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"bio": "\u003ca href=\"http://www.MarkFiore.com\">MarkFiore.com\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/markfiore\">Follow on Twitter\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/pages/Mark-Fiore-Animated-Political-Cartoons/94451707396?ref=bookmarks\">Facebook\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"mailto:mark@markfiore.com\">email\u003c/a>\r\n\r\nPulitzer Prize-winner, Mark Fiore, who the Wall Street Journal has called “the undisputed guru of the form,” creates animated political cartoons in San Francisco, where his work has been featured regularly on the San Francisco Chronicle’s web site, SFGate.com. His work has appeared on Newsweek.com, Slate.com, CBSNews.com, MotherJones.com, DailyKos.com and NPR’s web site. Fiore’s political animation has appeared on CNN, Frontline, Bill Moyers Journal, Salon.com and cable and broadcast outlets across the globe.\r\n\r\nBeginning his professional life by drawing traditional political cartoons for newspapers, Fiore’s work appeared in publications ranging from the Washington Post to the Los Angeles Times. In the late 1990s, he began to experiment with animating political cartoons and, after a short stint at the San Jose Mercury News as their staff cartoonist, Fiore devoted all his energies to animation.\r\nGrowing up in California, Fiore also spent a good portion of his life in the backwoods of Idaho. It was this combination that shaped him politically. Mark majored in political science at Colorado College, where, in a perfect send-off for a cartoonist, he received his diploma in 1991 as commencement speaker Dick Cheney smiled approvingly.\r\nMark Fiore was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for political cartooning in 2010, a Robert F. Kennedy Journalism Award in 2004 and has twice received an Online Journalism Award for commentary from the Online News Association (2002, 2008). Fiore has received two awards for his work in new media from the National Cartoonists Society (2001, 2002), and in 2006 received The James Madison Freedom of Information Award from The Society of Professional Journalists.",
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"bio": "Katie Orr was a Sacramento-based reporter for KQED's Politics and Government Desk, covering the state Capitol and a variety of issues including women in politics, voting and elections and legislation. Prior to joining KQED in 2016, Katie was state government reporter for Capital Public Radio in Sacramento. She's also worked for KPBS in San Diego, where she covered City Hall.\r\n\r\nKatie received her masters degree in political science from San Diego State University and holds a Bachelors degree in broadcast journalism from Arizona State University.\r\n\r\nIn 2015 Katie won a national Clarion Award for a series of stories she did on women in California politics. She's been honored by the Society for Professional Journalists and, in 2013, was named by \u003cem>The Washington Post\u003c/em> as one of the country's top state Capitol reporters. She's also reported for the award-winning documentary series \u003cem>The View from Here \u003c/em>and was part of the team that won national PRNDI and Gabriel Awards in 2015. She lives in Sacramento with her husband. Twitter: @1KatieOrr",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s Democratic Party, at the peak of its power but buffeted by lawsuits and lingering internal divisions, holds its statewide convention in San Francisco this weekend, where a cavalcade of presidential wannabes will press the flesh, raise some cash and try to make a good impression on the party’s most active and passionate members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fourteen presidential candidates, including Kamala Harris, Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren and Pete Buttigieg, will all get a chance to address the delegates. The long line of presidential hopefuls swarming San Francisco indicates that California, which moved up its primary from June to March, is just too big to ignore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Gearing Up for the 2020 Election\" tag=\"election-2020\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the real business of the convention for the 3,400 delegates attending won’t be listening to 2020 hopefuls. It will be electing a new party chair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The winner will have to unify a party still reeling from last year’s resignation of disgraced chair Eric Bauman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, Bauman edged out Bay Area progressive activist Kimberly Ellis, who still has not conceded the election, which some of her supporters say was stolen. Bauman resigned in November after a series of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11708230/california-democrats-investigate-sex-misconduct-claims-against-chairman\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">sexual harassment allegations\u003c/a> and two lawsuits from former party employees that describe a culture of inappropriate behavior and a tolerance for it within the California Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think people feel that Eric Bauman really hurt the heart and soul of the party,” said Loyola Law School professor Jessica Levinson. “But I think that was just a symptom of other things that were happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levinson pointed to internal party divisions along racial, gender and generational lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state Democratic Party does stand at a crossroads now,” she said, “and some supporters of Kimberly Ellis feel that they really haven’t had the power positions in the Democratic Party that they would like.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11747877/kimberly-ellis-on-losing-with-grace-her-brothers-death-and-her-run-for-party-chair\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">conversation\u003c/a> on KQED’s Political Breakdown last month, Ellis expressed doubt that this year’s chair election will be fair and transparent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I’m being honest, I’m not very confident,” Ellis said, noting that her campaign’s request for a certified list of delegates eligible to vote for chair was still incomplete at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11751338\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11751338\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Kimberly-Ellis-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"After losing a close election two years ago, Bay Area progressive activist Kimberly Ellis is vying for state Democratic Party chair again this weekend.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Kimberly-Ellis-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Kimberly-Ellis-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Kimberly-Ellis.jpg 900w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After losing a close election two years ago, Bay Area progressive activist Kimberly Ellis is vying for state Democratic Party chair again this weekend. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Kimberly Ellis)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When asked whether party insiders feared her election for some reason, Ellis didn’t mince words.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am a black woman in a world that does not have a lot of people who look like me,” she said. “And so visually I represent a kind of change that a lot of people are uncomfortable with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there are seven candidates running for chair, Ellis and Los Angeles labor leader Rusty Hicks are regarded as the leading contenders. Hicks, a 39-year-old Texas native who helped lead the fight to raise the minimum wage in Los Angeles to $15 an hour, is relatively soft-spoken and low-key, at least compared with Ellis. But he’s hoping the party is looking for steady leadership more than flashy rhetoric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve done my share of fiery speeches, but I do think there’s a need for thoughtful, strategic and steadfast leadership within our party,” Hicks \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11741171/rusty-hicks-on-his-campaign-for-democratic-party-chair\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">told Political Breakdown\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to making the party more transparent and inclusive, Hicks said, he sees the party at “an inflection point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we have to be singularly focused on seeing a change in the White House,” Hicks said. “I think California can play a big role in that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11751348\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11751348\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Rusty-Hicks-800x491.jpg\" alt=\"Los Angeles labor leader Rusty Hicks is also vying for state Democratic Party chair.\" width=\"800\" height=\"491\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Rusty-Hicks-800x491.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Rusty-Hicks-160x98.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Rusty-Hicks-1020x626.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Rusty-Hicks-1200x737.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Rusty-Hicks.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Angeles labor leader Rusty Hicks is also vying for state Democratic Party chair. \u003ccite>(Rusty Hicks/YouTube)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But first, party leaders are working behind the scenes to avoid a repeat of the debacle that ensued in 2017, when the razor-thin margin in the chair’s election left the party divided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christine Pelosi, chair of the party’s Women’s Caucus, is determined to choreograph an amicable ending to the weekend’s chair selection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t go through a nine-month sprint to the March 3 (2020 presidential) primary if you have a massive split in the party and people feel divided after a very close race for chair,” Pelosi said. “There are always ways to share power that brings people from all the campaigns to sit at the table together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelosi said she advised Bauman to bring in Ellis’ supporters after he won two years ago, but he declined, exacerbating the hard feelings that pierced that convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hardest thing after you lose is to come together. And if you don’t force yourself to do it in the moments after there’s a victory, it just metastasizes,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The theme for this weekend’s convention is “Blue Wave Rolling,” a reference to the Democrats’ sweep of congressional seats in Orange County and the party’s overwhelming advantage in the state Legislature. And with California’s presidential primary moved up to March 3, party leaders hope that at long last the state will play a decisive role in selecting a nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11751620\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11751620 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/dems-1-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fourteen presidential candidates and their supporters are hoping to make an impression at the Democratic Convention. \u003ccite>(Scott Shafer/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But it’s still far from clear who state party insiders — and the Democratic electorate at large — will back next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats’ proportional distribution of 495 delegates in California practically ensures that no single candidate will walk away with an overwhelming number of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Sen. Kamala Harris is hoping to benefit from her status as “favorite daughter” to win the California primary next March. She’s the first candidate to speak Saturday morning, followed by Sen. Cory Booker, Sen. Elizabeth Warren and former Rep. Beto O’Rourke.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris raised by far the most money in California in the first months of this campaign — but many donors are placing their bets on multiple candidates while waiting to see how the field shakes out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And early polls show Harris has some work to do.[aside postID=news_11739099]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11739099/most-california-women-not-bothered-by-joe-biden-allegations-poll-says\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">survey by Quinnipiac University\u003c/a> found Joe Biden the choice of 26 percent of Democratic voters and those who lean Democratic, followed by Sen. Bernie Sanders at 18 percent and Harris with 17 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris has picked up endorsements from Gov. Gavin Newsom, Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, state Senate President Pro Tempore Toni Atkins and numerous members of the California congressional delegation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Notably missing from her endorsement list is Sen. Dianne Feinstein, who signaled support for her longtime colleague Joe Biden long before he entered the race. The former vice president will be a no-show this weekend, which isn’t terribly surprising: He already has personal relationships here from his years in the Senate and White House — and why risk being booed by the party’s most liberal activists, who may not take to Biden’s brand of centrist politics?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, party insiders cautioned against making much out of polls this far ahead of the primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a long journey between now and Iowa, New Hampshire and certainly South Carolina, and a lot can change,” said former state party chair Art Torres. “I think it’s anybody’s ballgame right now among the top tier that we’ve heard are running.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the real business of the convention for the 3,400 delegates attending won’t be listening to 2020 hopefuls. It will be electing a new party chair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The winner will have to unify a party still reeling from last year’s resignation of disgraced chair Eric Bauman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, Bauman edged out Bay Area progressive activist Kimberly Ellis, who still has not conceded the election, which some of her supporters say was stolen. Bauman resigned in November after a series of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11708230/california-democrats-investigate-sex-misconduct-claims-against-chairman\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">sexual harassment allegations\u003c/a> and two lawsuits from former party employees that describe a culture of inappropriate behavior and a tolerance for it within the California Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think people feel that Eric Bauman really hurt the heart and soul of the party,” said Loyola Law School professor Jessica Levinson. “But I think that was just a symptom of other things that were happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levinson pointed to internal party divisions along racial, gender and generational lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state Democratic Party does stand at a crossroads now,” she said, “and some supporters of Kimberly Ellis feel that they really haven’t had the power positions in the Democratic Party that they would like.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11747877/kimberly-ellis-on-losing-with-grace-her-brothers-death-and-her-run-for-party-chair\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">conversation\u003c/a> on KQED’s Political Breakdown last month, Ellis expressed doubt that this year’s chair election will be fair and transparent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I’m being honest, I’m not very confident,” Ellis said, noting that her campaign’s request for a certified list of delegates eligible to vote for chair was still incomplete at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11751338\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11751338\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Kimberly-Ellis-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"After losing a close election two years ago, Bay Area progressive activist Kimberly Ellis is vying for state Democratic Party chair again this weekend.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Kimberly-Ellis-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Kimberly-Ellis-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Kimberly-Ellis.jpg 900w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After losing a close election two years ago, Bay Area progressive activist Kimberly Ellis is vying for state Democratic Party chair again this weekend. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Kimberly Ellis)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When asked whether party insiders feared her election for some reason, Ellis didn’t mince words.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am a black woman in a world that does not have a lot of people who look like me,” she said. “And so visually I represent a kind of change that a lot of people are uncomfortable with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there are seven candidates running for chair, Ellis and Los Angeles labor leader Rusty Hicks are regarded as the leading contenders. Hicks, a 39-year-old Texas native who helped lead the fight to raise the minimum wage in Los Angeles to $15 an hour, is relatively soft-spoken and low-key, at least compared with Ellis. But he’s hoping the party is looking for steady leadership more than flashy rhetoric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve done my share of fiery speeches, but I do think there’s a need for thoughtful, strategic and steadfast leadership within our party,” Hicks \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11741171/rusty-hicks-on-his-campaign-for-democratic-party-chair\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">told Political Breakdown\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to making the party more transparent and inclusive, Hicks said, he sees the party at “an inflection point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we have to be singularly focused on seeing a change in the White House,” Hicks said. “I think California can play a big role in that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11751348\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11751348\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Rusty-Hicks-800x491.jpg\" alt=\"Los Angeles labor leader Rusty Hicks is also vying for state Democratic Party chair.\" width=\"800\" height=\"491\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Rusty-Hicks-800x491.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Rusty-Hicks-160x98.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Rusty-Hicks-1020x626.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Rusty-Hicks-1200x737.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Rusty-Hicks.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Angeles labor leader Rusty Hicks is also vying for state Democratic Party chair. \u003ccite>(Rusty Hicks/YouTube)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But first, party leaders are working behind the scenes to avoid a repeat of the debacle that ensued in 2017, when the razor-thin margin in the chair’s election left the party divided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christine Pelosi, chair of the party’s Women’s Caucus, is determined to choreograph an amicable ending to the weekend’s chair selection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t go through a nine-month sprint to the March 3 (2020 presidential) primary if you have a massive split in the party and people feel divided after a very close race for chair,” Pelosi said. “There are always ways to share power that brings people from all the campaigns to sit at the table together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelosi said she advised Bauman to bring in Ellis’ supporters after he won two years ago, but he declined, exacerbating the hard feelings that pierced that convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hardest thing after you lose is to come together. And if you don’t force yourself to do it in the moments after there’s a victory, it just metastasizes,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The theme for this weekend’s convention is “Blue Wave Rolling,” a reference to the Democrats’ sweep of congressional seats in Orange County and the party’s overwhelming advantage in the state Legislature. And with California’s presidential primary moved up to March 3, party leaders hope that at long last the state will play a decisive role in selecting a nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11751620\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11751620 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/dems-1-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fourteen presidential candidates and their supporters are hoping to make an impression at the Democratic Convention. \u003ccite>(Scott Shafer/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But it’s still far from clear who state party insiders — and the Democratic electorate at large — will back next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats’ proportional distribution of 495 delegates in California practically ensures that no single candidate will walk away with an overwhelming number of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Sen. Kamala Harris is hoping to benefit from her status as “favorite daughter” to win the California primary next March. She’s the first candidate to speak Saturday morning, followed by Sen. Cory Booker, Sen. Elizabeth Warren and former Rep. Beto O’Rourke.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris raised by far the most money in California in the first months of this campaign — but many donors are placing their bets on multiple candidates while waiting to see how the field shakes out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And early polls show Harris has some work to do.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11739099/most-california-women-not-bothered-by-joe-biden-allegations-poll-says\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">survey by Quinnipiac University\u003c/a> found Joe Biden the choice of 26 percent of Democratic voters and those who lean Democratic, followed by Sen. Bernie Sanders at 18 percent and Harris with 17 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris has picked up endorsements from Gov. Gavin Newsom, Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, state Senate President Pro Tempore Toni Atkins and numerous members of the California congressional delegation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Notably missing from her endorsement list is Sen. Dianne Feinstein, who signaled support for her longtime colleague Joe Biden long before he entered the race. The former vice president will be a no-show this weekend, which isn’t terribly surprising: He already has personal relationships here from his years in the Senate and White House — and why risk being booed by the party’s most liberal activists, who may not take to Biden’s brand of centrist politics?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, party insiders cautioned against making much out of polls this far ahead of the primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a long journey between now and Iowa, New Hampshire and certainly South Carolina, and a lot can change,” said former state party chair Art Torres. “I think it’s anybody’s ballgame right now among the top tier that we’ve heard are running.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "A Rare Tenant Win in the Capitol, But Why Don’t California’s Renters Have More Political Punch?",
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"content": "\u003cp>California tenants just scored a rare victory in the state Capitol—emphasis on the rare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A high-profile bill passed Wednesday night by the state Assembly would impose \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/rent-control-cap-california-housing-gouging/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a “rent-gouging cap” on annual rent increases\u003c/a> for the vast majority of renters. If approved by the state Senate and signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom, it would make California the second state to provide such protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11677380,news_11732880,news_11728558\" label=\"More on Renter Protections\"]“I’m thrilled that the Assembly has taken one step forward to providing some relief to millions of tenants one rent increase away from losing their homes,” said Assemblyman David Chiu, Democrat from San Francisco and author of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant rights group can rightfully celebrate today’s vote as an achievement—mostly because of the near-herculean effort it took to get a renter bill this far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482&firstNav=tracking\">AB 1482\u003c/a> was significantly watered down to accommodate reluctant lawmakers and appease opposing interest groups: The proposed rent cap was raised from 5% to 7% plus inflation; it exempts landlords who own less than 10 single family homes; and it would expire in 2023. And it still just squeaked by the Assembly. The fate of a \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1481&firstNav=tracking\">twin bill\u003c/a> that would have mandated landlords evict tenants only for “just cause”—which many argue is necessary for Chiu’s bill to be effective—remains uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’d expect California’s 17 million renters to have more juice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 40% of Californians are tenants, including 12 million of voting age—a major swath of the potential electorate. Rents have soared to alarming highs, causing more than half the state’s tenants to meet the federal definition of “housing-cost burdened.” In one of his first addresses in office, the state’s new progressive governor called on a Democratic supermajority of state lawmakers to send him a package of tenant protection bill as soon as possible. This weekend a recently formed Democratic \u003ca href=\"https://www.eventbrite.com/e/renters-caucus-california-democratic-state-convention-2019-tickets-62122943396\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“renters caucus”\u003c/a> will host an event at the state party convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet, legislation aimed at helping California’s renters almost always has struggled to get through the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11742791/bill-to-expand-rent-control-in-california-stalls-in-legislature\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a bill that would have allowed California cities to expand rent control\u003c/a> to more residences was withdrawn by its author when it became clear the bill couldn’t even muster enough support to pass its first committee hearing. A proposal that would have created a \u003ca href=\"https://a15.asmdc.org/press-releases/20190318-california-lawmakers-announce-measures-protect-renters-and-combat-housing\">statewide rental database\u003c/a> to reliably track evictions and prices—data that’s hard to come by for anyone but landlords—was quietly buried before it could advance to a full floor vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"left\" citation=\"Paul Mitchell, Political Data Inc\"]“When you think about renters, you’re looking at a lower socioeconomic status, younger people, people who move more often. That’s all negatively correlated to turnout.”[/pullquote]“We have in California in both houses a supermajority of Democrats, many of whom will tell you that they’re concerned about the housing crisis,” said Brian Augusta, legislative advocate for the California Rural Legal Assistance Foundation and a lobbyist for tenant interests who has watched a handful of tenant protection bills die or get watered down in recent years. “And yet when we go to try to secure their vote for what seem like very reasonable policies, they’re not going up [to vote].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why can’t tenant groups wield the political muscle you’d think their numbers would warrant?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Money is the easy answer: Landlords have it, renters don’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We still have to have plausible arguments, and our arguments still have to resonate,” said Deb Carlton, lobbyist for the California Apartment Association.”A lot of these bills are extreme and they’re not willing to compromise on these issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s more to it than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>California renters are more likely to be lower income, younger and immigrants—all demographic blocs less likely to vote\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Who’s your typical California renter?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Picture a Latina woman in her early 40s, making around $26,000 a year. There’s about a 1 in 3 chance that’s she’s foreign-born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contrast that to your typical California homeowner—white, ten years older, making about $12,000 more a year. There’s about a 25% chance she was born in another country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost all of the demographic characteristics associated with homeownership—nativity, race and ethnicity, income level, age—make homeowners much more likely to vote than renters. And lawmakers are acutely aware of who votes and who doesn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/17564e7a-9f02-4e29-86e6-a30ac2d19a73?src=embed\" title=\"Renter v homeowner\" width=\"600\" height=\"860\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you think about renters, you’re looking at a lower socioeconomic status, younger people, people who move more often. That’s all negatively correlated to turnout,” said Paul Mitchell, a political consultant with Political Data Inc, which provides voter roll services to state political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite comprising more than 40% of the population, renters make up only about 20% of registered California voters, according to data analyzed by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, tenant advocates hoped that a rent control initiative put on the ballot would gin up turnout from renters who finally had a clear and compelling economic interest to show up to the polls. Although precise data on the rental status of voters is hard to obtain, an analysis of voters identified as renters by Political Data Inc. shows that registered homeowners were still about 25 percent more likely to vote than registered renters. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702293/early-results-show-rent-control-measure-trailing-at-polls\">rent control initiative lost\u003c/a> by an overwhelming margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cb>It’s not just what’s associated with being a renter that depresses turnout. Just being a renter, itself, makes you less likely to vote.\u003c/b>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In 2016, simply owning a home in California meant you were nearly 6% more likely to be a registered voter than if you rented, even controlling for factors like ethnicity and level of education, according to an analysis by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Renting had roughly as strong an impact on your likelihood to register as being unemployed or being single. That disparity in renter-versus-homeowner registration and turnout has persisted election after election, in California and elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once you buy a house, you become settled in a community,” said Eric McGhee, research fellow at the institute. “When you’re settled in a community, you’re more likely to sign up and register to vote, and when you’re registered, you’re more likely to vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright wp-image-11751072\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM-1020x1029.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"450\" height=\"454\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM-1020x1029.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM-160x161.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM-800x807.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM.png 1102w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 450px) 100vw, 450px\">\u003c/a>There are some very practical reasons renting keeps Californians from the ballot box. Renters tend to move more, meaning they need to re-register to vote at each new address. Political mailers and turn-out-the-vote campaigns can have a tough time infiltrating apartment complexes and keeping track of who moved where.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But beyond these structural barriers, there’s the thorny question of why more renters aren’t more politically organized and active, especially compared to homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the answer–many renters consider their identity as a tenant temporary, and aspire to be homeowners some day. Why spend time on something like campaigning for rent control if you won’t benefit from it in a few years?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone in America and certainly everyone in California, from when you’re born, the expectation is you rent until you have enough money to buy a house,” said Shanti Singh, communications director for Tenants Together, a statewide coalition of local tenants groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Singh likens the difficulty tenants unions have mobilizing renters to the difficulty labor unions have mobilizing workers who aspire to one day rise to management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"left\" citation=\"Brian Augusta, lobbyist for tenant interests\"]“That’s the question we’re always asking ourselves.”[/pullquote]“We’re like 20 to 30 years behind the labor movement, and even the labor movement is always trying to get people to understand their identity as workers,” said Singh. “We’re trying to do the same thing and kind of trying to follow that path.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That dynamic may be changing as the cost of homeownership becomes less and less feasible for younger Californians, who may consider renting less a temporary station and more the only viable means of remaining in the state. In 1970, the average California home \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/digging-data-attainable-california-dream-today/\">cost about three times\u003c/a> the median income for a 25 to 34-year-old family. Today the average home costs about seven times a young family’s earnings.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The money imbalance is important, but it doesn’t explain everything\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>To many in the tenants rights movement, the answer to why pro-renter bills die in the Capitol is simple: Landlords and their allies have lots of money for campaign contributions, lobbying and independent political expenditures. Tenants don’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Apartment Association, the primary interest group representing large landlords on statewide issues, poured $280,000 into general lobbying in the first three months of this year. The California Association of Realtors, a longtime political ally of the landlords and a staunch opponent of rent control, spent $418,000. In the last election cycle, those interest groups lavished nearly $1 million on campaign contributions to candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re doing your rounds on lobbying, it’s just sort of a black box when you have groups like the realtors and (landlords) on the other side,” said Augusta, the pro-tenant lobbyist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while certainly important, money doesn’t explain everything about why Democratic lawmakers shy away from tenant bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11741220\"]Many legislators who have not supported tenant legislation represent solidly blue legislative districts, and have little fear of losing to a Republican challenger funded by a punitive real estate lobby or a Democratic challenger in a primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the question we’re always asking ourselves,” said Augusta. “I don’t know the answer as to why they would run scared in a safe district from a bill that benefits their constituents even though it might upset groups from the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers could obviously be worried about rubbing the industry the wrong way if they seek higher office, or have other legislative priorities in need of industry support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s another underlying reason tenant groups believe they have trouble resonating with lawmakers: Almost all the legislators are homeowners, and many are landlords \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11741220/lawmakers-and-landlords-more-than-a-quarter-of-california-legislators-are-both\">themselves.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CALmatters could only identify one state lawmaker who was not a homeowner—Assemblyman Todd Gloria, Democrat from San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"source": "CALmatters",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/matt-levin/\">Matt Levin\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-renters-lack-power-despite-rare-tenant-win/\">CALmatters\u003c/a>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California tenants just scored a rare victory in the state Capitol—emphasis on the rare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A high-profile bill passed Wednesday night by the state Assembly would impose \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/rent-control-cap-california-housing-gouging/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a “rent-gouging cap” on annual rent increases\u003c/a> for the vast majority of renters. If approved by the state Senate and signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom, it would make California the second state to provide such protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I’m thrilled that the Assembly has taken one step forward to providing some relief to millions of tenants one rent increase away from losing their homes,” said Assemblyman David Chiu, Democrat from San Francisco and author of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant rights group can rightfully celebrate today’s vote as an achievement—mostly because of the near-herculean effort it took to get a renter bill this far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482&firstNav=tracking\">AB 1482\u003c/a> was significantly watered down to accommodate reluctant lawmakers and appease opposing interest groups: The proposed rent cap was raised from 5% to 7% plus inflation; it exempts landlords who own less than 10 single family homes; and it would expire in 2023. And it still just squeaked by the Assembly. The fate of a \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1481&firstNav=tracking\">twin bill\u003c/a> that would have mandated landlords evict tenants only for “just cause”—which many argue is necessary for Chiu’s bill to be effective—remains uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’d expect California’s 17 million renters to have more juice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 40% of Californians are tenants, including 12 million of voting age—a major swath of the potential electorate. Rents have soared to alarming highs, causing more than half the state’s tenants to meet the federal definition of “housing-cost burdened.” In one of his first addresses in office, the state’s new progressive governor called on a Democratic supermajority of state lawmakers to send him a package of tenant protection bill as soon as possible. This weekend a recently formed Democratic \u003ca href=\"https://www.eventbrite.com/e/renters-caucus-california-democratic-state-convention-2019-tickets-62122943396\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“renters caucus”\u003c/a> will host an event at the state party convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet, legislation aimed at helping California’s renters almost always has struggled to get through the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11742791/bill-to-expand-rent-control-in-california-stalls-in-legislature\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a bill that would have allowed California cities to expand rent control\u003c/a> to more residences was withdrawn by its author when it became clear the bill couldn’t even muster enough support to pass its first committee hearing. A proposal that would have created a \u003ca href=\"https://a15.asmdc.org/press-releases/20190318-california-lawmakers-announce-measures-protect-renters-and-combat-housing\">statewide rental database\u003c/a> to reliably track evictions and prices—data that’s hard to come by for anyone but landlords—was quietly buried before it could advance to a full floor vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "“When you think about renters, you’re looking at a lower socioeconomic status, younger people, people who move more often. That’s all negatively correlated to turnout.”",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We have in California in both houses a supermajority of Democrats, many of whom will tell you that they’re concerned about the housing crisis,” said Brian Augusta, legislative advocate for the California Rural Legal Assistance Foundation and a lobbyist for tenant interests who has watched a handful of tenant protection bills die or get watered down in recent years. “And yet when we go to try to secure their vote for what seem like very reasonable policies, they’re not going up [to vote].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why can’t tenant groups wield the political muscle you’d think their numbers would warrant?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Money is the easy answer: Landlords have it, renters don’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We still have to have plausible arguments, and our arguments still have to resonate,” said Deb Carlton, lobbyist for the California Apartment Association.”A lot of these bills are extreme and they’re not willing to compromise on these issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s more to it than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>California renters are more likely to be lower income, younger and immigrants—all demographic blocs less likely to vote\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Who’s your typical California renter?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Picture a Latina woman in her early 40s, making around $26,000 a year. There’s about a 1 in 3 chance that’s she’s foreign-born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contrast that to your typical California homeowner—white, ten years older, making about $12,000 more a year. There’s about a 25% chance she was born in another country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost all of the demographic characteristics associated with homeownership—nativity, race and ethnicity, income level, age—make homeowners much more likely to vote than renters. And lawmakers are acutely aware of who votes and who doesn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/17564e7a-9f02-4e29-86e6-a30ac2d19a73?src=embed\" title=\"Renter v homeowner\" width=\"600\" height=\"860\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you think about renters, you’re looking at a lower socioeconomic status, younger people, people who move more often. That’s all negatively correlated to turnout,” said Paul Mitchell, a political consultant with Political Data Inc, which provides voter roll services to state political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite comprising more than 40% of the population, renters make up only about 20% of registered California voters, according to data analyzed by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, tenant advocates hoped that a rent control initiative put on the ballot would gin up turnout from renters who finally had a clear and compelling economic interest to show up to the polls. Although precise data on the rental status of voters is hard to obtain, an analysis of voters identified as renters by Political Data Inc. shows that registered homeowners were still about 25 percent more likely to vote than registered renters. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702293/early-results-show-rent-control-measure-trailing-at-polls\">rent control initiative lost\u003c/a> by an overwhelming margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cb>It’s not just what’s associated with being a renter that depresses turnout. Just being a renter, itself, makes you less likely to vote.\u003c/b>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In 2016, simply owning a home in California meant you were nearly 6% more likely to be a registered voter than if you rented, even controlling for factors like ethnicity and level of education, according to an analysis by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Renting had roughly as strong an impact on your likelihood to register as being unemployed or being single. That disparity in renter-versus-homeowner registration and turnout has persisted election after election, in California and elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once you buy a house, you become settled in a community,” said Eric McGhee, research fellow at the institute. “When you’re settled in a community, you’re more likely to sign up and register to vote, and when you’re registered, you’re more likely to vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright wp-image-11751072\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM-1020x1029.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"450\" height=\"454\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM-1020x1029.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM-160x161.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM-800x807.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM.png 1102w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 450px) 100vw, 450px\">\u003c/a>There are some very practical reasons renting keeps Californians from the ballot box. Renters tend to move more, meaning they need to re-register to vote at each new address. Political mailers and turn-out-the-vote campaigns can have a tough time infiltrating apartment complexes and keeping track of who moved where.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But beyond these structural barriers, there’s the thorny question of why more renters aren’t more politically organized and active, especially compared to homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the answer–many renters consider their identity as a tenant temporary, and aspire to be homeowners some day. Why spend time on something like campaigning for rent control if you won’t benefit from it in a few years?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone in America and certainly everyone in California, from when you’re born, the expectation is you rent until you have enough money to buy a house,” said Shanti Singh, communications director for Tenants Together, a statewide coalition of local tenants groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Singh likens the difficulty tenants unions have mobilizing renters to the difficulty labor unions have mobilizing workers who aspire to one day rise to management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We’re like 20 to 30 years behind the labor movement, and even the labor movement is always trying to get people to understand their identity as workers,” said Singh. “We’re trying to do the same thing and kind of trying to follow that path.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That dynamic may be changing as the cost of homeownership becomes less and less feasible for younger Californians, who may consider renting less a temporary station and more the only viable means of remaining in the state. In 1970, the average California home \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/digging-data-attainable-california-dream-today/\">cost about three times\u003c/a> the median income for a 25 to 34-year-old family. Today the average home costs about seven times a young family’s earnings.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The money imbalance is important, but it doesn’t explain everything\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>To many in the tenants rights movement, the answer to why pro-renter bills die in the Capitol is simple: Landlords and their allies have lots of money for campaign contributions, lobbying and independent political expenditures. Tenants don’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Apartment Association, the primary interest group representing large landlords on statewide issues, poured $280,000 into general lobbying in the first three months of this year. The California Association of Realtors, a longtime political ally of the landlords and a staunch opponent of rent control, spent $418,000. In the last election cycle, those interest groups lavished nearly $1 million on campaign contributions to candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re doing your rounds on lobbying, it’s just sort of a black box when you have groups like the realtors and (landlords) on the other side,” said Augusta, the pro-tenant lobbyist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while certainly important, money doesn’t explain everything about why Democratic lawmakers shy away from tenant bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Many legislators who have not supported tenant legislation represent solidly blue legislative districts, and have little fear of losing to a Republican challenger funded by a punitive real estate lobby or a Democratic challenger in a primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the question we’re always asking ourselves,” said Augusta. “I don’t know the answer as to why they would run scared in a safe district from a bill that benefits their constituents even though it might upset groups from the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers could obviously be worried about rubbing the industry the wrong way if they seek higher office, or have other legislative priorities in need of industry support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s another underlying reason tenant groups believe they have trouble resonating with lawmakers: Almost all the legislators are homeowners, and many are landlords \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11741220/lawmakers-and-landlords-more-than-a-quarter-of-california-legislators-are-both\">themselves.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CALmatters could only identify one state lawmaker who was not a homeowner—Assemblyman Todd Gloria, Democrat from San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Berkeley May Put Sidewalk Clearing on Hold Until Homeless Response System is Developed",
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"content": "\u003cp>On Tuesday, Berkeley’s City Council is expected to consider a moratorium on enforcement of a recent ordinance that allows the city to clear homeless people’s property from sidewalks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city recently began enforcing the rule, which lets officials clear off the sidewalks during the day. People living on the streets are allowed to set up their camps between 10 p.m. and 7 a.m., but must break them down during the day. Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín has said the new ordinance was meant to address the accumulation of personal items on walkways without criminalizing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Councilmember Cheryl Davila said that the city first needs a robust homelessness response system in place to help before it can expect the unhoused — including seniors and the disabled — to break down their camps each day. After all, she said, they don’t necessarily have anywhere to go with their stuff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Berkeley's Homelessness\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11735832/berkeley-affirms-ban-on-overnight-rv-parking-once-permit-system-is-in-place,Berkeley Affirms Ban on Overnight RV Parking\" link2=\"https://www.berkeleyside.com/2018/10/17/city-council-approves-rules-restricting-objects-on-sidewalks,City Council Approves Rules Restricting Objects on Sidewalks\" link3=\"https://www.berkeleyside.com/2019/05/24/jury-finds-berkeley-did-not-violate-a-homeless-groups-civil-rights,Jury Finds Berkeley Did Not Violate a Homeless Group's Civil Rights\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of anxiety about it, the anticipation of getting a ticket or enforcement,” she said, which could be difficult for them to pay. “Their stuff, which is all they have, is in their tent and they’re not able to break it down into a three-by-three.” Plus, she said, sometimes they’re sick or not able to cart off their belongings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davila said enforcement should be paused until the city has enough daytime shelters and storage lockers for homeless residents to use. She argues developing a system to serve their needs should start with talking to the people who are affected by the ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no data: who and why and how we can help. So I think all those things need to happen first before we’d enforce,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ordinance \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.com/2018/10/17/city-council-approves-rules-restricting-objects-on-sidewalks\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">was approved last October\u003c/a> and regulates what objects are allowed to be placed on walkways or near BART entrances. As Berkeleyside reported at the time:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>The new rules apply to any personal belongings that are not for sale and not “in transit,” except mobility devices like wheelchairs and small blankets or cushions. The policy prohibits all other objects on sidewalks in residential districts. In commercial and manufacturing districts, belongings cannot be left unattended for more than two hours or block access to driveways, crosswalks, buses, transit stops, trash cans and other public structures or accessibility features. Objects are also prohibited on the sidewalks on blocks where there is a BART entrance, and by building entrances between 10 p.m. and 7 a.m.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Davila originally abstained from voting on the regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has been engaged in a court battle as well over the clearing of homeless encampments and belongings. A weeklong trial ended last week over whether Berkeley targeted the \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.com/2019/05/23/berkeley-faces-homeless-group-during-four-day-trial\">First They Came for the Homeless\u003c/a> group for protesting the clearing of homeless encampments, and whether the city owed three men damages for taking and losing their tents, wheelchair tools and clothes. On Friday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.com/2019/05/24/jury-finds-berkeley-did-not-violate-a-homeless-groups-civil-rights\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a federal jury in San Francisco found\u003c/a> the city did not unfairly target the group or unfairly take the men’s belongings. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, after a long fight over people living in RVs on city streets, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11735832/berkeley-affirms-ban-on-overnight-rv-parking-once-permit-system-is-in-place\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the City Council also voted to outlaw overnight RV parking in Berkeley\u003c/a> — with the caveat that officials would first create an RV permitting system and commit to aiding “priority populations” in their search for permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote tomorrow night over a possible pause on the sidewalk clearing is expected to be just as contentious.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"link1": "https://www.kqed.org/news/11735832/berkeley-affirms-ban-on-overnight-rv-parking-once-permit-system-is-in-place,Berkeley Affirms Ban on Overnight RV Parking",
"link2": "https://www.berkeleyside.com/2018/10/17/city-council-approves-rules-restricting-objects-on-sidewalks,City Council Approves Rules Restricting Objects on Sidewalks",
"link3": "https://www.berkeleyside.com/2019/05/24/jury-finds-berkeley-did-not-violate-a-homeless-groups-civil-rights,Jury Finds Berkeley Did Not Violate a Homeless Group's Civil Rights"
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of anxiety about it, the anticipation of getting a ticket or enforcement,” she said, which could be difficult for them to pay. “Their stuff, which is all they have, is in their tent and they’re not able to break it down into a three-by-three.” Plus, she said, sometimes they’re sick or not able to cart off their belongings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davila said enforcement should be paused until the city has enough daytime shelters and storage lockers for homeless residents to use. She argues developing a system to serve their needs should start with talking to the people who are affected by the ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no data: who and why and how we can help. So I think all those things need to happen first before we’d enforce,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ordinance \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.com/2018/10/17/city-council-approves-rules-restricting-objects-on-sidewalks\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">was approved last October\u003c/a> and regulates what objects are allowed to be placed on walkways or near BART entrances. As Berkeleyside reported at the time:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>The new rules apply to any personal belongings that are not for sale and not “in transit,” except mobility devices like wheelchairs and small blankets or cushions. The policy prohibits all other objects on sidewalks in residential districts. In commercial and manufacturing districts, belongings cannot be left unattended for more than two hours or block access to driveways, crosswalks, buses, transit stops, trash cans and other public structures or accessibility features. Objects are also prohibited on the sidewalks on blocks where there is a BART entrance, and by building entrances between 10 p.m. and 7 a.m.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Davila originally abstained from voting on the regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has been engaged in a court battle as well over the clearing of homeless encampments and belongings. A weeklong trial ended last week over whether Berkeley targeted the \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.com/2019/05/23/berkeley-faces-homeless-group-during-four-day-trial\">First They Came for the Homeless\u003c/a> group for protesting the clearing of homeless encampments, and whether the city owed three men damages for taking and losing their tents, wheelchair tools and clothes. On Friday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.com/2019/05/24/jury-finds-berkeley-did-not-violate-a-homeless-groups-civil-rights\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a federal jury in San Francisco found\u003c/a> the city did not unfairly target the group or unfairly take the men’s belongings. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, after a long fight over people living in RVs on city streets, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11735832/berkeley-affirms-ban-on-overnight-rv-parking-once-permit-system-is-in-place\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the City Council also voted to outlaw overnight RV parking in Berkeley\u003c/a> — with the caveat that officials would first create an RV permitting system and commit to aiding “priority populations” in their search for permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote tomorrow night over a possible pause on the sidewalk clearing is expected to be just as contentious.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The federal Department of Health and Human Services is proposing to roll back an Obama-era policy intended to protect transgender people from discrimination in health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roger Severino, director of the HHS Office for Civil Rights, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/about/news/2019/05/24/hhs-proposes-to-revise-aca-section-1557-rule.html\">the proposed rule\u003c/a>, released Friday, would revise protections put into place in 2016 as part of the Affordable Care Act that defined discrimination “on the basis of sex” to include gender identity. Gender identity was interpreted as one’s “internal sense of being male, female, neither, or a combination of male and female.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11739834,news_11736415,news_11713470,futureofyou_445189 label='Related Coverage']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two lawsuits temporarily blocked that definition from being implemented. Today’s proposed action by HHS would go along with those court rulings and permanently remove gender identity from the classes protected from discrimination by the health care law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Severino said at a press briefing that the proposed rule conforms with existing law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When Congress prohibited sex discrimination, it did so according to the plain meaning of the term, and we are making our regulations conform,” said Severino in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have concluded in our most recent filing with the court that discrimination on the basis of sex does not cover gender identity,” he said during a press briefing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jocelyn Samuels, the former head of HHS’s Office for Civil Rights, says that the 2016 policy defining sex to include gender identity was based on how the courts had treated sex discrimination laws in education and employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We determined based on extensive analysis of the law, and the way that the law had been applied under employment discrimination laws and education discrimination laws, that sex discrimination included not just discrimination against women and men, but also discrimination based on sex stereotyping and gender identity,” says Samuels, who is now director of the \u003ca href=\"https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/\">Williams Institute\u003c/a> at the UCLA School of Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, that rule had been on hold after a Texas judge, on the last day of 2016, \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2016/12/31/texas-judge-issues-injunction-transgender-health-p/\">ruled\u003c/a> that the Obama administration exceeded its authority by interpreting sex discrimination to include discrimination against transgender people. The Trump administration signaled that it intended to reverse the rule when it told the judge there was no need to issue a final ruling because it was rewriting the rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samuels says the change is “extraordinarily damaging” to transgender people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research from the Williams Institute found that more than 780,000 transgender people live in states that lack legal protections from gender identity discrimination in public accommodations, such as health care facilities. Twenty-eight states lack such protections, according to the Williams Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=“medium” align=”right” citation=\"Kris Hayashi, Executive Director at the Transgender Law Center\"]“It’s literally a matter of life and death for transgender people living with HIV, transgender people of color, transgender people with disabilities, for so many of us who already face intense discrimination, harassment, and violence.”[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This proposed rule is yet another outright attack by the Trump administration on the health, the well-being, and the survival of transgender people in this country,” said Executive Director at the Transgender Law Center Kris Hayashi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This rule would endanger the lives of transgender people all across the country. It would make it harder for us to get all forms of health care — from flu shots to physicals to cancer screenings. It’s literally a matter of life and death for transgender people living with HIV, transgender people of color, transgender people with disabilities, for so many of us who already face intense discrimination, harassment, and violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2017 \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/documents/2017/nov/npr-discrimination-lgbtq-final.pdf\">NPR poll\u003c/a> found that 31% of transgender Americans lack regular access to health care. And 22% said they avoided doctors or health care for fear of being discriminated against. The poll is part of a partnership with the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation and the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The\u003ca href=\"https://www.hrc.org/\"> Human Rights Campaign\u003c/a> says fear of discrimination causes many LGBTQ people to avoid seeking medical care. The group cites studies that show 70% of transgender patients say they have experienced discrimination in a health care setting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone deserves access to medically necessary care and should never be turned away because of who they are,” says David Stacy, the group’s director of government affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is perhaps the single most damaging, dangerous policy change this administration has proposed,” said Shannon Minter, Legal Director of of the National Center for Lesbian Rights\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, the Department of Housing and Urban Development also \u003ca href=\"https://www.reginfo.gov/public/do/eAgendaViewRule?pubId=201904&RIN=2506-AC53\">proposed a new rule\u003c/a> related to transgender people. It would undo protections for transgender people who go to federally funded homeless shelters. Critics say the change would allow shelter operators to turn transgender individuals away because of their gender identity, or to require transgender men to use women-only shelters and vice versa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today’s proposed rule from HHS’s Office for Civil Rights also proposes to reverse language in the Obama-era rule that included termination of pregnancy in the definition of sex discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also would retain language in the 2016 rule that ensured protection for persons with disabilities in health care settings. It includes provisions to provide language access to non-English speakers. In addition, it rolls back regulation requiring the mailing of language access notices. HHS estimates it will save $3.6 billion in the first five years after finalization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Severino said that his office would continue to vigorously enforce prohibitions of discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, disability, age and sex in health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Hope McKenney contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Trump+Administration+Proposes+Rule+To+Reverse+Protections+For+Transgender+Patients&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two lawsuits temporarily blocked that definition from being implemented. Today’s proposed action by HHS would go along with those court rulings and permanently remove gender identity from the classes protected from discrimination by the health care law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Severino said at a press briefing that the proposed rule conforms with existing law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When Congress prohibited sex discrimination, it did so according to the plain meaning of the term, and we are making our regulations conform,” said Severino in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have concluded in our most recent filing with the court that discrimination on the basis of sex does not cover gender identity,” he said during a press briefing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jocelyn Samuels, the former head of HHS’s Office for Civil Rights, says that the 2016 policy defining sex to include gender identity was based on how the courts had treated sex discrimination laws in education and employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We determined based on extensive analysis of the law, and the way that the law had been applied under employment discrimination laws and education discrimination laws, that sex discrimination included not just discrimination against women and men, but also discrimination based on sex stereotyping and gender identity,” says Samuels, who is now director of the \u003ca href=\"https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/\">Williams Institute\u003c/a> at the UCLA School of Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, that rule had been on hold after a Texas judge, on the last day of 2016, \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2016/12/31/texas-judge-issues-injunction-transgender-health-p/\">ruled\u003c/a> that the Obama administration exceeded its authority by interpreting sex discrimination to include discrimination against transgender people. The Trump administration signaled that it intended to reverse the rule when it told the judge there was no need to issue a final ruling because it was rewriting the rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samuels says the change is “extraordinarily damaging” to transgender people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research from the Williams Institute found that more than 780,000 transgender people live in states that lack legal protections from gender identity discrimination in public accommodations, such as health care facilities. Twenty-eight states lack such protections, according to the Williams Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This proposed rule is yet another outright attack by the Trump administration on the health, the well-being, and the survival of transgender people in this country,” said Executive Director at the Transgender Law Center Kris Hayashi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This rule would endanger the lives of transgender people all across the country. It would make it harder for us to get all forms of health care — from flu shots to physicals to cancer screenings. It’s literally a matter of life and death for transgender people living with HIV, transgender people of color, transgender people with disabilities, for so many of us who already face intense discrimination, harassment, and violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2017 \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/documents/2017/nov/npr-discrimination-lgbtq-final.pdf\">NPR poll\u003c/a> found that 31% of transgender Americans lack regular access to health care. And 22% said they avoided doctors or health care for fear of being discriminated against. The poll is part of a partnership with the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation and the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The\u003ca href=\"https://www.hrc.org/\"> Human Rights Campaign\u003c/a> says fear of discrimination causes many LGBTQ people to avoid seeking medical care. The group cites studies that show 70% of transgender patients say they have experienced discrimination in a health care setting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone deserves access to medically necessary care and should never be turned away because of who they are,” says David Stacy, the group’s director of government affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is perhaps the single most damaging, dangerous policy change this administration has proposed,” said Shannon Minter, Legal Director of of the National Center for Lesbian Rights\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, the Department of Housing and Urban Development also \u003ca href=\"https://www.reginfo.gov/public/do/eAgendaViewRule?pubId=201904&RIN=2506-AC53\">proposed a new rule\u003c/a> related to transgender people. It would undo protections for transgender people who go to federally funded homeless shelters. Critics say the change would allow shelter operators to turn transgender individuals away because of their gender identity, or to require transgender men to use women-only shelters and vice versa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today’s proposed rule from HHS’s Office for Civil Rights also proposes to reverse language in the Obama-era rule that included termination of pregnancy in the definition of sex discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also would retain language in the 2016 rule that ensured protection for persons with disabilities in health care settings. It includes provisions to provide language access to non-English speakers. In addition, it rolls back regulation requiring the mailing of language access notices. HHS estimates it will save $3.6 billion in the first five years after finalization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Severino said that his office would continue to vigorously enforce prohibitions of discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, disability, age and sex in health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Hope McKenney contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Trump+Administration+Proposes+Rule+To+Reverse+Protections+For+Transgender+Patients&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Diego officials asked for additional resources from the federal government on Monday to help deal with hundreds of migrant families expected to be flown to San Diego from Texas in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Dianne Jacob, San Diego County supervisor']‘Immigration is clearly the responsibility of the federal government, but now it’s sticking San Diego County with the bill.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Customs and Border Protection officials announced Friday that they would begin sending flights of between 120 and 135 migrants to San Diego from the Rio Grande Valley, saying Border Patrol stations there are overwhelmed by a surge in migrant apprehensions. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The flights began last week, and the agency said it is planning three such flights per week going forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County Supervisor Dianne Jacob said in an email she was “deeply concerned” that the additional migrants flown to San Diego would put an even greater strain on \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/12/14/676901089/asylum-seekers-awaiting-court-proceedings-turn-to-volunteer-organizations-for-he\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">local nonprofits\u003c/a> and taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration is clearly the responsibility of the federal government, but now it’s sticking San Diego County with the bill,” Jacob said. “Since the opening of an emergency shelter downtown in October, the county has had to spend nearly $2 million to screen and process some 14,000 asylum seekers. Local taxpayers should not be on the hook for this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since last fall, a group of nonprofits operating as the \u003ca href=\"http://www.rapidresponsesd.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Diego Rapid Response Network\u003c/a> has been operating a temporary shelter for migrants released from federal custody. The shelter is funded in part by county and state dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_11747705,news_11746698,news_11736409,news_11715117' label='migrant families']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County Supervisor Nathan Fletcher \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/SupFletcher/status/1129528361275936768\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">released a statement\u003c/a> on Friday saying the county would continue to do everything it could to help the families being flown to San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Donald Trump has manufactured this immigration crisis to drive his political agenda,” Fletcher said. “His inability to lead has put undue burden on local communities. We stand ready to help immigrants and protect the public’s health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Kevin Faulconer said Monday the shelter’s operators were doing “tremendous work” under difficult circumstances, and that they should be getting federal resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s incredibly important that the federal government jump in and … provide help and support, and that is the message that I will continue to be advocating in Washington, D.C.,” Faulconer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The flights to San Diego, which are operated by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, are part of a larger policy to transport migrants held on suspicion of illegal entry into the United States to sectors with excess capacity. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE is also transporting migrants by bus from the Yuma Sector to the El Centro Sector, and from the Rio Grande Valley Sector to the Laredo Sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Customs and Border Protection officials announced Friday that they would begin sending flights of between 120 and 135 migrants to San Diego from the Rio Grande Valley, saying Border Patrol stations there are overwhelmed by a surge in migrant apprehensions. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The flights began last week, and the agency said it is planning three such flights per week going forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County Supervisor Dianne Jacob said in an email she was “deeply concerned” that the additional migrants flown to San Diego would put an even greater strain on \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/12/14/676901089/asylum-seekers-awaiting-court-proceedings-turn-to-volunteer-organizations-for-he\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">local nonprofits\u003c/a> and taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration is clearly the responsibility of the federal government, but now it’s sticking San Diego County with the bill,” Jacob said. “Since the opening of an emergency shelter downtown in October, the county has had to spend nearly $2 million to screen and process some 14,000 asylum seekers. Local taxpayers should not be on the hook for this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County Supervisor Nathan Fletcher \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/SupFletcher/status/1129528361275936768\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">released a statement\u003c/a> on Friday saying the county would continue to do everything it could to help the families being flown to San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Donald Trump has manufactured this immigration crisis to drive his political agenda,” Fletcher said. “His inability to lead has put undue burden on local communities. We stand ready to help immigrants and protect the public’s health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Kevin Faulconer said Monday the shelter’s operators were doing “tremendous work” under difficult circumstances, and that they should be getting federal resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s incredibly important that the federal government jump in and … provide help and support, and that is the message that I will continue to be advocating in Washington, D.C.,” Faulconer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The flights to San Diego, which are operated by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, are part of a larger policy to transport migrants held on suspicion of illegal entry into the United States to sectors with excess capacity. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE is also transporting migrants by bus from the Yuma Sector to the El Centro Sector, and from the Rio Grande Valley Sector to the Laredo Sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"headTitle": "S.F. Court Rejects State Attorney General’s Stalling, Rules for Release of Police Records | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A San Francisco Superior Court judge strongly rejected state Attorney General Xavier Becerra’s arguments stalling the release of police misconduct and shooting records in a ruling Friday, indicating that the California Department of Justice will be compelled to make public a huge stockpile of that information under a new transparency law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The attorney general’s stonewalling now for five months has now been put to a halt,” said David Snyder, executive director of the San Rafael-based First Amendment Coalition, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11725980/first-amendment-group-sues-state-ag-over-withholding-police-records\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sued\u003c/a> Becerra and the Department of Justice in February to force public access to the unsealed police files. “They will have to be producing records.”[aside tag=\"police-records\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Police-Art_1-1.gif\" heroLink=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/police-records\" target=\"_blank\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When that state-level information on police sexual assault, dishonesty and serious use of force will see the light of day, however, has not yet been decided. San Francisco Superior Court Judge Richard Ulmer ordered the First Amendment Coalition and KQED, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11730624/kqed-sues-attorney-general-fighting-for-access-to-police-misconduct-and-shooting-records\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">joined the lawsuit\u003c/a> in March, to negotiate a timeline and other issues with the Attorney General’s Office. The parties are scheduled to report back to court on June 21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement Friday afternoon, Becerra abandoned his previous \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11723281/california-attorney-general-refuses-to-release-police-misconduct-files-despite-new-law\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">contradictory position\u003c/a> on the new law, Senate Bill 1421. He has argued repeatedly that he agrees it applies to any files in a law enforcement agency’s possession, regardless of when they were created.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in light of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11719280/police-unions-fight-to-block-public-from-officer-records-california-newsrooms-fight-back\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">police unions throughout the state\u003c/a> filing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11734079/records-union-sued-to-keep-secret-show-walnut-creek-police-officer-disciplined-for-false-reports\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">now-defeated\u003c/a> court challenges to the law’s application to cases before the start of 2019, Becerra had said he needed further direction from judges before making any of the information public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With this court’s ruling, my office now has much of the clarity we have sought in our efforts to appropriately follow the letter of the law,” Becerra said in a written statement announcing that the state Department of Justice plans to begin releasing misconduct files.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a hearing Friday morning, Ulmer relied heavily on a March state appeals court \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11732520/appeals-court-covering-bay-area-rules-in-favor-of-releasing-police-misconduct-shooting-records\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ruling\u003c/a> that the police unions’ arguments are “without merit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve got to follow what they say, don’t I?” he asked attorneys representing the state Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Attorney General Jennifer Rosenberg said that technically, the appeals court ruling was on a request for a stay, and not on the actual question of whether older police misconduct records should be made public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Call me a literalist, but I’m just kind of hung up on that you say the court didn’t address the issue on the merits when they say this argument is without merit,” Ulmer replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to questioning SB 1421’s application to older records, the attorney general has argued that he shouldn’t have to turn over files about local police and sheriff’s departments, but should only be obligated to provide information about state agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To support that argument, Senior Assistant Attorney General Michael Newman wrote that an example case from a local law enforcement agency “includes over 109,000 items stored in an electronic database, including text messages, emails, documents, photographs and audio or video files,” that would all need to be reviewed and redacted before being made public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its written statement Friday afternoon, the Department of Justice maintained that it does not plan to release the files it has from local law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ulmer said that Newman’s declaration was “terse and conclusory.” He said the new law clearly requires the Department of Justice to turn over any records it maintains, regardless of who created them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What this sounds like to me is you don’t want to do the work at the Attorney General’s Office,” Ulmer said, adding that he understands the position “because it’s going to be onerous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he added that the issue is bigger than First Amendment and news organizations pursuing the records with the help of “high-powered lawyers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s mothers and fathers of people shot by the police,” he said, underscoring the public interest in the long-secret information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney Thomas Burke, who represents KQED in the case, said Becerra’s position has led many police departments and sheriffs to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11724499/cities-use-state-attorney-general-letter-to-fight-release-of-police-misconduct-files\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">withhold their own files\u003c/a>. He said that should stop after Friday’s ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an important victory for access to police misconduct records because it requires the attorney general to now act,” Burke said after the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When that state-level information on police sexual assault, dishonesty and serious use of force will see the light of day, however, has not yet been decided. San Francisco Superior Court Judge Richard Ulmer ordered the First Amendment Coalition and KQED, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11730624/kqed-sues-attorney-general-fighting-for-access-to-police-misconduct-and-shooting-records\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">joined the lawsuit\u003c/a> in March, to negotiate a timeline and other issues with the Attorney General’s Office. The parties are scheduled to report back to court on June 21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement Friday afternoon, Becerra abandoned his previous \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11723281/california-attorney-general-refuses-to-release-police-misconduct-files-despite-new-law\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">contradictory position\u003c/a> on the new law, Senate Bill 1421. He has argued repeatedly that he agrees it applies to any files in a law enforcement agency’s possession, regardless of when they were created.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in light of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11719280/police-unions-fight-to-block-public-from-officer-records-california-newsrooms-fight-back\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">police unions throughout the state\u003c/a> filing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11734079/records-union-sued-to-keep-secret-show-walnut-creek-police-officer-disciplined-for-false-reports\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">now-defeated\u003c/a> court challenges to the law’s application to cases before the start of 2019, Becerra had said he needed further direction from judges before making any of the information public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With this court’s ruling, my office now has much of the clarity we have sought in our efforts to appropriately follow the letter of the law,” Becerra said in a written statement announcing that the state Department of Justice plans to begin releasing misconduct files.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a hearing Friday morning, Ulmer relied heavily on a March state appeals court \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11732520/appeals-court-covering-bay-area-rules-in-favor-of-releasing-police-misconduct-shooting-records\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ruling\u003c/a> that the police unions’ arguments are “without merit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve got to follow what they say, don’t I?” he asked attorneys representing the state Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Attorney General Jennifer Rosenberg said that technically, the appeals court ruling was on a request for a stay, and not on the actual question of whether older police misconduct records should be made public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Call me a literalist, but I’m just kind of hung up on that you say the court didn’t address the issue on the merits when they say this argument is without merit,” Ulmer replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to questioning SB 1421’s application to older records, the attorney general has argued that he shouldn’t have to turn over files about local police and sheriff’s departments, but should only be obligated to provide information about state agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To support that argument, Senior Assistant Attorney General Michael Newman wrote that an example case from a local law enforcement agency “includes over 109,000 items stored in an electronic database, including text messages, emails, documents, photographs and audio or video files,” that would all need to be reviewed and redacted before being made public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its written statement Friday afternoon, the Department of Justice maintained that it does not plan to release the files it has from local law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ulmer said that Newman’s declaration was “terse and conclusory.” He said the new law clearly requires the Department of Justice to turn over any records it maintains, regardless of who created them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What this sounds like to me is you don’t want to do the work at the Attorney General’s Office,” Ulmer said, adding that he understands the position “because it’s going to be onerous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he added that the issue is bigger than First Amendment and news organizations pursuing the records with the help of “high-powered lawyers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s mothers and fathers of people shot by the police,” he said, underscoring the public interest in the long-secret information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney Thomas Burke, who represents KQED in the case, said Becerra’s position has led many police departments and sheriffs to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11724499/cities-use-state-attorney-general-letter-to-fight-release-of-police-misconduct-files\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">withhold their own files\u003c/a>. He said that should stop after Friday’s ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an important victory for access to police misconduct records because it requires the attorney general to now act,” Burke said after the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "San Diego Bans Homeless From Sleeping, Living in Cars — Once Again",
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"content": "\u003cp>The San Diego City Council on Tuesday passed an ordinance that criminalizes living or sleeping in vehicles overnight as the city grapples with the challenges posed by having the nation’s fourth-largest homeless population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law bars people from sleeping in their cars between 9 p.m. and 6 a.m., or at any time within 500 feet of a home or school. The ordinance considers residents to be living in their vehicle if they use it for things like sleeping, bathing or preparing meals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego’s previous “vehicle habitation” ordinance, which had been in effect since 1983, was deemed “too board” by a federal judge last year and an injunction was issued preventing the city from enforcing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align='right' citation='Will Rodriguez-Kennedy, chair of the San Diego County Democratic Party']‘We’re creating a policy that’s criminalizing someone without fixing the systemic issue .’[/pullquote]The City Council unanimously \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11723830/san-diego-repeals-ban-on-people-living-in-cars\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">voted to repeal that law in February \u003c/a>after a group of disabled people sued the city, arguing it was discriminatory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the repeal of the previous law, local politicians had struggled to come up with legislation that would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/2018/dec/17/san-diego-has-fourth-highest-homeless-population/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">cut down\u003c/a> on the number of people living in vehicles while also addressing the needs of the homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shirley Baum, 50, has lived in her car for 2.5 years with her dog, Luna, in the Pacific Beach neighborhood. She grew up in San Diego, supports herself on disability and is concerned about the new ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to lead to further harassment of people,” Baum said at the council meeting on Tuesday. “There are some people who can protect themselves better, like myself. I have intelligence, I’m more presentable then some other homeless people, but that’s just conditional.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public comments stretched for two hours, as homeowners in beach neighborhoods squared off against the homeless and their advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='homelessness' label='More Coverage of Homelessness in California']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeowners complained of trash and human waste accumulating near the city’s beaches. Homeless speakers responded by pointing out that the only public restrooms and showers in the city were located at those same beaches, which is why the homeless tended to congregate there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rob Rubin, a homeowner in Ocean Beach, spoke in favor of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only question I have is: When do our rights get superseded by people’s privileges?” Rubin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Will Rodriguez-Kennedy, chair of the San Diego County Democratic Party, opposed the bill. He slept in his car for a brief time after being discharged from the Marines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re creating a policy that’s criminalizing someone without fixing the systemic issue for which they would be criminalized,” Rodriguez-Kennedy said. “It is unfortunate that we have a homeless crisis in this city, but we should fix that problem first, and then we should talk about whether there should be ordinances that suggest more people need to have penalties associated with living in a vehicle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align='right' citation='Rob Rubin, a homeowner in Ocean Beach']‘When do our rights get superseded by people’s privileges?’[/pullquote]In recent months, the city has coordinated with nonprofits to open two overnight lots designated for the homeless. The lots connect people to social services and housing opportunities, and provides them with sanitation stations and places to put waste. There are currently 190 parking spaces in the lot and 400 more are planned to open in the coming months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valerie Grischy, who is homeless, told the council she was worried about what would happen if people couldn’t find room in those city-approved parking lots. Homeless people in San Diego \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/news/homelessness/sd-me-homeless-criminalization-20180716-story.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">have gone to jail\u003c/a> for failing to appear in court after a citation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those of us that can’t find a safe parking space can go to jail and end up with a record for being disabled and poor,” Grischy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new ordinance went into effect at midnight, hours after the law passed. Opponents have vowed to challenge the ban in court.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "After repealing a similar law in February, the law imposes new restrictions on the city's homeless that take effect immediately. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The San Diego City Council on Tuesday passed an ordinance that criminalizes living or sleeping in vehicles overnight as the city grapples with the challenges posed by having the nation’s fourth-largest homeless population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law bars people from sleeping in their cars between 9 p.m. and 6 a.m., or at any time within 500 feet of a home or school. The ordinance considers residents to be living in their vehicle if they use it for things like sleeping, bathing or preparing meals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego’s previous “vehicle habitation” ordinance, which had been in effect since 1983, was deemed “too board” by a federal judge last year and an injunction was issued preventing the city from enforcing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The City Council unanimously \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11723830/san-diego-repeals-ban-on-people-living-in-cars\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">voted to repeal that law in February \u003c/a>after a group of disabled people sued the city, arguing it was discriminatory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the repeal of the previous law, local politicians had struggled to come up with legislation that would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/2018/dec/17/san-diego-has-fourth-highest-homeless-population/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">cut down\u003c/a> on the number of people living in vehicles while also addressing the needs of the homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shirley Baum, 50, has lived in her car for 2.5 years with her dog, Luna, in the Pacific Beach neighborhood. She grew up in San Diego, supports herself on disability and is concerned about the new ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to lead to further harassment of people,” Baum said at the council meeting on Tuesday. “There are some people who can protect themselves better, like myself. I have intelligence, I’m more presentable then some other homeless people, but that’s just conditional.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public comments stretched for two hours, as homeowners in beach neighborhoods squared off against the homeless and their advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeowners complained of trash and human waste accumulating near the city’s beaches. Homeless speakers responded by pointing out that the only public restrooms and showers in the city were located at those same beaches, which is why the homeless tended to congregate there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rob Rubin, a homeowner in Ocean Beach, spoke in favor of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only question I have is: When do our rights get superseded by people’s privileges?” Rubin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Will Rodriguez-Kennedy, chair of the San Diego County Democratic Party, opposed the bill. He slept in his car for a brief time after being discharged from the Marines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re creating a policy that’s criminalizing someone without fixing the systemic issue for which they would be criminalized,” Rodriguez-Kennedy said. “It is unfortunate that we have a homeless crisis in this city, but we should fix that problem first, and then we should talk about whether there should be ordinances that suggest more people need to have penalties associated with living in a vehicle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In recent months, the city has coordinated with nonprofits to open two overnight lots designated for the homeless. The lots connect people to social services and housing opportunities, and provides them with sanitation stations and places to put waste. There are currently 190 parking spaces in the lot and 400 more are planned to open in the coming months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valerie Grischy, who is homeless, told the council she was worried about what would happen if people couldn’t find room in those city-approved parking lots. Homeless people in San Diego \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/news/homelessness/sd-me-homeless-criminalization-20180716-story.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">have gone to jail\u003c/a> for failing to appear in court after a citation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those of us that can’t find a safe parking space can go to jail and end up with a record for being disabled and poor,” Grischy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new ordinance went into effect at midnight, hours after the law passed. Opponents have vowed to challenge the ban in court.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "trumps-push-to-detain-more-migrant-families-is-risky-and-inhumane-advocates-warn",
"title": "Trump's Push to Detain More Migrant Families Is Risky and Inhumane, Advocates Warn",
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"headTitle": "Trump’s Push to Detain More Migrant Families Is Risky and Inhumane, Advocates Warn | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]A[/dropcap]s the number of families seeking asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/sw-border-migration\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">grows\u003c/a>, the Trump administration is contemplating the detention of more parents with their children while they wait to go before an immigration judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/file/1154747/download\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">directive\u003c/a> by U.S. Attorney General William Barr that takes effect in July requires U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement to detain all asylum-seekers for the months, or even years, it takes to decide their cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear how the change in policy will be applied to families, whose children are protected from lengthy detention under a decades-old legal agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the families currently arriving from Central America are being released into the U.S. and given a notice to appear at an immigration court. A small minority — 627 mothers and children — are being detained together, according to an official with ICE; nearly all of them are being held at the South Texas Family Residential Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Most Migrant Families Detained in Rural Texas\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The facility next to the rural city of Dilley can hold up to 2,400 mothers and their children and is the largest family detention center in the country, but it has come under scrutiny as inspectors and detained families report instances of inadequate care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE refused KQED’s request to tour the facility to speak with staff and detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11746829\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 309px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11746829 \" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Dilley detention center can hold up to 2,400 moms and kids and is the largest in the US\" width=\"309\" height=\"231\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 309px) 100vw, 309px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Flood lights at the South Texas Family Residential Center for asylum-seeking mothers with children. \u003ccite>(Julie Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>From the outside, all that’s visible from the highway turnoff are the tops of large tents and numerous light poles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katy Murdza, an advocacy coordinator with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.immigrationjustice.us/about/our-mission\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Dilley Pro Bono Project\u003c/a>, who helps families detained at Dilley, said the detention center’s floodlights are so bright, there’s a glow a mile away from it at night. Some of the mothers she has spoken with have complained that the lights, which are never turned off, make it hard to sleep.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonprofit Dilley Pro Bono Project helps families prepare for the first hurdle in the asylum process: convincing U.S. authorities they will be persecuted or tortured if they return to their home countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='small' align='right' citation='Katy Murdza, advocacy coordinator with the Dilley Pro Bono Project']‘ICE can choose whether or not to detain someone. And that’s why we are advocating for the end to family detention. It’s not something that’s required.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every time legal advocates enter the detention center, they undergo a rigorous security check, Murdza said. Similar to an airport inspection, they have to take off belts and remove all of their belongings from their bags to show to staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of things you can’t bring in,” Murdza said. “You can’t bring in makeup, hand sanitizer — anything that ICE considers contraband.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To speed things up, Murdza and many of her colleagues cart their belongings in plastic, see-through backpacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once inside, attorneys and legal advocates can only access meeting rooms inside a trailer, or a courtroom where mothers and children present their cases to a judge via video conferencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murdza said one of the challenges when helping families is managing the needs of kids. Because they’re often too sick to go to day care, or too traumatized to be separated from their moms, children tag along to legal consultations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had kids throwing up in the meeting with the mom,” Murdza said. “Moms are deciding between going and waiting for hours at the clinic or meeting with their lawyer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Caring for Children in Detention\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of Murdza’s day is spent filing email complaints to ICE on behalf of clients she said aren’t receiving the care they need, like mothers with pregnancy complications or children losing weight quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='small' align='right' citation='Dr. Scott Allen']‘The government had great difficulty in keeping children safe and meeting their own standards.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an April 23 email, ICE said the allegations were being made by “non-clinicians with very limited access and knowledge to the full range of services and care provided” and that migrants at Dilley who require a higher level of care “are referred to the local hospital network.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But two doctors who investigated the care at Dilley in 2017 found it inadequate, especially for children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The government had great difficulty in keeping children safe and meeting their own standards,” said Dr. Scott Allen in a phone interview earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen, who was contracted by the Department of Homeland Security’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/data-complaints-received\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Office of Civil Rights and Civil Liberties\u003c/a> in 2014 to investigate the quality of medical care in family detention, found many problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen and a child and adolescent psychiatrist, Dr. Pamela McPherson, visited all of the family detention facilities in the country over a three-year period to interview staff, detainees and review medical records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to Dilley, they toured the Karnes County Residential Center in Karnes, Texas, the Berks Family Residential Center in Berks, Pennsylvania, and a now-defunct detention facility in Artesia, New Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='immigrant-detention-centers' label='More Coverage of Immigrant Detention Centers']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The doctors found problems with recruiting and retaining qualified pediatricians and mental health care providers, and a lack of access to emergency and specialty care, given the remote locations of most of the detention centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That has been continuous across facilities and continued until our last investigation,” Allen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that dedicated medical and custody staff were not at fault.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We found a lot of good people in these facilities, both from the contracting agencies and the government agencies, Homeland Security, who are working really hard trying to keep these children safe,” Allen said. “The problem is they are not being given adequate resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last June, after The Trump administration proposed to increase the number of beds for family detention from 3,400 to 15,000, Allen and McPherson sent a\u003ca href=\"https://www.whistleblower.org/press-release/dhswhistleblowersraisenewconcernstocongress/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> letter\u003c/a> to Congress cautioning against the move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our concern is that if you rapidly expand, the logistical challenges are multiplied and the number of children placed at risk is also increased,” Allen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The doctors, who are represented by lawyers at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.whistleblower.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Government Accountability Project\u003c/a>, raised additional concerns this spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Allen and McPherson still work for Homeland Security as subject matter experts, but neither has been asked to investigate family detention since 2017. The doctors asked Congress to investigate whether Homeland Security has conducted any additional investigations of conditions in family detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Legal Limits to Family Detention\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, any expansion of family detention may be curtailed by a long-standing legal agreement. The 1997 \u003ca href=\"https://www.humanrightsfirst.org/resource/flores-settlement-and-family-incarceration-brief-history-and-next-steps\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Flores settlement\u003c/a> set national standards for the humane treatment of migrant children in American custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The settlement says you can detain children,” said Professor Bill Hing with the University of San Francisco School of Law. “But if you detain children, you’ve got to meet certain requirements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hing has served as a monitor for the Flores lawsuit, visiting government facilities holding kids, including the South Texas Family Residential Center. He said the judge overseeing the settlement has made it clear that the facility in Dilley can only be used to hold children with their parents temporarily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11746826\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 332px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11746826 \" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Dilley Pro Bono Project provides legal help to migrant families in detention in south Texas\" width=\"332\" height=\"249\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 332px) 100vw, 332px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Katy Murdza shows Dilley Pro Bono Project’s banner to end detention of asylum-seeking families. \u003ccite>(Julie Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has challenged that limit in the Central District Court of California, arguing that the protections for migrant minors should only apply to children who aren’t with a parent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hing said that reasoning misses the mark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if you’ve got your mom with you, you’re still a child,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hing visited the family detention center in Dilley about a year ago. He said it looked like a campus, with clean classrooms, a library and places to exercise. But then he saw a group of mothers in an orientation meeting, with young, but lethargic children on their laps, many of them sick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They just didn’t have any energy, it was so sad,” Hing said. “That’s when you do say to yourself, ‘Really, in the United States we have this, where we’re detaining mothers and children?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='immigration' label='More Immigration Coverage']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in Dilley, Murdza said no families have to be locked up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE can choose whether or not to detain someone,” she said. “And that’s why we are advocating for the end to family detention. It’s not something that’s required.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The April 16 directive from Attorney General Barr, however, appears to require the detention of all families seeking asylum at least for the 20 days currently allowed under the Flores settlement during an influx of migrant families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE has repeatedly described family detention as a “humane” way for families to stay together while their asylum case is resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported in collaboration with Public Radio International’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.pri.org/programs/the-world\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The World\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A new federal directive, that takes effect in July, requires immigration officials to detain all asylum seekers for the months — or even years — it takes to decide their cases.",
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"title": "Trump's Push to Detain More Migrant Families Is Risky and Inhumane, Advocates Warn | KQED",
"description": "A new federal directive, that takes effect in July, requires immigration officials to detain all asylum seekers for the months — or even years — it takes to decide their cases.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">A\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>s the number of families seeking asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/sw-border-migration\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">grows\u003c/a>, the Trump administration is contemplating the detention of more parents with their children while they wait to go before an immigration judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/file/1154747/download\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">directive\u003c/a> by U.S. Attorney General William Barr that takes effect in July requires U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement to detain all asylum-seekers for the months, or even years, it takes to decide their cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear how the change in policy will be applied to families, whose children are protected from lengthy detention under a decades-old legal agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the families currently arriving from Central America are being released into the U.S. and given a notice to appear at an immigration court. A small minority — 627 mothers and children — are being detained together, according to an official with ICE; nearly all of them are being held at the South Texas Family Residential Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Most Migrant Families Detained in Rural Texas\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The facility next to the rural city of Dilley can hold up to 2,400 mothers and their children and is the largest family detention center in the country, but it has come under scrutiny as inspectors and detained families report instances of inadequate care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE refused KQED’s request to tour the facility to speak with staff and detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11746829\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 309px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11746829 \" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Dilley detention center can hold up to 2,400 moms and kids and is the largest in the US\" width=\"309\" height=\"231\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8923.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 309px) 100vw, 309px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Flood lights at the South Texas Family Residential Center for asylum-seeking mothers with children. \u003ccite>(Julie Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>From the outside, all that’s visible from the highway turnoff are the tops of large tents and numerous light poles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katy Murdza, an advocacy coordinator with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.immigrationjustice.us/about/our-mission\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Dilley Pro Bono Project\u003c/a>, who helps families detained at Dilley, said the detention center’s floodlights are so bright, there’s a glow a mile away from it at night. Some of the mothers she has spoken with have complained that the lights, which are never turned off, make it hard to sleep.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonprofit Dilley Pro Bono Project helps families prepare for the first hurdle in the asylum process: convincing U.S. authorities they will be persecuted or tortured if they return to their home countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every time legal advocates enter the detention center, they undergo a rigorous security check, Murdza said. Similar to an airport inspection, they have to take off belts and remove all of their belongings from their bags to show to staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of things you can’t bring in,” Murdza said. “You can’t bring in makeup, hand sanitizer — anything that ICE considers contraband.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To speed things up, Murdza and many of her colleagues cart their belongings in plastic, see-through backpacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once inside, attorneys and legal advocates can only access meeting rooms inside a trailer, or a courtroom where mothers and children present their cases to a judge via video conferencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murdza said one of the challenges when helping families is managing the needs of kids. Because they’re often too sick to go to day care, or too traumatized to be separated from their moms, children tag along to legal consultations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had kids throwing up in the meeting with the mom,” Murdza said. “Moms are deciding between going and waiting for hours at the clinic or meeting with their lawyer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Caring for Children in Detention\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of Murdza’s day is spent filing email complaints to ICE on behalf of clients she said aren’t receiving the care they need, like mothers with pregnancy complications or children losing weight quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an April 23 email, ICE said the allegations were being made by “non-clinicians with very limited access and knowledge to the full range of services and care provided” and that migrants at Dilley who require a higher level of care “are referred to the local hospital network.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But two doctors who investigated the care at Dilley in 2017 found it inadequate, especially for children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The government had great difficulty in keeping children safe and meeting their own standards,” said Dr. Scott Allen in a phone interview earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen, who was contracted by the Department of Homeland Security’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/data-complaints-received\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Office of Civil Rights and Civil Liberties\u003c/a> in 2014 to investigate the quality of medical care in family detention, found many problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen and a child and adolescent psychiatrist, Dr. Pamela McPherson, visited all of the family detention facilities in the country over a three-year period to interview staff, detainees and review medical records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to Dilley, they toured the Karnes County Residential Center in Karnes, Texas, the Berks Family Residential Center in Berks, Pennsylvania, and a now-defunct detention facility in Artesia, New Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The doctors found problems with recruiting and retaining qualified pediatricians and mental health care providers, and a lack of access to emergency and specialty care, given the remote locations of most of the detention centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That has been continuous across facilities and continued until our last investigation,” Allen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that dedicated medical and custody staff were not at fault.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We found a lot of good people in these facilities, both from the contracting agencies and the government agencies, Homeland Security, who are working really hard trying to keep these children safe,” Allen said. “The problem is they are not being given adequate resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last June, after The Trump administration proposed to increase the number of beds for family detention from 3,400 to 15,000, Allen and McPherson sent a\u003ca href=\"https://www.whistleblower.org/press-release/dhswhistleblowersraisenewconcernstocongress/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> letter\u003c/a> to Congress cautioning against the move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our concern is that if you rapidly expand, the logistical challenges are multiplied and the number of children placed at risk is also increased,” Allen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The doctors, who are represented by lawyers at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.whistleblower.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Government Accountability Project\u003c/a>, raised additional concerns this spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Allen and McPherson still work for Homeland Security as subject matter experts, but neither has been asked to investigate family detention since 2017. The doctors asked Congress to investigate whether Homeland Security has conducted any additional investigations of conditions in family detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Legal Limits to Family Detention\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, any expansion of family detention may be curtailed by a long-standing legal agreement. The 1997 \u003ca href=\"https://www.humanrightsfirst.org/resource/flores-settlement-and-family-incarceration-brief-history-and-next-steps\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Flores settlement\u003c/a> set national standards for the humane treatment of migrant children in American custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The settlement says you can detain children,” said Professor Bill Hing with the University of San Francisco School of Law. “But if you detain children, you’ve got to meet certain requirements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hing has served as a monitor for the Flores lawsuit, visiting government facilities holding kids, including the South Texas Family Residential Center. He said the judge overseeing the settlement has made it clear that the facility in Dilley can only be used to hold children with their parents temporarily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11746826\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 332px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11746826 \" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Dilley Pro Bono Project provides legal help to migrant families in detention in south Texas\" width=\"332\" height=\"249\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/IMG_8866.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 332px) 100vw, 332px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Katy Murdza shows Dilley Pro Bono Project’s banner to end detention of asylum-seeking families. \u003ccite>(Julie Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has challenged that limit in the Central District Court of California, arguing that the protections for migrant minors should only apply to children who aren’t with a parent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hing said that reasoning misses the mark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if you’ve got your mom with you, you’re still a child,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hing visited the family detention center in Dilley about a year ago. He said it looked like a campus, with clean classrooms, a library and places to exercise. But then he saw a group of mothers in an orientation meeting, with young, but lethargic children on their laps, many of them sick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They just didn’t have any energy, it was so sad,” Hing said. “That’s when you do say to yourself, ‘Really, in the United States we have this, where we’re detaining mothers and children?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in Dilley, Murdza said no families have to be locked up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE can choose whether or not to detain someone,” she said. “And that’s why we are advocating for the end to family detention. It’s not something that’s required.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The April 16 directive from Attorney General Barr, however, appears to require the detention of all families seeking asylum at least for the 20 days currently allowed under the Flores settlement during an influx of migrant families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE has repeatedly described family detention as a “humane” way for families to stay together while their asylum case is resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported in collaboration with Public Radio International’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.pri.org/programs/the-world\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The World\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11744155/poway-synagogue-shooter-pleads-not-guilty\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">man\u003c/a> accused of killing a woman and injuring three people in a shooting at a Poway synagogue in late April is expected to appear in court this week to face more than 100 federal charges, including obstruction of the free exercise of religion and hate crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John T. Earnest, 19, allegedly acted alone, but he posted an anti-Semitic “open letter” on 8chan, in which he credited the online forum famous for anti-Semitic conspiracy theories for helping to shape his views. He also expressed the hope his actions would serve as inspiration for a new set of memes to spread these ideas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conspiracy theories have been at the core of anti-Semitism, and the internet is a fertile breeding ground for conspiracy theorists. Exactly how this genre is evolving was the subject of an event held last week at the Computer Science Museum in Mountain View by UC Santa Cruz’s \u003ca href=\"https://thi.ucsc.edu/initiatives/data-and-democracy/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Data and Democracy initiative.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anti-Semitism is one of the oldest hatreds in the world,” said \u003ca href=\"http://racheldeblinger.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Rachel Deblinger\u003c/a>, co-director of the \u003ca href=\"https://digitaljewishstudies.sites.ucsc.edu/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Digital Jewish Studies Initiative\u003c/a> and director of the \u003ca href=\"https://digitalhumanities.ucsc.edu/category/digital-scholarship-commons/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Digital Scholarship Commons\u003c/a> at UC Santa Cruz. “The internet provides the tools of creation and dissemination to everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She argues, as do others, that social media platforms of all kinds are effectively resurrecting and refreshing ideas and visual tropes — or “memes” — stemming back to Medieval Europe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11746554\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11746554\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_Rachel_SorosMeme-800x643.jpeg\" alt=\"At a recent forum on anti-Semitism and the Internet, Rachel Deblinger, co-director of the Digital Jewish Studies Initiative at UC Santa Cruz, demonstrates how new, digital memes draw on ancient, non-digital tropes. Shown here: a recent cartoon of Hungarian-American investor and philanthropist George Soros, depicting him as a world-dominating spider, alongside something similar but much older.\" width=\"800\" height=\"643\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_Rachel_SorosMeme-800x643.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_Rachel_SorosMeme-160x129.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_Rachel_SorosMeme-1020x820.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_Rachel_SorosMeme-1200x964.jpeg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_Rachel_SorosMeme-1920x1543.jpeg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_Rachel_SorosMeme.jpeg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At a recent forum on anti-Semitism and the internet, Rachel Deblinger, co-director of the Digital Jewish Studies Initiative at UC Santa Cruz, demonstrates how new, digital memes draw on ancient, non-digital tropes. Shown here: A recent cartoon of Hungarian-American investor and philanthropist George Soros depicts him as a world-dominating spider, alongside something similar but much older. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Melody Nixon)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>You can see modern versions of images used to demonize Jews \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702239/why-its-so-hard-to-scrub-hate-speech-off-social-media\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">all over social media\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.adl.org/resources/reports/gab-and-8chan-home-to-terrorist-plots-hiding-in-plain-sight\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">not just on forums\u003c/a> where you might expect to find openly, virulent anti-Semitism, like 4chan, 8chan and Gab.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As The Associated Press recently reported, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11746028/as-facebook-pivots-to-private-platforms-how-will-we-monitor-fake-news-and-hate-speech\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Facebook \u003c/a>is inadvertently repackaging propaganda by militant groups, \u003ca href=\"https://www.apnews.com/f97c24dab4f34bd0b48b36f2988952a4\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">auto-generating\u003c/a> videos and pages the same way it reminds you to celebrate anniversaries with your Facebook friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Computer History Museum, Deblinger pointed to one Pinterest page filled with historical imagery. Without any explanatory text, it’s hard to determine the page owner’s interest in the material. But Deblinger and others agree anti-Semitic content presented without context leaves the consumer of that material free to cement opinions in any direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also said the images reinforce anti-Semitic thinking already present in our online culture. Some of today’s anti-Semitic ideas sound eerily similar to those espoused by Nazi Germany: pseudo-science theories identifying Jews as a separate race, or as being disproportionately responsible for the emergence of a host of modern social and economic ills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deblinger said journalists can unintentionally promote anti-Semitism by even just publishing anti-Semitic imagery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11746562\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11746562 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_VladRachel-800x680.jpeg\" alt=\"Vlad Khaykin, associate director of the Anti Defamation League’s regional office in San Francisco and Rachel Deblinger, co-director of the Digital Jewish Studies Initiative at UC Santa Cruz. The two spoke at a forum on anti-Semitism and the Internet at the Computer History Museum in Mountain View.\" width=\"800\" height=\"680\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_VladRachel-800x680.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_VladRachel-160x136.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_VladRachel-1020x868.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_VladRachel-1200x1021.jpeg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_VladRachel-1920x1633.jpeg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_VladRachel.jpeg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Judah “Vlad” Khaykin, associate regional director of the Anti-Defamation League’s office in San Francisco and Rachel Deblinger, co-director of the Digital Jewish Studies Initiative at UC Santa Cruz. The two spoke at a forum on anti-Semitism and the internet at the Computer History Museum in Mountain View. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Melody Nixon)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Take for example, the recent controversy involving the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/04/28/business/ny-times-anti-semitic-cartoon.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">New York Times.\u003c/a> The Times came under fierce public criticism when its international editorial section republished a cartoon of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu presented as a dog, leading a blind President Trump, dressed in the garb of Orthodox Jews. The Times later apologized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Portuguese cartoonist, António Moreira Antunes, \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/cartoonist-who-drew-nyt-cartoon-denies-its-anti-semitic-blames-jewish-1412456\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">denies\u003c/a> his work was anti-Semitic. He may have primarily intended to comment on the power dynamic between two political figures — but the imagery mimics a long line of anti-Semitic visual tropes stretching back centuries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those include cartoonish images of Jews animalized as dogs, pigs, rats and spiders, and of Jews leading “blind” non-Jewish world leaders as part of a conspiracy to dominate the world for nefarious ends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incident at the Times happened in April, the same month the Anti-Defamation League’s annual\u003ca href=\"http://www.adl.org/audit2018\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> Audit of Anti-Semitic Incidents\u003c/a> reported a total of 1,879 attacks against Jews and Jewish institutions across the U.S. in 2018 — a near-historic high in the period since ADL started tracking this data in the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_11702239,news_11745134,news_11746028' label='More coverage']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incidents include everything from fliers to robocalls, but the ADL picks out a troubling trend: “While most anti-Semitic incidents are not directly perpetrated by extremists … In 2018, 249 acts of anti-Semitism (13% of the total incidents) were attributable to known extremist groups or individuals inspired by extremist ideology.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The internet serves as the latest battleground in the fight against anti-Semitism,” said \u003ca href=\"http://judahkhaykin.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Judah “Vlad” Khaykin\u003c/a>, associate regional director of the Anti-Defamation League’s office in San Francisco. “These people are collaborating with each other. They’re sharing ‘best practices.’ They’re fundraising. They’re organizing, and so on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The internet has allowed anti-Semitism to morph and to change, and that poses new challenges,” said UC Santa Cruz history professor \u003ca href=\"https://jewishstudies.ucsc.edu/faculty/deutsch.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Nathaniel Deutsch\u003c/a> who, along with Deblinger, co-directs the Center for Jewish Studies at UC Santa Cruz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deutsch was referring to a relatively modern narrative of Jews somehow organizing or promoting non-white immigration to Western Europe and the United States, thus threatening to effect “white genocide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s this narrative that a growing number of hate speech watchers see as cultivating a sense of urgency among online readers that they must take up arms against Jews and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of those challenges, you can address through the internet itself,” Deutsch said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How exactly? He means public education campaigns, like \u003ca href=\"https://www.bendthearc.us/oneprayer\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">#ManyVoicesOnePrayer\u003c/a>, featuring more than 100 faith leaders. Posted in the wake of the Poway shootings, it addresses a larger truth about extremism online: It’s breeding attacks on all sorts of worship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/jewishaction/status/1124383196399919104\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11744155/poway-synagogue-shooter-pleads-not-guilty\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">man\u003c/a> accused of killing a woman and injuring three people in a shooting at a Poway synagogue in late April is expected to appear in court this week to face more than 100 federal charges, including obstruction of the free exercise of religion and hate crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John T. Earnest, 19, allegedly acted alone, but he posted an anti-Semitic “open letter” on 8chan, in which he credited the online forum famous for anti-Semitic conspiracy theories for helping to shape his views. He also expressed the hope his actions would serve as inspiration for a new set of memes to spread these ideas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conspiracy theories have been at the core of anti-Semitism, and the internet is a fertile breeding ground for conspiracy theorists. Exactly how this genre is evolving was the subject of an event held last week at the Computer Science Museum in Mountain View by UC Santa Cruz’s \u003ca href=\"https://thi.ucsc.edu/initiatives/data-and-democracy/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Data and Democracy initiative.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anti-Semitism is one of the oldest hatreds in the world,” said \u003ca href=\"http://racheldeblinger.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Rachel Deblinger\u003c/a>, co-director of the \u003ca href=\"https://digitaljewishstudies.sites.ucsc.edu/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Digital Jewish Studies Initiative\u003c/a> and director of the \u003ca href=\"https://digitalhumanities.ucsc.edu/category/digital-scholarship-commons/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Digital Scholarship Commons\u003c/a> at UC Santa Cruz. “The internet provides the tools of creation and dissemination to everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She argues, as do others, that social media platforms of all kinds are effectively resurrecting and refreshing ideas and visual tropes — or “memes” — stemming back to Medieval Europe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11746554\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11746554\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_Rachel_SorosMeme-800x643.jpeg\" alt=\"At a recent forum on anti-Semitism and the Internet, Rachel Deblinger, co-director of the Digital Jewish Studies Initiative at UC Santa Cruz, demonstrates how new, digital memes draw on ancient, non-digital tropes. Shown here: a recent cartoon of Hungarian-American investor and philanthropist George Soros, depicting him as a world-dominating spider, alongside something similar but much older.\" width=\"800\" height=\"643\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_Rachel_SorosMeme-800x643.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_Rachel_SorosMeme-160x129.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_Rachel_SorosMeme-1020x820.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_Rachel_SorosMeme-1200x964.jpeg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_Rachel_SorosMeme-1920x1543.jpeg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_Rachel_SorosMeme.jpeg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At a recent forum on anti-Semitism and the internet, Rachel Deblinger, co-director of the Digital Jewish Studies Initiative at UC Santa Cruz, demonstrates how new, digital memes draw on ancient, non-digital tropes. Shown here: A recent cartoon of Hungarian-American investor and philanthropist George Soros depicts him as a world-dominating spider, alongside something similar but much older. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Melody Nixon)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>You can see modern versions of images used to demonize Jews \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702239/why-its-so-hard-to-scrub-hate-speech-off-social-media\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">all over social media\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.adl.org/resources/reports/gab-and-8chan-home-to-terrorist-plots-hiding-in-plain-sight\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">not just on forums\u003c/a> where you might expect to find openly, virulent anti-Semitism, like 4chan, 8chan and Gab.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As The Associated Press recently reported, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11746028/as-facebook-pivots-to-private-platforms-how-will-we-monitor-fake-news-and-hate-speech\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Facebook \u003c/a>is inadvertently repackaging propaganda by militant groups, \u003ca href=\"https://www.apnews.com/f97c24dab4f34bd0b48b36f2988952a4\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">auto-generating\u003c/a> videos and pages the same way it reminds you to celebrate anniversaries with your Facebook friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Computer History Museum, Deblinger pointed to one Pinterest page filled with historical imagery. Without any explanatory text, it’s hard to determine the page owner’s interest in the material. But Deblinger and others agree anti-Semitic content presented without context leaves the consumer of that material free to cement opinions in any direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also said the images reinforce anti-Semitic thinking already present in our online culture. Some of today’s anti-Semitic ideas sound eerily similar to those espoused by Nazi Germany: pseudo-science theories identifying Jews as a separate race, or as being disproportionately responsible for the emergence of a host of modern social and economic ills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deblinger said journalists can unintentionally promote anti-Semitism by even just publishing anti-Semitic imagery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11746562\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11746562 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_VladRachel-800x680.jpeg\" alt=\"Vlad Khaykin, associate director of the Anti Defamation League’s regional office in San Francisco and Rachel Deblinger, co-director of the Digital Jewish Studies Initiative at UC Santa Cruz. The two spoke at a forum on anti-Semitism and the Internet at the Computer History Museum in Mountain View.\" width=\"800\" height=\"680\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_VladRachel-800x680.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_VladRachel-160x136.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_VladRachel-1020x868.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_VladRachel-1200x1021.jpeg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_VladRachel-1920x1633.jpeg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/AntisemitismInternet_VladRachel.jpeg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Judah “Vlad” Khaykin, associate regional director of the Anti-Defamation League’s office in San Francisco and Rachel Deblinger, co-director of the Digital Jewish Studies Initiative at UC Santa Cruz. The two spoke at a forum on anti-Semitism and the internet at the Computer History Museum in Mountain View. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Melody Nixon)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Take for example, the recent controversy involving the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/04/28/business/ny-times-anti-semitic-cartoon.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">New York Times.\u003c/a> The Times came under fierce public criticism when its international editorial section republished a cartoon of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu presented as a dog, leading a blind President Trump, dressed in the garb of Orthodox Jews. The Times later apologized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Portuguese cartoonist, António Moreira Antunes, \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/cartoonist-who-drew-nyt-cartoon-denies-its-anti-semitic-blames-jewish-1412456\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">denies\u003c/a> his work was anti-Semitic. He may have primarily intended to comment on the power dynamic between two political figures — but the imagery mimics a long line of anti-Semitic visual tropes stretching back centuries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those include cartoonish images of Jews animalized as dogs, pigs, rats and spiders, and of Jews leading “blind” non-Jewish world leaders as part of a conspiracy to dominate the world for nefarious ends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incident at the Times happened in April, the same month the Anti-Defamation League’s annual\u003ca href=\"http://www.adl.org/audit2018\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> Audit of Anti-Semitic Incidents\u003c/a> reported a total of 1,879 attacks against Jews and Jewish institutions across the U.S. in 2018 — a near-historic high in the period since ADL started tracking this data in the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incidents include everything from fliers to robocalls, but the ADL picks out a troubling trend: “While most anti-Semitic incidents are not directly perpetrated by extremists … In 2018, 249 acts of anti-Semitism (13% of the total incidents) were attributable to known extremist groups or individuals inspired by extremist ideology.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The internet serves as the latest battleground in the fight against anti-Semitism,” said \u003ca href=\"http://judahkhaykin.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Judah “Vlad” Khaykin\u003c/a>, associate regional director of the Anti-Defamation League’s office in San Francisco. “These people are collaborating with each other. They’re sharing ‘best practices.’ They’re fundraising. They’re organizing, and so on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The internet has allowed anti-Semitism to morph and to change, and that poses new challenges,” said UC Santa Cruz history professor \u003ca href=\"https://jewishstudies.ucsc.edu/faculty/deutsch.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Nathaniel Deutsch\u003c/a> who, along with Deblinger, co-directs the Center for Jewish Studies at UC Santa Cruz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deutsch was referring to a relatively modern narrative of Jews somehow organizing or promoting non-white immigration to Western Europe and the United States, thus threatening to effect “white genocide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s this narrative that a growing number of hate speech watchers see as cultivating a sense of urgency among online readers that they must take up arms against Jews and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of those challenges, you can address through the internet itself,” Deutsch said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How exactly? He means public education campaigns, like \u003ca href=\"https://www.bendthearc.us/oneprayer\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">#ManyVoicesOnePrayer\u003c/a>, featuring more than 100 faith leaders. Posted in the wake of the Poway shootings, it addresses a larger truth about extremism online: It’s breeding attacks on all sorts of worship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On Thursday, Gov. Gavin Newsom unveiled his revised budget, an increase of $4 billion from the first budget he announced in January. He plans to use the additional funds, which come from higher than projected state and corporate tax revenues, to help working families by eliminating sales tax on diapers, for example, and expanding paid family leave up to four months for new parents. The governor also wants to boost the amount the state spends on homelessness programs to $1 billion in the 2019-2020 fiscal year. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED Senior Editor of California Politics and Government Scott Shafer spoke with Gov. Newsom about his funding priorities and big, costly challenges ahead, from building affordable housing to fighting deadly wildfires. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Uber IPO and Tech Backlash\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ride-hailing giant Uber went public on Friday with the biggest IPO of the year, valued at $82 billion. Its main rival, Lyft, this week posted a loss of more than $1 billion in its first earnings report as a public company. Meanwhile, Uber and Lyft drivers went on strike during the morning rush-hour commute on Wednesday over wages and labor practices. Also, Facebook co-founder Chris Hughes wrote an op-ed in the \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">New York Times\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> on Thursday, joining a growing chorus of voices calling for the tech giant to be broken up or regulated. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kathleen Pender, business columnist, San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Casey Newton, senior editor, The Verge\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Climate Change and Biodiversity\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A new report released by the United Nations this week warns that many as 1 million plant and animal species are at risk of extinction from human activities such as logging, mining and overfishing. Climate change also imperils biodiversity, from ocean acidification that kills off coral reefs to warming temperatures that have threatened the survival of species like polar bears. The report also lays out clear links between biodiversity and human well-being, from food security to clean water for the world’s 7.5 billion people. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Daniel Kammen, energy professor, UC Berkeley\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tom Steyer, founder and president, NextGen America\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Finding child care in California can be tough for everyone. It’s even more difficult for families living paycheck to paycheck — families who make too much for welfare, but not enough to pay for care comfortably. Many of those families apply to receive subsidized child care through the state. But the slots are limited and the wait can last for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between her two younger children, Jacquelyne Gettone has been waiting to receive state-subsidized child care for over a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"More on affordable child care\" tag=\"child-care\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent Tuesday morning, Gettone is up at 5:30 a.m., preparing for the day. This morning I’m following her on her commute. She quickly irons the blazer she’ll wear to work and the shirt her 2-year-old son, Matthew, will wear to day care. When she hears Matthew crying in the bedroom, she goes to scoop him out of bed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within a few minutes, Matthew is dressed and ready for school. The toddler is still sleepy and a bit fussy. But Gettone is on a tight schedule and there’s little time to ease Matthew into the day. They need to be out the front door by 6 a.m. Without a car, they face a complex commute, one that involves Uber rides and BART trips. Gettone said it can take up to 2.5 hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Depending on if an Uber is three minutes away or 20 minutes away. It’s like a gamble,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today they’re in luck: An Uber is just a couple of minutes away. Gettone grabs her bags and Matthew’s things, including his large, toddler-sized car seat, and heads out the door. From her home in Antioch, she’ll head to Pittsburg to drop her son at a day care she can afford without state subsidies, and then on to Oakland, where she has a job with the city. In the Uber, Matthew vies for her attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mom … mom … Mom.. mom,” he says repeatedly, as Gettone tries to make small talk with her driver.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though she works hard to stay positive, this is not how Gettone wants to spend her mornings and evenings. Her commute costs her time with Matthew and her three older children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I come home I’m tired and I’ve missed the whole day,” she said. “Usually I’d be able to come home, cook and talk to them, and ask them how their day was. By the time I get home, everybody’s getting ready for bed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she doesn’t have a lot of options. Gettone has applied for state-subsidized child care for Matthew but has been on the waiting list for over a year. If she got it, the state would cover most — if not all — of her child care costs. It would also free up some of her money for other things, like a car, and possibly allow her to afford a more convenient child care program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the number of state-subsidized child care slots is incredibly limited. \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/Kristin-Schumacher_ChildCare-Webinar_02.25.2019.pdf\">The California Budget and Policy Center\u003c/a> found that of the roughly 2 million kids that qualify for some kind of subsidized care, just 228,100 are actually enrolled in programs that operate on more than a part-time basis. An additional 96,700 kids are enrolled in part-day preschool. A mix of high program demand, high child care costs, a lack of child care facilities and a low-paid workforce combine to make providing enough affordable care difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-11745452\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Eligibile-Graphic-800x583.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"583\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Eligibile-Graphic-800x583.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Eligibile-Graphic-160x117.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Eligibile-Graphic.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of affordable care for Matthew has already taken a steep toll on Gettone. When he was born, she was just beginning to run her own hair salon. At first she was optimistic she’d get some help from the state for his child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I figured, you know, maybe some time soon I’ll get a call or something,” she said. “And I even called and stressed to them that I’m at risk for losing my business. They’re like, oh well, call back, just call back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her name never came up. Gettone made too much money while running her salon to qualify for state welfare, which would give her automatic access to care. So after a couple of months of waiting and struggling to maintain her business and pay for child care without help, she made the hard decision to close her shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to sacrifice either my dreams or have my son pursue his dreams,” she said. “And my kids’ dreams are more important because I want to see them make it. And that’s what I did. I let go of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She finds herself in a similar position now. She still qualifies for child care subsidies, even though she’s employed with the city of Oakland. And Matthew remains on the waiting list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has made some progress in expanding access to care since it was slashed during the Great Recession. At one point, California cut more than $1 billion in funding. Now, spending has largely been restored to pre-recession levels, about $3.6 billion last year, for child care and preschool. Gettone and other advocates are supportive of \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB194\">Assembly Bill 194\u003c/a>, which would allocate an additional $1 billion for state-subsidized care. In his May budget revision, Gov. Gavin Newsom is proposing to spend $80.5 million on additional child care slots. Another $54.2 million would go to CalWORKs stage 1 child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-11745453\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Spending-Graphic-800x582.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"582\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Spending-Graphic-800x582.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Spending-Graphic-160x116.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Spending-Graphic.jpg 961w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back on her commute, after a short Uber ride from her home to the BART station, Gettone is hurrying to catch her train. Little Matthew has chosen this harried moment to have a meltdown, as 2-year-olds do. So Gettone picks him up while I grab the bulky car seat and we sprint down the stairs to the train. We make it, but as we settle in, I keep thinking: She usually does this alone?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A short ride later and we transfer to another BART that will drop us off in Pittsburg. From there she takes an Uber to drop Matthew at day care and quickly returns to the BART station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gettone knows her son is in good hands. The same teacher also looked after her 12-year-old daughter, Margeaux, who has never received subsidized care, even though she’s been on the waiting list since she was a baby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gettone would like things to be a bit easier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would like to be closer to my job so I wouldn’t have to commute so far and I would like to have affordable transportation to get there,” she said. “That would alleviate a lot of stress. As well as the funding for child care would help, too. That would help a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for now she’s trying to make it work. Back at the BART station, Gettone boards the train for the final leg of her trip. Roughly 40 minutes later, around 8 a.m., the train pulls into downtown Oakland. Gettone steps off, ready to begin her day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Finding child care in California can be tough for everyone. It’s even more difficult for families living paycheck to paycheck — families who make too much for welfare, but not enough to pay for care comfortably. Many of those families apply to receive subsidized child care through the state. But the slots are limited and the wait can last for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between her two younger children, Jacquelyne Gettone has been waiting to receive state-subsidized child care for over a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent Tuesday morning, Gettone is up at 5:30 a.m., preparing for the day. This morning I’m following her on her commute. She quickly irons the blazer she’ll wear to work and the shirt her 2-year-old son, Matthew, will wear to day care. When she hears Matthew crying in the bedroom, she goes to scoop him out of bed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within a few minutes, Matthew is dressed and ready for school. The toddler is still sleepy and a bit fussy. But Gettone is on a tight schedule and there’s little time to ease Matthew into the day. They need to be out the front door by 6 a.m. Without a car, they face a complex commute, one that involves Uber rides and BART trips. Gettone said it can take up to 2.5 hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Depending on if an Uber is three minutes away or 20 minutes away. It’s like a gamble,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today they’re in luck: An Uber is just a couple of minutes away. Gettone grabs her bags and Matthew’s things, including his large, toddler-sized car seat, and heads out the door. From her home in Antioch, she’ll head to Pittsburg to drop her son at a day care she can afford without state subsidies, and then on to Oakland, where she has a job with the city. In the Uber, Matthew vies for her attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mom … mom … Mom.. mom,” he says repeatedly, as Gettone tries to make small talk with her driver.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though she works hard to stay positive, this is not how Gettone wants to spend her mornings and evenings. Her commute costs her time with Matthew and her three older children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I come home I’m tired and I’ve missed the whole day,” she said. “Usually I’d be able to come home, cook and talk to them, and ask them how their day was. By the time I get home, everybody’s getting ready for bed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she doesn’t have a lot of options. Gettone has applied for state-subsidized child care for Matthew but has been on the waiting list for over a year. If she got it, the state would cover most — if not all — of her child care costs. It would also free up some of her money for other things, like a car, and possibly allow her to afford a more convenient child care program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the number of state-subsidized child care slots is incredibly limited. \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/Kristin-Schumacher_ChildCare-Webinar_02.25.2019.pdf\">The California Budget and Policy Center\u003c/a> found that of the roughly 2 million kids that qualify for some kind of subsidized care, just 228,100 are actually enrolled in programs that operate on more than a part-time basis. An additional 96,700 kids are enrolled in part-day preschool. A mix of high program demand, high child care costs, a lack of child care facilities and a low-paid workforce combine to make providing enough affordable care difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-11745452\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Eligibile-Graphic-800x583.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"583\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Eligibile-Graphic-800x583.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Eligibile-Graphic-160x117.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Eligibile-Graphic.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of affordable care for Matthew has already taken a steep toll on Gettone. When he was born, she was just beginning to run her own hair salon. At first she was optimistic she’d get some help from the state for his child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I figured, you know, maybe some time soon I’ll get a call or something,” she said. “And I even called and stressed to them that I’m at risk for losing my business. They’re like, oh well, call back, just call back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her name never came up. Gettone made too much money while running her salon to qualify for state welfare, which would give her automatic access to care. So after a couple of months of waiting and struggling to maintain her business and pay for child care without help, she made the hard decision to close her shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to sacrifice either my dreams or have my son pursue his dreams,” she said. “And my kids’ dreams are more important because I want to see them make it. And that’s what I did. I let go of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She finds herself in a similar position now. She still qualifies for child care subsidies, even though she’s employed with the city of Oakland. And Matthew remains on the waiting list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has made some progress in expanding access to care since it was slashed during the Great Recession. At one point, California cut more than $1 billion in funding. Now, spending has largely been restored to pre-recession levels, about $3.6 billion last year, for child care and preschool. Gettone and other advocates are supportive of \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB194\">Assembly Bill 194\u003c/a>, which would allocate an additional $1 billion for state-subsidized care. In his May budget revision, Gov. Gavin Newsom is proposing to spend $80.5 million on additional child care slots. Another $54.2 million would go to CalWORKs stage 1 child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-11745453\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Spending-Graphic-800x582.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"582\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Spending-Graphic-800x582.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Spending-Graphic-160x116.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Spending-Graphic.jpg 961w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back on her commute, after a short Uber ride from her home to the BART station, Gettone is hurrying to catch her train. Little Matthew has chosen this harried moment to have a meltdown, as 2-year-olds do. So Gettone picks him up while I grab the bulky car seat and we sprint down the stairs to the train. We make it, but as we settle in, I keep thinking: She usually does this alone?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A short ride later and we transfer to another BART that will drop us off in Pittsburg. From there she takes an Uber to drop Matthew at day care and quickly returns to the BART station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gettone knows her son is in good hands. The same teacher also looked after her 12-year-old daughter, Margeaux, who has never received subsidized care, even though she’s been on the waiting list since she was a baby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gettone would like things to be a bit easier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would like to be closer to my job so I wouldn’t have to commute so far and I would like to have affordable transportation to get there,” she said. “That would alleviate a lot of stress. As well as the funding for child care would help, too. That would help a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for now she’s trying to make it work. Back at the BART station, Gettone boards the train for the final leg of her trip. Roughly 40 minutes later, around 8 a.m., the train pulls into downtown Oakland. Gettone steps off, ready to begin her day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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},
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"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"order": 10
},
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},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
"title": "City Arts & Lectures",
"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
"subscribe": {
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
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