislative hurdles its predecessors couldn’t. The two labor camps now have until Thursday — the last day to amend the bill — to come up with a compromise that would shield lawmakers from having to choose between alienating powerful labor allies or creating much-needed housing amid a historic crunch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The carpenters and the trades sat down for multiple Zoom calls in recent weeks at the behest of Senate leadership, led by Majority Leader Mike McGuire, to come up with a compromise, according to those at the negotiating table. McGuire’s office did not respond to multiple requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with the clock ticking, the groups are far from a solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sen. McGuire is the most patient person in the California Senate,” said Erin Lehane, legislative director for the trades. “We’ve compromised on several if not many things and we’re waiting to see if the sponsors are willing to do the same. At this point it takes two to tango.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, D-Oakland\"]'This isn't a taking-on-labor fight. This is a solving-the-housing-crisis fight.'[/pullquote]At the heart of the argument is a shortage of at least 100,000 construction workers to build the millions of homes California needs. The groups disagree on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/06/california-affordable-housing-unions/\">how to grow the labor pool\u003c/a>. The trades are pushing for language that says a portion of the workforce for these projects must be graduates of an apprenticeship program, which effectively means union members. The carpenters say only a tiny fraction of home builders are unionized, and instead of waiting years for that pool to grow, legislation should simply \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-crisis-unions/\">require higher wages, health benefits and tools\u003c/a> to enforce existing labor law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a tremendously valiant effort to try and find political common ground, but when you have two mutually exclusive positions in the marketplace, it’s a hard thing to do,” said Danny Curtin, director of the California Conference of Carpenters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, the Democrat from Oakland who authored the bill and leads the Assembly Housing Committee, said she feels confident in the labor language already in the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This isn’t a taking-on-labor fight. This is a solving-the-housing-crisis fight,” Wicks said. “I want to keep trying to reach a deal, and I’ll do everything I can to do that. But if a deal isn’t reached, many of the colleagues I’ve spoken to in the Senate are prepared to support the vote for solving this problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make matters more complicated, Wicks’ bill isn’t the only big housing bill that would allow housing on commercial land. Senate Bill 6, introduced last year by Sen. Anna Caballero, a Salinas Democrat, would also make it easier to build housing on commercial corridors now zoned for parking, offices and retail. But instead of making the process by-right, like Wicks’ bill — whereby a developer can build as long as they check all the boxes — it remains discretionary. That means local governments can hold their usual hearings to determine whether a project fits in their community, but without the onerous process of changing the land’s designation from commercial to residential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both bills have advanced in tandem: Caballero’s with Wicks’ help, and vice versa. That’s very different from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/07/california-housing-bills-unions/\">what happened last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be real frank with you,” Caballero said. “This is a fight not only between the trades, but between the Assembly and the Senate. The Assembly held up our bills and didn’t do much to try and broker the compromise. It’s always best if people can come together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another key difference between the bills: Caballero’s bill includes the labor language the trades proposed from the start. If the two groups do come up with a compromise, it’s unclear whether both bills will reflect that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Wetch, a lobbyist who represents about 150,000 electrical workers, plumbers and sheet metal workers within the trades and who opposes the bill, isn’t optimistic about an agreement. With dozens of lawmakers exiting the Legislature this year, the voting dynamics are much more unpredictable than in years past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and local trades councils have contributed $1.5 million to political candidates, while carpenters groups have given $1.3 million, according to a CalMatters analysis of the 2022 races so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, I think it’s going to come down to a big, giant floor flight in the Senate,” Wetch said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Some of the most powerful groups in the state are at an impasse regarding key housing legislation — and politicians may have to choose between alienating a powerful union and streamlining affordable housing development.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Days from the end of the legislative session, political observers are once again asking themselves whether a bitter, unresolved battle over labor standards will spell the end of California’s most ambitious proposal to solve its housing affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 2011, which would \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2011\">unlock commercial real estate\u003c/a> for residential use, \u003ca href=\"https://urbanfootprint.com/ab2011-analysis/\">potentially leading to more than 1 million apartments\u003c/a> across the state, has splintered organized labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While affordable housing developers, the state’s carpenters union and even the \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/newsletters/california-playbook/2022/05/17/why-california-passes-laws-it-expects-to-get-struck-down-00032959\">largest unions representing teachers and health care workers\u003c/a> support the bill, it faces fiery opposition from the formidable Building and Construction Trades Council and the even bigger \u003ca href=\"https://calaborfed.org/\">California Labor Federation\u003c/a> behind them. The council, colloquially known as the trades, represents 450,000 workers in nearly every other construction industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with the clock ticking, the groups are far from a solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sen. McGuire is the most patient person in the California Senate,” said Erin Lehane, legislative director for the trades. “We’ve compromised on several if not many things and we’re waiting to see if the sponsors are willing to do the same. At this point it takes two to tango.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At the heart of the argument is a shortage of at least 100,000 construction workers to build the millions of homes California needs. The groups disagree on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/06/california-affordable-housing-unions/\">how to grow the labor pool\u003c/a>. The trades are pushing for language that says a portion of the workforce for these projects must be graduates of an apprenticeship program, which effectively means union members. The carpenters say only a tiny fraction of home builders are unionized, and instead of waiting years for that pool to grow, legislation should simply \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-crisis-unions/\">require higher wages, health benefits and tools\u003c/a> to enforce existing labor law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a tremendously valiant effort to try and find political common ground, but when you have two mutually exclusive positions in the marketplace, it’s a hard thing to do,” said Danny Curtin, director of the California Conference of Carpenters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, the Democrat from Oakland who authored the bill and leads the Assembly Housing Committee, said she feels confident in the labor language already in the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This isn’t a taking-on-labor fight. This is a solving-the-housing-crisis fight,” Wicks said. “I want to keep trying to reach a deal, and I’ll do everything I can to do that. But if a deal isn’t reached, many of the colleagues I’ve spoken to in the Senate are prepared to support the vote for solving this problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make matters more complicated, Wicks’ bill isn’t the only big housing bill that would allow housing on commercial land. Senate Bill 6, introduced last year by Sen. Anna Caballero, a Salinas Democrat, would also make it easier to build housing on commercial corridors now zoned for parking, offices and retail. But instead of making the process by-right, like Wicks’ bill — whereby a developer can build as long as they check all the boxes — it remains discretionary. That means local governments can hold their usual hearings to determine whether a project fits in their community, but without the onerous process of changing the land’s designation from commercial to residential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both bills have advanced in tandem: Caballero’s with Wicks’ help, and vice versa. That’s very different from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/07/california-housing-bills-unions/\">what happened last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be real frank with you,” Caballero said. “This is a fight not only between the trades, but between the Assembly and the Senate. The Assembly held up our bills and didn’t do much to try and broker the compromise. It’s always best if people can come together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another key difference between the bills: Caballero’s bill includes the labor language the trades proposed from the start. If the two groups do come up with a compromise, it’s unclear whether both bills will reflect that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Wetch, a lobbyist who represents about 150,000 electrical workers, plumbers and sheet metal workers within the trades and who opposes the bill, isn’t optimistic about an agreement. With dozens of lawmakers exiting the Legislature this year, the voting dynamics are much more unpredictable than in years past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and local trades councils have contributed $1.5 million to political candidates, while carpenters groups have given $1.3 million, according to a CalMatters analysis of the 2022 races so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, I think it’s going to come down to a big, giant floor flight in the Senate,” Wetch said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"meta": {
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"order": 15
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"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 18
},
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},
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"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
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"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
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"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"meta": {
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
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},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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