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"content": "\u003cp>The woman facing federal charges for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062859/suspected-u-haul-driver-charged-with-assaulting-federal-officers-after-bay-area-protest\">driving a U-Haul truck toward Coast Guard officers\u003c/a> during an immigration protest in Oakland last month was released on bail early Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bella Thompson, 26, is expected to reside with her parents in Southern California while attending an outpatient mental health treatment program pending trial, according to new court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson is accused of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061436/2-injured-after-officers-shoot-at-truck-outside-alameda-base-following-day-of-protests\">reversing a U-Haul truck toward a blockade of federal officers\u003c/a> on the bridge to Alameda’s Coast Guard Island on the night of Oct. 23. That day, U.S. Border Patrol agents had arrived on the base ahead of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061209/lurie-trump-is-calling-off-plans-to-send-federal-troops-to-san-francisco\">planned “surge”\u003c/a> of immigration enforcement activity in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, the Coast Guard said the Department of Homeland Security planned to use the base as a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061080/federal-border-agents-to-arrive-in-bay-area-as-cities-brace-for-enforcement-surge\">place of operation\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their arrival that morning sparked protests across the Bay Area, including at the intersection of Dennison Street and Embarcadero in Oakland, which leads onto the base’s single access bridge. For hours, hundreds of activists tried to block vehicles from driving on or off the island, though most dispersed in the afternoon after California Highway Patrol cleared the road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly before 10 p.m., prosecutors say, Thompson arrived at the intersection, where a few dozen protesters remained. Prosecutors allege she reversed the truck onto the bridge and defied orders to stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062874\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062874\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/UHaulCoastGuardAlamedaAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/UHaulCoastGuardAlamedaAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/UHaulCoastGuardAlamedaAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/UHaulCoastGuardAlamedaAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police officers examine a U-Haul truck involved in a shooting at the entrance to Coast Guard Base Alameda, according to an officer at the scene, Friday, Oct. 24, 2025, in Oakland, California. \u003ccite>(Noah Berger/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>They say Coast Guard personnel feared for their lives and opened fire on the truck, striking Thompson and a bystander.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson drove off but was detained later that night at Highland Hospital in Oakland, where she was being treated for a gunshot wound to the back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order to release Thompson pending trial on Thursday comes a week after she appeared in court for a bail hearing that was sealed to the public, since defense attorneys said it would include discussion of her mental health diagnosis and medical and hospitalization information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to federal prosecutors, she returned to the court on Thursday for further proceedings and was ultimately granted bail. They moved to pause Thompson’s release that day, saying they planned to appeal the decision.[aside postID=news_12063471 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251023-MAYOR-LEE-PRESSER-MD-02_qed.jpg']Prosecutors had argued that Thompson should remain in custody pending trial, calling her a “danger to the community” and citing her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12063898/suspected-u-haul-driver-tried-to-flee-hospital-after-coast-guard-shooting-police-report-says\">attempt to flee detention\u003c/a> on the night of her arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to police reports, Thompson tried to escape Alameda police officers at Highland Hospital after asking to use the restroom. Officers wrote that they tackled her to the ground and handcuffed her to a gurney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That night, Thompson was transferred to John George Psychiatric Hospital and underwent a mental health evaluation. She was later placed on a 72-hour involuntary psychiatric hold before being booked into Santa Rita Jail in Dublin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The conditions of release currently set — which include release to a ‘partial hospitalization plan’ — are insufficient to ensure the safety of the community,” the government’s motion read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District Judge Casey Pitts late Thursday granted a temporary delay on her release until 4 p.m. Friday. Normally, that order would have required Thompson to remain in custody until it expired or Pitts issued a further instruction, but she was released around 2:30 a.m. Friday, according to her attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12063909\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12063909\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251024-CoastGuard-01-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251024-CoastGuard-01-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251024-CoastGuard-01-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251024-CoastGuard-01-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Law enforcement agents stand at the intersection of Dennison Street and Embarcadero in front of Coast Guard Island in Oakland on Oct. 24, 2025, following a shooting late last night in which security personnel opened fire on a U-Haul near the base. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a motion they filed Friday morning opposing the delay of Thompson’s release, attorneys Elisse Larouche and Kaitlyn Frysek wrote that the government did not make a strong case that her release posed a danger to the community, citing that she had no criminal record and would be required to reside with her parents in Southern California pending trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also wrote that delaying bail would delay Thompson’s participation in a mental health treatment program 25 hours per week beginning Monday, and could cause potential harm to her mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pitts vacated the temporary delay of release on Friday morning, writing that it was not warranted since Thompson had been released from custody and “a judge had ‘appropriately tailored’ the conditions of release ‘to avoid risk to the community’” pending appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, the Coast Guard said the Department of Homeland Security planned to use the base as a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061080/federal-border-agents-to-arrive-in-bay-area-as-cities-brace-for-enforcement-surge\">place of operation\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their arrival that morning sparked protests across the Bay Area, including at the intersection of Dennison Street and Embarcadero in Oakland, which leads onto the base’s single access bridge. For hours, hundreds of activists tried to block vehicles from driving on or off the island, though most dispersed in the afternoon after California Highway Patrol cleared the road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly before 10 p.m., prosecutors say, Thompson arrived at the intersection, where a few dozen protesters remained. Prosecutors allege she reversed the truck onto the bridge and defied orders to stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062874\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062874\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/UHaulCoastGuardAlamedaAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/UHaulCoastGuardAlamedaAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/UHaulCoastGuardAlamedaAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/UHaulCoastGuardAlamedaAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police officers examine a U-Haul truck involved in a shooting at the entrance to Coast Guard Base Alameda, according to an officer at the scene, Friday, Oct. 24, 2025, in Oakland, California. \u003ccite>(Noah Berger/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>They say Coast Guard personnel feared for their lives and opened fire on the truck, striking Thompson and a bystander.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson drove off but was detained later that night at Highland Hospital in Oakland, where she was being treated for a gunshot wound to the back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order to release Thompson pending trial on Thursday comes a week after she appeared in court for a bail hearing that was sealed to the public, since defense attorneys said it would include discussion of her mental health diagnosis and medical and hospitalization information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to federal prosecutors, she returned to the court on Thursday for further proceedings and was ultimately granted bail. They moved to pause Thompson’s release that day, saying they planned to appeal the decision.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Prosecutors had argued that Thompson should remain in custody pending trial, calling her a “danger to the community” and citing her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12063898/suspected-u-haul-driver-tried-to-flee-hospital-after-coast-guard-shooting-police-report-says\">attempt to flee detention\u003c/a> on the night of her arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to police reports, Thompson tried to escape Alameda police officers at Highland Hospital after asking to use the restroom. Officers wrote that they tackled her to the ground and handcuffed her to a gurney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That night, Thompson was transferred to John George Psychiatric Hospital and underwent a mental health evaluation. She was later placed on a 72-hour involuntary psychiatric hold before being booked into Santa Rita Jail in Dublin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The conditions of release currently set — which include release to a ‘partial hospitalization plan’ — are insufficient to ensure the safety of the community,” the government’s motion read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District Judge Casey Pitts late Thursday granted a temporary delay on her release until 4 p.m. Friday. Normally, that order would have required Thompson to remain in custody until it expired or Pitts issued a further instruction, but she was released around 2:30 a.m. Friday, according to her attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12063909\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12063909\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251024-CoastGuard-01-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251024-CoastGuard-01-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251024-CoastGuard-01-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251024-CoastGuard-01-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Law enforcement agents stand at the intersection of Dennison Street and Embarcadero in front of Coast Guard Island in Oakland on Oct. 24, 2025, following a shooting late last night in which security personnel opened fire on a U-Haul near the base. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a motion they filed Friday morning opposing the delay of Thompson’s release, attorneys Elisse Larouche and Kaitlyn Frysek wrote that the government did not make a strong case that her release posed a danger to the community, citing that she had no criminal record and would be required to reside with her parents in Southern California pending trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also wrote that delaying bail would delay Thompson’s participation in a mental health treatment program 25 hours per week beginning Monday, and could cause potential harm to her mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pitts vacated the temporary delay of release on Friday morning, writing that it was not warranted since Thompson had been released from custody and “a judge had ‘appropriately tailored’ the conditions of release ‘to avoid risk to the community’” pending appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The trial of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/12255111/kevin-epps-documentary-filmmaker-arrested-in-glen-park-homicide\">San Francisco filmmaker and journalist Kevin Epps\u003c/a>, charged with murder for a 2016 shooting, continued Thursday with an emotional testimony from the daughter of the man Epps said he shot in self-defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trial began Monday — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/12255111/kevin-epps-documentary-filmmaker-arrested-in-glen-park-homicide\">years after the death of Marcus Polk\u003c/a> at the home of Epps, his partner and their two young children in San Francisco’s Glen Park neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two men knew each other: Epps’ sister-in-law is the ex-wife of Marcus Polk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors said they lacked sufficient evidence \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/12260643/san-francisco-filmmaker-kevin-epps-relieved-after-his-release-from-jail\">to charge Epps immediately after the Oct. 24, 2016, shooting\u003c/a>, but changed course in 2019, citing new evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Epps faces \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/26221400-people-v-epps-defense-trial-brief-witness-list/#document/p1\">charges \u003c/a>of one count of murder, with an enhancement for personal discharge of a firearm causing death, and two counts of being a felon in possession of a firearm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, Assistant District Attorney Jonathan Schmidt questioned Melina Polk, Epps’ former niece and one of Polk’s daughters, extensively about the Epps’ home dynamic and events leading up to the Monday afternoon shooting in October 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now 26, Melina Polk said that growing up, she, her mother and her siblings were frequent visitors to the Glen Park home, often staying overnight (Melina Polk’s mother, Star Gul, is the sister of Maryam Jhan, who was then-engaged to Epps).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12065011\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12065011\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251120-KEVIN-EPPS-TRIAL-ADE-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251120-KEVIN-EPPS-TRIAL-ADE-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251120-KEVIN-EPPS-TRIAL-ADE-02-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251120-KEVIN-EPPS-TRIAL-ADE-02-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supporters of Kevin Epps rally outside of the Hall of Justice in San Francisco on Nov. 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Polk, who was homeless at the time, would also frequently show up at the house to take a shower, listen to music or spend time with family, his daughter said. Melina Polk, who was 17 at the time of the shooting, testified that it was a generally positive atmosphere in the home, but that Epps often appeared “irritated” at Polk’s presence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melina Polk recalled Epps saying things like “Why does he show up here?” and complaining that her father didn’t “have any responsibilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Questioning on Thursday focused heavily on an incident the night before the shooting, when Polk showed up at the Epps’ home late at night but was not let in. He returned the next day — the day of the shooting — and got into an argument with two housing authority maintenance men who had accused him of putting trash in another resident’s bin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That led to a confrontation outside the house, culminating in Polk allegedly “barging into the house” and threatening to “air out” Epps, according to a trial brief submitted by the defense. The situation escalated, and Epps fired two shots, killing Polk.[aside postID=news_11747563 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/KevinEpps.MAIN_.jpg']A toxicology report by the San Francisco Office of the Chief Medical Examiner found that Polk’s blood contained methamphetamine and cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a lunch break, supporters of Epps rallied on the steps of San Francisco’s Hall of Justice. They called for District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, who attended the hearing, to drop the charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ I think we really need to question when prosecutors decide to bring someone like Kevin Epps to trial, if they have a problem accepting that somebody with his background, with his color skin from the neighborhood that he’s from, acted in self-defense instead of malice,” said Julian Davis, a spokesperson for Epps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Epps is a well-known San Francisco filmmaker from the Bayview-Hunters Point neighborhood who has made a series of films about the African American experience in the Bay Area, including the 2003 film \u003cem>Straight Outta Hunters Point\u003c/em>. Recently, he has served as the executive editor of the San Francisco Bay View newspaper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has a “\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?lawCode=PEN§ionNum=198.5.\">castle doctrine\u003c/a>” law on the books, which states that people who use force intended to cause death or great bodily injury within their residence are presumed to have a reasonable fear of imminent peril to themselves or other household members when that force is used against someone who unlawfully or forcibly enters a residence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, the San Francisco District Attorney filed charges after 3D-generated images recreating the shooting purported to show the men in a position that prosecutors said was not consistent with self-defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That evidence has since been withdrawn, after objections by the defense. Epps was released on bail in Aug. 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some rally attendees expressed astonishment that the case was ongoing, nearly 10 years after the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ I know that Kevin is a very honorable man,” said Carol McGruder, a longtime friend of Epps. “I don’t think that he’s just shooting and killing people for no good reason at all. It’s a tragic event, but I’m here to support him. He is a valued community member, a father and we want to get this behind us, have justice and have him be exonerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the witness stand, Melina Polk at times had to look at a transcript from a 2016 interview she gave to refresh her memory about the events leading up to and on the day of the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was overcome with emotion as she recalled the day of the shooting. After hearing the pop of the gun from a nearby room, she walked upstairs and saw her father struggling to breathe. She said she looked away for a moment, and when she looked back, he had fallen to the ground and appeared to have stopped breathing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trial continues on Friday with Gul’s testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The trial of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/12255111/kevin-epps-documentary-filmmaker-arrested-in-glen-park-homicide\">San Francisco filmmaker and journalist Kevin Epps\u003c/a>, charged with murder for a 2016 shooting, continued Thursday with an emotional testimony from the daughter of the man Epps said he shot in self-defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trial began Monday — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/12255111/kevin-epps-documentary-filmmaker-arrested-in-glen-park-homicide\">years after the death of Marcus Polk\u003c/a> at the home of Epps, his partner and their two young children in San Francisco’s Glen Park neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two men knew each other: Epps’ sister-in-law is the ex-wife of Marcus Polk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors said they lacked sufficient evidence \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/12260643/san-francisco-filmmaker-kevin-epps-relieved-after-his-release-from-jail\">to charge Epps immediately after the Oct. 24, 2016, shooting\u003c/a>, but changed course in 2019, citing new evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Epps faces \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/26221400-people-v-epps-defense-trial-brief-witness-list/#document/p1\">charges \u003c/a>of one count of murder, with an enhancement for personal discharge of a firearm causing death, and two counts of being a felon in possession of a firearm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, Assistant District Attorney Jonathan Schmidt questioned Melina Polk, Epps’ former niece and one of Polk’s daughters, extensively about the Epps’ home dynamic and events leading up to the Monday afternoon shooting in October 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now 26, Melina Polk said that growing up, she, her mother and her siblings were frequent visitors to the Glen Park home, often staying overnight (Melina Polk’s mother, Star Gul, is the sister of Maryam Jhan, who was then-engaged to Epps).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12065011\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12065011\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251120-KEVIN-EPPS-TRIAL-ADE-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251120-KEVIN-EPPS-TRIAL-ADE-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251120-KEVIN-EPPS-TRIAL-ADE-02-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251120-KEVIN-EPPS-TRIAL-ADE-02-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supporters of Kevin Epps rally outside of the Hall of Justice in San Francisco on Nov. 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Polk, who was homeless at the time, would also frequently show up at the house to take a shower, listen to music or spend time with family, his daughter said. Melina Polk, who was 17 at the time of the shooting, testified that it was a generally positive atmosphere in the home, but that Epps often appeared “irritated” at Polk’s presence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melina Polk recalled Epps saying things like “Why does he show up here?” and complaining that her father didn’t “have any responsibilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Questioning on Thursday focused heavily on an incident the night before the shooting, when Polk showed up at the Epps’ home late at night but was not let in. He returned the next day — the day of the shooting — and got into an argument with two housing authority maintenance men who had accused him of putting trash in another resident’s bin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That led to a confrontation outside the house, culminating in Polk allegedly “barging into the house” and threatening to “air out” Epps, according to a trial brief submitted by the defense. The situation escalated, and Epps fired two shots, killing Polk.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A toxicology report by the San Francisco Office of the Chief Medical Examiner found that Polk’s blood contained methamphetamine and cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a lunch break, supporters of Epps rallied on the steps of San Francisco’s Hall of Justice. They called for District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, who attended the hearing, to drop the charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ I think we really need to question when prosecutors decide to bring someone like Kevin Epps to trial, if they have a problem accepting that somebody with his background, with his color skin from the neighborhood that he’s from, acted in self-defense instead of malice,” said Julian Davis, a spokesperson for Epps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Epps is a well-known San Francisco filmmaker from the Bayview-Hunters Point neighborhood who has made a series of films about the African American experience in the Bay Area, including the 2003 film \u003cem>Straight Outta Hunters Point\u003c/em>. Recently, he has served as the executive editor of the San Francisco Bay View newspaper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has a “\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?lawCode=PEN§ionNum=198.5.\">castle doctrine\u003c/a>” law on the books, which states that people who use force intended to cause death or great bodily injury within their residence are presumed to have a reasonable fear of imminent peril to themselves or other household members when that force is used against someone who unlawfully or forcibly enters a residence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, the San Francisco District Attorney filed charges after 3D-generated images recreating the shooting purported to show the men in a position that prosecutors said was not consistent with self-defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That evidence has since been withdrawn, after objections by the defense. Epps was released on bail in Aug. 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some rally attendees expressed astonishment that the case was ongoing, nearly 10 years after the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ I know that Kevin is a very honorable man,” said Carol McGruder, a longtime friend of Epps. “I don’t think that he’s just shooting and killing people for no good reason at all. It’s a tragic event, but I’m here to support him. He is a valued community member, a father and we want to get this behind us, have justice and have him be exonerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the witness stand, Melina Polk at times had to look at a transcript from a 2016 interview she gave to refresh her memory about the events leading up to and on the day of the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was overcome with emotion as she recalled the day of the shooting. After hearing the pop of the gun from a nearby room, she walked upstairs and saw her father struggling to breathe. She said she looked away for a moment, and when she looked back, he had fallen to the ground and appeared to have stopped breathing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trial continues on Friday with Gul’s testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "eric-swalwell-california-governor-race",
"title": "East Bay Rep. Eric Swalwell Announces Run for California Governor",
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"headTitle": "East Bay Rep. Eric Swalwell Announces Run for California Governor | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>East Bay Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/eric-swalwell\">Eric Swalwell\u003c/a> on Thursday became the latest Democrat to throw his hat in the ring for the 2026 governor’s race — announcing his campaign shortly before a scheduled appearance on “Jimmy Kimmel Live!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our state, this great state, needs a fighter and a protector,” Swalwell told Kimmel. “Someone who will bring prices down, lift wages up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell has been a high-profile critic of President Donald Trump, taking a leading role in Trump’s second impeachment trial in 2021 and maintaining a regular presence on cable TV. The former Alameda County prosecutor has raised money and campaigned for Democrats across the country, and he could tap those relationships as he enters what promises to be an expensive campaign for the state’s top job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in these fights as a city councilmember up in Dublin, my hometown, as a prosecutor in Oakland, and taking on the most corrupt president ever in the U.S. Congress,” Swalwell said. “But I’m ready to bring this fight home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell lashed out at Trump for his administration’s cuts to cancer research grants, accusing him of targeting Democratic-led states such as California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a little personal to me…I lost my best friend two months ago, my mom passed and she passed from cancer,” he said. “People in California expect that you’re going to invest in cancer research, not cut it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11856940\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11856940\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/RS46738_GettyImages-1230571274-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/RS46738_GettyImages-1230571274-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/RS46738_GettyImages-1230571274-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/RS46738_GettyImages-1230571274-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/RS46738_GettyImages-1230571274-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/RS46738_GettyImages-1230571274-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">House Impeachment Manager Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-California), center, wears a protective mask while walking to the House Floor during a vote on the impeachment of President Donald Trump at the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 13, 2021, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Stefani Reynolds/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The race to succeed termed-out Gov. Gavin Newsom remains wide open less than seven months before the June primary. Former Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030198/prewrite-kamala-harris-enters-california-governor-race-upending-democratic-landscape\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> and U.S. Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062840/alex-padilla-says-he-wont-run-for-california-governor-in-2026\">Alex Padilla\u003c/a> both passed on running, and the special election over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/proposition-50\">Proposition 50\u003c/a> diverted attention and fundraising away from the campaign for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8wp3s6qw\">poll\u003c/a> from the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies this month found 44% of voters remain undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell’s views on state policy are largely undefined, and he enters the race with far less experience in the state Capitol than fellow Democratic hopefuls \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034105/xavier-becerra-enters-california-governors-race-citing-break-glass-moment\">Xavier Becerra\u003c/a>, the former attorney general, and Antonio Villaraigosa, who served as Assembly speaker before he was mayor of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Swalwell’s clashes with Trump and Republicans in Washington could resonate with Democratic voters looking for California leaders to spearhead a resistance to the White House.[aside postID=news_12064558 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/TomSteyerGetty.jpg']When the House voted to impeach Trump in 2021 for inciting an insurrection at the U.S. Capitol, Swalwell was tapped by then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi to help present the case to the Senate as an impeachment manager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Trump was acquitted, Swalwell sued him in civil court, arguing that the president fomented an attack that violated his civil rights and caused emotional distress. That lawsuit is ongoing in the U.S. District Court in Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, a top housing official in the Trump administration called for a criminal probe into Swalwell, alleging the congressman may have made false or misleading statements on mortgage documents to secure better loan terms. The accusations are similar to criminal referrals made against other Trump critics, including New York Attorney General Letitia James and Sen. Adam Schiff of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell has denied wrongdoing and framed the move as political retaliation, telling Kimmel the charge was “nonsense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If he thinks for one second that me, Schiff … Tish James are going to hide under the bed or shrink or just go quiet, we’re not,” Swalwell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038122\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038122\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-2208703970-scaled-e1763745715708.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-California) speaks during the Hands Off! day of action against the Trump administration and Elon Musk on April 05, 2025, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Paul Morigi/Getty Images for Community Change Action)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Born in Iowa and raised in a Republican household, Swalwell has long joked that he appears on Fox News so his parents can see him. He was the first member of his family to attend college and spent years as a prosecutor in the Alameda County district attorney’s office. Two of Swalwell’s brothers served as deputies in the county sheriff’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell burst onto the political scene in 2012, when he defeated longtime incumbent Rep. Pete Stark. In Congress, Swalwell parlayed a savvy use of social media and regular appearances on cable news into a national following and a significant financial war chest. In 2018, he campaigned across the country for Democratic congressional candidates as the party won back control of the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year later, Swalwell launched \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11715560/east-bay-democrat-eric-swalwell-joins-2020-presidential-field\">a long-shot presidential campaign\u003c/a> centered on reducing gun violence, but he failed to gain traction and ended his bid after just three months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell’s path to the governor’s office could rely on support from Bay Area voters. He and state Superintendent Tony Thurmond, a former Assembly member from Richmond, are the only candidates who have won office in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, Northern California has been the bedrock of high-propensity Democratic voters, although the region has supported the state’s two Los Angeles-based U.S. senators, Padilla and Schiff, in recent elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The East Bay congressman entered the 2026 campaign Thursday with an appearance on “Jimmy Kimmel Live!” \r\n",
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"title": "East Bay Rep. Eric Swalwell Announces Run for California Governor | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>East Bay Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/eric-swalwell\">Eric Swalwell\u003c/a> on Thursday became the latest Democrat to throw his hat in the ring for the 2026 governor’s race — announcing his campaign shortly before a scheduled appearance on “Jimmy Kimmel Live!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our state, this great state, needs a fighter and a protector,” Swalwell told Kimmel. “Someone who will bring prices down, lift wages up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell has been a high-profile critic of President Donald Trump, taking a leading role in Trump’s second impeachment trial in 2021 and maintaining a regular presence on cable TV. The former Alameda County prosecutor has raised money and campaigned for Democrats across the country, and he could tap those relationships as he enters what promises to be an expensive campaign for the state’s top job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in these fights as a city councilmember up in Dublin, my hometown, as a prosecutor in Oakland, and taking on the most corrupt president ever in the U.S. Congress,” Swalwell said. “But I’m ready to bring this fight home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell lashed out at Trump for his administration’s cuts to cancer research grants, accusing him of targeting Democratic-led states such as California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a little personal to me…I lost my best friend two months ago, my mom passed and she passed from cancer,” he said. “People in California expect that you’re going to invest in cancer research, not cut it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11856940\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11856940\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/RS46738_GettyImages-1230571274-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/RS46738_GettyImages-1230571274-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/RS46738_GettyImages-1230571274-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/RS46738_GettyImages-1230571274-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/RS46738_GettyImages-1230571274-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/RS46738_GettyImages-1230571274-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">House Impeachment Manager Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-California), center, wears a protective mask while walking to the House Floor during a vote on the impeachment of President Donald Trump at the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 13, 2021, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Stefani Reynolds/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The race to succeed termed-out Gov. Gavin Newsom remains wide open less than seven months before the June primary. Former Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030198/prewrite-kamala-harris-enters-california-governor-race-upending-democratic-landscape\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> and U.S. Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062840/alex-padilla-says-he-wont-run-for-california-governor-in-2026\">Alex Padilla\u003c/a> both passed on running, and the special election over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/proposition-50\">Proposition 50\u003c/a> diverted attention and fundraising away from the campaign for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8wp3s6qw\">poll\u003c/a> from the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies this month found 44% of voters remain undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell’s views on state policy are largely undefined, and he enters the race with far less experience in the state Capitol than fellow Democratic hopefuls \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034105/xavier-becerra-enters-california-governors-race-citing-break-glass-moment\">Xavier Becerra\u003c/a>, the former attorney general, and Antonio Villaraigosa, who served as Assembly speaker before he was mayor of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Swalwell’s clashes with Trump and Republicans in Washington could resonate with Democratic voters looking for California leaders to spearhead a resistance to the White House.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>When the House voted to impeach Trump in 2021 for inciting an insurrection at the U.S. Capitol, Swalwell was tapped by then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi to help present the case to the Senate as an impeachment manager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Trump was acquitted, Swalwell sued him in civil court, arguing that the president fomented an attack that violated his civil rights and caused emotional distress. That lawsuit is ongoing in the U.S. District Court in Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, a top housing official in the Trump administration called for a criminal probe into Swalwell, alleging the congressman may have made false or misleading statements on mortgage documents to secure better loan terms. The accusations are similar to criminal referrals made against other Trump critics, including New York Attorney General Letitia James and Sen. Adam Schiff of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell has denied wrongdoing and framed the move as political retaliation, telling Kimmel the charge was “nonsense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If he thinks for one second that me, Schiff … Tish James are going to hide under the bed or shrink or just go quiet, we’re not,” Swalwell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038122\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038122\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-2208703970-scaled-e1763745715708.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-California) speaks during the Hands Off! day of action against the Trump administration and Elon Musk on April 05, 2025, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Paul Morigi/Getty Images for Community Change Action)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Born in Iowa and raised in a Republican household, Swalwell has long joked that he appears on Fox News so his parents can see him. He was the first member of his family to attend college and spent years as a prosecutor in the Alameda County district attorney’s office. Two of Swalwell’s brothers served as deputies in the county sheriff’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell burst onto the political scene in 2012, when he defeated longtime incumbent Rep. Pete Stark. In Congress, Swalwell parlayed a savvy use of social media and regular appearances on cable news into a national following and a significant financial war chest. In 2018, he campaigned across the country for Democratic congressional candidates as the party won back control of the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year later, Swalwell launched \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11715560/east-bay-democrat-eric-swalwell-joins-2020-presidential-field\">a long-shot presidential campaign\u003c/a> centered on reducing gun violence, but he failed to gain traction and ended his bid after just three months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell’s path to the governor’s office could rely on support from Bay Area voters. He and state Superintendent Tony Thurmond, a former Assembly member from Richmond, are the only candidates who have won office in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, Northern California has been the bedrock of high-propensity Democratic voters, although the region has supported the state’s two Los Angeles-based U.S. senators, Padilla and Schiff, in recent elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-ag-rob-bonta-wont-rule-out-a-run-for-governor-amid-campaign-fund-questions",
"title": "California AG Rob Bonta Won’t Rule Out a Run for Governor Amid Campaign Fund Questions",
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"content": "\u003cp>California Attorney General \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rob-bonta\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a> on Thursday left the door open to a possible run for governor, weeks after previously saying he would stay out of the 2026 race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064988/california-attorney-general-has-filed-46-lawsuits-against-trump-administration\">KQED’s \u003cem>Political Breakdown\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, Bonta also provided new details about his spending of campaign funds on legal services as he faced questions in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022612/ex-oakland-mayor-sheng-thao-3-others-charged-with-bribery-sprawling-corruption-probe\">the federal corruption investigation that ensnared former Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao\u003c/a>. Bonta is not accused of any wrongdoing, but questions about his connection to the East Bay recycling executives \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12018120/family-center-oakland-fbi-raid-backed-thao-secure-lucrative-contracts-da-says\">at the center\u003c/a> of the scandal have swirled alongside speculation about his political future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As attorney general, Bonta has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910625/california-attorney-general-rob-bonta-on-standing-up-to-the-trump-administration\">spearheaded California’s legal battles\u003c/a> against the Trump administration, and his position as the state’s top law enforcement official could serve as a springboard to pursue the governorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said he had initially hoped former Vice President Kamala Harris would run to succeed Gov. Gavin Newsom, who is termed out in 2027. When Harris \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030198/prewrite-kamala-harris-enters-california-governor-race-upending-democratic-landscape\">decided against running\u003c/a>, Bonta shifted his support to Sen. Alex Padilla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/NxpFwZ04NQ0?si=jiofeCMbp-W6Srp2&t=2945\">press conference in October\u003c/a>, Bonta said he was “staying out of the governor’s race.” Then, in early November, Padilla announced he was also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062840/alex-padilla-says-he-wont-run-for-california-governor-in-2026\">declining to enter\u003c/a> the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked on Thursday whether the door to running was completely shut, Bonta responded that he is “completely focused on the work I’m doing as AG.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043426\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043426\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1491\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty-1536x1145.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom (right) speaks as Attorney General Rob Bonta looks on during a news conference on April 16, 2025, in Ceres, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I will say this: I’ve been getting a very significant amount of encouragement to consider running for governor, and for that I am flattered, I’m honored, I’m grateful,” Bonta said. “It comes from a wide variety of people and entities that I very much respect and that I know care deeply about the future of California, but I am focused on being AG and I have nothing to announce today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The list of candidates \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059479/katie-porters-viral-video-shakes-up-governors-race\">running in the June primary\u003c/a> includes Democrats such as former U.S. Rep. Katie Porter, former California Attorney General Xavier Becerra and former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, as well as Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, a Republican. But the field continues to grow — megadonor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064558/billionaire-climate-activist-tom-steyer-enters-2026-california-governors-race\">Tom Steyer jumped in\u003c/a> the race on Wednesday — and 44% of voters remain undecided, according to a Berkeley IGS poll released this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officially, Bonta has been raising money to run for another term as attorney general. His campaign finance filings this year have raised eyebrows for the large sums he is spending on legal fees: over $468,000 to the law firm Wilson Sonsini Goodrich & Rosati.[aside postID=news_12063660 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/RobBontaAP.jpg']“Over a year ago, maybe 14 months ago, the federal government reached out to me and said that they thought I may have information that would be relevant to the investigation that they were engaged in of other individuals that they were focused on,” Bonta said. “Having never done this before, I wanted to make sure I had an attorney who could guide me through the process and ensure that I provided everything that could be helpful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal probe resulted in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023847/the-indictment-of-former-oakland-mayor-sheng-thao\">January indictment\u003c/a> of Thao, as well as David and Andy Duong, the father-and-son owners of the recycling company California Waste Solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Duongs are accused of funding campaign mailers and a no-show job for Thao’s boyfriend. In exchange, Thao is alleged to have promised an extension of Oakland’s contract with California Waste Solutions, an appointment of a city official hand-picked by the Duongs and a city purchase of housing units from another company run by the Duongs. Both Andy and David Duong, along with Thao and her romantic partner, Andre Jones, have pleaded not guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Duongs were longtime political supporters of Bonta, who previously represented Oakland and Alameda in the state Assembly. After California Waste Solutions was raided in 2024, Bonta \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025747/barbara-lee-return-5000-donations-from-family-linked-oakland-bribery-scandal\">returned\u003c/a> $155,100 in donations that he had received from the family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The East Bay political world is relatively finite and small, and so I operated in that space for a number of years and had a really broad number of supporters,” Bonta said. “The Duong family was active in East Bay politics as well, and had supported me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991432\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991432\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. postal inspectors check documents at a home tied to David Duong, one of the multiple properties searched by law enforcement that included residences to members of a politically connected family who run the city’s contracted recycling company, California Waste Solutions, in Oakland on June 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ray Chavez/MediaNews Group/The Mercury News via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When the news came out that there was raids on homes … and potential indictments coming down that eventually did come down, that was a shock and a surprise to me,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said he hired lawyers to guide him through the process of fulfilling the investigators’ requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They helped gather all the information that the federal government was interested in and provide it,” he said. “And then I made myself available to answer any questions about any of that information, any of those documents and anything else they wanted to talk to me about.”[aside postID=news_12064908 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250117_Thao-Recall_BL_00001-1020x681.jpg']Bonta said that at no point was he given the sense that he was a target of the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got a very clear opposite sense that they are absolutely not investigating me and that I am not a target,” he added. “I am someone that they thought may have relevant information about an investigation that they were engaged in of others.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier Thursday, the politics newsletter East Bay Insiders reported that Bonta received a letter in May 2024 from Mario Juarez, a former Duong business partner who is believed to have cooperated with the federal investigation, warning the attorney general that the Duong family possessed a recording of Bonta in a “compromising situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta confirmed to KQED that he received the letter, but said that “the reference to any video is absolutely not true. It’s false, and there is no video.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said much of the letter seemed “wild and baseless,” but he was concerned about Juarez’s claims that he felt his life was endangered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I took steps to provide that letter to local law enforcement partners to ensure that safety was enhanced and people were protected,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California Attorney General \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rob-bonta\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a> on Thursday left the door open to a possible run for governor, weeks after previously saying he would stay out of the 2026 race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064988/california-attorney-general-has-filed-46-lawsuits-against-trump-administration\">KQED’s \u003cem>Political Breakdown\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, Bonta also provided new details about his spending of campaign funds on legal services as he faced questions in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022612/ex-oakland-mayor-sheng-thao-3-others-charged-with-bribery-sprawling-corruption-probe\">the federal corruption investigation that ensnared former Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao\u003c/a>. Bonta is not accused of any wrongdoing, but questions about his connection to the East Bay recycling executives \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12018120/family-center-oakland-fbi-raid-backed-thao-secure-lucrative-contracts-da-says\">at the center\u003c/a> of the scandal have swirled alongside speculation about his political future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As attorney general, Bonta has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910625/california-attorney-general-rob-bonta-on-standing-up-to-the-trump-administration\">spearheaded California’s legal battles\u003c/a> against the Trump administration, and his position as the state’s top law enforcement official could serve as a springboard to pursue the governorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said he had initially hoped former Vice President Kamala Harris would run to succeed Gov. Gavin Newsom, who is termed out in 2027. When Harris \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030198/prewrite-kamala-harris-enters-california-governor-race-upending-democratic-landscape\">decided against running\u003c/a>, Bonta shifted his support to Sen. Alex Padilla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/NxpFwZ04NQ0?si=jiofeCMbp-W6Srp2&t=2945\">press conference in October\u003c/a>, Bonta said he was “staying out of the governor’s race.” Then, in early November, Padilla announced he was also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062840/alex-padilla-says-he-wont-run-for-california-governor-in-2026\">declining to enter\u003c/a> the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked on Thursday whether the door to running was completely shut, Bonta responded that he is “completely focused on the work I’m doing as AG.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043426\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043426\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1491\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty-1536x1145.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom (right) speaks as Attorney General Rob Bonta looks on during a news conference on April 16, 2025, in Ceres, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I will say this: I’ve been getting a very significant amount of encouragement to consider running for governor, and for that I am flattered, I’m honored, I’m grateful,” Bonta said. “It comes from a wide variety of people and entities that I very much respect and that I know care deeply about the future of California, but I am focused on being AG and I have nothing to announce today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The list of candidates \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059479/katie-porters-viral-video-shakes-up-governors-race\">running in the June primary\u003c/a> includes Democrats such as former U.S. Rep. Katie Porter, former California Attorney General Xavier Becerra and former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, as well as Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, a Republican. But the field continues to grow — megadonor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064558/billionaire-climate-activist-tom-steyer-enters-2026-california-governors-race\">Tom Steyer jumped in\u003c/a> the race on Wednesday — and 44% of voters remain undecided, according to a Berkeley IGS poll released this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officially, Bonta has been raising money to run for another term as attorney general. His campaign finance filings this year have raised eyebrows for the large sums he is spending on legal fees: over $468,000 to the law firm Wilson Sonsini Goodrich & Rosati.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Over a year ago, maybe 14 months ago, the federal government reached out to me and said that they thought I may have information that would be relevant to the investigation that they were engaged in of other individuals that they were focused on,” Bonta said. “Having never done this before, I wanted to make sure I had an attorney who could guide me through the process and ensure that I provided everything that could be helpful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal probe resulted in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023847/the-indictment-of-former-oakland-mayor-sheng-thao\">January indictment\u003c/a> of Thao, as well as David and Andy Duong, the father-and-son owners of the recycling company California Waste Solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Duongs are accused of funding campaign mailers and a no-show job for Thao’s boyfriend. In exchange, Thao is alleged to have promised an extension of Oakland’s contract with California Waste Solutions, an appointment of a city official hand-picked by the Duongs and a city purchase of housing units from another company run by the Duongs. Both Andy and David Duong, along with Thao and her romantic partner, Andre Jones, have pleaded not guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Duongs were longtime political supporters of Bonta, who previously represented Oakland and Alameda in the state Assembly. After California Waste Solutions was raided in 2024, Bonta \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025747/barbara-lee-return-5000-donations-from-family-linked-oakland-bribery-scandal\">returned\u003c/a> $155,100 in donations that he had received from the family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The East Bay political world is relatively finite and small, and so I operated in that space for a number of years and had a really broad number of supporters,” Bonta said. “The Duong family was active in East Bay politics as well, and had supported me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991432\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991432\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. postal inspectors check documents at a home tied to David Duong, one of the multiple properties searched by law enforcement that included residences to members of a politically connected family who run the city’s contracted recycling company, California Waste Solutions, in Oakland on June 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ray Chavez/MediaNews Group/The Mercury News via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When the news came out that there was raids on homes … and potential indictments coming down that eventually did come down, that was a shock and a surprise to me,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said he hired lawyers to guide him through the process of fulfilling the investigators’ requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They helped gather all the information that the federal government was interested in and provide it,” he said. “And then I made myself available to answer any questions about any of that information, any of those documents and anything else they wanted to talk to me about.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Bonta said that at no point was he given the sense that he was a target of the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got a very clear opposite sense that they are absolutely not investigating me and that I am not a target,” he added. “I am someone that they thought may have relevant information about an investigation that they were engaged in of others.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier Thursday, the politics newsletter East Bay Insiders reported that Bonta received a letter in May 2024 from Mario Juarez, a former Duong business partner who is believed to have cooperated with the federal investigation, warning the attorney general that the Duong family possessed a recording of Bonta in a “compromising situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta confirmed to KQED that he received the letter, but said that “the reference to any video is absolutely not true. It’s false, and there is no video.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said much of the letter seemed “wild and baseless,” but he was concerned about Juarez’s claims that he felt his life was endangered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I took steps to provide that letter to local law enforcement partners to ensure that safety was enhanced and people were protected,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "judge-sets-2026-trial-date-in-bribery-case-of-former-oakland-mayor-sheng-thao",
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"content": "\u003cp>A federal judge has set a tentative start date next year for the corruption trial of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sheng-thao\">former Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao\u003c/a> and her three co-defendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao, her longtime partner Andre Jones, and businessmen David and Andy Duong, were indicted Jan. 9 in what federal prosecutors have described as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022612/ex-oakland-mayor-sheng-thao-3-others-charged-with-bribery-sprawling-corruption-probe\">an alleged “pay-to-play” scheme\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Duong, the head of California Waste Solutions, Oakland’s curbside recycling provider, along with his son Andy, ran a company called Evolutionary Homes that aimed to sell converted shipping containers to Bay Area cities as housing for the homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. attorneys allege Thao agreed to take action as mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062614/defense-in-oakland-corruption-case-files-motion-targeting-key-informants-credibility\">to commit Oakland\u003c/a> to purchase units from the Duongs’ housing company in exchange for kickbacks and favors for Thao and Jones, including the funding of negative campaign mailers targeting her opponents in the 2022 mayoral race. Thao also allegedly agreed to extend the Duongs’ recycling company contract with the city, and appoint senior city officials hand-picked by the Duongs and an unnamed co-conspirator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The indictment laid out charges including conspiracy, bribery, honest services mail fraud and honest services wire fraud. Andy Duong was charged with an additional count of making false statements to a government agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991627\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991627\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">FBI agents raid the Maiden Lane home of Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao on June 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jessica Christian/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All four defendants have pleaded not guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside a federal courtroom in downtown Oakland on Thursday, U.S. District Court Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers tentatively scheduled the trial for Oct. 19 of next year, with jury selection expected to take place the week prior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The parties are expected to return in January to discuss deadlines for producing materials like witness and exhibit lists. Assistant U.S. Attorney Molly Priedeman said federal prosecutors expect presenting their case in chief will take about three weeks, with the complete trial lasting no more than five weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation is ongoing, Priedeman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for defendants in the case said prosecutors had turned over an enormous amount of discovery in the case, including 2.5 terabytes of data and voluminous documents.[aside postID=news_12022612 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250117_Thao-Recall_BL_00005-1020x680.jpg']Federal prosecutors said they had seized devices, including one phone and one laptop, from San Leandro City Councilmember Bryan Azevedo, who was recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061916/federal-prosecutors-charge-san-leandro-city-councilmember-with-fraud-lying-to-investigators\">charged in a related conspiracy\u003c/a> case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Azevedo, whose case appears to be closely related to that of Thao, Jones and the Duongs, allegedly agreed to use his power as an elected official to benefit a company in exchange for his own personal financial gain. Prosecutors have said they are close to resolving Azevedo’s case and do not expect a trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao’s attorney, Jeff Tsai, said on Thursday that she plans to file papers to join a motion \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062614/defense-in-oakland-corruption-case-files-motion-targeting-key-informants-credibility\">filed by attorneys representing David Duong\u003c/a> in late October that asked Gonzalez Rogers to throw out evidence seized in a June 2024 raid of his home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their filing, Duong’s lawyers accuse the FBI of failing to disclose all relevant information about a key informant in the case in an affidavit used to secure the warrant to search Duong’s home, cars and business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The informant, attorneys argued, has a history of fraud and dishonesty, the complete details of which, they said, were not included in the affidavit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The informant, who is identified in a Jan. 9 indictment as “Co-Conspirator 1,” is widely believed to be businessman and two-time Oakland City Council candidate, Mario Juarez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A federal judge has set a tentative start date next year for the corruption trial of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sheng-thao\">former Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao\u003c/a> and her three co-defendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao, her longtime partner Andre Jones, and businessmen David and Andy Duong, were indicted Jan. 9 in what federal prosecutors have described as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022612/ex-oakland-mayor-sheng-thao-3-others-charged-with-bribery-sprawling-corruption-probe\">an alleged “pay-to-play” scheme\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Duong, the head of California Waste Solutions, Oakland’s curbside recycling provider, along with his son Andy, ran a company called Evolutionary Homes that aimed to sell converted shipping containers to Bay Area cities as housing for the homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. attorneys allege Thao agreed to take action as mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062614/defense-in-oakland-corruption-case-files-motion-targeting-key-informants-credibility\">to commit Oakland\u003c/a> to purchase units from the Duongs’ housing company in exchange for kickbacks and favors for Thao and Jones, including the funding of negative campaign mailers targeting her opponents in the 2022 mayoral race. Thao also allegedly agreed to extend the Duongs’ recycling company contract with the city, and appoint senior city officials hand-picked by the Duongs and an unnamed co-conspirator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The indictment laid out charges including conspiracy, bribery, honest services mail fraud and honest services wire fraud. Andy Duong was charged with an additional count of making false statements to a government agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991627\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991627\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">FBI agents raid the Maiden Lane home of Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao on June 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jessica Christian/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All four defendants have pleaded not guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside a federal courtroom in downtown Oakland on Thursday, U.S. District Court Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers tentatively scheduled the trial for Oct. 19 of next year, with jury selection expected to take place the week prior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The parties are expected to return in January to discuss deadlines for producing materials like witness and exhibit lists. Assistant U.S. Attorney Molly Priedeman said federal prosecutors expect presenting their case in chief will take about three weeks, with the complete trial lasting no more than five weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation is ongoing, Priedeman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for defendants in the case said prosecutors had turned over an enormous amount of discovery in the case, including 2.5 terabytes of data and voluminous documents.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Federal prosecutors said they had seized devices, including one phone and one laptop, from San Leandro City Councilmember Bryan Azevedo, who was recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061916/federal-prosecutors-charge-san-leandro-city-councilmember-with-fraud-lying-to-investigators\">charged in a related conspiracy\u003c/a> case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Azevedo, whose case appears to be closely related to that of Thao, Jones and the Duongs, allegedly agreed to use his power as an elected official to benefit a company in exchange for his own personal financial gain. Prosecutors have said they are close to resolving Azevedo’s case and do not expect a trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao’s attorney, Jeff Tsai, said on Thursday that she plans to file papers to join a motion \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062614/defense-in-oakland-corruption-case-files-motion-targeting-key-informants-credibility\">filed by attorneys representing David Duong\u003c/a> in late October that asked Gonzalez Rogers to throw out evidence seized in a June 2024 raid of his home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their filing, Duong’s lawyers accuse the FBI of failing to disclose all relevant information about a key informant in the case in an affidavit used to secure the warrant to search Duong’s home, cars and business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The informant, attorneys argued, has a history of fraud and dishonesty, the complete details of which, they said, were not included in the affidavit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The informant, who is identified in a Jan. 9 indictment as “Co-Conspirator 1,” is widely believed to be businessman and two-time Oakland City Council candidate, Mario Juarez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>’s school board could set a timeline on a plan to close schools, a year after a botched push to shutter up to 11 campuses left staff and district families reeling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a meeting earlier this week, members discussed a new resolution that would require Superintendent Maria Su to put forward proposals to reorganize schools and implement a new geography-based school assignment system, as soon as August 2026, and by the next fall’s enrollment fair at the latest. If passed, these changes would go into effect ahead of the 2027-2028 school year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While still in early stages, the conversation foreshadows an uphill battle to get either the school reorganization or the assignment system to the finish line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Su was appointed superintendent by then-Mayor London Breed last October, she shelved a plan \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010008/sf-schools-crisis-is-spiraling-with-top-official-to-resign-heres-all-thats-happened\">to close up to three schools and merge up to 16\u003c/a>, which had been plagued with delays, data issues and equity and transparency concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She turned to addressing SFUSD’s massive budget crisis, and is now in the second of a two-year plan to eliminate a structural deficit by slashing more than $150 million in district spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “Strong Schools Resolution,” introduced Tuesday, appears to outline her next directives from the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010831\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12010831 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Then-Mayor London Breed and Superintendent Maria Su speak with students at Yick Wo Alternative Elementary School in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It details the district’s continuing enrollment decline and unequal demand for classroom seats across San Francisco neighborhoods and programs. While some schools, especially those with language immersion tracks, have long waitlists, others are half-empty and stand to lose more students in the coming years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Expanding some schools and consolidating others will ultimately allow all of our schools to be stronger by reinvesting in teachers, programs, and facilities and making the best use of our real estate portfolio, so that we can continue to improve academics while maintaining our financial stability long term to better serve students,” the draft resolution reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It echoes the district’s reasoning for pursuing closures last year, which failed to garner community support and ultimately led to Superintendent Matt Wayne’s resignation under fire.[aside postID=news_12064366 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250818-SFUSDFIRSTDAY-04-KQED.jpg']Families, the teachers’ union and some board members accused the district of not communicating effectively why closures were necessary, using the budget crisis as an excuse despite determining that the closures themselves wouldn’t yield significant savings. SFUSD was also criticized for not engaging schools in the process, a lack of transparency in determining which should shutter and trying to push the plan through on a tight timeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing also put board members up for reelection in a tough position: discussing the potential closure of voters’ schools weeks before election day. Tuesday’s resolution would set up a similar timeline, putting a vote on any closure plan Su brings forward next fall, around November’s general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overhauling the district’s enrollment strategy is likely to be more popular, since there’s broad alignment that the current system is dysfunctional, stressful and bad for stabilizing enrollment. But there doesn’t appear to be consensus that a zone-based system approved in 2020 is the right solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That December, SFUSD passed legislation that would transition from a school assignment lottery, which allows families to request any campus across the city, to a system that assigns students to one of a few schools closest to their homes. It was meant to go into effect for students entering elementary schools in the fall of 2023, but has been put off for years due to the pandemic, possible school closures and the ongoing budget crisis — and because the district has found it nearly impossible to implement equitably.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11931650\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1620px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11931650\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman with a grey suit over a blue sweater speaks into a microphone at an event\" width=\"1620\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF.jpg 1620w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1620px) 100vw, 1620px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Then-San Francisco Unified School District board candidate, Alida Fisher, speaks at an election night event at El Rio in San Francisco on Nov. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Board member Alida Fisher said Tuesday that the plan was opposed by community advisory committees, which warned at the time that the assignments would disadvantage children in the Southeast part of the city, where schools faced years of underinvestment, ailing facilities and less robust staffing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district also ran into issues creating maps that ensured access to language immersion and special education programs, and balancing three key factors laid out in the legislation — predictability, proximity and diversity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board member Matt Alexander said he wanted to see more concrete steps from the superintendent, like asking the board to pick two of those three factors to prioritize. He questioned why the resolution was necessary and why the superintendent didn’t just bring forward a proposal for a vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The late-night discussion yielded little concrete progress toward either goal and more questions than answers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fisher posed chief among them: “What is going to be different this time?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Su was appointed superintendent by then-Mayor London Breed last October, she shelved a plan \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010008/sf-schools-crisis-is-spiraling-with-top-official-to-resign-heres-all-thats-happened\">to close up to three schools and merge up to 16\u003c/a>, which had been plagued with delays, data issues and equity and transparency concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She turned to addressing SFUSD’s massive budget crisis, and is now in the second of a two-year plan to eliminate a structural deficit by slashing more than $150 million in district spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “Strong Schools Resolution,” introduced Tuesday, appears to outline her next directives from the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010831\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12010831 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Then-Mayor London Breed and Superintendent Maria Su speak with students at Yick Wo Alternative Elementary School in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It details the district’s continuing enrollment decline and unequal demand for classroom seats across San Francisco neighborhoods and programs. While some schools, especially those with language immersion tracks, have long waitlists, others are half-empty and stand to lose more students in the coming years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Expanding some schools and consolidating others will ultimately allow all of our schools to be stronger by reinvesting in teachers, programs, and facilities and making the best use of our real estate portfolio, so that we can continue to improve academics while maintaining our financial stability long term to better serve students,” the draft resolution reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It echoes the district’s reasoning for pursuing closures last year, which failed to garner community support and ultimately led to Superintendent Matt Wayne’s resignation under fire.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Families, the teachers’ union and some board members accused the district of not communicating effectively why closures were necessary, using the budget crisis as an excuse despite determining that the closures themselves wouldn’t yield significant savings. SFUSD was also criticized for not engaging schools in the process, a lack of transparency in determining which should shutter and trying to push the plan through on a tight timeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing also put board members up for reelection in a tough position: discussing the potential closure of voters’ schools weeks before election day. Tuesday’s resolution would set up a similar timeline, putting a vote on any closure plan Su brings forward next fall, around November’s general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overhauling the district’s enrollment strategy is likely to be more popular, since there’s broad alignment that the current system is dysfunctional, stressful and bad for stabilizing enrollment. But there doesn’t appear to be consensus that a zone-based system approved in 2020 is the right solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That December, SFUSD passed legislation that would transition from a school assignment lottery, which allows families to request any campus across the city, to a system that assigns students to one of a few schools closest to their homes. It was meant to go into effect for students entering elementary schools in the fall of 2023, but has been put off for years due to the pandemic, possible school closures and the ongoing budget crisis — and because the district has found it nearly impossible to implement equitably.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11931650\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1620px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11931650\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman with a grey suit over a blue sweater speaks into a microphone at an event\" width=\"1620\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF.jpg 1620w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1620px) 100vw, 1620px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Then-San Francisco Unified School District board candidate, Alida Fisher, speaks at an election night event at El Rio in San Francisco on Nov. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Board member Alida Fisher said Tuesday that the plan was opposed by community advisory committees, which warned at the time that the assignments would disadvantage children in the Southeast part of the city, where schools faced years of underinvestment, ailing facilities and less robust staffing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district also ran into issues creating maps that ensured access to language immersion and special education programs, and balancing three key factors laid out in the legislation — predictability, proximity and diversity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board member Matt Alexander said he wanted to see more concrete steps from the superintendent, like asking the board to pick two of those three factors to prioritize. He questioned why the resolution was necessary and why the superintendent didn’t just bring forward a proposal for a vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The late-night discussion yielded little concrete progress toward either goal and more questions than answers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fisher posed chief among them: “What is going to be different this time?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former San Francisco Mayor London Breed said she will not run for the congressional seat that will soon be vacant \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062796/nancy-pelosi-leaves-congress-after-38-years-defining-generations-of-democratic-power\">after Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi retires\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed, who is currently working as a policy adviser at the nonprofit Aspen Policy Academy, confirmed her decision to KQED on Wednesday, about two weeks after telling reporters she was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12063507/former-san-francisco-mayor-london-breed-considers-run-for-pelosi-seat\">mulling a possible run\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After thoughtful consideration, I have decided not to pursue a run for Congress. This moment calls for unity, strength, and a commitment to lifting each other up, not creating more division,” Breed said in a statement. “I will continue fighting for the people of San Francisco and for the values that define us as Democrats: fairness, dignity, and a future where every community can thrive. That work has always been bigger than any one campaign or any one office, and I remain fully committed to it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Daniel Lurie unseated Breed in the November 2024 election. She was the city’s first Black woman mayor, who served for nearly seven years after initially stepping in as interim mayor following the late former Mayor Ed Lee’s death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed stood to join what’s already shaking out to be a crowded race, with six candidates already vying to represent California’s 11th Congressional District. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060826/state-sen-scott-wiener-is-running-for-pelosis-house-seat-saying-it-was-time\">State Sen. Scott Wiener\u003c/a>, a moderate Democrat with whom Breed has been an ally on many issues, already announced he is running.[aside postID=news_12064891 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251029-SNAP-PRESSER-MD-06-KQED.jpg']\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033097/hes-challenging-nancy-pelosi-and-the-democratic-party\">Progressive Saikat Chakrabarti\u003c/a>, a wealthy former tech worker who served on New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s campaign in 2018, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064891/san-francisco-supervisor-connie-chan-runs-for-nancy-pelosis-congressional-seat\">San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan\u003c/a>, who represents the Richmond District, are also running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed has not yet shared which candidate she is supporting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I stand on the shoulders of those who came before me and fought for the same values,” Chan said in a statement on Thursday, when she confirmed her candidacy. “Now I need to stand up to fight for other families who are under attack, who are worried about paying the bills and who need an advocate in Congress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s role at the Aspen Policy Academy, a Bay Area branch of the Washington, D.C.-based Aspen Institute, runs through the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe deeply in public service, and I also believe deeply in this Democratic Party and the progress we have fought so hard to make,” Breed said. “At a time when our democracy is under real threat, we cannot afford to turn our energy inward or tear one another down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Former San Francisco Mayor London Breed said she will not run for the congressional seat that will soon be vacant \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062796/nancy-pelosi-leaves-congress-after-38-years-defining-generations-of-democratic-power\">after Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi retires\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed, who is currently working as a policy adviser at the nonprofit Aspen Policy Academy, confirmed her decision to KQED on Wednesday, about two weeks after telling reporters she was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12063507/former-san-francisco-mayor-london-breed-considers-run-for-pelosi-seat\">mulling a possible run\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After thoughtful consideration, I have decided not to pursue a run for Congress. This moment calls for unity, strength, and a commitment to lifting each other up, not creating more division,” Breed said in a statement. “I will continue fighting for the people of San Francisco and for the values that define us as Democrats: fairness, dignity, and a future where every community can thrive. That work has always been bigger than any one campaign or any one office, and I remain fully committed to it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Daniel Lurie unseated Breed in the November 2024 election. She was the city’s first Black woman mayor, who served for nearly seven years after initially stepping in as interim mayor following the late former Mayor Ed Lee’s death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed stood to join what’s already shaking out to be a crowded race, with six candidates already vying to represent California’s 11th Congressional District. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060826/state-sen-scott-wiener-is-running-for-pelosis-house-seat-saying-it-was-time\">State Sen. Scott Wiener\u003c/a>, a moderate Democrat with whom Breed has been an ally on many issues, already announced he is running.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033097/hes-challenging-nancy-pelosi-and-the-democratic-party\">Progressive Saikat Chakrabarti\u003c/a>, a wealthy former tech worker who served on New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s campaign in 2018, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064891/san-francisco-supervisor-connie-chan-runs-for-nancy-pelosis-congressional-seat\">San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan\u003c/a>, who represents the Richmond District, are also running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed has not yet shared which candidate she is supporting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I stand on the shoulders of those who came before me and fought for the same values,” Chan said in a statement on Thursday, when she confirmed her candidacy. “Now I need to stand up to fight for other families who are under attack, who are worried about paying the bills and who need an advocate in Congress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s role at the Aspen Policy Academy, a Bay Area branch of the Washington, D.C.-based Aspen Institute, runs through the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe deeply in public service, and I also believe deeply in this Democratic Party and the progress we have fought so hard to make,” Breed said. “At a time when our democracy is under real threat, we cannot afford to turn our energy inward or tear one another down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "How a Surge in Bay Area Poverty Wiped Out a Decade of Progress",
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"content": "\u003cp>A decade of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043582/he-says-legal-aid-fights-poverty-in-sf-now-hes-starting-a-hunger-strike\">economic progress\u003c/a> in the Bay Area has been erased in less than a year, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://tippingpoint.org/research/poverty-solutions/analysis-bay-area-poverty-is-rising/\">new report\u003c/a> released Wednesday by Tipping Point Community, a San Francisco-based anti-poverty nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the data, analyzed in partnership with the Public Policy Institute of California, 2023 saw the Bay Area’s poverty rate climb over 4 percentage points from 12.2% in early 2023 to 16.3% by the end of the year. In just nine months, an additional 245,000 Bay Area residents fell into poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is one of the fastest regional increases in recent history,” said Sam Cobbs, CEO of Tipping Point, during a media briefing on Tuesday. “That is the size of Boise, Idaho.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For much of the past decade, poverty in the Bay Area had steadily declined. From 2011 to 2021, the region’s rate fell from 18.7% to 10.8%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the expiration of pandemic-era safety net programs (such as the expanded Child Tax Credit and stimulus payments), historic inflation and rising housing costs reversed those gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report paints a stark picture of a region where the cost of living has vastly outpaced wage growth. Between 2016 and 2023, household incomes in the Bay Area rose by 34%, but the cost of living surged by 46%. In total, more than 1.8 million residents — or nearly 3 in 10 people in the region — are now struggling to cover basic needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953003\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11953003\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A pair of hands in knit gloves holds the handle of a shopping stroller while a pair of hands in clear plastic gloves places produce into the stroller.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteers distribute food items at a San Francisco-Marin Food Bank pop-up pantry in the Richmond District of San Francisco on June 13, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of the report’s most critical findings challenges the assumption that full-time employment guarantees economic security, Cobbs said. Half of all Bay Area residents living in poverty belong to families with at least one full-time, year-round worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Working full time is no longer the remedy for poverty in the Bay Area,” Cobbs said. “Over 1 million residents in or near poverty live in families where there’s at least one full-time working adult.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While poverty increased across nearly every county and across all demographics, the Bay’s Black and Asian communities were hit hardest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco County, which also saw the largest increases, now holds the highest poverty rate in the region at 17.5%, followed closely by Alameda County. Only Marin County’s poverty rate — at 14.4% — remained unchanged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report noted that while safety net programs kept more than 176,000 people out of poverty in 2023, their impact is diminishing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12064324 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/240522-ERPressure-09-BL_qed.jpg']Ali Sutton, Tipping Point’s chief program officer, warned that the situation could deteriorate further depending on federal policy changes after the passage of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, formally known as HR 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are expecting some of the deepest cuts to our social safety net in our history,” Sutton said. “Given those substantial cuts, we anticipate these numbers will only worsen over the next few years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address the current crisis, Tipping Point pledged in \u003ca href=\"https://tippingpoint.org/press/bay-area-poverty-fundraising/tipping-point-to-accelerate-bay-area-giving-to-1-billion-following-seismic-cuts-to-direct-assistance/#:~:text=SAN%20FRANCISCO%2C%20July%207%2C%202025,and%20grants%20by%20%24185%20million.\">July\u003c/a> to double its investment in the community, committing $1 billion over the next 10 years. Cobbs said the organization, which was founded by Daniel Lurie in 2005, decades before he became San Francisco’s mayor, \u003ca href=\"https://tippingpoint.org/bay-area-impact/impact-reports/impact-report-2024/#policy-change\">plans to focus on systemic changes\u003c/a> rather than just direct services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The data makes clear that progress is possible, but only if we continue to invest in what works,” Cobbs said. “When strong policies and proven programs are in place, like access to affordable childcare, career pathways and safety net benefits, poverty declines. When those supports are rolled back, poverty rises.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group specifically called for reforms focused on stabilizing the cost of living and broadest access to benefits. Cobbs urged officials to unlock public funds to preserve and build affordable housing and to expand subsidized child care, arguing that lowering these costs is essential for parents to remain in the workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This region has the resources, the innovation and the will to solve big problems,” Cobbs said. “Today’s report underscores the urgency, but it also reminds us that solutions are within reach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A decade of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043582/he-says-legal-aid-fights-poverty-in-sf-now-hes-starting-a-hunger-strike\">economic progress\u003c/a> in the Bay Area has been erased in less than a year, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://tippingpoint.org/research/poverty-solutions/analysis-bay-area-poverty-is-rising/\">new report\u003c/a> released Wednesday by Tipping Point Community, a San Francisco-based anti-poverty nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the data, analyzed in partnership with the Public Policy Institute of California, 2023 saw the Bay Area’s poverty rate climb over 4 percentage points from 12.2% in early 2023 to 16.3% by the end of the year. In just nine months, an additional 245,000 Bay Area residents fell into poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is one of the fastest regional increases in recent history,” said Sam Cobbs, CEO of Tipping Point, during a media briefing on Tuesday. “That is the size of Boise, Idaho.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For much of the past decade, poverty in the Bay Area had steadily declined. From 2011 to 2021, the region’s rate fell from 18.7% to 10.8%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the expiration of pandemic-era safety net programs (such as the expanded Child Tax Credit and stimulus payments), historic inflation and rising housing costs reversed those gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report paints a stark picture of a region where the cost of living has vastly outpaced wage growth. Between 2016 and 2023, household incomes in the Bay Area rose by 34%, but the cost of living surged by 46%. In total, more than 1.8 million residents — or nearly 3 in 10 people in the region — are now struggling to cover basic needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953003\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11953003\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A pair of hands in knit gloves holds the handle of a shopping stroller while a pair of hands in clear plastic gloves places produce into the stroller.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteers distribute food items at a San Francisco-Marin Food Bank pop-up pantry in the Richmond District of San Francisco on June 13, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of the report’s most critical findings challenges the assumption that full-time employment guarantees economic security, Cobbs said. Half of all Bay Area residents living in poverty belong to families with at least one full-time, year-round worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Working full time is no longer the remedy for poverty in the Bay Area,” Cobbs said. “Over 1 million residents in or near poverty live in families where there’s at least one full-time working adult.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While poverty increased across nearly every county and across all demographics, the Bay’s Black and Asian communities were hit hardest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco County, which also saw the largest increases, now holds the highest poverty rate in the region at 17.5%, followed closely by Alameda County. Only Marin County’s poverty rate — at 14.4% — remained unchanged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report noted that while safety net programs kept more than 176,000 people out of poverty in 2023, their impact is diminishing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Ali Sutton, Tipping Point’s chief program officer, warned that the situation could deteriorate further depending on federal policy changes after the passage of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, formally known as HR 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are expecting some of the deepest cuts to our social safety net in our history,” Sutton said. “Given those substantial cuts, we anticipate these numbers will only worsen over the next few years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address the current crisis, Tipping Point pledged in \u003ca href=\"https://tippingpoint.org/press/bay-area-poverty-fundraising/tipping-point-to-accelerate-bay-area-giving-to-1-billion-following-seismic-cuts-to-direct-assistance/#:~:text=SAN%20FRANCISCO%2C%20July%207%2C%202025,and%20grants%20by%20%24185%20million.\">July\u003c/a> to double its investment in the community, committing $1 billion over the next 10 years. Cobbs said the organization, which was founded by Daniel Lurie in 2005, decades before he became San Francisco’s mayor, \u003ca href=\"https://tippingpoint.org/bay-area-impact/impact-reports/impact-report-2024/#policy-change\">plans to focus on systemic changes\u003c/a> rather than just direct services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The data makes clear that progress is possible, but only if we continue to invest in what works,” Cobbs said. “When strong policies and proven programs are in place, like access to affordable childcare, career pathways and safety net benefits, poverty declines. When those supports are rolled back, poverty rises.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group specifically called for reforms focused on stabilizing the cost of living and broadest access to benefits. Cobbs urged officials to unlock public funds to preserve and build affordable housing and to expand subsidized child care, arguing that lowering these costs is essential for parents to remain in the workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This region has the resources, the innovation and the will to solve big problems,” Cobbs said. “Today’s report underscores the urgency, but it also reminds us that solutions are within reach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan Runs for Nancy Pelosi’s Congressional Seat",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> Supervisor Connie Chan will run to fill Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi’s seat in the U.S. House of Representatives after she retires in January 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan, a progressive Democrat who represents the Richmond District, was rumored to have an interest in running and confirmed her candidacy on Thursday, about two weeks after Pelosi announced her retirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco has always belonged to the people – not the powerful. And people in our city are struggling. Families are hurt by high costs, communities are devastated by Trump policies,” Chan said in a statement. “I’ve spent my career advocating for the everyday people who are the backbone of San Francisco. We don’t need a representative who talks and refuses to listen. I’m running for Congress to build coalitions, build up our communities and bring our voices to Washington.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco supervisor joins state Sen. Scott Wiener and Saikat Chakrabarti, a wealthy former tech worker who served on New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s campaign in 2018, who have both have already announced they will run for California’s 11th Congressional District seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s former mayor, London Breed, was also considering a run for Pelosi’s seat, but announced on Thursday that she will not run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, six Democratic candidates and two Republicans have registered for the June 2026 primary, according to filings with the Federal Election Commission.[aside postID=news_12063507 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONDAY-86-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Chan was born in Hong Kong and immigrated to the United States with her mother and younger brother at the age of 13, eventually moving to a rent-controlled apartment in San Francisco’s Chinatown. She would become the first Asian American to represent San Francisco in Congress if elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She attended the city’s Galileo High School and completed her undergraduate degree at the University of California, Davis. She later served as a legislative aide to former Supervisor Sophie Maxwell and former Supervisor Aaron Peskin, and also served as a communications aide focused on the Asian American community for former District Attorney Kamala Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan was first elected in 2020 as District 1 supervisor, where she represents a diverse community, from working-class residential neighborhoods in the Richmond to the uber-welthy Sea Cliff mansions, where Pelosi lives. She also served as Chair of the Board of Supervisors Budget Committee and is a member of the San Francisco County Transportation Authority, the San Francisco Local Agency Formation Commission and the Free City College Oversight Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As supervisor, Chan has largely aligned herself with the progressive members of the city’s powerful Board of Supervisors, supporting legislation aiming to protect tenants and immigrants. While she’s struck legislative deals with moderate Democrats like Mayor Daniel Lurie, Chan is considered more progressive than Pelosi and will also represent a more progressive candidate than Wiener in the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I stand on the shoulders of those who came before me and fought for the same values,” Chan said. “Their work made it possible for an immigrant family like mine to come to America, work hard and succeed. Now I need to stand up to fight for other families who are under attack, who are worried about paying the bills and who need an advocate in Congress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The race to represent the former House speaker’s congressional district is getting more crowded. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> Supervisor Connie Chan will run to fill Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi’s seat in the U.S. House of Representatives after she retires in January 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan, a progressive Democrat who represents the Richmond District, was rumored to have an interest in running and confirmed her candidacy on Thursday, about two weeks after Pelosi announced her retirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco has always belonged to the people – not the powerful. And people in our city are struggling. Families are hurt by high costs, communities are devastated by Trump policies,” Chan said in a statement. “I’ve spent my career advocating for the everyday people who are the backbone of San Francisco. We don’t need a representative who talks and refuses to listen. I’m running for Congress to build coalitions, build up our communities and bring our voices to Washington.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco supervisor joins state Sen. Scott Wiener and Saikat Chakrabarti, a wealthy former tech worker who served on New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s campaign in 2018, who have both have already announced they will run for California’s 11th Congressional District seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s former mayor, London Breed, was also considering a run for Pelosi’s seat, but announced on Thursday that she will not run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, six Democratic candidates and two Republicans have registered for the June 2026 primary, according to filings with the Federal Election Commission.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Chan was born in Hong Kong and immigrated to the United States with her mother and younger brother at the age of 13, eventually moving to a rent-controlled apartment in San Francisco’s Chinatown. She would become the first Asian American to represent San Francisco in Congress if elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She attended the city’s Galileo High School and completed her undergraduate degree at the University of California, Davis. She later served as a legislative aide to former Supervisor Sophie Maxwell and former Supervisor Aaron Peskin, and also served as a communications aide focused on the Asian American community for former District Attorney Kamala Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan was first elected in 2020 as District 1 supervisor, where she represents a diverse community, from working-class residential neighborhoods in the Richmond to the uber-welthy Sea Cliff mansions, where Pelosi lives. She also served as Chair of the Board of Supervisors Budget Committee and is a member of the San Francisco County Transportation Authority, the San Francisco Local Agency Formation Commission and the Free City College Oversight Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As supervisor, Chan has largely aligned herself with the progressive members of the city’s powerful Board of Supervisors, supporting legislation aiming to protect tenants and immigrants. While she’s struck legislative deals with moderate Democrats like Mayor Daniel Lurie, Chan is considered more progressive than Pelosi and will also represent a more progressive candidate than Wiener in the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I stand on the shoulders of those who came before me and fought for the same values,” Chan said. “Their work made it possible for an immigrant family like mine to come to America, work hard and succeed. Now I need to stand up to fight for other families who are under attack, who are worried about paying the bills and who need an advocate in Congress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "snap-benefits-hung-in-limbo-for-weeks-it-was-a-peek-at-life-under-long-term-cuts",
"title": "SNAP Benefits Hung in Limbo for Weeks. It Was a Peek at Life Under Long-Term Cuts",
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"content": "\u003cp>She’d been waiting for over an hour, and Trozalla Smith was still nowhere near the front of the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside the East Oakland Collective’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061440/calfresh-snap-ebt-shutdown-find-food-banks-near-me-san-francisco-bay-area-alameda-oakland-contra-costa-newsom-national-guard\">food pantry,\u003c/a> the mass of people stretched half a block in either direction around her. Women with babies strapped to their backs shifted their weight from one foot to another, bored kids sat on the sidewalk, and elderly men stood stiffly in place as they waited to pick up whatever was left of that week’s offerings — fresh produce, instant ramen, milk and, if they were lucky, eggs and meat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the end of October, and food pantries were absorbing the shock of around 5.5 million Californians anticipating \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060770/snap-calfresh-food-stamps-government-shutdown-november-payments-ebt\">delays to their federal food benefits\u003c/a> amid the government shutdown. Unsure of the status of her aid, Smith, 24, was relying entirely on pantries to feed herself and her boyfriend. “It’s our lifeline,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The uncertainty was only the latest reminder of how precarious life on the economic margins already is. The struggle to afford one of the country’s most expensive regions, with grocery prices still soaring, started long before the shutdown and will continue long after it finally ended on Nov. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For two weeks, the country’s largest anti-hunger program hung in the balance — and it may have been only a glimpse of what’s to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Smith and thousands more across the Bay Area scrambled to get by during the shutdown, state leaders were wrestling with a more enduring threat to food aid: policy changes recently signed into law by President Trump that \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/federal-funding-cuts-to-snap-calfresh-will-have-sweeping-impacts-on-californians/?utm_source=chatgpt.com\">are expected to reduce\u003c/a> benefits for over 3 million California households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064444\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064444\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00687_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00687_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00687_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00687_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trozalla Smith arrives at the Alameda Food Bank on Friday, Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>New eligibility limits and benefit reductions in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Detail/5090\">mean some 400,000 to 750,000 Californians\u003c/a> could lose access to the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program altogether, according to estimates by the state Legislative Analyst’s Office and policy experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And all the recent attention on SNAP has \u003ca href=\"https://newrepublic.com/article/203120/trump-snap-food-stamps\">placed the program\u003c/a> in the Trump administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2025/11/14/trump-usda-snap-participants-reapply-benefits-00651874\">crosshairs\u003c/a>, leading many to brace for still more blows to food aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are unprecedented changes to the program that will have impacts for many years,” David Swanson Hollinger, chief deputy director at the California Department of Social Services, \u003ca href=\"https://www.senate.ca.gov/media-archive?time%5bmedia-element-18223%5d=2999.428751\">told a state Senate committee\u003c/a> last week, warning that lawmakers will have to “reimagine our path forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Everything is so expensive’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some of the newly enacted changes haven’t yet rolled out in California, and others are just beginning to take effect, but staff at the East Oakland Collective said they’d heard from several clients who unexpectedly had their benefits cut in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among them was Monica Thompson, a 64-year-old who has breast cancer and was one of the first to get in line that morning. Her assistance was cut from about $300 down to $24, she said, screwing up her face. “What can I do with $24?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last week of October, the collective had already served 100 more families than usual, according to executive director Candice Elder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064446\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064446\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shopping carts are parked around the Alameda Food Bank on Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Standing in line that morning, a pregnant woman with a toddler in a stroller checked the state benefits app on her phone for updates. “November benefits will likely be delayed,” Taylor Ducote read, scrolling through the FAQs with exasperation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fear that we have to live with every day until we find out if we’re going to get it or not … it’s just really nerve-wracking and scary for our kids,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ducote had just gotten housing four months earlier after half a decade of homelessness, and she wondered aloud how she’d pay her rent and utilities if she had to buy food out of pocket. Already, she was desperate by the end of the month.[aside postID=news_12061440 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/013_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9229_qed.jpg']The night before, she said, she got caught stealing from a grocery store. She didn’t get arrested, but she was humiliated. “You think I want to be right here stealing so my son can get milk?” she had told the security guard. “Look what I’m stealing: toilet paper, diapers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few miles away, Ana Hoover, 54, stood in line at the Berkeley Food Pantry. She said she’d been out of work since December and was relying on food stamps, pantries and occasional gigs she found through an event staffing company or on NextDoor to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every month, she used up her SNAP benefits at least two weeks before they were replenished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Ducote, the prospect of losing them altogether left her unsure about how she’d stay housed and take care of other basic needs. She’d been homeless for three years until recently, and she now pays $1,050 a month for a room at the YMCA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is so expensive,” she said. “Food stamps doesn’t cover toothpaste, toothbrushes … [and] now the money is also going for food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064885\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064885\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPdelaysfeature00921_TV_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPdelaysfeature00921_TV_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPdelaysfeature00921_TV_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPdelaysfeature00921_TV_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trozalla Smith shops at the Alameda Food Bank on Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The added stress of losing her $300 in food aid rippled across her life in ways big and small. It put more obstacles on her path back to the workforce. How would she pay for transportation to jobs? She rationed the mascara, lipstick and deodorant that gave her the confidence to go to interviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had a gig coming up as an usher for an event at the Moscone Center, and she needed an all-black outfit. “I went into a panic because I’m like, ‘Oh, my God, I need to buy black shoes.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She aims to apply for three jobs a day. “I need to be focusing,” she said. “When you’re almost in a panic, how can you focus and how can you be productive?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The power of choice\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The next week, Smith pushed a shopping cart through the Alameda Food Bank. She had applied for CalFresh, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12063660/california-moves-to-protect-calfresh-payments-from-federal-confusion-and-chaos\">California’s version of SNAP\u003c/a>, in early October, after she lost her job as a home health aide, and she received emergency benefits for the month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While she waited on approval, she created a daily schedule of food pantries and bused from one to another, patching together meals from the hodgepodge of dry goods and produce available and figuring out which were worth her time. This bank, with its brand new building and heaping bins of apples and potatoes, was one of the best she’d found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064445\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064445\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00731_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00731_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00731_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00731_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trozalla Smith shops at the Alameda Food Bank on Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Today, she was most excited about the fresh strawberries — usually too expensive to buy, and often starting to mold by the time she found them at food pantries. Those pantries rely heavily on the Alameda County Community Food Bank, which fills their shelves with a mix of food from federal programs, donations, bulk farm purchases and surplus groceries that are sometimes on the verge of expiring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to eat it that day or the next, which makes it hard,” Smith said. These berries, though, looked perfectly fresh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each bin listed an item limit on the side, so Smith had learned to shop carefully. “You can get four apples,” she said, hunting through the bin for the largest she could find. “You’ll get fuller with a bigger apple, but they tend to be more bruised. It’s a bit like a scavenger hunt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That the new, sprawling food bank was designed to mimic the experience of shopping wasn’t lost on Smith. “I like this place because it makes you feel more like a regular person,” she said. “You get to shop for your food.”[aside postID=news_12063723 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251110-COLLEGE-STUDENTS-CALFRESH-MD-01-KQED.jpg']She was grateful for the semblance of choice, but what the SNAP program provided was the real thing — something people pointed out again and again as they faced the prospect of going without their benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I get to cook. I refuse to go to them fast-food places,” said Anthony Cassidy, standing outside the food bank with a basket full of fruits and vegetables. “I like making stew.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 75-year-old Vietnam War veteran said he spent decades addicted to heroin, in and out of prison and homelessness, and was now sober and stably housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m bound and determined to live out my days healthy and free,” he said. “SNAP has really helped me, allowed me to get some food that I like instead of stuff that I had to get.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a single week, Smith spent some 20 hours busing to and from six pantries, waiting in line and picking up food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My body’s tired today, really tired,” she said, the day after her trip to the Alameda Food Bank. She was back in East Oakland, making her way to the bus stop after visiting two food pantries on MacArthur Boulevard. She struggled under the weight of three heavy tote bags loaded with watermelon, butternut squash, potatoes and pears. In her free hand, she balanced a pizza, an unexpected pantry score.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely going to hurt later on tonight,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064448\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064448\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01284_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01284_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01284_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01284_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trozalla Smith stands across advertisements for CalFresh as she holds her groceries from the Alameda Food Bank at the 12th Street BART Station in Oakland on Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Smith has lupus, an autoimmune condition that makes her joints ache and some days, leaves her too exhausted to get out of bed. She was diagnosed at 8 years old, she said, after a series of mysterious rashes, fevers and aches had perplexed doctors for nearly two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, the illness forced her to come home from college at Emory University in Atlanta. She developed pericarditis, a swelling of the tissue surrounding her heart, and doctors recommended she take a break.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was on a lot of steroids, couldn’t walk at that point,” she said. Still, she was devastated to leave the school, where she was on a pre-med track. “I loved it so much,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back home after a 30-minute bus ride and 10-minute walk, Smith and her boyfriend, 24-year-old Kelinde Secrease, hoisted the groceries onto the counter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She pulled eggs from a tote triumphantly. The pantries often ran out, and she’d gotten in line an hour and a half before the East Oakland Collective opened in order to bring these home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064450\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064450\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01577_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01577_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01577_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01577_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trozalla Smith puts away groceries from the Alameda food bank in her fridge at her family home in San Leandro on Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A few days earlier, Secrease had caught himself doing something he hadn’t done in a long time: wondering what he wanted to eat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had a realization where I was like, wow — even being able to say ‘What do I want to eat?’ is a very powerful statement that I’m very grateful for,” he said. Before they’d learned to navigate the patchwork of pantries in the area, with Smith out of work and his own hours stuck at just 12 a week, food had been so limited that eating stopped feeling like a choice at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having choices allowed him to enjoy food again. “It doesn’t feel so laborious having to eat because you’re eating something that you really don’t want to,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For people like Smith and Secrease, going without federal food aid doesn’t necessarily mean going hungry. But it pushes their already precarious budget to the breaking point, forcing them to scramble for rent and utilities, bus fare, tampons and toothpaste. Necessity strips away choice, and with it, the small freedoms that make life feel like more than survival. “When you have options, you have freedom,” Secrease said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the moment, the couple figured they had enough food to last them a week. Smith was relieved she’d have that time to focus on applying for jobs and tending to her health. But first they had to chop, freeze, roast and juice their way through the small mountain of produce to keep it from going to waste. After six hours in the kitchen, they had a freezer and refrigerator full of food.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Some relief, but uncertainty remains\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A week into November, Hoover stood in the YMCA residence’s shared kitchen, chopping onion, potato and bell pepper to add to a roasting pan where a whole chicken sizzled in the oven.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love to cook, it’s one of my favorite things to do,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’d gotten the bird for under $10 at Trader Joe’s; the rest of the meal came from the Berkeley Food Pantry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064440\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064440\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00103_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00103_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00103_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00103_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ana Hoover checks out her groceries at her local Trader Joe’s in Berkeley on Thursday, Nov. 13, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>With the month’s food stamps still in limbo amid federal court challenges and the ongoing government shutdown, she called the state’s EBT helpline, hoping for answers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your CalFresh balance is $0.61,” a recorded voice said. “You have one future benefit added to the account. CalFresh benefits available on Nov. 10 for $298.00.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oh, my God, what a lifesaver!” Hoover said. “Oh, my God.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She covered her face with her hands and burst into tears. “The stress level — feeling like, how am I going to do this,” she said. “You have no idea what relief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064441\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064441\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00125_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00125_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00125_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00125_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ana Hoover, whose SNAP benefits were delayed by the government shutdown, uses her EBT card to pay for her groceries at her local Trader Joe’s in Berkeley on Nov. 13, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier that week, Smith had come home from a three-hour food pantry trip to a letter from the county. Her CalFresh benefits were being denied, the letter explained, because she had not submitted proof of income. She was deflated and frustrated. “I don’t understand. I don’t have any income,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By mid-November, Smith had landed a part-time nanny position, Secrease was working full-time, midnight to 7 a.m., training robots to fold clothes and bus tables, and Hoover was still picking up gigs while applying for jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith was again waiting to hear back about her CalFresh case after submitting new income documents, and Hoover had $58 left in her account — just enough to make a Thanksgiving meal with the free turkey she’d learned a local pantry was offering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064439\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064439\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00089_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00089_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00089_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00089_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ana Hoover shops at her local Trader Joe’s in Berkeley on Nov. 13, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For both women, the last month had deepened their distrust of a system meant to catch them when they fell. “I have always felt that these types of benefits could end anytime,” Hoover said, but that fear no longer feels hypothetical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have long sought to cut federal funding for food benefits, implement stricter work requirements and shift the burden to states. After Trump signed some of those restrictions into law this year, the shutdown showed what could follow if federal benefits are further curtailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith took some comfort in knowing she found a way forward through sheer tenacity, but the effort had caused her lupus to flare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As she lay in bed, she hoped the food in the freezer would last long enough for her to recover. Then she’d pull up her pantry schedule, pack her tote bags and do it all over again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The shutdown is over, but the panic over delayed benefits is only the latest reminder of how precarious life is on the economic margins — and what could come under cuts by the Trump administration.",
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"title": "SNAP Benefits Hung in Limbo for Weeks. It Was a Peek at Life Under Long-Term Cuts | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>She’d been waiting for over an hour, and Trozalla Smith was still nowhere near the front of the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside the East Oakland Collective’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061440/calfresh-snap-ebt-shutdown-find-food-banks-near-me-san-francisco-bay-area-alameda-oakland-contra-costa-newsom-national-guard\">food pantry,\u003c/a> the mass of people stretched half a block in either direction around her. Women with babies strapped to their backs shifted their weight from one foot to another, bored kids sat on the sidewalk, and elderly men stood stiffly in place as they waited to pick up whatever was left of that week’s offerings — fresh produce, instant ramen, milk and, if they were lucky, eggs and meat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the end of October, and food pantries were absorbing the shock of around 5.5 million Californians anticipating \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060770/snap-calfresh-food-stamps-government-shutdown-november-payments-ebt\">delays to their federal food benefits\u003c/a> amid the government shutdown. Unsure of the status of her aid, Smith, 24, was relying entirely on pantries to feed herself and her boyfriend. “It’s our lifeline,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The uncertainty was only the latest reminder of how precarious life on the economic margins already is. The struggle to afford one of the country’s most expensive regions, with grocery prices still soaring, started long before the shutdown and will continue long after it finally ended on Nov. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For two weeks, the country’s largest anti-hunger program hung in the balance — and it may have been only a glimpse of what’s to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Smith and thousands more across the Bay Area scrambled to get by during the shutdown, state leaders were wrestling with a more enduring threat to food aid: policy changes recently signed into law by President Trump that \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/federal-funding-cuts-to-snap-calfresh-will-have-sweeping-impacts-on-californians/?utm_source=chatgpt.com\">are expected to reduce\u003c/a> benefits for over 3 million California households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064444\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064444\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00687_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00687_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00687_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00687_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trozalla Smith arrives at the Alameda Food Bank on Friday, Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>New eligibility limits and benefit reductions in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Detail/5090\">mean some 400,000 to 750,000 Californians\u003c/a> could lose access to the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program altogether, according to estimates by the state Legislative Analyst’s Office and policy experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And all the recent attention on SNAP has \u003ca href=\"https://newrepublic.com/article/203120/trump-snap-food-stamps\">placed the program\u003c/a> in the Trump administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2025/11/14/trump-usda-snap-participants-reapply-benefits-00651874\">crosshairs\u003c/a>, leading many to brace for still more blows to food aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are unprecedented changes to the program that will have impacts for many years,” David Swanson Hollinger, chief deputy director at the California Department of Social Services, \u003ca href=\"https://www.senate.ca.gov/media-archive?time%5bmedia-element-18223%5d=2999.428751\">told a state Senate committee\u003c/a> last week, warning that lawmakers will have to “reimagine our path forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Everything is so expensive’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some of the newly enacted changes haven’t yet rolled out in California, and others are just beginning to take effect, but staff at the East Oakland Collective said they’d heard from several clients who unexpectedly had their benefits cut in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among them was Monica Thompson, a 64-year-old who has breast cancer and was one of the first to get in line that morning. Her assistance was cut from about $300 down to $24, she said, screwing up her face. “What can I do with $24?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last week of October, the collective had already served 100 more families than usual, according to executive director Candice Elder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064446\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064446\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shopping carts are parked around the Alameda Food Bank on Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Standing in line that morning, a pregnant woman with a toddler in a stroller checked the state benefits app on her phone for updates. “November benefits will likely be delayed,” Taylor Ducote read, scrolling through the FAQs with exasperation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fear that we have to live with every day until we find out if we’re going to get it or not … it’s just really nerve-wracking and scary for our kids,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ducote had just gotten housing four months earlier after half a decade of homelessness, and she wondered aloud how she’d pay her rent and utilities if she had to buy food out of pocket. Already, she was desperate by the end of the month.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The night before, she said, she got caught stealing from a grocery store. She didn’t get arrested, but she was humiliated. “You think I want to be right here stealing so my son can get milk?” she had told the security guard. “Look what I’m stealing: toilet paper, diapers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few miles away, Ana Hoover, 54, stood in line at the Berkeley Food Pantry. She said she’d been out of work since December and was relying on food stamps, pantries and occasional gigs she found through an event staffing company or on NextDoor to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every month, she used up her SNAP benefits at least two weeks before they were replenished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Ducote, the prospect of losing them altogether left her unsure about how she’d stay housed and take care of other basic needs. She’d been homeless for three years until recently, and she now pays $1,050 a month for a room at the YMCA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is so expensive,” she said. “Food stamps doesn’t cover toothpaste, toothbrushes … [and] now the money is also going for food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064885\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064885\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPdelaysfeature00921_TV_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPdelaysfeature00921_TV_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPdelaysfeature00921_TV_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPdelaysfeature00921_TV_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trozalla Smith shops at the Alameda Food Bank on Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The added stress of losing her $300 in food aid rippled across her life in ways big and small. It put more obstacles on her path back to the workforce. How would she pay for transportation to jobs? She rationed the mascara, lipstick and deodorant that gave her the confidence to go to interviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had a gig coming up as an usher for an event at the Moscone Center, and she needed an all-black outfit. “I went into a panic because I’m like, ‘Oh, my God, I need to buy black shoes.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She aims to apply for three jobs a day. “I need to be focusing,” she said. “When you’re almost in a panic, how can you focus and how can you be productive?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The power of choice\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The next week, Smith pushed a shopping cart through the Alameda Food Bank. She had applied for CalFresh, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12063660/california-moves-to-protect-calfresh-payments-from-federal-confusion-and-chaos\">California’s version of SNAP\u003c/a>, in early October, after she lost her job as a home health aide, and she received emergency benefits for the month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While she waited on approval, she created a daily schedule of food pantries and bused from one to another, patching together meals from the hodgepodge of dry goods and produce available and figuring out which were worth her time. This bank, with its brand new building and heaping bins of apples and potatoes, was one of the best she’d found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064445\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064445\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00731_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00731_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00731_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00731_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trozalla Smith shops at the Alameda Food Bank on Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Today, she was most excited about the fresh strawberries — usually too expensive to buy, and often starting to mold by the time she found them at food pantries. Those pantries rely heavily on the Alameda County Community Food Bank, which fills their shelves with a mix of food from federal programs, donations, bulk farm purchases and surplus groceries that are sometimes on the verge of expiring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to eat it that day or the next, which makes it hard,” Smith said. These berries, though, looked perfectly fresh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each bin listed an item limit on the side, so Smith had learned to shop carefully. “You can get four apples,” she said, hunting through the bin for the largest she could find. “You’ll get fuller with a bigger apple, but they tend to be more bruised. It’s a bit like a scavenger hunt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That the new, sprawling food bank was designed to mimic the experience of shopping wasn’t lost on Smith. “I like this place because it makes you feel more like a regular person,” she said. “You get to shop for your food.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>She was grateful for the semblance of choice, but what the SNAP program provided was the real thing — something people pointed out again and again as they faced the prospect of going without their benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I get to cook. I refuse to go to them fast-food places,” said Anthony Cassidy, standing outside the food bank with a basket full of fruits and vegetables. “I like making stew.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 75-year-old Vietnam War veteran said he spent decades addicted to heroin, in and out of prison and homelessness, and was now sober and stably housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m bound and determined to live out my days healthy and free,” he said. “SNAP has really helped me, allowed me to get some food that I like instead of stuff that I had to get.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a single week, Smith spent some 20 hours busing to and from six pantries, waiting in line and picking up food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My body’s tired today, really tired,” she said, the day after her trip to the Alameda Food Bank. She was back in East Oakland, making her way to the bus stop after visiting two food pantries on MacArthur Boulevard. She struggled under the weight of three heavy tote bags loaded with watermelon, butternut squash, potatoes and pears. In her free hand, she balanced a pizza, an unexpected pantry score.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely going to hurt later on tonight,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064448\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064448\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01284_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01284_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01284_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01284_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trozalla Smith stands across advertisements for CalFresh as she holds her groceries from the Alameda Food Bank at the 12th Street BART Station in Oakland on Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Smith has lupus, an autoimmune condition that makes her joints ache and some days, leaves her too exhausted to get out of bed. She was diagnosed at 8 years old, she said, after a series of mysterious rashes, fevers and aches had perplexed doctors for nearly two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, the illness forced her to come home from college at Emory University in Atlanta. She developed pericarditis, a swelling of the tissue surrounding her heart, and doctors recommended she take a break.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was on a lot of steroids, couldn’t walk at that point,” she said. Still, she was devastated to leave the school, where she was on a pre-med track. “I loved it so much,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back home after a 30-minute bus ride and 10-minute walk, Smith and her boyfriend, 24-year-old Kelinde Secrease, hoisted the groceries onto the counter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She pulled eggs from a tote triumphantly. The pantries often ran out, and she’d gotten in line an hour and a half before the East Oakland Collective opened in order to bring these home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064450\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064450\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01577_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01577_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01577_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01577_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trozalla Smith puts away groceries from the Alameda food bank in her fridge at her family home in San Leandro on Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A few days earlier, Secrease had caught himself doing something he hadn’t done in a long time: wondering what he wanted to eat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had a realization where I was like, wow — even being able to say ‘What do I want to eat?’ is a very powerful statement that I’m very grateful for,” he said. Before they’d learned to navigate the patchwork of pantries in the area, with Smith out of work and his own hours stuck at just 12 a week, food had been so limited that eating stopped feeling like a choice at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having choices allowed him to enjoy food again. “It doesn’t feel so laborious having to eat because you’re eating something that you really don’t want to,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For people like Smith and Secrease, going without federal food aid doesn’t necessarily mean going hungry. But it pushes their already precarious budget to the breaking point, forcing them to scramble for rent and utilities, bus fare, tampons and toothpaste. Necessity strips away choice, and with it, the small freedoms that make life feel like more than survival. “When you have options, you have freedom,” Secrease said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the moment, the couple figured they had enough food to last them a week. Smith was relieved she’d have that time to focus on applying for jobs and tending to her health. But first they had to chop, freeze, roast and juice their way through the small mountain of produce to keep it from going to waste. After six hours in the kitchen, they had a freezer and refrigerator full of food.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Some relief, but uncertainty remains\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A week into November, Hoover stood in the YMCA residence’s shared kitchen, chopping onion, potato and bell pepper to add to a roasting pan where a whole chicken sizzled in the oven.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love to cook, it’s one of my favorite things to do,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’d gotten the bird for under $10 at Trader Joe’s; the rest of the meal came from the Berkeley Food Pantry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064440\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064440\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00103_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00103_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00103_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00103_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ana Hoover checks out her groceries at her local Trader Joe’s in Berkeley on Thursday, Nov. 13, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>With the month’s food stamps still in limbo amid federal court challenges and the ongoing government shutdown, she called the state’s EBT helpline, hoping for answers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your CalFresh balance is $0.61,” a recorded voice said. “You have one future benefit added to the account. CalFresh benefits available on Nov. 10 for $298.00.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oh, my God, what a lifesaver!” Hoover said. “Oh, my God.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She covered her face with her hands and burst into tears. “The stress level — feeling like, how am I going to do this,” she said. “You have no idea what relief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064441\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064441\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00125_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00125_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00125_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00125_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ana Hoover, whose SNAP benefits were delayed by the government shutdown, uses her EBT card to pay for her groceries at her local Trader Joe’s in Berkeley on Nov. 13, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier that week, Smith had come home from a three-hour food pantry trip to a letter from the county. Her CalFresh benefits were being denied, the letter explained, because she had not submitted proof of income. She was deflated and frustrated. “I don’t understand. I don’t have any income,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By mid-November, Smith had landed a part-time nanny position, Secrease was working full-time, midnight to 7 a.m., training robots to fold clothes and bus tables, and Hoover was still picking up gigs while applying for jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith was again waiting to hear back about her CalFresh case after submitting new income documents, and Hoover had $58 left in her account — just enough to make a Thanksgiving meal with the free turkey she’d learned a local pantry was offering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064439\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064439\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00089_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00089_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00089_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00089_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ana Hoover shops at her local Trader Joe’s in Berkeley on Nov. 13, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For both women, the last month had deepened their distrust of a system meant to catch them when they fell. “I have always felt that these types of benefits could end anytime,” Hoover said, but that fear no longer feels hypothetical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have long sought to cut federal funding for food benefits, implement stricter work requirements and shift the burden to states. After Trump signed some of those restrictions into law this year, the shutdown showed what could follow if federal benefits are further curtailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith took some comfort in knowing she found a way forward through sheer tenacity, but the effort had caused her lupus to flare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As she lay in bed, she hoped the food in the freezer would last long enough for her to recover. Then she’d pull up her pantry schedule, pack her tote bags and do it all over again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "sf-to-pay-5-8-million-in-class-action-settlement-over-elder-abuse-at-laguna-honda",
"title": "SF to Pay $5.8 Million in Class Action Settlement Over Elder Abuse at Laguna Honda",
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"headTitle": "SF to Pay $5.8 Million in Class Action Settlement Over Elder Abuse at Laguna Honda | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> is poised to pay out $5.8 million after reaching a settlement in a lawsuit claiming staff at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/laguna-honda-hospital\">Laguna Honda Hospital\u003c/a> and Rehabilitation Center took explicit photos of patients and disseminated them for non-medical purposes, along with other abuse and privacy violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement is the latest rectification and first class action for the patient abuse scandal at Laguna Honda Hospital, one of the nation’s largest public nursing homes, following reports between 2016 and 2019 that thrust the facility into turmoil. Both parties have agreed to the payment, which will go before the city’s Government Audit and Oversight Committee on Thursday for approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $5.8 million settlement will be distributed among 735 current and former Laguna Honda patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This on its face says, ‘Look, you had a systemic problem. This was going on and this was hurting everybody,’” said Kathryn Stebner, who represented plaintiffs in the case. “We bring class actions to make a political statement, to try to make social change. And I think this does send that message.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 159-year-old hospital has long served as a safety net for some of the city’s poorest and most vulnerable residents, with some living at Laguna Honda for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit was initially filed in 2020 on behalf of a Laguna Honda resident, claiming staff took photos of his genital area during an enema procedure and that staff circulated the image for non-medical purposes. Another named plaintiff, Tommy O. Johnson, alleged his health information was also wrongly used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11958178\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11958178\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut.jpg\" alt='The entryway to a hospital driveway with a sign that reads, \"Main Hospital Entrance and Residences.\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign points to the main entrance to the Laguna Honda Hospital in San Francisco on Jan. 31, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Attorneys later filed a class action motion in 2024 alleging that all patients at the hospital between 2022 and 2023 were subject to compromised care. The period of time was while the hospital was uncertified and undergoing major changes, after regulators with the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services found several health and safety issues across multiple inspection surveys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Laguna Honda is unwavering in our commitment to resident safety and wellbeing,” a spokesperson for the city’s Department of Public Health, which oversees the massive facility, said in an email. “The 2019 patient mistreatment incidents were antithetical to what Laguna Honda stands for as the safety-net healthcare facility caring for San Franciscans most in need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The class action is one of three recent lawsuits over the abuse scandal that broke out just before the pandemic. Another lawsuit was filed on behalf of individual residents who had fallen and suffered injuries such as broken hips, Stebner said. The third lawsuit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952012/san-francisco-to-pay-2-2-million-settlement-to-victims-in-laguna-honda-patient-abuse-scandal\">settled in 2023 for $2.2 million\u003c/a>, focused on 11 individual patients at Laguna Honda after a group of nurses were found to have taken nude photos of some patients and drugged and abused others.[aside postID=news_12026662 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/014_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023_qed-1020x680.jpg']Nursing home reform supporters with the Gray Panthers, a group of advocates focused on long-term care and other issues facing older San Franciscans, estimate that the city has had to pay nearly $12 million in fines and lawsuit settlements relating to the sexual abuse scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the San Francisco City Attorney said the class action settlement is an “appropriate response.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The facility took several steps after uncovering evidence of patient mistreatment and privacy violations between 2016 and 2019, including firing staff who took part in abuse and reorganizing the hospital’s leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But problems for Laguna Honda didn’t end there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, two non-fatal overdoses occurred on-site involving methamphetamine and fentanyl, triggering a series of inspections. Federal regulators then decertified Laguna Honda in April 2022 after finding issues with staff hygiene and other problems, such as smoking and drug use on site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hospital was forced to pause admissions while it worked to regain certification with Medicare and Medi-Cal, which covers the vast majority of the elderly and low-income residents at Laguna Honda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, federal regulators had the hospital begin discharging patients in anticipation of a possible shutdown. More than 50 people were discharged or transferred to other skilled nursing facilities, and some ended up in homeless shelters. Twelve frail and elderly patients died shortly after their transfer out of the facility to other nursing homes.”State and federal regulators agreed to pause the mandated discharges in 2022, after an outcry from San Francisco officials and advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The facility achieved recertification again in 2024 after undergoing rigorous inspections and retraining for staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11757927\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11757927\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Laguna_Honda_Hospital_and_Rehabilitation_Center_-_San_Francisco_CA_-_DSC03931-e1561745657127.jpg\" alt=\"Laguna Honda Hospital and Rehabilitation Center in San Francisco, where a group of former staff members allegedly abused nearly two dozen patients for years.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1324\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laguna Honda Hospital and Rehabilitation Center in San Francisco, where a group of former staff members allegedly abused nearly two dozen patients for years. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Laguna_Honda_Hospital_and_Rehabilitation_Center_-_San_Francisco,_CA_-_DSC03931.jpg#/media/File:Laguna_Honda_Hospital_and_Rehabilitation_Center_-_San_Francisco,_CA_-_DSC03931.jpg\">Daderot/Wikipedia\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Laguna Honda has undergone significant restructuring and has been the focus of extensive improvements facility-wide, including new policies, enhanced quality management protocols, and new programs that align with national best practices,” the Public Health Department spokesperson said. “This is all with the goal of creating a lasting culture of safety, transparency, and continuous improvement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The population at Laguna Honda has dropped from more than 700 residents in November 2020 to 541 as of September 2025, according to city data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teresa Palmer, a physician who worked at Laguna Honda for nearly three decades, said the class action settlement underscores the need for more staffing at the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All kinds of abuse and neglect are expressions of understaffing of both supervisory staff and direct care staff,” Palmer said. “People are so overworked and fear retaliation, and things are covered up because staff are just trying to get through the day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The settlement is the latest rectification for patient complaints at Laguna Honda Hospital, one of the nation’s largest public nursing homes.",
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"title": "SF to Pay $5.8 Million in Class Action Settlement Over Elder Abuse at Laguna Honda | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> is poised to pay out $5.8 million after reaching a settlement in a lawsuit claiming staff at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/laguna-honda-hospital\">Laguna Honda Hospital\u003c/a> and Rehabilitation Center took explicit photos of patients and disseminated them for non-medical purposes, along with other abuse and privacy violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement is the latest rectification and first class action for the patient abuse scandal at Laguna Honda Hospital, one of the nation’s largest public nursing homes, following reports between 2016 and 2019 that thrust the facility into turmoil. Both parties have agreed to the payment, which will go before the city’s Government Audit and Oversight Committee on Thursday for approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $5.8 million settlement will be distributed among 735 current and former Laguna Honda patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This on its face says, ‘Look, you had a systemic problem. This was going on and this was hurting everybody,’” said Kathryn Stebner, who represented plaintiffs in the case. “We bring class actions to make a political statement, to try to make social change. And I think this does send that message.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 159-year-old hospital has long served as a safety net for some of the city’s poorest and most vulnerable residents, with some living at Laguna Honda for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit was initially filed in 2020 on behalf of a Laguna Honda resident, claiming staff took photos of his genital area during an enema procedure and that staff circulated the image for non-medical purposes. Another named plaintiff, Tommy O. Johnson, alleged his health information was also wrongly used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11958178\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11958178\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut.jpg\" alt='The entryway to a hospital driveway with a sign that reads, \"Main Hospital Entrance and Residences.\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign points to the main entrance to the Laguna Honda Hospital in San Francisco on Jan. 31, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Attorneys later filed a class action motion in 2024 alleging that all patients at the hospital between 2022 and 2023 were subject to compromised care. The period of time was while the hospital was uncertified and undergoing major changes, after regulators with the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services found several health and safety issues across multiple inspection surveys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Laguna Honda is unwavering in our commitment to resident safety and wellbeing,” a spokesperson for the city’s Department of Public Health, which oversees the massive facility, said in an email. “The 2019 patient mistreatment incidents were antithetical to what Laguna Honda stands for as the safety-net healthcare facility caring for San Franciscans most in need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The class action is one of three recent lawsuits over the abuse scandal that broke out just before the pandemic. Another lawsuit was filed on behalf of individual residents who had fallen and suffered injuries such as broken hips, Stebner said. The third lawsuit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952012/san-francisco-to-pay-2-2-million-settlement-to-victims-in-laguna-honda-patient-abuse-scandal\">settled in 2023 for $2.2 million\u003c/a>, focused on 11 individual patients at Laguna Honda after a group of nurses were found to have taken nude photos of some patients and drugged and abused others.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Nursing home reform supporters with the Gray Panthers, a group of advocates focused on long-term care and other issues facing older San Franciscans, estimate that the city has had to pay nearly $12 million in fines and lawsuit settlements relating to the sexual abuse scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the San Francisco City Attorney said the class action settlement is an “appropriate response.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The facility took several steps after uncovering evidence of patient mistreatment and privacy violations between 2016 and 2019, including firing staff who took part in abuse and reorganizing the hospital’s leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But problems for Laguna Honda didn’t end there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, two non-fatal overdoses occurred on-site involving methamphetamine and fentanyl, triggering a series of inspections. Federal regulators then decertified Laguna Honda in April 2022 after finding issues with staff hygiene and other problems, such as smoking and drug use on site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hospital was forced to pause admissions while it worked to regain certification with Medicare and Medi-Cal, which covers the vast majority of the elderly and low-income residents at Laguna Honda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, federal regulators had the hospital begin discharging patients in anticipation of a possible shutdown. More than 50 people were discharged or transferred to other skilled nursing facilities, and some ended up in homeless shelters. Twelve frail and elderly patients died shortly after their transfer out of the facility to other nursing homes.”State and federal regulators agreed to pause the mandated discharges in 2022, after an outcry from San Francisco officials and advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The facility achieved recertification again in 2024 after undergoing rigorous inspections and retraining for staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11757927\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11757927\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Laguna_Honda_Hospital_and_Rehabilitation_Center_-_San_Francisco_CA_-_DSC03931-e1561745657127.jpg\" alt=\"Laguna Honda Hospital and Rehabilitation Center in San Francisco, where a group of former staff members allegedly abused nearly two dozen patients for years.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1324\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laguna Honda Hospital and Rehabilitation Center in San Francisco, where a group of former staff members allegedly abused nearly two dozen patients for years. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Laguna_Honda_Hospital_and_Rehabilitation_Center_-_San_Francisco,_CA_-_DSC03931.jpg#/media/File:Laguna_Honda_Hospital_and_Rehabilitation_Center_-_San_Francisco,_CA_-_DSC03931.jpg\">Daderot/Wikipedia\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Laguna Honda has undergone significant restructuring and has been the focus of extensive improvements facility-wide, including new policies, enhanced quality management protocols, and new programs that align with national best practices,” the Public Health Department spokesperson said. “This is all with the goal of creating a lasting culture of safety, transparency, and continuous improvement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The population at Laguna Honda has dropped from more than 700 residents in November 2020 to 541 as of September 2025, according to city data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teresa Palmer, a physician who worked at Laguna Honda for nearly three decades, said the class action settlement underscores the need for more staffing at the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All kinds of abuse and neglect are expressions of understaffing of both supervisory staff and direct care staff,” Palmer said. “People are so overworked and fear retaliation, and things are covered up because staff are just trying to get through the day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "san-franciscos-love-hate-relationship-with-big-box-stores",
"title": "San Francisco’s Love-Hate Relationship with Big Box Stores",
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"headTitle": "San Francisco’s Love-Hate Relationship with Big Box Stores | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I arrived in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> in 1981, I rented a room for $400 in a Victorian condo on Masonic Avenue near Waller Street —the heart of the world-famous Haight-Ashbury. Whenever I walked down Haight Street, I was struck by how many stores seemed to be remnants of the hippie era and the 1967 Summer of Love.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were stores selling tie-dye clothes, incense, smoke shops, art supplies, a bowling alley, bars and coffee houses where people lingered talking or writing in their journals. One thing that did not exist: chain stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was probably the result of the neighborhood’s “alternative” vibe, which included resistance to corporatizing the commercial district of an iconic neighborhood famous for being the center of the hippie movement and culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I vividly remember one day in 1988, when a construction site for a new Thrifty Drug Store at Haight and Cole Street exploded in flames in the middle of the night — a fire determined to have been caused by arson. The drug store had been vehemently opposed by some in the neighborhood. The fire destroyed it — and Thrifty never returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, there was no real way for residents to stop the arrival of a chain store. And look around today, there are plenty of chain stores — Starbucks, Safeway and Walgreens, to name a few. But there have also been big fights against chain stores moving into the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064707\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-13-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064707\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-13-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-13-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-13-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-13-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People walk past the Target store on 4th and Mission Streets in San Francisco on Nov. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious listener, Sarah Soule, remembers some of the controversy over stores like Costco opening. And she wants to gut check something she heard as a kid growing up here: “Did San Francisco really use to prevent big box stores from opening in the city? And when did that change and what effects has that change had on the city?”\u003cstrong>\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like most big controversies in San Francisco, this one revolved around land use and zoning — what you can build where.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, I turned to someone who knows the city’s planning codes and zoning restraints better than anyone — former Supervisor Aaron Peskin, who was a county supervisor for more than 20 years. His district included North Beach, which is notoriously hostile to chain stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As we walked up Columbus Avenue, Peskin described the neighborhood’s retail environment. “The neighborhood is thriving; it actually led the way in post-pandemic recovery,” he explained. “It has an extremely low vacancy rate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>North Beach is perhaps best known for its coffeehouse culture. Over the decades, it’s attracted members of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/201205071000/one-and-only-the-untold-story-of-on-the-road\">the Beat Generation\u003c/a> — writers like Allen Ginsberg and Lawrence Ferlinghetti — and others looking for that smell of fresh ground espresso in an atmospheric setting. Long-time establishments like \u003ca href=\"https://caffetrieste.com/\">Caffe Trieste\u003c/a> and the Savoy Tivoli are part of what makes North Beach, North Beach.[aside postID=news_12063643 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251008-GirlintheFishbowl-01-BL.jpg']Inside Caffe Trieste, the walls are full of black and white photos of the many famous people who’ve stopped by, many of them Italian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s Francis Ford Coppola sitting at the back table writing the screenplay for \u003cem>The Godfather\u003c/em> right there. There’s Luciano Pavarotti singing in here,” Peskin said. This cafe serves as a kind of satellite office for him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin — who termed out of the Board of Supervisors last year and has a long history as a local preservationist — remembers a day decades ago that made him sit up and pay attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a petition on the counter. This is in maybe the early 1990s, asking people to sign to object to a Starbucks on the corner of Columbus and Broadway. I remember it vividly,” Peskin recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That petition, all those years ago, was an early example of San Franciscans \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2003-aug-06-me-starbucks6-story.html\">pushing \u003c/a>back against a chain moving in. And they succeeded in keeping Starbucks out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, other neighborhoods were waging similar battles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was outcry from various parts of the city,” Peskin said. The problem for regulating chain stores was that there was no official definition of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What makes something a chain store?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So, in 2004, San Francisco defined what a chain store — more formally known as “formula retail” — was exactly: A business having 11 or more stores nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That definition never existed in the San Francisco Planning Code, [and] it did not prohibit anything at all,” Peskin noted. “It defined what a chain store was and then left it to the future to determine where they were green light, where they were red light, and where they were yellow light, needing a conditional use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064706\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-07-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064706\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-07-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-07-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-07-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-07-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former San Francisco Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin leaves Caffe Trieste in the city’s North Beach neighborhood on Nov. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>With that 2004 definition in place, neighborhoods began adopting different levels of control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A “red light” meant a total ban on chains — that’s what Hayes Valley did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, some of you might say, “Hey, wait a minute. There \u003cem>are\u003c/em> chain stores in Hayes Valley — like All Birds shoes and Warby Parker eyeglasses.” Yep, that’s true. But when they opened, they were relatively small companies and had fewer than the 11 locations nationwide that triggered those limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A “yellow light” applied to neighborhoods — like Cole Valley and parts of the Haight Ashbury — where chains were allowed, but only after neighbors could weigh in. It required what’s called “a conditional use permit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And finally, “green light” areas — South of Market, Union Square and the rest of downtown — where chain stores like Macy’s, Nordstrom and Old Navy are allowed without any additional permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The regulations grew piecemeal, neighborhood by neighborhood, without any citywide coordination. So, in 2006, voters approved Proposition G, dubbed the “Small Business Protection Act,” mandating conditional use permits for new chain stores in \u003cem>all\u003c/em> neighborhood commercial districts where small businesses dominate.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Franciscans continue to fight chain stores\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But having clearer regulations didn’t end the fights over big box stores. That became clear in a battle over whether to allow Lowe’s, a major hardware chain, to open on Bayshore Boulevard.[aside postID=news_12062909 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Ocean-Spray_3.jpg']The site where Lowe’s wanted to open — Bayshore Avenue near Cortland — bordered on two very different supervisorial districts — the thriving Bernal Heights and the economically depressed Bayview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>It was a huge fight,” Peskin recalled. Lowe’s sweetened the pot by promising to hire hundreds of local workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, the Board of Supervisors on a 6-to-5 vote voted to approve Lowe’s. I was the swing vote,” Peskin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The store opened in 2010 — and remains there today.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What the research says about chain store impacts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This seems like a good time to lay out some of the research on chains and how they affect local communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was \u003ca href=\"https://sfplanning.org/project/policy-basis-formula-retail-chain-stores#economic-analysis\">a lot of analysis\u003c/a> about how local businesses kept money in the local economy and the multiplier effect of keeping money in the local economy rather than it being sucked out to a corporate headquarters in Atlanta or New York City,” Peskin said. “There was also the fact that local businesses hired people at better living wages. So there’s a lot of data that supported the legislation beyond just the fact that people wanted to maintain the unique character of their neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another argument against chains — they \u003ca href=\"https://ilsr.org/article/independent-business/affordable-space/#:~:text=As%20the%20cost%20of%20space,locally%20owned%20businesses%20can%20thrive.\">put upward pressure on rents\u003c/a>. Because they have more access to revenue than a small retail operation, chains can sign longer leases and pay higher rents if they really want the location. It can leave small businesses priced out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the upside, counties get a lot of sales tax revenue from chains, customers like them, and they do provide some jobs. For example, Costco on 11th Street is always packed with customers. And the sales tax from that business stays in San Francisco, as opposed to, say, Home Depot, which only has Bay Area locations outside the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A post-COVID shift towards more chain stores\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Supervisor Danny Sauter, whose district includes North Beach, co-sponsored legislation making it \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/s-f-to-make-easier-to-open-chain-stores-van-ness-20288462.php\">easier \u003c/a>for chain stores to open on a relatively desolate stretch of Van Ness Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a reflection of the current state of things, where it’s rows and rows of empty storefronts — we have to try something,” Sauter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-26-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064711\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-26-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-26-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-26-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-26-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lowe’s home improvement store on Bayshore Boulevard in San Francisco on Nov. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He said there are already a few sprouts of interest, and even glimmers of success, including a new Apple Cinemas movie theatre to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/entertainment/article/apple-cinemas-san-francisco-opening-20762805.php\">replace \u003c/a>one that closed years ago. That opened pretty quickly at 1000 Van Ness Ave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now Sauter is going even further. He authored an ordinance titled “\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/zoning-north-beach-21122722.php\">District 3 Thrives\u003c/a>,” which weakens long-time restrictions on what businesses can do in parts of the district, including North Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It will expand the kinds of commercial enterprises allowed to operate, and allow adjacent storefronts to merge to make a larger space so existing businesses can expand, or new ones can move into it, assuming they get a permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064713\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-30-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064713\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-30-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-30-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-30-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-30-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The now closed Silver Crest donut shop on Bayshore Boulevard in San Francisco on Nov. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sauter’s ordinance passed 8–2 last month and has prompted a spirited neighborhood debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All this shows that the city —for all its crazy building codes, permitting and chain store regulations — has a fair amount of flexibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco’s land use laws were built on the notion that different neighborhoods had different destinies and were trying to do different things to be economically successful,” Peskin said. “The whole notion was that it wasn’t a one-size-fits-all solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Will other neighborhoods also loosen restrictions on chain stores? Stay tuned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> Growing up in San Francisco, I’ve always loved how each neighborhood is distinct…like little villages. Each with their own shopping streets\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sounds of cars passing and people walking by\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>My family lived in the Richmond District, so we did our shopping on Clement. On it, you can find everything from fresh-caught fish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Fishmonger: So right now we have rock cod and we have calamari… \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> To produce, hair salons, pastry shops…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Bakery worker: You pay with cash or card?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> Ice cream, restaurants, a bookstore — you name it. By and large, local businesses, one of a kind in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Bookstore worker: Welcome to Green Apple\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>And most neighborhoods in San Francisco have a street like this…it’s part of what makes San Francisco feel unique.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule: \u003c/strong>My name is Sarah Soule. I live in San Francisco. And I’ve grown up here my whole life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>Sarah remembers shopping mostly at local businesses growing up. She even remembers hearing that San Francisco didn’t allow big box stores, like Walmart or Home Depot, at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah: \u003c/strong>In order to protect local businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>But recently, she’s noticed more chain stores in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule: \u003c/strong>We didn’t use to have Costco. Um, and I kind of remember Costco opening here for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>That was in the early 90s. Sarah remembers the fight around it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule: \u003c/strong>Like, it was controversial. Some people were upset about it, and I was wondering, you know, why that happened? Why did it get to open here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>She’s trying to understand what’s changed in the city since she was a kid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule: \u003c/strong>And my question is: Did San Francisco really used to prevent big box stores from opening in the city? And when did that change, and what effects have that change had on the city?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>Today on Bay Curious, we’re going shopping for some answers to Sarah’s question and learning a little retail history, San Francisco style. I’m Katrina Schwartz. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sponsor message\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> San Francisco today definitely has chain stores. Think Safeway, Starbucks and Target, to name just a few. But there are hundreds of pages of planning codes and regulations for them. And that means politics. So we asked Scott Shafer, KQED’s senior politics correspondent and co-host of the Political Breakdown podcast, to walk us through how those regulations have changed over the last several decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer:\u003c/strong> Land use in San Francisco is guided by the city’s Byzantine Planning Code, which is kind of like the twisty, curvy part of Lombard Street. And few understand it better than this guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>My name is Aaron Peskin. I live and work in North Beach, and we are in the heart of North Beach on the 400 block of Columbus Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Aaron Peskin served on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors for more than 20 years, and his district included this neighborhood, which has been famously anti-chain store for a long time..\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> North Beach has always been a dining and entertainment destination zone, but it’s also a place where people live and shop and maintaining the balance of neighborhood-serving businesses is also important and also adds to making it a real neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer in scene:\u003c/strong> So this neighborhood, obviously, as you said, it’s a historic neighborhood. How are the businesses doing here, and how the cafe scene doing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> So the neighborhood is thriving; it actually led the way in post-pandemic recovery. It has an extremely low vacancy rate. The cafes, as we can see, here is Stella Pastry and Cafe is booming with a bunch of the old Italians who are hanging out. What’s going on, Frankie How are you gentlemen?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Frankie: \u003c/strong>Buon giorno!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> KQED wants to know if you guys are alive and well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Frankie:\u003c/strong> We’re okay. It’s a little bit hot. Yeah, but yeah. When we check his blood pressure, he’s all right. Yeah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Among the things North Beach is most famous for are its small, independent coffee houses…like Cafe Trieste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>Cafe Trieste is 70 years old. It was the first place on the western seaboard of the United States that started to serve espresso. It is still in the same family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sounds of espresso maker. Barista says: This is a coffee latte. The next one is a cappuccino. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>It’s kind of North Beach’s living room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>The walls are covered in old photos showing the many famous people who’ve been through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>Here’s Francis Ford Coppola sitting at the back table writing the screenplay for The Godfather right there. There’s Luciano Pavarotti singing in here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>People come to North Beach for businesses like this. That’s why Peskin remembers one day at Cafe Trieste so clearly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>And there was a petition on the counter. This is in maybe the early 1990s; this was a long time ago, asking people to sign to object to a Starbucks on the corner of Columbus and Broadway. I remember it vividly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>This petition, all those years ago, was one of the first instances of a neighborhood pushing back against a chain moving in. They succeeded in keeping the Starbucks out, by the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back at his office, Peskin tells me that fight against Starbucks was just the beginning. Other neighborhoods were waging similar battles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>There was outcry from various parts of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>In 2004, San Francisco defined what a chain store, more formally known as “formula retail”, was exactly — having 11 or more stores nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>That definition never existed in the San Francisco Planning Code; it did not prohibit anything at all. It defined what a chain store was and then left it to the future to determine where they were green light, where they where red light, and where they are yellow light needing a conditional use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer:\u003c/strong> With that 2004 definition in place, neighborhoods began adopting different levels of control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A red light meant a total ban on chains — that’s what Hayes Valley did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, some of you might say, “Hey, wait a minute. There \u003cem>are\u003c/em> chain stores in Hayes Valley — like \u003cem>All Birds\u003c/em> shoes and \u003cem>Warby Parker \u003c/em>eyeglasses. Yep, that’s true. \u003cu>But\u003c/u> when they opened, they were relatively small companies … and had fewer than the 11 locations nationwide that triggered those limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A yellow light applied to neighborhoods — like Cole Valley and parts of the Haight Ashbury — where chains were allowed, but only after neighbors could weigh in before any final decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And finally green light areas — South of Market, Union Square and the rest of downtown — where chain stores like Macy’s, Nordstrom and Old Navy are allowed without any additional permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gradually, more neighborhoods adopted limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the regulations grew piecemeal, in 2006, voters approved Proposition G, dubbed the “Small Business Protection Act,” mandating those conditional use permits for new chain stores in all neighborhood commercial districts where small businesses dominate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But having clearer regulations didn’t end the fights over big box stores. That became clear in a battle over whether to allow a major hardware chain to open on Bayshore Boulevard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lowe’s commercial:\u003c/strong> Go to Lowe’s home improvement warehouse because Lowe’s knows (fades out)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>The site where Lowe’s wanted to open bordered on two very different supervisorial districts — the thriving Bernal Heights and the economically depressed Bayview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>It was a huge fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Lowe’s sweetened the pot by promising to hire hundreds of local workers..\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> Ultimately, the Board of Supervisors, on a 6 to 5 vote, voted to approve Lowe’s. I was the swing vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>The store opened — and remains there today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This seems like a good time to lay out some of the research on chains and how they affect local communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>There was a lot of analysis about how local businesses kept money in the local economy and the multiplier effect of keeping money in the local economy rather than it being sucked out to a corporate headquarters in Atlanta or New York City. The fact that local businesses hired people at better living wages. So there’s a lot of data that supported the legislation beyond just the fact that people wanted to maintain the unique character of their neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Another argument against chains — they put upward pressure on rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>There is no question that multinational chain stores can command higher rents, and the impact of that has been to raise commercial rents for small businesses and neighborhood commercial districts, which has been very deleterious to the health of small businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>On the pro side, counties get a lot of tax revenue from chains, customers like them, and they do provide some jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>There are plenty of places in San Francisco where they are allowed as of right or where they’re allowed conditionally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer:\u003c/strong> In fact, despite the hurdles, the regulations and the NIMBY politics, San Francisco still has plenty of chain stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> So this whole notion that San Francisco isn’t allowing businesses to grow is kind of nonsense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>And when chains close, people complain. That happened along Van Ness Avenue as KGO reported earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>KGO clip: \u003c/strong>Van Ness Avenue was once San Francisco’s auto row. Rambler, Dodge, Cadillac, Buick all had a stake in the city. The majority are gone, leaving behind large, empty commercial spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Supervisor Danny Sauter … co-sponsored legislation making it easier for chain stores to open on Van Ness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Danny Sauter: \u003c/strong>It’s a reflection of the current state of things. Where it’s rows and rows of empty storefronts, we have to try something.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Sauter says there’s already a few sprouts of interest … and even glimmers of success … including a new Apple Cinemas movie theatre to replace one that closed years ago. That opened pretty quickly at 1000 Van Ness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All this shows that the city — for all its crazy building codes, permitting and chain store regulations, as Peskin noted, has a fair amount of flexibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> San Francisco’s land use laws were built on the notion that different neighborhoods had different destinies and were trying to do different things to be economically successful. The whole notion was that it wasn’t a one-size-fits-all solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>In thriving neighborhoods like Hayes Valley…where sidewalks are filled with shoppers, it’s still hard to open a chain store. But in others, like Van Ness Ave, where huge storefronts sit empty, the calculus is changing. A big box store doesn’t look so bad anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I took all this back to our question asker, Sarah, to see what she makes of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule: \u003c/strong>I actually spent some time as a small child in those North Beach cafes. And I learned to play Pac-Man in one of those. So it’s interesting to hear that it started in that neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>She’s been thinking a lot about where she chooses to spend her money and wants to invest more in local businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule:\u003c/strong> One of the things that makes any city so special is those small local businesses that exist there and no place else\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>No doubt the city will keep tweaking its rules for chain stores … trying to find that elusive balance between protecting the unique character of its neighborhoods and allowing chains to open where they make sense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> That story was brought to you by KQED’s senior politics correspondent and co-host of Political Breakdown, Scott Shafer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next week, the Bay Curious team will be taking a break for the Thanksgiving holiday. But we’re back with you the following week …Dec. 4 … with a new episode. And…drumroll please…Olivia Allen-Price is back from maternity leave and will be back in the host seat! We’re super excited to have her back and want to say a special thank you to producer Gabriela Glueck, who has been an amazing partner on the show during Olivia’s leave. Much of the beautiful scoring and sound design you’ve enjoyed over the last many months is her magic. Thank you, Gabi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has been very fun to host the show over these past couple months, but I’m not going anywhere, and I’m excited to do more reporting and to get out into the field a bit more to answer your questions!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious is produced at member-supported KQED in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our show is made by Olivia Allen-Price, Gabriela Glueck, Christopher Beale and me, Katrina Schwartz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With extra support from Maha Sanad, Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Ethan Toven-Lindsey and everyone on team KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco, Northern California local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thanks for listening. Have a holiday and we’ll see you back here in a couple weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "San Francisco has long tried to protect local businesses from competing against bigger chain stores, but those regulations are loosening.\r\n",
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"title": "San Francisco’s Love-Hate Relationship with Big Box Stores | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I arrived in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> in 1981, I rented a room for $400 in a Victorian condo on Masonic Avenue near Waller Street —the heart of the world-famous Haight-Ashbury. Whenever I walked down Haight Street, I was struck by how many stores seemed to be remnants of the hippie era and the 1967 Summer of Love.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were stores selling tie-dye clothes, incense, smoke shops, art supplies, a bowling alley, bars and coffee houses where people lingered talking or writing in their journals. One thing that did not exist: chain stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was probably the result of the neighborhood’s “alternative” vibe, which included resistance to corporatizing the commercial district of an iconic neighborhood famous for being the center of the hippie movement and culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I vividly remember one day in 1988, when a construction site for a new Thrifty Drug Store at Haight and Cole Street exploded in flames in the middle of the night — a fire determined to have been caused by arson. The drug store had been vehemently opposed by some in the neighborhood. The fire destroyed it — and Thrifty never returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, there was no real way for residents to stop the arrival of a chain store. And look around today, there are plenty of chain stores — Starbucks, Safeway and Walgreens, to name a few. But there have also been big fights against chain stores moving into the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064707\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-13-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064707\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-13-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-13-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-13-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-13-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People walk past the Target store on 4th and Mission Streets in San Francisco on Nov. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious listener, Sarah Soule, remembers some of the controversy over stores like Costco opening. And she wants to gut check something she heard as a kid growing up here: “Did San Francisco really use to prevent big box stores from opening in the city? And when did that change and what effects has that change had on the city?”\u003cstrong>\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like most big controversies in San Francisco, this one revolved around land use and zoning — what you can build where.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, I turned to someone who knows the city’s planning codes and zoning restraints better than anyone — former Supervisor Aaron Peskin, who was a county supervisor for more than 20 years. His district included North Beach, which is notoriously hostile to chain stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As we walked up Columbus Avenue, Peskin described the neighborhood’s retail environment. “The neighborhood is thriving; it actually led the way in post-pandemic recovery,” he explained. “It has an extremely low vacancy rate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>North Beach is perhaps best known for its coffeehouse culture. Over the decades, it’s attracted members of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/201205071000/one-and-only-the-untold-story-of-on-the-road\">the Beat Generation\u003c/a> — writers like Allen Ginsberg and Lawrence Ferlinghetti — and others looking for that smell of fresh ground espresso in an atmospheric setting. Long-time establishments like \u003ca href=\"https://caffetrieste.com/\">Caffe Trieste\u003c/a> and the Savoy Tivoli are part of what makes North Beach, North Beach.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Inside Caffe Trieste, the walls are full of black and white photos of the many famous people who’ve stopped by, many of them Italian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s Francis Ford Coppola sitting at the back table writing the screenplay for \u003cem>The Godfather\u003c/em> right there. There’s Luciano Pavarotti singing in here,” Peskin said. This cafe serves as a kind of satellite office for him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin — who termed out of the Board of Supervisors last year and has a long history as a local preservationist — remembers a day decades ago that made him sit up and pay attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a petition on the counter. This is in maybe the early 1990s, asking people to sign to object to a Starbucks on the corner of Columbus and Broadway. I remember it vividly,” Peskin recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That petition, all those years ago, was an early example of San Franciscans \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2003-aug-06-me-starbucks6-story.html\">pushing \u003c/a>back against a chain moving in. And they succeeded in keeping Starbucks out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, other neighborhoods were waging similar battles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was outcry from various parts of the city,” Peskin said. The problem for regulating chain stores was that there was no official definition of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What makes something a chain store?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So, in 2004, San Francisco defined what a chain store — more formally known as “formula retail” — was exactly: A business having 11 or more stores nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That definition never existed in the San Francisco Planning Code, [and] it did not prohibit anything at all,” Peskin noted. “It defined what a chain store was and then left it to the future to determine where they were green light, where they were red light, and where they were yellow light, needing a conditional use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064706\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-07-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064706\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-07-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-07-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-07-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-07-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former San Francisco Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin leaves Caffe Trieste in the city’s North Beach neighborhood on Nov. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>With that 2004 definition in place, neighborhoods began adopting different levels of control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A “red light” meant a total ban on chains — that’s what Hayes Valley did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, some of you might say, “Hey, wait a minute. There \u003cem>are\u003c/em> chain stores in Hayes Valley — like All Birds shoes and Warby Parker eyeglasses.” Yep, that’s true. But when they opened, they were relatively small companies and had fewer than the 11 locations nationwide that triggered those limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A “yellow light” applied to neighborhoods — like Cole Valley and parts of the Haight Ashbury — where chains were allowed, but only after neighbors could weigh in. It required what’s called “a conditional use permit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And finally, “green light” areas — South of Market, Union Square and the rest of downtown — where chain stores like Macy’s, Nordstrom and Old Navy are allowed without any additional permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The regulations grew piecemeal, neighborhood by neighborhood, without any citywide coordination. So, in 2006, voters approved Proposition G, dubbed the “Small Business Protection Act,” mandating conditional use permits for new chain stores in \u003cem>all\u003c/em> neighborhood commercial districts where small businesses dominate.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Franciscans continue to fight chain stores\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But having clearer regulations didn’t end the fights over big box stores. That became clear in a battle over whether to allow Lowe’s, a major hardware chain, to open on Bayshore Boulevard.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The site where Lowe’s wanted to open — Bayshore Avenue near Cortland — bordered on two very different supervisorial districts — the thriving Bernal Heights and the economically depressed Bayview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>It was a huge fight,” Peskin recalled. Lowe’s sweetened the pot by promising to hire hundreds of local workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, the Board of Supervisors on a 6-to-5 vote voted to approve Lowe’s. I was the swing vote,” Peskin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The store opened in 2010 — and remains there today.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What the research says about chain store impacts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This seems like a good time to lay out some of the research on chains and how they affect local communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was \u003ca href=\"https://sfplanning.org/project/policy-basis-formula-retail-chain-stores#economic-analysis\">a lot of analysis\u003c/a> about how local businesses kept money in the local economy and the multiplier effect of keeping money in the local economy rather than it being sucked out to a corporate headquarters in Atlanta or New York City,” Peskin said. “There was also the fact that local businesses hired people at better living wages. So there’s a lot of data that supported the legislation beyond just the fact that people wanted to maintain the unique character of their neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another argument against chains — they \u003ca href=\"https://ilsr.org/article/independent-business/affordable-space/#:~:text=As%20the%20cost%20of%20space,locally%20owned%20businesses%20can%20thrive.\">put upward pressure on rents\u003c/a>. Because they have more access to revenue than a small retail operation, chains can sign longer leases and pay higher rents if they really want the location. It can leave small businesses priced out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the upside, counties get a lot of sales tax revenue from chains, customers like them, and they do provide some jobs. For example, Costco on 11th Street is always packed with customers. And the sales tax from that business stays in San Francisco, as opposed to, say, Home Depot, which only has Bay Area locations outside the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A post-COVID shift towards more chain stores\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Supervisor Danny Sauter, whose district includes North Beach, co-sponsored legislation making it \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/s-f-to-make-easier-to-open-chain-stores-van-ness-20288462.php\">easier \u003c/a>for chain stores to open on a relatively desolate stretch of Van Ness Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a reflection of the current state of things, where it’s rows and rows of empty storefronts — we have to try something,” Sauter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-26-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064711\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-26-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-26-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-26-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-26-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lowe’s home improvement store on Bayshore Boulevard in San Francisco on Nov. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He said there are already a few sprouts of interest, and even glimmers of success, including a new Apple Cinemas movie theatre to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/entertainment/article/apple-cinemas-san-francisco-opening-20762805.php\">replace \u003c/a>one that closed years ago. That opened pretty quickly at 1000 Van Ness Ave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now Sauter is going even further. He authored an ordinance titled “\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/zoning-north-beach-21122722.php\">District 3 Thrives\u003c/a>,” which weakens long-time restrictions on what businesses can do in parts of the district, including North Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It will expand the kinds of commercial enterprises allowed to operate, and allow adjacent storefronts to merge to make a larger space so existing businesses can expand, or new ones can move into it, assuming they get a permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064713\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-30-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064713\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-30-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-30-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-30-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-30-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The now closed Silver Crest donut shop on Bayshore Boulevard in San Francisco on Nov. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sauter’s ordinance passed 8–2 last month and has prompted a spirited neighborhood debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All this shows that the city —for all its crazy building codes, permitting and chain store regulations — has a fair amount of flexibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco’s land use laws were built on the notion that different neighborhoods had different destinies and were trying to do different things to be economically successful,” Peskin said. “The whole notion was that it wasn’t a one-size-fits-all solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Will other neighborhoods also loosen restrictions on chain stores? Stay tuned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> Growing up in San Francisco, I’ve always loved how each neighborhood is distinct…like little villages. Each with their own shopping streets\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sounds of cars passing and people walking by\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>My family lived in the Richmond District, so we did our shopping on Clement. On it, you can find everything from fresh-caught fish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Fishmonger: So right now we have rock cod and we have calamari… \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> To produce, hair salons, pastry shops…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Bakery worker: You pay with cash or card?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> Ice cream, restaurants, a bookstore — you name it. By and large, local businesses, one of a kind in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Bookstore worker: Welcome to Green Apple\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>And most neighborhoods in San Francisco have a street like this…it’s part of what makes San Francisco feel unique.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule: \u003c/strong>My name is Sarah Soule. I live in San Francisco. And I’ve grown up here my whole life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>Sarah remembers shopping mostly at local businesses growing up. She even remembers hearing that San Francisco didn’t allow big box stores, like Walmart or Home Depot, at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah: \u003c/strong>In order to protect local businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>But recently, she’s noticed more chain stores in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule: \u003c/strong>We didn’t use to have Costco. Um, and I kind of remember Costco opening here for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>That was in the early 90s. Sarah remembers the fight around it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule: \u003c/strong>Like, it was controversial. Some people were upset about it, and I was wondering, you know, why that happened? Why did it get to open here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>She’s trying to understand what’s changed in the city since she was a kid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule: \u003c/strong>And my question is: Did San Francisco really used to prevent big box stores from opening in the city? And when did that change, and what effects have that change had on the city?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>Today on Bay Curious, we’re going shopping for some answers to Sarah’s question and learning a little retail history, San Francisco style. I’m Katrina Schwartz. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sponsor message\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> San Francisco today definitely has chain stores. Think Safeway, Starbucks and Target, to name just a few. But there are hundreds of pages of planning codes and regulations for them. And that means politics. So we asked Scott Shafer, KQED’s senior politics correspondent and co-host of the Political Breakdown podcast, to walk us through how those regulations have changed over the last several decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer:\u003c/strong> Land use in San Francisco is guided by the city’s Byzantine Planning Code, which is kind of like the twisty, curvy part of Lombard Street. And few understand it better than this guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>My name is Aaron Peskin. I live and work in North Beach, and we are in the heart of North Beach on the 400 block of Columbus Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Aaron Peskin served on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors for more than 20 years, and his district included this neighborhood, which has been famously anti-chain store for a long time..\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> North Beach has always been a dining and entertainment destination zone, but it’s also a place where people live and shop and maintaining the balance of neighborhood-serving businesses is also important and also adds to making it a real neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer in scene:\u003c/strong> So this neighborhood, obviously, as you said, it’s a historic neighborhood. How are the businesses doing here, and how the cafe scene doing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> So the neighborhood is thriving; it actually led the way in post-pandemic recovery. It has an extremely low vacancy rate. The cafes, as we can see, here is Stella Pastry and Cafe is booming with a bunch of the old Italians who are hanging out. What’s going on, Frankie How are you gentlemen?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Frankie: \u003c/strong>Buon giorno!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> KQED wants to know if you guys are alive and well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Frankie:\u003c/strong> We’re okay. It’s a little bit hot. Yeah, but yeah. When we check his blood pressure, he’s all right. Yeah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Among the things North Beach is most famous for are its small, independent coffee houses…like Cafe Trieste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>Cafe Trieste is 70 years old. It was the first place on the western seaboard of the United States that started to serve espresso. It is still in the same family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sounds of espresso maker. Barista says: This is a coffee latte. The next one is a cappuccino. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>It’s kind of North Beach’s living room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>The walls are covered in old photos showing the many famous people who’ve been through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>Here’s Francis Ford Coppola sitting at the back table writing the screenplay for The Godfather right there. There’s Luciano Pavarotti singing in here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>People come to North Beach for businesses like this. That’s why Peskin remembers one day at Cafe Trieste so clearly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>And there was a petition on the counter. This is in maybe the early 1990s; this was a long time ago, asking people to sign to object to a Starbucks on the corner of Columbus and Broadway. I remember it vividly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>This petition, all those years ago, was one of the first instances of a neighborhood pushing back against a chain moving in. They succeeded in keeping the Starbucks out, by the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back at his office, Peskin tells me that fight against Starbucks was just the beginning. Other neighborhoods were waging similar battles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>There was outcry from various parts of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>In 2004, San Francisco defined what a chain store, more formally known as “formula retail”, was exactly — having 11 or more stores nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>That definition never existed in the San Francisco Planning Code; it did not prohibit anything at all. It defined what a chain store was and then left it to the future to determine where they were green light, where they where red light, and where they are yellow light needing a conditional use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer:\u003c/strong> With that 2004 definition in place, neighborhoods began adopting different levels of control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A red light meant a total ban on chains — that’s what Hayes Valley did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, some of you might say, “Hey, wait a minute. There \u003cem>are\u003c/em> chain stores in Hayes Valley — like \u003cem>All Birds\u003c/em> shoes and \u003cem>Warby Parker \u003c/em>eyeglasses. Yep, that’s true. \u003cu>But\u003c/u> when they opened, they were relatively small companies … and had fewer than the 11 locations nationwide that triggered those limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A yellow light applied to neighborhoods — like Cole Valley and parts of the Haight Ashbury — where chains were allowed, but only after neighbors could weigh in before any final decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And finally green light areas — South of Market, Union Square and the rest of downtown — where chain stores like Macy’s, Nordstrom and Old Navy are allowed without any additional permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gradually, more neighborhoods adopted limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the regulations grew piecemeal, in 2006, voters approved Proposition G, dubbed the “Small Business Protection Act,” mandating those conditional use permits for new chain stores in all neighborhood commercial districts where small businesses dominate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But having clearer regulations didn’t end the fights over big box stores. That became clear in a battle over whether to allow a major hardware chain to open on Bayshore Boulevard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lowe’s commercial:\u003c/strong> Go to Lowe’s home improvement warehouse because Lowe’s knows (fades out)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>The site where Lowe’s wanted to open bordered on two very different supervisorial districts — the thriving Bernal Heights and the economically depressed Bayview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>It was a huge fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Lowe’s sweetened the pot by promising to hire hundreds of local workers..\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> Ultimately, the Board of Supervisors, on a 6 to 5 vote, voted to approve Lowe’s. I was the swing vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>The store opened — and remains there today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This seems like a good time to lay out some of the research on chains and how they affect local communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>There was a lot of analysis about how local businesses kept money in the local economy and the multiplier effect of keeping money in the local economy rather than it being sucked out to a corporate headquarters in Atlanta or New York City. The fact that local businesses hired people at better living wages. So there’s a lot of data that supported the legislation beyond just the fact that people wanted to maintain the unique character of their neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Another argument against chains — they put upward pressure on rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>There is no question that multinational chain stores can command higher rents, and the impact of that has been to raise commercial rents for small businesses and neighborhood commercial districts, which has been very deleterious to the health of small businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>On the pro side, counties get a lot of tax revenue from chains, customers like them, and they do provide some jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>There are plenty of places in San Francisco where they are allowed as of right or where they’re allowed conditionally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer:\u003c/strong> In fact, despite the hurdles, the regulations and the NIMBY politics, San Francisco still has plenty of chain stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> So this whole notion that San Francisco isn’t allowing businesses to grow is kind of nonsense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>And when chains close, people complain. That happened along Van Ness Avenue as KGO reported earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>KGO clip: \u003c/strong>Van Ness Avenue was once San Francisco’s auto row. Rambler, Dodge, Cadillac, Buick all had a stake in the city. The majority are gone, leaving behind large, empty commercial spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Supervisor Danny Sauter … co-sponsored legislation making it easier for chain stores to open on Van Ness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Danny Sauter: \u003c/strong>It’s a reflection of the current state of things. Where it’s rows and rows of empty storefronts, we have to try something.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Sauter says there’s already a few sprouts of interest … and even glimmers of success … including a new Apple Cinemas movie theatre to replace one that closed years ago. That opened pretty quickly at 1000 Van Ness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All this shows that the city — for all its crazy building codes, permitting and chain store regulations, as Peskin noted, has a fair amount of flexibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> San Francisco’s land use laws were built on the notion that different neighborhoods had different destinies and were trying to do different things to be economically successful. The whole notion was that it wasn’t a one-size-fits-all solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>In thriving neighborhoods like Hayes Valley…where sidewalks are filled with shoppers, it’s still hard to open a chain store. But in others, like Van Ness Ave, where huge storefronts sit empty, the calculus is changing. A big box store doesn’t look so bad anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I took all this back to our question asker, Sarah, to see what she makes of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule: \u003c/strong>I actually spent some time as a small child in those North Beach cafes. And I learned to play Pac-Man in one of those. So it’s interesting to hear that it started in that neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>She’s been thinking a lot about where she chooses to spend her money and wants to invest more in local businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule:\u003c/strong> One of the things that makes any city so special is those small local businesses that exist there and no place else\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>No doubt the city will keep tweaking its rules for chain stores … trying to find that elusive balance between protecting the unique character of its neighborhoods and allowing chains to open where they make sense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> That story was brought to you by KQED’s senior politics correspondent and co-host of Political Breakdown, Scott Shafer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next week, the Bay Curious team will be taking a break for the Thanksgiving holiday. But we’re back with you the following week …Dec. 4 … with a new episode. And…drumroll please…Olivia Allen-Price is back from maternity leave and will be back in the host seat! We’re super excited to have her back and want to say a special thank you to producer Gabriela Glueck, who has been an amazing partner on the show during Olivia’s leave. Much of the beautiful scoring and sound design you’ve enjoyed over the last many months is her magic. Thank you, Gabi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has been very fun to host the show over these past couple months, but I’m not going anywhere, and I’m excited to do more reporting and to get out into the field a bit more to answer your questions!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious is produced at member-supported KQED in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our show is made by Olivia Allen-Price, Gabriela Glueck, Christopher Beale and me, Katrina Schwartz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With extra support from Maha Sanad, Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Ethan Toven-Lindsey and everyone on team KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco, Northern California local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thanks for listening. Have a holiday and we’ll see you back here in a couple weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>"
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
"perspectives": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
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