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"content": "\u003cp>Not long after my dad’s death in January of 1999, I was tasked with the inventorying and selling of his vast and varied collection of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10559298/at-cupertinos-electronics-flea-market-yesterdays-high-tech-is-todays-treasure\">audio equipment\u003c/a>. While in a state of shock — he was only 59, I was only 29 — I surveyed his former audio domain: a garage studio that still smelled of his cigars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the age of synthesizers, and a huge mixing board dominated the room. Below it, an array of equipment racks blinked at me. Above, two black speakers the size of file drawers perched like sentinels of the advancing era of digital music production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My father, Fred Myrow, was a talented composer following in the footsteps of multiple generations of talented musicians. He wrote avant-garde music. He was briefly the composer-in-residence at the New York Philharmonic (\u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@rmyrow20/ashes-ashes-we-all-fall-down-ddf305a74003\">until he met my mom\u003c/a> and blew a deadline by failing to finish a composition for which posters had already been put up around the city).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later, he wrote\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sdVb9jC_El0\"> soundtracks\u003c/a> for movies like\u003ca href=\"https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0079714/\"> \u003cem>Phantasm\u003c/em>\u003c/a> and\u003ca href=\"https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0070723/?ref_=fn_al_tt_1\"> \u003cem>Soylent Green\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. (I know, I know: “Soylent Green is people!”) He also wrote music for the theater; my favorites were his collaborations with the adventurous — and also gone-from-us-too-soon —\u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reza_Abdoh\"> Reza Abdoh\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My father’s four-decade career spanned multiple technologies. Some he borrowed, like the foot-pedal-powered\u003ca href=\"blank\"> Movieolas\u003c/a> that Hollywood studios lent him to support his soundtrack writing. When I was a small girl in the early 1970s, he would call me over to watch a silent scene with him on a Movieola’s tiny screen, singing out a melody in falsetto before marking the notes on score paper with colored pencils.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041340\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041340\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A 1950s era West German radio features a wood cabinet and grille.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-02-KQED-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-02-KQED-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-02-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-02-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-02-KQED-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In 1999, KQED’s Rachael Myrow discovered her father’s Telefunken Opus 7. She wiped off decades of dust and plugged it in. After a slight delay, an orchestra filled the room with a warm, rich sound that took her breath away. Seconds later, the radio died and the air filled with the smell of burning dust. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As the years passed, he bought other machines — and inevitably stored them as they became obsolete, including three \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/12198994/how-bing-crosby-and-silicon-valley-revolutionized-radio-and-tv\">reel-to-reel tape machines\u003c/a> widely used for high-fidelity audio work from the 1940s through the end of the 20th century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I used them myself at the beginning of my career in public radio at \u003cem>Marketplace\u003c/em>. Why he needed three of them, I’ll never know. Obviously, he had a hoarding problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But of all the machines I found in that overstuffed garage, the most marvelous was a 1957 tabletop Telefunken Opus 7, a vintage radio covered in thick dust and buried in the back of a loft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like so many radios in the mid-20th century, it was housed in a handsomely crafted wooden cabinet, with a gorgeous grille above a glass panel featuring gold-painted tuning options — AM and FM, of course, but also shortwave, with helpful markers for Munich, Stuttgart, New York, Paris, Rome, even\u003ca href=\"https://www.vaticannews.va/en.html\"> Vatican Radio\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_12043312 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/CLAIRE-SCHWARTZ-L-AND-NINA-RAJ-WITH-A-CHILD_S-DRAWING-RECOVERED-BY-RAJ-AFTER-THE-EATON-FIRE-KQED-1020x765.jpg']I hauled the Opus 7 down, wiped off the surface dust and plugged it in. The lights behind its panel glowed softly and yellow. After a slight delay, an orchestra filled the room with a warm, rich sound. It took my breath away. Seconds later, the sound faded, followed by a crackle — and then the air filled with the smell of burning dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whoops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I opened the back of the Opus 7 and stared at the dust-covered metallic innards. I was a radio reporter, but I’d never seen the inside of a radio. To my untrained eye, the vacuum tubes looked burned out. So I’d need to replace them? I put them in a little box, but I didn’t have the vaguest idea where to find new tubes — nor the money or time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is to say, I had a lot to deal with after my dad died. Each time I moved in the years that followed — and I moved many times — I’d haul the radio with me, thinking, “I really should get this thing fixed.” The radio became a psychologically fraught loose end, one of many gathering dust in the recesses of my subconscious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seven years after his death, my career brought me from Los Angeles, where I grew up, to the San Francisco Bay Area. The radio sat in storage until I moved into a home with more space. So much time had passed — 16 years! — I’d forgotten all about it. Perched silently on top of a bureau, the radio seemed to rebuke me: “When will you fix me? When will my sound fill a room again?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041347\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041347\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A museum display of vacuum tubes from the 20th century.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-09-KQED-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-09-KQED-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-09-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-09-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-09-KQED-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In the early days of radio, vacuum tubes, like these on display at the California Historical Radio Society in Alameda, California, amplified weak electromagnetic signals picked up by the antenna. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On the recommendation of colleagues at KQED, I found the repair directory for the\u003ca href=\"https://californiahistoricalradio.com/repair-directory/\"> California Historical Radio Society\u003c/a> and got in touch with\u003ca href=\"https://www.simonsvintagerepair.com\"> Simon Favre\u003c/a>. I visited the retired Silicon Valley engineer in his Milpitas living room, which was filled with cabinet radios in various stages of repair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I like the style of the early-to-mid-20th-century radios,” he told me. “I guess it’s kind of nostalgia. There was a certain style to that era, you know, the 20s up to the 50s. It’s kind of my sweet spot for fixing things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 72-year-old Favre, who worked in various roles for Silicon Valley companies, has been a “hardware guy” and a “tinkerer” since childhood. He diagnosed the problems with my Opus 7 and, for $200, replaced some capacitors, mended a plastic tuning wheel with super glue and baking soda, and yes, replaced the vacuum tubes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I plugged the radio in at home, there was a pause, then a rush of static. I turned the dial slightly, and orchestral strings once again filled the air. I jumped up and down with delight. If only Dad could see it — and hear it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041341\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041341\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A framed photograph of a young, smiling man.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-03-KQED-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-03-KQED-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-03-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-03-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-03-KQED-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fred Myrow as a young man, full of hope and confidence for his life and career. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It was surprisingly easy to restore the physical radio. But the radio’s backstory remained a mystery. Did my father purchase it when he studied in the early 1960s at the\u003ca href=\"http://www.santacecilia.it/en/chi_siamo/accademia/storia.html\"> Santa Cecilia Academy of Music\u003c/a> in Rome? Was it a gift to him from my grandparents? A nostalgic find bought from a secondhand store?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Time tears at the wiring that connects us to the people who fix us in space and time. As we age and those around us die, the connections and the stories burn out, one by one. Just a handful of people who knew my dad are still around — people, I thought, who just might know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I texted a photo of the radio to my godfather, the magnificent composer and arranger\u003ca href=\"https://flypaper.soundfly.com/discover/inimitable-legacy-van-dyke-parks-journey-song/\"> Van Dyke Parks\u003c/a>. He and my dad were like two peas in a pod, similar in talent and outlook. Van Dyke texted back to remind me that he didn’t meet my dad until 1967 or ’68. But remarkably, Van Dyke had bought that exact radio model in 1957 when he was a boy, while acting in a \u003cem>Heidi\u003c/em> film for RKO in Munich.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Van Dyke rang me on the phone, his mind racing with memories. “You hit the heartstrings with that particular picture. So beautiful to behold,” he said. While he didn’t know the particulars of my dad’s radio or how he acquired it, Van Dyke recalled what the Opus 7 meant in a time before satellites and the internet accustomed us to tinny, compressed music on demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041346\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041346\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"The insides of a 1957 radio feature dust covered speakers above a dust covered chassis of other radio parts.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-08-KQED-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-08-KQED-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-08-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-08-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-08-KQED-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view inside the unrepaired Telefunken Opus 7. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This was a big deal, shortwave,” he sighed, thinking back to happy hours spent listening to great European conductors like\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/03/arts/music/otto-klemperer-conductor.html\"> Otto Klemperer\u003c/a>. Then, being the strings specialist he is, Van Dyke praised the way tube amps make partials (higher-frequency vibrations) that you get from a rosin bow “really available.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I know what he means, even without having his classical training. In that brief moment back in 1999, when my dad’s radio surged to life, I responded most to the harmonic thrum of the string instruments. A quarter-century later, the memory of that sound rushed back, twinned with grief and nostalgia for my father and his music.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The internet has afforded my father some posthumous appreciation, especially in the comments sections on YouTube clips of his soundtracks. I wish he were alive to read them, given how much he struggled when alive for his music to be heard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the people we love die before we do, leaving us \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13824126/the-dead-will-talk-to-you-now-or-at-least-listen-in-santa-cruz\">helplessly nostalgic\u003c/a>. My own nostalgia comes attached to the music my father left as his legacy, along with the equipment that fostered his creativity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I still have a number of microcassette tapes on which my dad recorded many notes to himself. A quarter-century later, it’s still too painful for me to listen to the sound of his voice, especially from the last years of his life. The white-hot grief I felt in 1999 comes rushing up, and I have to hit the stop button. The tapes sit in a box on a high shelf in my own home studio now, gathering their own dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when I turn on that Telefunken Opus 7, with the dial set to the Bay Area’s classical station, KDFC, the panel glows with that warm, yellow light, the vacuum tubes engage, and an orchestra fills my room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My heart grows full as the music swells, and I can feel my dad wink at me from across an otherwise unbreachable expanse of space and time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Not long after my dad’s death in January of 1999, I was tasked with the inventorying and selling of his vast and varied collection of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10559298/at-cupertinos-electronics-flea-market-yesterdays-high-tech-is-todays-treasure\">audio equipment\u003c/a>. While in a state of shock — he was only 59, I was only 29 — I surveyed his former audio domain: a garage studio that still smelled of his cigars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the age of synthesizers, and a huge mixing board dominated the room. Below it, an array of equipment racks blinked at me. Above, two black speakers the size of file drawers perched like sentinels of the advancing era of digital music production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My father, Fred Myrow, was a talented composer following in the footsteps of multiple generations of talented musicians. He wrote avant-garde music. He was briefly the composer-in-residence at the New York Philharmonic (\u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@rmyrow20/ashes-ashes-we-all-fall-down-ddf305a74003\">until he met my mom\u003c/a> and blew a deadline by failing to finish a composition for which posters had already been put up around the city).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later, he wrote\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sdVb9jC_El0\"> soundtracks\u003c/a> for movies like\u003ca href=\"https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0079714/\"> \u003cem>Phantasm\u003c/em>\u003c/a> and\u003ca href=\"https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0070723/?ref_=fn_al_tt_1\"> \u003cem>Soylent Green\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. (I know, I know: “Soylent Green is people!”) He also wrote music for the theater; my favorites were his collaborations with the adventurous — and also gone-from-us-too-soon —\u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reza_Abdoh\"> Reza Abdoh\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My father’s four-decade career spanned multiple technologies. Some he borrowed, like the foot-pedal-powered\u003ca href=\"blank\"> Movieolas\u003c/a> that Hollywood studios lent him to support his soundtrack writing. When I was a small girl in the early 1970s, he would call me over to watch a silent scene with him on a Movieola’s tiny screen, singing out a melody in falsetto before marking the notes on score paper with colored pencils.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041340\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041340\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A 1950s era West German radio features a wood cabinet and grille.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-02-KQED-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-02-KQED-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-02-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-02-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-02-KQED-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In 1999, KQED’s Rachael Myrow discovered her father’s Telefunken Opus 7. She wiped off decades of dust and plugged it in. After a slight delay, an orchestra filled the room with a warm, rich sound that took her breath away. Seconds later, the radio died and the air filled with the smell of burning dust. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As the years passed, he bought other machines — and inevitably stored them as they became obsolete, including three \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/12198994/how-bing-crosby-and-silicon-valley-revolutionized-radio-and-tv\">reel-to-reel tape machines\u003c/a> widely used for high-fidelity audio work from the 1940s through the end of the 20th century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I used them myself at the beginning of my career in public radio at \u003cem>Marketplace\u003c/em>. Why he needed three of them, I’ll never know. Obviously, he had a hoarding problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But of all the machines I found in that overstuffed garage, the most marvelous was a 1957 tabletop Telefunken Opus 7, a vintage radio covered in thick dust and buried in the back of a loft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like so many radios in the mid-20th century, it was housed in a handsomely crafted wooden cabinet, with a gorgeous grille above a glass panel featuring gold-painted tuning options — AM and FM, of course, but also shortwave, with helpful markers for Munich, Stuttgart, New York, Paris, Rome, even\u003ca href=\"https://www.vaticannews.va/en.html\"> Vatican Radio\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>I hauled the Opus 7 down, wiped off the surface dust and plugged it in. The lights behind its panel glowed softly and yellow. After a slight delay, an orchestra filled the room with a warm, rich sound. It took my breath away. Seconds later, the sound faded, followed by a crackle — and then the air filled with the smell of burning dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whoops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I opened the back of the Opus 7 and stared at the dust-covered metallic innards. I was a radio reporter, but I’d never seen the inside of a radio. To my untrained eye, the vacuum tubes looked burned out. So I’d need to replace them? I put them in a little box, but I didn’t have the vaguest idea where to find new tubes — nor the money or time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is to say, I had a lot to deal with after my dad died. Each time I moved in the years that followed — and I moved many times — I’d haul the radio with me, thinking, “I really should get this thing fixed.” The radio became a psychologically fraught loose end, one of many gathering dust in the recesses of my subconscious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seven years after his death, my career brought me from Los Angeles, where I grew up, to the San Francisco Bay Area. The radio sat in storage until I moved into a home with more space. So much time had passed — 16 years! — I’d forgotten all about it. Perched silently on top of a bureau, the radio seemed to rebuke me: “When will you fix me? When will my sound fill a room again?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041347\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041347\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A museum display of vacuum tubes from the 20th century.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-09-KQED-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-09-KQED-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-09-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-09-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-09-KQED-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In the early days of radio, vacuum tubes, like these on display at the California Historical Radio Society in Alameda, California, amplified weak electromagnetic signals picked up by the antenna. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On the recommendation of colleagues at KQED, I found the repair directory for the\u003ca href=\"https://californiahistoricalradio.com/repair-directory/\"> California Historical Radio Society\u003c/a> and got in touch with\u003ca href=\"https://www.simonsvintagerepair.com\"> Simon Favre\u003c/a>. I visited the retired Silicon Valley engineer in his Milpitas living room, which was filled with cabinet radios in various stages of repair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I like the style of the early-to-mid-20th-century radios,” he told me. “I guess it’s kind of nostalgia. There was a certain style to that era, you know, the 20s up to the 50s. It’s kind of my sweet spot for fixing things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 72-year-old Favre, who worked in various roles for Silicon Valley companies, has been a “hardware guy” and a “tinkerer” since childhood. He diagnosed the problems with my Opus 7 and, for $200, replaced some capacitors, mended a plastic tuning wheel with super glue and baking soda, and yes, replaced the vacuum tubes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I plugged the radio in at home, there was a pause, then a rush of static. I turned the dial slightly, and orchestral strings once again filled the air. I jumped up and down with delight. If only Dad could see it — and hear it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041341\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041341\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A framed photograph of a young, smiling man.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-03-KQED-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-03-KQED-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-03-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-03-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-03-KQED-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fred Myrow as a young man, full of hope and confidence for his life and career. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It was surprisingly easy to restore the physical radio. But the radio’s backstory remained a mystery. Did my father purchase it when he studied in the early 1960s at the\u003ca href=\"http://www.santacecilia.it/en/chi_siamo/accademia/storia.html\"> Santa Cecilia Academy of Music\u003c/a> in Rome? Was it a gift to him from my grandparents? A nostalgic find bought from a secondhand store?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Time tears at the wiring that connects us to the people who fix us in space and time. As we age and those around us die, the connections and the stories burn out, one by one. Just a handful of people who knew my dad are still around — people, I thought, who just might know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I texted a photo of the radio to my godfather, the magnificent composer and arranger\u003ca href=\"https://flypaper.soundfly.com/discover/inimitable-legacy-van-dyke-parks-journey-song/\"> Van Dyke Parks\u003c/a>. He and my dad were like two peas in a pod, similar in talent and outlook. Van Dyke texted back to remind me that he didn’t meet my dad until 1967 or ’68. But remarkably, Van Dyke had bought that exact radio model in 1957 when he was a boy, while acting in a \u003cem>Heidi\u003c/em> film for RKO in Munich.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Van Dyke rang me on the phone, his mind racing with memories. “You hit the heartstrings with that particular picture. So beautiful to behold,” he said. While he didn’t know the particulars of my dad’s radio or how he acquired it, Van Dyke recalled what the Opus 7 meant in a time before satellites and the internet accustomed us to tinny, compressed music on demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041346\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041346\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"The insides of a 1957 radio feature dust covered speakers above a dust covered chassis of other radio parts.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-08-KQED-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-08-KQED-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-08-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-08-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250522-RADIO-RADIO-RM-08-KQED-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view inside the unrepaired Telefunken Opus 7. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This was a big deal, shortwave,” he sighed, thinking back to happy hours spent listening to great European conductors like\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/03/arts/music/otto-klemperer-conductor.html\"> Otto Klemperer\u003c/a>. Then, being the strings specialist he is, Van Dyke praised the way tube amps make partials (higher-frequency vibrations) that you get from a rosin bow “really available.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I know what he means, even without having his classical training. In that brief moment back in 1999, when my dad’s radio surged to life, I responded most to the harmonic thrum of the string instruments. A quarter-century later, the memory of that sound rushed back, twinned with grief and nostalgia for my father and his music.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The internet has afforded my father some posthumous appreciation, especially in the comments sections on YouTube clips of his soundtracks. I wish he were alive to read them, given how much he struggled when alive for his music to be heard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the people we love die before we do, leaving us \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13824126/the-dead-will-talk-to-you-now-or-at-least-listen-in-santa-cruz\">helplessly nostalgic\u003c/a>. My own nostalgia comes attached to the music my father left as his legacy, along with the equipment that fostered his creativity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I still have a number of microcassette tapes on which my dad recorded many notes to himself. A quarter-century later, it’s still too painful for me to listen to the sound of his voice, especially from the last years of his life. The white-hot grief I felt in 1999 comes rushing up, and I have to hit the stop button. The tapes sit in a box on a high shelf in my own home studio now, gathering their own dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when I turn on that Telefunken Opus 7, with the dial set to the Bay Area’s classical station, KDFC, the panel glows with that warm, yellow light, the vacuum tubes engage, and an orchestra fills my room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My heart grows full as the music swells, and I can feel my dad wink at me from across an otherwise unbreachable expanse of space and time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Connecting With My Father, and My Heritage, in Mandarin",
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"content": "\u003cp>A few times a week, I FaceTime my dad to check in. He’s in Boston; I’m in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/berkeley\">Berkeley\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lately, I’ve been trying to speak to him in his native language, Mandarin Chinese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wǎn shàng hǎo,” I say. \u003cem>Good evening\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He answers quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nǐ zài gàn shénme?” he asks. \u003cem>What are you doing?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I know what I want to say: “I’m doing homework.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’ve learned that word before, but it disappears the moment I need it. I can feel him waiting while I rack my brain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, I stumble through the sentence in a mixture of Chinese and English: Chinglish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’ve been wondering for a long time why I never learned to speak my heritage language fluently. I’m trying my best, but I can’t help but feel like I’m a failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking complete sentences in Mandarin is new for me. Until a few months ago, I could barely do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087638\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087638\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-tiananmen-square-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-tiananmen-square-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-tiananmen-square-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-tiananmen-square-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou and her dad, Zou Yongan, in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square during their first visit to China in 2003. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Anna Zou)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>My mom is a white American. My dad is from a small town in Hubei Province, China. After meeting my mom while they were both teaching English at Yangtze University, he moved to the U.S. in 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they were expecting me, my dad imagined raising a bilingual child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have the roots in Chinese culture,” he would say. “Ideally, I expect you to be in both cultures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first few years of my life, my dad spoke to me exclusively in Mandarin. However, like many other American-born children of immigrants, my dad said we ran into one roadblock.[aside postID=news_12086123 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/1.png']“When I would speak Chinese to you, even when you understood, you were always responding in English.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He assumed I would become bilingual naturally. Instead, I resisted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a kid, I obviously didn’t understand what I was rejecting. I felt out of place at weekend Chinese school as the only biracial kid in class. The other students’ parents were both native Mandarin speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simultaneously, I wanted to fit in with the kids from my elementary school, whose parents were both native English speakers. They spent their weekends playing instead of memorizing characters. To me, learning Chinese was an onerous obligation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of my earliest memories is sitting on my dad’s lap in the back of a Chinese school classroom, crying over a textbook I couldn’t understand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I remember feeling embarrassed, like I was already failing at something I was supposed to inherit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As I got older, my dad stopped speaking Mandarin to me altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We then communicated mostly in English, talking about practical things like rides or schedules. But now that I’m in my twenties and my dad is getting older, I’ve started wanting something more: a closer relationship with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086580\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086580\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-06-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-06-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-06-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-06-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou speaks in Mandarin with her father on a FaceTime call from her home in Berkeley on June 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sometimes I wondered if my rejection of his language felt, to him, like a rejection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last semester, while attending graduate school at UC Berkeley, I enrolled in a Chinese for Heritage Speakers course. The class was designed for students who grew up hearing Mandarin at home but never fully learned to read or write it. For some students, it’s an easy A. For me, it was anything but.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One assignment required us to record two-minute video blogs in Mandarin. For the first vlog, I did more than 30 takes — I kept mixing up shū, meaning “book,” and shù, meaning “tree.” Every mistake felt like proof that I was light-years behind everyone else in the class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But my professor, Cai Weisi, known to her students as Cai Laoshi — “Teacher Cai” — said many of her heritage speaker students share similar feelings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086578\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086578\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-01-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-01-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-01-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-01-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou sits at her home in Berkeley on June 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After more than 15 years of teaching the course, she’s heard countless stories from students who grew up resenting weekend language schools or feeling ashamed of not speaking fluently. They’ve shaped how she’s raising her own daughter to learn Mandarin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the very beginning, I already decided to not send her to any Chinese school,” she told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pushing children too hard, she said, can sometimes drive them away from their heritage languages altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hearing that felt validating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086583\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086583\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-13-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-13-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-13-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-13-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou holds a photo of her grandparents at her home in Berkeley on June 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I wasn’t the only one struggling. One of Cai Laoshi’s past students, Sofia Guo, told me her first Mandarin vlogs mortified her. But as her language skills improved, she said her relationship with her parents did too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can see my parents as people, adults who have their own personalities and they express themselves better in Chinese than in English. Of course, they could say all those same things in English … but you can see it on their faces. They light up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Listening to her, I realized I wasn’t just missing a connection with my dad. I was missing a connection with an entire side of my family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, whenever my dad called relatives in China, I was too ashamed of my Mandarin to chat. Three months into my class, I decided to try.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087639\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087639\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-gugu-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-gugu-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-gugu-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-gugu-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou (right) with her dad’s older sister, or Gugu, at her house in their hometown of Songzi, China during the summer of 2007. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Anna Zou)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>My dad called his older sister, my gūgu, who still lives in our family’s hometown of Songzi. Her internet connection was spotty, and her accent is different from the Mandarin I learned in school. But for the first time in a while, I could understand enough to keep up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I told her I wanted to visit China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Huānyíng nǐ huí jiā,” she said. We will welcome you back home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I always knew Songzi was where my family came from. What surprised me was realizing that my relatives there considered it my home, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before we hung up, my aunt told me my Chinese sounded good, and my dad agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087637\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087637\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-in-beijing2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1360\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-in-beijing2-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-in-beijing2-KQED-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-in-beijing2-KQED-1536x1044.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou on her dad’s shoulders at a traditional Chinese courtyard hotel in Beijing, 2007. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Anna Zou)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>My dad and I are far from having deep philosophical conversations in Mandarin. I’m still a beginner — I forget words and mispronounce tones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But my dad said something has changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For a while, I felt like we were a little distant,” he told me. “Now I feel like you’re getting closer to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This Father’s Day, I’ll tell my dad something I’ve never been able to tell him before in his native language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>爸爸,父亲节快乐。bābā, fùqīn jié kuàilè\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Happy Father’s Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A few times a week, I FaceTime my dad to check in. He’s in Boston; I’m in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/berkeley\">Berkeley\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lately, I’ve been trying to speak to him in his native language, Mandarin Chinese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wǎn shàng hǎo,” I say. \u003cem>Good evening\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He answers quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nǐ zài gàn shénme?” he asks. \u003cem>What are you doing?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I know what I want to say: “I’m doing homework.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’ve learned that word before, but it disappears the moment I need it. I can feel him waiting while I rack my brain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, I stumble through the sentence in a mixture of Chinese and English: Chinglish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’ve been wondering for a long time why I never learned to speak my heritage language fluently. I’m trying my best, but I can’t help but feel like I’m a failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking complete sentences in Mandarin is new for me. Until a few months ago, I could barely do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087638\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087638\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-tiananmen-square-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-tiananmen-square-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-tiananmen-square-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-tiananmen-square-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou and her dad, Zou Yongan, in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square during their first visit to China in 2003. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Anna Zou)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>My mom is a white American. My dad is from a small town in Hubei Province, China. After meeting my mom while they were both teaching English at Yangtze University, he moved to the U.S. in 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they were expecting me, my dad imagined raising a bilingual child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have the roots in Chinese culture,” he would say. “Ideally, I expect you to be in both cultures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first few years of my life, my dad spoke to me exclusively in Mandarin. However, like many other American-born children of immigrants, my dad said we ran into one roadblock.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“When I would speak Chinese to you, even when you understood, you were always responding in English.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He assumed I would become bilingual naturally. Instead, I resisted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a kid, I obviously didn’t understand what I was rejecting. I felt out of place at weekend Chinese school as the only biracial kid in class. The other students’ parents were both native Mandarin speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simultaneously, I wanted to fit in with the kids from my elementary school, whose parents were both native English speakers. They spent their weekends playing instead of memorizing characters. To me, learning Chinese was an onerous obligation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of my earliest memories is sitting on my dad’s lap in the back of a Chinese school classroom, crying over a textbook I couldn’t understand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I remember feeling embarrassed, like I was already failing at something I was supposed to inherit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As I got older, my dad stopped speaking Mandarin to me altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We then communicated mostly in English, talking about practical things like rides or schedules. But now that I’m in my twenties and my dad is getting older, I’ve started wanting something more: a closer relationship with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086580\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086580\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-06-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-06-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-06-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-06-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou speaks in Mandarin with her father on a FaceTime call from her home in Berkeley on June 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sometimes I wondered if my rejection of his language felt, to him, like a rejection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last semester, while attending graduate school at UC Berkeley, I enrolled in a Chinese for Heritage Speakers course. The class was designed for students who grew up hearing Mandarin at home but never fully learned to read or write it. For some students, it’s an easy A. For me, it was anything but.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One assignment required us to record two-minute video blogs in Mandarin. For the first vlog, I did more than 30 takes — I kept mixing up shū, meaning “book,” and shù, meaning “tree.” Every mistake felt like proof that I was light-years behind everyone else in the class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But my professor, Cai Weisi, known to her students as Cai Laoshi — “Teacher Cai” — said many of her heritage speaker students share similar feelings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086578\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086578\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-01-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-01-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-01-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-01-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou sits at her home in Berkeley on June 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After more than 15 years of teaching the course, she’s heard countless stories from students who grew up resenting weekend language schools or feeling ashamed of not speaking fluently. They’ve shaped how she’s raising her own daughter to learn Mandarin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the very beginning, I already decided to not send her to any Chinese school,” she told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pushing children too hard, she said, can sometimes drive them away from their heritage languages altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hearing that felt validating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086583\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086583\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-13-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-13-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-13-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-13-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou holds a photo of her grandparents at her home in Berkeley on June 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I wasn’t the only one struggling. One of Cai Laoshi’s past students, Sofia Guo, told me her first Mandarin vlogs mortified her. But as her language skills improved, she said her relationship with her parents did too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can see my parents as people, adults who have their own personalities and they express themselves better in Chinese than in English. Of course, they could say all those same things in English … but you can see it on their faces. They light up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Listening to her, I realized I wasn’t just missing a connection with my dad. I was missing a connection with an entire side of my family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, whenever my dad called relatives in China, I was too ashamed of my Mandarin to chat. Three months into my class, I decided to try.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087639\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087639\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-gugu-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-gugu-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-gugu-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-gugu-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou (right) with her dad’s older sister, or Gugu, at her house in their hometown of Songzi, China during the summer of 2007. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Anna Zou)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>My dad called his older sister, my gūgu, who still lives in our family’s hometown of Songzi. Her internet connection was spotty, and her accent is different from the Mandarin I learned in school. But for the first time in a while, I could understand enough to keep up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I told her I wanted to visit China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Huānyíng nǐ huí jiā,” she said. We will welcome you back home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I always knew Songzi was where my family came from. What surprised me was realizing that my relatives there considered it my home, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before we hung up, my aunt told me my Chinese sounded good, and my dad agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087637\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087637\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-in-beijing2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1360\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-in-beijing2-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-in-beijing2-KQED-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-in-beijing2-KQED-1536x1044.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou on her dad’s shoulders at a traditional Chinese courtyard hotel in Beijing, 2007. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Anna Zou)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>My dad and I are far from having deep philosophical conversations in Mandarin. I’m still a beginner — I forget words and mispronounce tones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But my dad said something has changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For a while, I felt like we were a little distant,” he told me. “Now I feel like you’re getting closer to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This Father’s Day, I’ll tell my dad something I’ve never been able to tell him before in his native language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>爸爸,父亲节快乐。bābā, fùqīn jié kuàilè\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Happy Father’s Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "with-family-homelessness-up-san-francisco-looks-to-extend-short-term-rental-subsidies",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> officials are looking to remove a 12% spending cap on short-term rental subsidies, which offer adults assistance for two years, in what they say is a bid to keep people off the streets. But the move is drawing criticism from some advocates for homelessness services in San Francisco who say the city should instead be investing in longer-term solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal comes as San Francisco is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085729/with-layoffs-ahead-san-francisco-mayor-lurie-unveils-17-billion-city-budget\">finalizing its nearly $16 billion budget\u003c/a>, against a backdrop of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083310/fewer-people-are-sleeping-on-san-francisco-streets-but-family-homelessness-is-up\">rising rates of homelessness among families\u003c/a> in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want them to lift the cap. We instead want them to use funds to do ongoing rental assistance, given that many of the households are on fixed incomes and won’t be able to take over the rent after a couple years,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the reallocation say putting more money toward short-term subsidies will allow more people to move into housing faster. The plan would create around 800 new rental subsidies, including 350 slots for families, 250 slots for adults and 200 slots for youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The subsidies are funded by new Homelessness Gross Receipts Tax revenue, which is generated through a ballot initiative voters passed in 2018. The proposed ordinance would lift the cap on short-term subsidy spending for the second year of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081593/homeless-funding-plan-raises-concerns-as-san-francisco-looks-to-narrow-budget-deficit\">proposed budget\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of May 2026, the city is funding 2,925 rapid rehousing rental subsidies. Of those, 1,673 are for adults, 749 are for families and 503 are for transitional-aged youth, according to the Budget and Legislative Analyst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046175\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046175\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GETTYIMAGES-2197492442-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1262\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GETTYIMAGES-2197492442-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GETTYIMAGES-2197492442-KQED-160x101.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GETTYIMAGES-2197492442-KQED-1536x969.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A homeless encampment near Polk Street in San Francisco on Feb. 6, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The 12% is really quite limiting,” said Emily Cohen, deputy director for communications and legislative affairs at the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, at a budget committee hearing on Wednesday. “We really see this as an opportunity to drive more investments toward families and adults.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget committee unanimously passed the ordinance proposal on Wednesday, and it heads to the full Board of Supervisors on July 14. Changes to the gross receipts tax require two-thirds of the board to approve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maritza Salinas lives in transitional housing with her three children and has navigated the city’s homelessness system for years. She was recently offered a short-term rental subsidy that would help cover about $1,400 per month on rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049535\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049535\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250722-SHELTERFAMILIES-08-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250722-SHELTERFAMILIES-08-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250722-SHELTERFAMILIES-08-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250722-SHELTERFAMILIES-08-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maritza Salinas arrives at The Salvation Army Harbor House, a temporary shelter, with her daughter Ranea, 4, in San Francisco on July 22, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But she said that would hardly cover rent for a two-bedroom, which costs $5,600 per month on average in San Francisco, according to Zillow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For a family of four, where am I going to find a place to live? It’s impossible,” Salinas said. She was able to increase the subsidy to $3,200, which she described as a “blessing.” But she’s already thinking about what she will have to do at the end of the short-term subsidy period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yeah, it feels good, but then after two years, where are we going to be?” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another concern from advocates is that the majority of residents who receive rental subsidies often have to look outside the city for landlords who will accept them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Clearly there’s also a capacity issue,” Supervisor Connie Chan said at Wednesday’s meeting. “There are times that we could offer a voucher, but then they end up being outside of San Francisco, and a lot of families want to stay in San Francisco, and we want them to stay.”[aside postID=news_12083902 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/250723-SHELTERFAMILIES-06-BL-KQED.jpg']Chan voted to remove the short-term rental subsidy cap, saying it was important to get more families rapid support for housing and off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she urged the committee to consider using the millions of dollars that the homelessness tax has generated on reserve to invest in longer-term housing solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need housing, actual housing, not just shelters and hotels, so we need to make a parallel path to not only extend rental subsidies but build capacity for long-term housing,” Chan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan would not change the funding categories that voters approved in 2018, said Sophia Kittler, the mayor’s budget director, and it extends the temporary cap waiver that the board approved in previous budget cycles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness Gross Receipts Tax revenue is allocated into four primary spending areas: at least 50% on permanent housing, 25% on mental health services, 15% on prevention programs and 10% on temporary shelter and hygiene programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In last year’s budget cycle, the mayor proposed increasing the funding allocation for temporary shelter, which the Coalition on Homelessness also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045893/sf-supervisors-preserve-millions-for-homeless-prevention-housing-in-budget\">fought against\u003c/a> in favor of maintaining more funding for permanent housing options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To have a thriving San Francisco, we need to make sure that our poorest people in San Francisco can afford to live here,” Friedenbach said. “We’re depending on working-class people to make the city thrive, but then don’t have housing that they can afford.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> officials are looking to remove a 12% spending cap on short-term rental subsidies, which offer adults assistance for two years, in what they say is a bid to keep people off the streets. But the move is drawing criticism from some advocates for homelessness services in San Francisco who say the city should instead be investing in longer-term solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal comes as San Francisco is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085729/with-layoffs-ahead-san-francisco-mayor-lurie-unveils-17-billion-city-budget\">finalizing its nearly $16 billion budget\u003c/a>, against a backdrop of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083310/fewer-people-are-sleeping-on-san-francisco-streets-but-family-homelessness-is-up\">rising rates of homelessness among families\u003c/a> in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want them to lift the cap. We instead want them to use funds to do ongoing rental assistance, given that many of the households are on fixed incomes and won’t be able to take over the rent after a couple years,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the reallocation say putting more money toward short-term subsidies will allow more people to move into housing faster. The plan would create around 800 new rental subsidies, including 350 slots for families, 250 slots for adults and 200 slots for youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The subsidies are funded by new Homelessness Gross Receipts Tax revenue, which is generated through a ballot initiative voters passed in 2018. The proposed ordinance would lift the cap on short-term subsidy spending for the second year of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081593/homeless-funding-plan-raises-concerns-as-san-francisco-looks-to-narrow-budget-deficit\">proposed budget\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of May 2026, the city is funding 2,925 rapid rehousing rental subsidies. Of those, 1,673 are for adults, 749 are for families and 503 are for transitional-aged youth, according to the Budget and Legislative Analyst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046175\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046175\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GETTYIMAGES-2197492442-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1262\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GETTYIMAGES-2197492442-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GETTYIMAGES-2197492442-KQED-160x101.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GETTYIMAGES-2197492442-KQED-1536x969.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A homeless encampment near Polk Street in San Francisco on Feb. 6, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The 12% is really quite limiting,” said Emily Cohen, deputy director for communications and legislative affairs at the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, at a budget committee hearing on Wednesday. “We really see this as an opportunity to drive more investments toward families and adults.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget committee unanimously passed the ordinance proposal on Wednesday, and it heads to the full Board of Supervisors on July 14. Changes to the gross receipts tax require two-thirds of the board to approve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maritza Salinas lives in transitional housing with her three children and has navigated the city’s homelessness system for years. She was recently offered a short-term rental subsidy that would help cover about $1,400 per month on rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049535\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049535\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250722-SHELTERFAMILIES-08-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250722-SHELTERFAMILIES-08-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250722-SHELTERFAMILIES-08-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250722-SHELTERFAMILIES-08-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maritza Salinas arrives at The Salvation Army Harbor House, a temporary shelter, with her daughter Ranea, 4, in San Francisco on July 22, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But she said that would hardly cover rent for a two-bedroom, which costs $5,600 per month on average in San Francisco, according to Zillow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For a family of four, where am I going to find a place to live? It’s impossible,” Salinas said. She was able to increase the subsidy to $3,200, which she described as a “blessing.” But she’s already thinking about what she will have to do at the end of the short-term subsidy period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yeah, it feels good, but then after two years, where are we going to be?” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another concern from advocates is that the majority of residents who receive rental subsidies often have to look outside the city for landlords who will accept them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Clearly there’s also a capacity issue,” Supervisor Connie Chan said at Wednesday’s meeting. “There are times that we could offer a voucher, but then they end up being outside of San Francisco, and a lot of families want to stay in San Francisco, and we want them to stay.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Chan voted to remove the short-term rental subsidy cap, saying it was important to get more families rapid support for housing and off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she urged the committee to consider using the millions of dollars that the homelessness tax has generated on reserve to invest in longer-term housing solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need housing, actual housing, not just shelters and hotels, so we need to make a parallel path to not only extend rental subsidies but build capacity for long-term housing,” Chan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan would not change the funding categories that voters approved in 2018, said Sophia Kittler, the mayor’s budget director, and it extends the temporary cap waiver that the board approved in previous budget cycles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness Gross Receipts Tax revenue is allocated into four primary spending areas: at least 50% on permanent housing, 25% on mental health services, 15% on prevention programs and 10% on temporary shelter and hygiene programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In last year’s budget cycle, the mayor proposed increasing the funding allocation for temporary shelter, which the Coalition on Homelessness also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045893/sf-supervisors-preserve-millions-for-homeless-prevention-housing-in-budget\">fought against\u003c/a> in favor of maintaining more funding for permanent housing options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To have a thriving San Francisco, we need to make sure that our poorest people in San Francisco can afford to live here,” Friedenbach said. “We’re depending on working-class people to make the city thrive, but then don’t have housing that they can afford.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "san-francisco-police-audit-shows-feds-accessed-license-plate-data-hundreds-of-times",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066989/california-cities-double-down-on-license-plate-readers-as-federal-surveillance-grows\">license plate reader\u003c/a> data has been improperly accessed hundreds of times by out-of-state and federal agencies since last May, police officials said Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Police Department said that an audit of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989977/san-franciscos-new-license-plate-readers-are-leading-to-arrests-and-concerns-about-privacy\">controversial surveillance technology\u003c/a> — which some Bay Area cities have abandoned over data-sharing concerns — revealed that the Northern California Regional Intelligence Center, or NCRIC, an anti-crime organization that shares information between law enforcement agencies, repeatedly queried SFPD and more than 500 law enforcement agencies statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco introduced automated license plate readers operated by Flock Safety in 2024, and the department has credited the technology with “revolutionizing” the way it solves crimes and identifies suspects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the revelations from the audit have already drawn renewed scrutiny of the partnership — after cities across the Bay Area have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082887/berkeley-extends-surveillance-contract-with-flock-safety-but-rejects-major-expansion\">reconsidered\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069705/santa-cruz-the-first-in-california-to-terminate-its-contract-with-flock-safety\">terminated contracts\u003c/a> in the last year following reports that some customers’ data had been \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2025/06/california-police-sharing-license-plate-reader-data/\">illegally accessed by out-of-state agencies\u003c/a>, including U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, without their knowledge and in violation of California law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under a 2015 state law, California public agencies are barred from sharing license plate reader data with federal and out-of-state agencies, and they are subject to strict privacy policies on such information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Local law enforcement continue not to care, not [to] pay attention to these sensitive databases that we have,” said Brian Hofer, whose nonprofit, Secure Justice, sued Oakland over reports of illegal data sharing last year. He said the organization plans to file a separate suit over the new findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069708\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069708\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/SFFlockSafetyGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1406\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/SFFlockSafetyGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/SFFlockSafetyGetty-160x112.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/SFFlockSafetyGetty-1536x1080.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In an aerial view, an automated license plate reader is seen mounted on a pole on June 13, 2024, in San Francisco, California. The city of San Francisco has installed 100 automated license plate readers across the city and plans to install 300 more in the coming weeks as officials look to technology to help combat crime in the city. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Civil liberties organizations have also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080233/san-jose-residents-sue-city-saying-flock-safety-cameras-allow-mass-surveillance\">sued San José\u003c/a> related to its Flock cameras, alleging that the technology creates an unconstitutional “mass surveillance system.” Critics fear the data could be used against immigrants and women seeking reproductive care, as the Trump administration moves to expand deportations and limit abortion access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flock advertises its data-sharing offerings, which allow customers to share camera data with other contracted agencies on either a national, state or one-to-one sharing level. In part, the tool is intended to increase coordination between neighboring departments, such as being able to track a suspect vehicle that travels from one jurisdiction to another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many Bay Area agencies have said that they do not participate in the “National Lookup,” and instead share their data on a one-to-one basis with neighboring departments, some have alleged that the wider sharing setting was reactivated by Flock without their knowledge, allowing out-of-state agencies to access their information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this case, SFPD allowed NCRIC to access its data, but said that the partner organization gave access to analysts from a third-party group, the West States Information Network, “during night hours.” SFPD Chief Derrick Lew said analysts from WSIN, an agency that provides law enforcement coordination and analytical support, conducted the searches on behalf of other agencies and did not know about California’s state law prohibiting data sharing out of state. The department has since disabled both NCRIC and WSIN’s access to the city’s camera network, Lew said.[aside postID=news_12082887 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/050726BERKELEY-FLOCK-RALLY_GH_010-KQED.jpg']Hofer said Secure Justice has been warning about illegal inquiries for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was always a known speculative concern, and for the last two-and-a-half years of doing audits, it’s been a proven concern,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NCRIC Executive Director Mike Sena said the organization’s protocol is not to share data with federal and out-of-state agencies. He said that was not part of WSIN’s protocol before the audit, but that its policies have been “corrected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, a Flock spokesperson said the breach “was not the result of a software malfunction, platform issue, unauthorized access or any failure of the Flock system. It involved searches conducted by authorized users at a California state agency that were later determined to be inconsistent with California’s ALPR data-sharing requirements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear, according to Lew, if any of the outside organizations accessed any SFPD data. Not every query “hits,” or leads to relevant information, he explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the searches, he said, were queries related to criminal activity and “serious” crime, including homicide, child sexual abuse and drug and gun trafficking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lew said the “queries of concern” conducted by NCRIC don’t include any that reference immigration enforcement or reproductive rights. He confirmed that the department is not aware of data being accessed by ICE or the Department of Homeland Security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Hofer said that doesn’t guarantee the searches weren’t conducted for a related purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They just stopped putting things in writing,” he said. “Before all these public record requests and scandals started blowing up, people were actually honest. When they would do a search for ICE, they would literally type in, ‘looking for ICE, investigation number …’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, a federal law enforcement agency in Texas told local officers to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.404media.co/police-told-to-be-as-vague-as-permissible-about-why-they-use-flock/\">as “vague as permissible\u003c/a>” in their Flock database searches, instructing them to say it is for the purpose, for example, of “investigation.” Hofer said Flock has also removed features that track the name of the officer who conducts a search, and suppressed searches with terms like immigration enforcement and abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066989/california-cities-double-down-on-license-plate-readers-as-federal-surveillance-grows\">license plate reader\u003c/a> data has been improperly accessed hundreds of times by out-of-state and federal agencies since last May, police officials said Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Police Department said that an audit of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989977/san-franciscos-new-license-plate-readers-are-leading-to-arrests-and-concerns-about-privacy\">controversial surveillance technology\u003c/a> — which some Bay Area cities have abandoned over data-sharing concerns — revealed that the Northern California Regional Intelligence Center, or NCRIC, an anti-crime organization that shares information between law enforcement agencies, repeatedly queried SFPD and more than 500 law enforcement agencies statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco introduced automated license plate readers operated by Flock Safety in 2024, and the department has credited the technology with “revolutionizing” the way it solves crimes and identifies suspects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the revelations from the audit have already drawn renewed scrutiny of the partnership — after cities across the Bay Area have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082887/berkeley-extends-surveillance-contract-with-flock-safety-but-rejects-major-expansion\">reconsidered\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069705/santa-cruz-the-first-in-california-to-terminate-its-contract-with-flock-safety\">terminated contracts\u003c/a> in the last year following reports that some customers’ data had been \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2025/06/california-police-sharing-license-plate-reader-data/\">illegally accessed by out-of-state agencies\u003c/a>, including U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, without their knowledge and in violation of California law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under a 2015 state law, California public agencies are barred from sharing license plate reader data with federal and out-of-state agencies, and they are subject to strict privacy policies on such information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Local law enforcement continue not to care, not [to] pay attention to these sensitive databases that we have,” said Brian Hofer, whose nonprofit, Secure Justice, sued Oakland over reports of illegal data sharing last year. He said the organization plans to file a separate suit over the new findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069708\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069708\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/SFFlockSafetyGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1406\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/SFFlockSafetyGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/SFFlockSafetyGetty-160x112.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/SFFlockSafetyGetty-1536x1080.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In an aerial view, an automated license plate reader is seen mounted on a pole on June 13, 2024, in San Francisco, California. The city of San Francisco has installed 100 automated license plate readers across the city and plans to install 300 more in the coming weeks as officials look to technology to help combat crime in the city. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Civil liberties organizations have also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080233/san-jose-residents-sue-city-saying-flock-safety-cameras-allow-mass-surveillance\">sued San José\u003c/a> related to its Flock cameras, alleging that the technology creates an unconstitutional “mass surveillance system.” Critics fear the data could be used against immigrants and women seeking reproductive care, as the Trump administration moves to expand deportations and limit abortion access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flock advertises its data-sharing offerings, which allow customers to share camera data with other contracted agencies on either a national, state or one-to-one sharing level. In part, the tool is intended to increase coordination between neighboring departments, such as being able to track a suspect vehicle that travels from one jurisdiction to another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many Bay Area agencies have said that they do not participate in the “National Lookup,” and instead share their data on a one-to-one basis with neighboring departments, some have alleged that the wider sharing setting was reactivated by Flock without their knowledge, allowing out-of-state agencies to access their information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this case, SFPD allowed NCRIC to access its data, but said that the partner organization gave access to analysts from a third-party group, the West States Information Network, “during night hours.” SFPD Chief Derrick Lew said analysts from WSIN, an agency that provides law enforcement coordination and analytical support, conducted the searches on behalf of other agencies and did not know about California’s state law prohibiting data sharing out of state. The department has since disabled both NCRIC and WSIN’s access to the city’s camera network, Lew said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Hofer said Secure Justice has been warning about illegal inquiries for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was always a known speculative concern, and for the last two-and-a-half years of doing audits, it’s been a proven concern,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NCRIC Executive Director Mike Sena said the organization’s protocol is not to share data with federal and out-of-state agencies. He said that was not part of WSIN’s protocol before the audit, but that its policies have been “corrected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, a Flock spokesperson said the breach “was not the result of a software malfunction, platform issue, unauthorized access or any failure of the Flock system. It involved searches conducted by authorized users at a California state agency that were later determined to be inconsistent with California’s ALPR data-sharing requirements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear, according to Lew, if any of the outside organizations accessed any SFPD data. Not every query “hits,” or leads to relevant information, he explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the searches, he said, were queries related to criminal activity and “serious” crime, including homicide, child sexual abuse and drug and gun trafficking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lew said the “queries of concern” conducted by NCRIC don’t include any that reference immigration enforcement or reproductive rights. He confirmed that the department is not aware of data being accessed by ICE or the Department of Homeland Security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Hofer said that doesn’t guarantee the searches weren’t conducted for a related purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They just stopped putting things in writing,” he said. “Before all these public record requests and scandals started blowing up, people were actually honest. When they would do a search for ICE, they would literally type in, ‘looking for ICE, investigation number …’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, a federal law enforcement agency in Texas told local officers to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.404media.co/police-told-to-be-as-vague-as-permissible-about-why-they-use-flock/\">as “vague as permissible\u003c/a>” in their Flock database searches, instructing them to say it is for the purpose, for example, of “investigation.” Hofer said Flock has also removed features that track the name of the officer who conducts a search, and suppressed searches with terms like immigration enforcement and abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "bay-area-cities-ask-us-judge-to-block-trump-from-cutting-funds-over-dei-immigration",
"title": "Bay Area Cities Ask US Judge to Block Trump From Cutting Funds Over DEI, Immigration",
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"headTitle": "Bay Area Cities Ask US Judge to Block Trump From Cutting Funds Over DEI, Immigration | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>As their budget deadline approaches, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area \u003c/a>cities asked a federal judge in San Francisco on Wednesday to temporarily block the Trump administration from denying funding over local policies linked to gender, diversity, equity and inclusion and immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara, Santa Cruz and Redwood City are among 11 California and Oregon jurisdictions suing a slew of federal departments over conditions they say are unconstitutional and designed to coerce them into adhering to the president’s policy agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs’ attorneys argue that the president’s executive orders and grant program conditions put municipalities in an “untenable” position, forced to choose between “acquiescing in unlawful conditions or forfeiting critical federal funding necessary to carry out essential public safety, public health, and environmental programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge William Orrick did not issue a ruling during Wednesday’s hearing, but he appeared poised to grant the municipalities’ request for a preliminary injunction — under a narrow scope. He said if the cities and counties had applied for a specific grant that had a condition related to one of the policy issues in the suit, there is a threat of harm that gives the city or county the right to bring the motion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He raised questions about whether the municipalities had standing to bring a case regarding grants that they hadn’t yet applied for, signaling that he might instead plan to expand his injunction to applicable grants whenever the cities or counties do apply in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I was a municipality, I wouldn’t be all that concerned about what I am going to do,” he said during the brief hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088034\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1997px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088034\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/COURTHOUSE_007_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1997\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/COURTHOUSE_007_qed.jpg 1997w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/COURTHOUSE_007_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/COURTHOUSE_007_qed-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1997px) 100vw, 1997px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Phillip Burton Federal Building and United States Courthouse in San Francisco, California, on March 6, 2018. \u003ccite>(Lauren Hanussak/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Orrick said he would issue a written order “as soon as possible,” after prosecuting attorney Jim Ross noted that cities and counties have to finalize their budgets for the coming fiscal year before July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit is one of many filed across the U.S. stemming from President Donald Trump’s threats to withhold federal funding from local governments that don’t comply with the administration’s policy views on diversity, equity and inclusion, gender and immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The directives — which include the “Ending Taxpayer Subsidization of Open Borders” and “Ending Illegal Discrimination and Restoring Merit-Based Opportunity” orders issued last year — call for the heads of federal agencies, including the Department of Homeland Security, Department of Justice and Department of Interior, to include terms in their grants and contracts that prohibit recipients from operating DEI programs and “promot[ing] gender ideology,” and require that they comply with federal immigration officials.[aside postID=news_12087600 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/CoalOaklandGetty.jpg']The suit alleges that the orders’ vague and ambiguous language violates the Constitution’s Due Process and Spending clauses, and allows the administration to condition funding as a “mechanism of retaliation” against municipalities that have viewpoints or policies that don’t align with the administration’s. They also say that DHS’s updated “standard terms and conditions” require entities to violate their sanctuary policies, and other departments’ new grant and contract terms similarly restrict funding for entities that support DEI initiatives or transgender people in violation of antidiscrimination laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs have asked the court to establish that the funding conditions are unlawful and unconstitutional, and prohibit the administration from conditioning congressionally authorized funds on those requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Constitution vests Congress — not the Executive — with the authority to make laws and\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>appropriate federal funds,” the suit said. “While the Executive Branch is charged with faithfully executing the laws enacted by Congress, that duty does not include the power to unilaterally rewrite or expand the statutory terms under which federal funds are awarded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These actions exceed Defendants’ constitutional and statutory authority, erode the separation of powers, and disregard core constitutional and statutory protections,” it continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Santa Clara, Redwood City and Santa Cruz have sued for a preliminary injunction blocking the administration from cutting off or conditioning the use of federal funds over local policies linked to gender and sanctuary status.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As their budget deadline approaches, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area \u003c/a>cities asked a federal judge in San Francisco on Wednesday to temporarily block the Trump administration from denying funding over local policies linked to gender, diversity, equity and inclusion and immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara, Santa Cruz and Redwood City are among 11 California and Oregon jurisdictions suing a slew of federal departments over conditions they say are unconstitutional and designed to coerce them into adhering to the president’s policy agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs’ attorneys argue that the president’s executive orders and grant program conditions put municipalities in an “untenable” position, forced to choose between “acquiescing in unlawful conditions or forfeiting critical federal funding necessary to carry out essential public safety, public health, and environmental programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge William Orrick did not issue a ruling during Wednesday’s hearing, but he appeared poised to grant the municipalities’ request for a preliminary injunction — under a narrow scope. He said if the cities and counties had applied for a specific grant that had a condition related to one of the policy issues in the suit, there is a threat of harm that gives the city or county the right to bring the motion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He raised questions about whether the municipalities had standing to bring a case regarding grants that they hadn’t yet applied for, signaling that he might instead plan to expand his injunction to applicable grants whenever the cities or counties do apply in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I was a municipality, I wouldn’t be all that concerned about what I am going to do,” he said during the brief hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088034\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1997px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088034\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/COURTHOUSE_007_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1997\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/COURTHOUSE_007_qed.jpg 1997w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/COURTHOUSE_007_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/COURTHOUSE_007_qed-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1997px) 100vw, 1997px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Phillip Burton Federal Building and United States Courthouse in San Francisco, California, on March 6, 2018. \u003ccite>(Lauren Hanussak/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Orrick said he would issue a written order “as soon as possible,” after prosecuting attorney Jim Ross noted that cities and counties have to finalize their budgets for the coming fiscal year before July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit is one of many filed across the U.S. stemming from President Donald Trump’s threats to withhold federal funding from local governments that don’t comply with the administration’s policy views on diversity, equity and inclusion, gender and immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The directives — which include the “Ending Taxpayer Subsidization of Open Borders” and “Ending Illegal Discrimination and Restoring Merit-Based Opportunity” orders issued last year — call for the heads of federal agencies, including the Department of Homeland Security, Department of Justice and Department of Interior, to include terms in their grants and contracts that prohibit recipients from operating DEI programs and “promot[ing] gender ideology,” and require that they comply with federal immigration officials.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The suit alleges that the orders’ vague and ambiguous language violates the Constitution’s Due Process and Spending clauses, and allows the administration to condition funding as a “mechanism of retaliation” against municipalities that have viewpoints or policies that don’t align with the administration’s. They also say that DHS’s updated “standard terms and conditions” require entities to violate their sanctuary policies, and other departments’ new grant and contract terms similarly restrict funding for entities that support DEI initiatives or transgender people in violation of antidiscrimination laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs have asked the court to establish that the funding conditions are unlawful and unconstitutional, and prohibit the administration from conditioning congressionally authorized funds on those requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Constitution vests Congress — not the Executive — with the authority to make laws and\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>appropriate federal funds,” the suit said. “While the Executive Branch is charged with faithfully executing the laws enacted by Congress, that duty does not include the power to unilaterally rewrite or expand the statutory terms under which federal funds are awarded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These actions exceed Defendants’ constitutional and statutory authority, erode the separation of powers, and disregard core constitutional and statutory protections,” it continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Street closures meant to curb an entrenched sex work trade in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mission-district\">San Francisco’s Mission District\u003c/a> will remain for another 18 months, after the city’s transportation board of directors voted to extend the traffic barriers on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Capp and Shotwell street residents who live on blocks with the closures implored directors during public comment to extend the program, claiming the intervention has drastically reduced the impacts of prostitution on neighbors. Others who live nearby said the closures have merely transferred the issue to their block.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency first installed the barriers in 2023, turning four locations from 18th to 22nd on Capp Street into dead ends, at the request of the city’s police department. The agency placed barriers at four more locations on Shotwell Street the next year, and granted an 18-month extension of the program in October 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before the bollards were installed, living on Capp Street was a nightmare,” said Jason Schlachet, a resident since 2008.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schlachet described “being woken up in the middle of the night to the sound of women screaming for their lives, bumper-to-bumper traffic, a dozen women per block walking in the middle of the road, stepping over discarded used condoms and intimidation from pimps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schlachet urged directors to continue the closures. He said they made an immediate and effective change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087988\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087988\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260617-SFMTAMISSIONCLOSURE-03-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260617-SFMTAMISSIONCLOSURE-03-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260617-SFMTAMISSIONCLOSURE-03-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260617-SFMTAMISSIONCLOSURE-03-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A barricade on Capp Street in the Mission District in San Francisco on June 17, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Capp Street instantly became a residential street again,” Schlachet said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Laurel Coco, who lives at 18th and Shotwell streets, just a block away from Capp, the closures have merely moved the red light district to her street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is heartbreaking to witness the exploitation of women and underage girls outside my window. But SFMTA must take responsibility for the displacement that your infrastructure has created,” Coco said, adding that she is routinely solicited while walking home, and that her husband was physically assaulted outside their front door by several sex workers and their pimp this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coco asked for “comparable traffic interventions on our block.”[aside postID=news_12087755 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260303-munifile00200_TV_qed.jpg']“City engineering should not protect one block by sacrificing another. Rather than blindly extending this pilot, we demand equity,” Coco said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board member Janet Tarlov said that the board has “endeavored to be of assistance to the police department in maintaining the closures,” but that many of the residents’ concerns “ touch on very serious criminal matters which are under the purview of the San Francisco Police Department.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Antonio Flores, acting lieutenant with the Special Victims Unit at the San Francisco Police Department, told directors that the barriers have been effective in reducing activity in the immediate area, but the market moving was a predictable outcome of the closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ We knew that it was going to get pushed to a different direction,” Flores said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flores said recent changes to California law, including a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB379\">state bill\u003c/a> that makes it illegal to loiter in a public place with the intent to purchase commercial sex, are aiding the police department’s enforcement efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shotwell Street resident Matthew Blackshaw said before the barricades, he and his partner considered leaving the neighborhood to raise a family, but now are considering staying. However, he said, they are not a long-term solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I strongly encourage you to renew the barricades for the sake of our neighborhoods, while at the same time exploring longer-term solutions that can create a profession that is safe for not just the residents here, but also for the people who engage in this kind of work,” Blackshaw said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In approving the extension, the board said that the program has continued since 2023 without metrics to quantify the success of the program or a process for gathering community input.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087987\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087987\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260617-SFMTAMISSIONCLOSURE-01-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260617-SFMTAMISSIONCLOSURE-01-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260617-SFMTAMISSIONCLOSURE-01-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260617-SFMTAMISSIONCLOSURE-01-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign about proposed street changes hangs on Shotwell Street in the Mission District in San Francisco on June 17, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vice Chair Stephanie Cajina said the board requested a six-month evaluation of the program when it was last extended in 2024, but it never happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ The feedback loop from the community is not there, and the way for us to evaluate success is not there,” Cajina said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unanimously approved, amended resolution included a request for SFMTA staff to evaluate transportation-related metrics for the program, and to urge SFPD to develop measures to quantify the success of the closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFMTA Streets Division Director Viktoriya Wise apologized for the previous planned six-month evaluation never happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we can be back in six months,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before the bollards were installed, living on Capp Street was a nightmare,” said Jason Schlachet, a resident since 2008.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schlachet described “being woken up in the middle of the night to the sound of women screaming for their lives, bumper-to-bumper traffic, a dozen women per block walking in the middle of the road, stepping over discarded used condoms and intimidation from pimps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schlachet urged directors to continue the closures. He said they made an immediate and effective change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087988\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087988\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260617-SFMTAMISSIONCLOSURE-03-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260617-SFMTAMISSIONCLOSURE-03-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260617-SFMTAMISSIONCLOSURE-03-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260617-SFMTAMISSIONCLOSURE-03-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A barricade on Capp Street in the Mission District in San Francisco on June 17, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Capp Street instantly became a residential street again,” Schlachet said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Laurel Coco, who lives at 18th and Shotwell streets, just a block away from Capp, the closures have merely moved the red light district to her street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is heartbreaking to witness the exploitation of women and underage girls outside my window. But SFMTA must take responsibility for the displacement that your infrastructure has created,” Coco said, adding that she is routinely solicited while walking home, and that her husband was physically assaulted outside their front door by several sex workers and their pimp this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coco asked for “comparable traffic interventions on our block.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“City engineering should not protect one block by sacrificing another. Rather than blindly extending this pilot, we demand equity,” Coco said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board member Janet Tarlov said that the board has “endeavored to be of assistance to the police department in maintaining the closures,” but that many of the residents’ concerns “ touch on very serious criminal matters which are under the purview of the San Francisco Police Department.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Antonio Flores, acting lieutenant with the Special Victims Unit at the San Francisco Police Department, told directors that the barriers have been effective in reducing activity in the immediate area, but the market moving was a predictable outcome of the closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ We knew that it was going to get pushed to a different direction,” Flores said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flores said recent changes to California law, including a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB379\">state bill\u003c/a> that makes it illegal to loiter in a public place with the intent to purchase commercial sex, are aiding the police department’s enforcement efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shotwell Street resident Matthew Blackshaw said before the barricades, he and his partner considered leaving the neighborhood to raise a family, but now are considering staying. However, he said, they are not a long-term solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I strongly encourage you to renew the barricades for the sake of our neighborhoods, while at the same time exploring longer-term solutions that can create a profession that is safe for not just the residents here, but also for the people who engage in this kind of work,” Blackshaw said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In approving the extension, the board said that the program has continued since 2023 without metrics to quantify the success of the program or a process for gathering community input.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087987\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087987\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260617-SFMTAMISSIONCLOSURE-01-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260617-SFMTAMISSIONCLOSURE-01-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260617-SFMTAMISSIONCLOSURE-01-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260617-SFMTAMISSIONCLOSURE-01-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign about proposed street changes hangs on Shotwell Street in the Mission District in San Francisco on June 17, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vice Chair Stephanie Cajina said the board requested a six-month evaluation of the program when it was last extended in 2024, but it never happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ The feedback loop from the community is not there, and the way for us to evaluate success is not there,” Cajina said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unanimously approved, amended resolution included a request for SFMTA staff to evaluate transportation-related metrics for the program, and to urge SFPD to develop measures to quantify the success of the closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFMTA Streets Division Director Viktoriya Wise apologized for the previous planned six-month evaluation never happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we can be back in six months,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "After SF Giants Pride Night Culture Clash, Scott Wiener Claps Back at Republicans",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/giants\">San Francisco Giants\u003c/a> players sparked a culture war storm on social media this week after three pitchers were issued warnings by Major League Baseball for wearing Bible verses on the team’s themed Pride Month caps on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California state Sen. Scott Wiener shot back at conservative leaders who claimed the league discriminated against the players for their faith Tuesday, saying that MLB’s blanket policies don’t have a “homophobia exemption.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This isn’t an issue of religious freedom,” Wiener said in a \u003ca href=\"https://sd11.senate.ca.gov/news/senator-wiener-maga-homophobic-backlash-against-major-league-baseball\">statement\u003c/a>. “People have a right to whatever religious beliefs they want — even if those beliefs dehumanize other people — but they don’t have a right to hijack their employer to promote those hateful beliefs at a job-related event.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The controversy stems from the team’s series opener against the Chicago Cubs on June 12 at Oracle Park, when the team held a themed celebration in honor of Pride. Giants players donned special caps for the game that featured the team’s “SF” logo in a rainbow colorway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pitchers Landen Roupp, J.T. Brubaker and Ryan Walker wrote variations of “Gen 9:12-16,” referring to an Old Testament passage about rainbows symbolizing a “covenant between God and every living creature,” on their Pride Night caps. Sam Hentges, another pitcher, wore the team’s classic black and orange cap instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The protest earned a verbal warning from MLB, which said the players’ actions violated league policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087960\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087960\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/SFGiantsGetty2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/SFGiantsGetty2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/SFGiantsGetty2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/SFGiantsGetty2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bryce Eldridge #8 and Ryan Walker #74 of the San Francisco Giants prepare for the game against the Chicago Cubs at Oracle Park on June 13, 2026, in San Francisco, California. \u003ccite>(Andy Kuno/San Francisco Giants via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Writing of any kind, with any message, is prohibited per Major League Baseball’s Uniform Regulations, which provides in part that, ‘[a] Player may not write, attach, affix, embroider or otherwise display nicknames or messages on apparel or playing equipment,” the league said in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/athletic/7364268/2026/06/15/sf-giants-pride-night-caps-bible-verses-mlb-warning/\">widely reported statement\u003c/a> Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MLB said the players were told not to wear the written-on hats in future games, but that the action was not disciplinary and “had absolutely nothing to do with the content of the message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We respect players’ right to free expression … We have given the same warning numerous times in the past to players for messages such as ‘Dad,’ ‘Happy Mother’s Day, I Love Mom’ and names of family members,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After reports that the players had been chastised, Vice President JD Vance weighed in on the social media platform,\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/jdvance/status/2066922921046544396?s=46\"> X\u003c/a>, saying: “Trump won, we don’t have to do this anymore.”[aside postID=news_12086888 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-SFPrideParade-30-BL.jpg']Missouri Republican Sen. Josh Hawley also \u003ca href=\"https://www.hawley.senate.gov/hawley-demands-answers-from-mlb-for-penalizing-christian-players/\">sent a letter\u003c/a> to MLB Commissioner Rob Manfred, demanding an explanation for the league’s “apparent pattern of discriminating against Christians while promoting left-wing ideologies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Quoting the Bible? That’s now an employment offense? You’ve got to be kidding me. God bless these players. MLB has some explaining to do,” Hawley said on social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener fired back at the conservative leaders, writing in \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Scott_Wiener/status/2066934161773126091\">response to Vance\u003c/a>: “In San Francisco, unlike in the White House, we treat LGBTQ people as full human beings & we think bigotry is bad. Perhaps go back into your cave for a minute to chill out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He alleged that the backlash was meant to bully MLB out of enforcing its policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also called on the Giants to take action over the players’ protest, saying their response was inconsistent with longstanding support for the LGBTQ+ community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mlb.com/giants/community/diversity\">In 1994\u003c/a>, the Giants were the first professional sports team to host an HIV/AIDS awareness game — now an annual event. The team became the first in the MLB to incorporate Pride colors into on-field uniforms for the Pride game in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, the Giants said: “The San Francisco Giants are proud to support Pride Night and the LGBTQ+ community … We also respect that individuals may make personal choices about participating in team activations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We understand the choice by individual players has caused pain and anger to many in the LGBTQ+ community and we are sorry for that. Those choices do not change our organization’s commitment to inclusion, belonging, and creating a welcoming environment for all,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/giants\">San Francisco Giants\u003c/a> players sparked a culture war storm on social media this week after three pitchers were issued warnings by Major League Baseball for wearing Bible verses on the team’s themed Pride Month caps on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California state Sen. Scott Wiener shot back at conservative leaders who claimed the league discriminated against the players for their faith Tuesday, saying that MLB’s blanket policies don’t have a “homophobia exemption.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This isn’t an issue of religious freedom,” Wiener said in a \u003ca href=\"https://sd11.senate.ca.gov/news/senator-wiener-maga-homophobic-backlash-against-major-league-baseball\">statement\u003c/a>. “People have a right to whatever religious beliefs they want — even if those beliefs dehumanize other people — but they don’t have a right to hijack their employer to promote those hateful beliefs at a job-related event.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The controversy stems from the team’s series opener against the Chicago Cubs on June 12 at Oracle Park, when the team held a themed celebration in honor of Pride. Giants players donned special caps for the game that featured the team’s “SF” logo in a rainbow colorway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pitchers Landen Roupp, J.T. Brubaker and Ryan Walker wrote variations of “Gen 9:12-16,” referring to an Old Testament passage about rainbows symbolizing a “covenant between God and every living creature,” on their Pride Night caps. Sam Hentges, another pitcher, wore the team’s classic black and orange cap instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The protest earned a verbal warning from MLB, which said the players’ actions violated league policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087960\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087960\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/SFGiantsGetty2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/SFGiantsGetty2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/SFGiantsGetty2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/SFGiantsGetty2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bryce Eldridge #8 and Ryan Walker #74 of the San Francisco Giants prepare for the game against the Chicago Cubs at Oracle Park on June 13, 2026, in San Francisco, California. \u003ccite>(Andy Kuno/San Francisco Giants via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Writing of any kind, with any message, is prohibited per Major League Baseball’s Uniform Regulations, which provides in part that, ‘[a] Player may not write, attach, affix, embroider or otherwise display nicknames or messages on apparel or playing equipment,” the league said in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/athletic/7364268/2026/06/15/sf-giants-pride-night-caps-bible-verses-mlb-warning/\">widely reported statement\u003c/a> Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MLB said the players were told not to wear the written-on hats in future games, but that the action was not disciplinary and “had absolutely nothing to do with the content of the message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We respect players’ right to free expression … We have given the same warning numerous times in the past to players for messages such as ‘Dad,’ ‘Happy Mother’s Day, I Love Mom’ and names of family members,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After reports that the players had been chastised, Vice President JD Vance weighed in on the social media platform,\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/jdvance/status/2066922921046544396?s=46\"> X\u003c/a>, saying: “Trump won, we don’t have to do this anymore.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Missouri Republican Sen. Josh Hawley also \u003ca href=\"https://www.hawley.senate.gov/hawley-demands-answers-from-mlb-for-penalizing-christian-players/\">sent a letter\u003c/a> to MLB Commissioner Rob Manfred, demanding an explanation for the league’s “apparent pattern of discriminating against Christians while promoting left-wing ideologies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Quoting the Bible? That’s now an employment offense? You’ve got to be kidding me. God bless these players. MLB has some explaining to do,” Hawley said on social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener fired back at the conservative leaders, writing in \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Scott_Wiener/status/2066934161773126091\">response to Vance\u003c/a>: “In San Francisco, unlike in the White House, we treat LGBTQ people as full human beings & we think bigotry is bad. Perhaps go back into your cave for a minute to chill out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He alleged that the backlash was meant to bully MLB out of enforcing its policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also called on the Giants to take action over the players’ protest, saying their response was inconsistent with longstanding support for the LGBTQ+ community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mlb.com/giants/community/diversity\">In 1994\u003c/a>, the Giants were the first professional sports team to host an HIV/AIDS awareness game — now an annual event. The team became the first in the MLB to incorporate Pride colors into on-field uniforms for the Pride game in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, the Giants said: “The San Francisco Giants are proud to support Pride Night and the LGBTQ+ community … We also respect that individuals may make personal choices about participating in team activations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We understand the choice by individual players has caused pain and anger to many in the LGBTQ+ community and we are sorry for that. Those choices do not change our organization’s commitment to inclusion, belonging, and creating a welcoming environment for all,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "san-francisco-voters-will-vote-on-munis-future-in-november",
"title": "San Francisco Will Vote on Muni’s Future in November",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Franciscans\u003c/a> will be asked to pay for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/muni\">Muni \u003c/a>in a whole new way this November. Not just at fare gates and ticket vending machines, but through an annual parcel tax as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12074874/amid-bid-to-save-bay-area-transit-muni-gets-a-campaign-of-its-own\">Stronger Muni For All campaign\u003c/a> announced Tuesday that it submitted enough valid signatures to qualify a parcel tax measure for the upcoming Nov. 3 general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Muni connects every corner of this city, and without dedicated funding, the service cuts would be devastating. Cutting Muni would drive up costs for working families, set back our economic recovery, and clog our streets with more traffic,” San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie, one of the measure’s supporters, said in a press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure is a high-stakes, last-ditch effort at securing sustainable funding for the Bay Area’s most-ridden public transit agency as it confronts a more than $300 million budget deficit beginning in July. Every funding source that Muni relies on — from tax revenue, grants and parking fees to Muni fares — has cratered since the pandemic, according to the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency, which runs Muni. SFMTA projects the deficit will grow to $430 million by 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved by voters, property owners would be billed annually based on their type of property and square footage. Most owners of single-family properties would need to pay $129 annually, multifamily property owners would owe $249 and commercial landlords would have to shell out $799, with additional tax levied if the properties exceed a certain square footage limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12075259\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12075259\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260303-MUNIFUNDINGKICKOFF-24-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260303-MUNIFUNDINGKICKOFF-24-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260303-MUNIFUNDINGKICKOFF-24-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260303-MUNIFUNDINGKICKOFF-24-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Daniel Lurie speaks during a kickoff event for the “Stronger Muni for All” measure at Dolores Park in San Francisco on March 3, 2026. Supporters say the proposal would prevent major Muni service cuts as the transit system faces a budget shortfall. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>About $150 million of the revenue generated annually from this tax would be used to reduce Muni’s deficit, and about $10 million would pay for “marginal service quality improvements,” according to the SFMTA. The measure would expire in 15 years, and the tax amount would be annually adjusted for inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fate of Muni, and other major Bay Area transit agencies, also rests on the passage of a separate \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084841/campaign-to-fund-bay-area-transit-smashes-signature-gathering-goal\">regional sales tax measure\u003c/a>, called the Connect Bay Area Act. That measure would generate around $1 billion annually for BART, AC Transit, Caltrain and Muni, as well as some smaller East Bay transit agencies, by imposing a half-cent sales tax in Alameda, Contra Costa, San Mateo and Santa Clara counties, and a one-cent sales tax in San Francisco over 14 years. That campaign said it submitted enough signatures to qualify the measure last month and is awaiting validation by county election officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If one or both measures fail to pass, Muni warned it would be forced to eliminate up to 20 routes, reduce evening service up to 60%, reduce or eliminate historic cable car routes and double wait times for some lines.[aside postID=news_12084841 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260123-signaturekickoff00181_TV_qed.jpg']The SFMTA Board of Directors unanimously voted Tuesday to adopt recommendations made by an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084766/bay-area-transit-agencies-saved-1-billion-since-2020-can-they-sustain-those-savings\">independent oversight committee\u003c/a> meant to increase revenue and cost savings at the agency. The recommendations are a required part of SB 63, the state bill that authorized the regional tax measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SFMTA plans to generate more revenue by improving fare compliance on Muni vehicles and increasing staffing of parking control officers. The agency also plans to save money by reviewing high-spend contracts and right-sizing fleets to match demand, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These efforts, combined with the two ballot measures, will close the deficit, according to the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Max Szabo, a spokesperson for Stronger Muni For All, acknowledged the difficult climate in which the campaign was asking voters to tax themselves for the future of transit. He said the primary concern voters are facing up and down the ballot is affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, we have to make the case that this is something that should be shouldered by the public in order to advance our quality of life and the livability of the region we call home,” Szabo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Stronger Muni For All campaign announced Tuesday that it had submitted enough valid signatures to qualify the parcel tax measure for the November ballot.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Franciscans\u003c/a> will be asked to pay for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/muni\">Muni \u003c/a>in a whole new way this November. Not just at fare gates and ticket vending machines, but through an annual parcel tax as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12074874/amid-bid-to-save-bay-area-transit-muni-gets-a-campaign-of-its-own\">Stronger Muni For All campaign\u003c/a> announced Tuesday that it submitted enough valid signatures to qualify a parcel tax measure for the upcoming Nov. 3 general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Muni connects every corner of this city, and without dedicated funding, the service cuts would be devastating. Cutting Muni would drive up costs for working families, set back our economic recovery, and clog our streets with more traffic,” San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie, one of the measure’s supporters, said in a press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure is a high-stakes, last-ditch effort at securing sustainable funding for the Bay Area’s most-ridden public transit agency as it confronts a more than $300 million budget deficit beginning in July. Every funding source that Muni relies on — from tax revenue, grants and parking fees to Muni fares — has cratered since the pandemic, according to the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency, which runs Muni. SFMTA projects the deficit will grow to $430 million by 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved by voters, property owners would be billed annually based on their type of property and square footage. Most owners of single-family properties would need to pay $129 annually, multifamily property owners would owe $249 and commercial landlords would have to shell out $799, with additional tax levied if the properties exceed a certain square footage limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12075259\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12075259\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260303-MUNIFUNDINGKICKOFF-24-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260303-MUNIFUNDINGKICKOFF-24-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260303-MUNIFUNDINGKICKOFF-24-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260303-MUNIFUNDINGKICKOFF-24-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Daniel Lurie speaks during a kickoff event for the “Stronger Muni for All” measure at Dolores Park in San Francisco on March 3, 2026. Supporters say the proposal would prevent major Muni service cuts as the transit system faces a budget shortfall. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>About $150 million of the revenue generated annually from this tax would be used to reduce Muni’s deficit, and about $10 million would pay for “marginal service quality improvements,” according to the SFMTA. The measure would expire in 15 years, and the tax amount would be annually adjusted for inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fate of Muni, and other major Bay Area transit agencies, also rests on the passage of a separate \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084841/campaign-to-fund-bay-area-transit-smashes-signature-gathering-goal\">regional sales tax measure\u003c/a>, called the Connect Bay Area Act. That measure would generate around $1 billion annually for BART, AC Transit, Caltrain and Muni, as well as some smaller East Bay transit agencies, by imposing a half-cent sales tax in Alameda, Contra Costa, San Mateo and Santa Clara counties, and a one-cent sales tax in San Francisco over 14 years. That campaign said it submitted enough signatures to qualify the measure last month and is awaiting validation by county election officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If one or both measures fail to pass, Muni warned it would be forced to eliminate up to 20 routes, reduce evening service up to 60%, reduce or eliminate historic cable car routes and double wait times for some lines.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The SFMTA Board of Directors unanimously voted Tuesday to adopt recommendations made by an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084766/bay-area-transit-agencies-saved-1-billion-since-2020-can-they-sustain-those-savings\">independent oversight committee\u003c/a> meant to increase revenue and cost savings at the agency. The recommendations are a required part of SB 63, the state bill that authorized the regional tax measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SFMTA plans to generate more revenue by improving fare compliance on Muni vehicles and increasing staffing of parking control officers. The agency also plans to save money by reviewing high-spend contracts and right-sizing fleets to match demand, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These efforts, combined with the two ballot measures, will close the deficit, according to the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Max Szabo, a spokesperson for Stronger Muni For All, acknowledged the difficult climate in which the campaign was asking voters to tax themselves for the future of transit. He said the primary concern voters are facing up and down the ballot is affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, we have to make the case that this is something that should be shouldered by the public in order to advance our quality of life and the livability of the region we call home,” Szabo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "csu-workers-disrupt-bargaining-at-san-francisco-state-as-contract-deadline-looms",
"title": "CSU Workers Disrupt Bargaining at San Francisco State as Contract Deadline Looms",
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"headTitle": "CSU Workers Disrupt Bargaining at San Francisco State as Contract Deadline Looms | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than 100 members of the CSU Employees Union rallied at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-state-university\">San Francisco State University\u003c/a> on Tuesday, during an active bargaining session — demanding higher wages and job security on the heels of a newly delivered state budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers face a rare convergence: a sweeping set of labor negotiations playing out across the nation’s largest public university system, including a long-standing staff contract about to expire and a first-ever contract for student workers still unwritten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During Tuesday’s rally, that fight spilled directly into the room where it’s being decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers marched upstairs at the J. Paul Leonard Library to chant outside the bargaining session, briefly disrupting the talks. They left behind whiteboards listing their demands for administrators to read on the way out, before marching around the library.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The standoff comes after years of financial whiplash across the CSU system, which has spent recent years closing budget deficits and bracing for steep cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024, it grappled with a $218 million operating deficit and warned of a projected $\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11998761/california-state-university-stares-down-a-1-billion-budget-gap-as-campuses-cut-costs\">1 billion shortfall\u003c/a>, and in 2025, Gov. Gavin Newsom moved to cut \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2025/02/cal-state-budget-3/\">hundreds of millions\u003c/a> from its ongoing funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087830\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087830\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_016-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_016-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_016-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_016-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A California State University Employees Union organizer speaks through a megaphone near the entrance to San Francisco State University during a rally on June 16, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Campuses responded by freezing hiring, leaving vacancies unfilled, consolidating classes and laying off workers. This year, the union said, the state budget finally delivered a record $264.8 million in new ongoing funding to the CSU, and workers argue that they have yet to see it reflected in their paychecks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union represents 36,000 staff and student workers across the CSU’s 22 campuses, and juggles several contracts at once. The central one covers staff in bargaining units that include healthcare, facilities, custodial, technical and administrative workers — and it expires June 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, student assistants who unionized in 2024 are bargaining for their first-ever contract, and roughly 1,000 workers employed by private service contractors on campus are also in first-contract talks.[aside postID=news_12086884 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MariaSuAP1.jpg']“I’m out here today because, like a lot of Americans, going to the grocery store feels like a luxury extravagance,” said Katie Murphy, chief steward for the union’s San Francisco State chapter and an academic office coordinator in the School of Social Work. “The pay structure we have currently does not support us having a living wage within this city and within the state of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murphy, a Daly City commuter, said some of her colleagues drive in from as far as Sacramento because they can’t afford to live near campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She framed Tuesday’s action as part of a deliberate strategy that the union called “getting strike ready” — escalating demonstrations meant to show management that the workers are serious, in hopes of preventing an actual walkout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that the union has already forced CSU to change its bargaining plans on several occasions. “It’s great to know that we are having an effect and that the CSU knows our power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This strike would be the first for CSUEU, the CSU’s largest labor group. Murphy said that if no fair contract is reached, the union is prepared to walk out — and to stay out. “We are in it for the long haul,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The State of California puts a premium on educating our next college graduates,” CSUEU President Catherine Hutchinson said in a statement. “Supporting the essential frontline staff who help students succeed must be a priority for CSU leadership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087831\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087831\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_018-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_018-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_018-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_018-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A union button reading “One Union, One Voice” is displayed on a California State University Employees Union shirt during a rally at San Francisco State University on June 16, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Murphy said the workers’ frustration stems from the CSU walking back a promise on a salary step structure — a system designed to reward years of service and make pay market-competitive — that the union had fought decades to win. She also pointed to raises for campus presidents and executives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They somehow have money to put into the pockets of people who are at the very top, but not put money in the pockets of people at the bottom for whom it would have the most impact,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For student assistants, the stakes are different, as they’re starting from scratch. Chloe Murray, a peer mentor at the library who earns minimum wage, said she had to take a second job just to afford living in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have a contract right now, so it means that we don’t have any benefits,” Murray said, noting that while other units were given paid time off to attend the rally, she had to call out of work to be there. The students are pushing for $21 an hour, holiday pay and reduced parking fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We help make this campus run, and we have to juggle our class work and working on the campus,” Murray said. “It makes it really difficult when we’re not getting paid very much, and they’re not giving us very many hours.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murray also pointed to rising tuition — a 6% increase each year under a plan adopted two years ago — despite department cuts and faculty layoffs. “We’re just getting a worse education for a higher cost,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, the CSU said it is bargaining in good faith “toward achieving an agreement that recognizes and supports the work of our staff in fulfilling CSU’s mission.” The university said that it respects the right to peaceful protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087828\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087828\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_002-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_002-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_002-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_002-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of the California State University Employees Union march through the J. Paul Leonard Library during a rally at San Francisco State University on June 16, 2026. \u003ccite>(https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_003-KQED.jpg)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s rally at San Francisco State at San Francisco State was the second action of its kind in the past month, and it follows a wave of labor unrest across California’s public education sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11969109/hundreds-of-sf-state-faculty-ditch-class-in-1-day-strike-for-better-wages-working-conditions\">SF State faculty\u003c/a> staged a one-day strike, and earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.calstate.edu/csu-system/news/Pages/CSU-February-17-Statement-on-Teamsters-Local-2010-Strike.aspx\">Teamsters struck\u003c/a> within the CSU. This past spring, both \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066588/west-contra-costa-teachers-agree-to-end-strike-and-return-to-class-after-a-week\">West Contra Costa Unified School Distric\u003c/a>t and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12073306/sfusd-teachers-strike-no-end-in-sight-health-care-battle\">San Francisco Unified School District\u003c/a> reached tentative agreements with unions after strikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murphy said those fights are a source of motivation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re always inspired and rallied by our union siblings, our union cousins across various sectors,” she said. “We are united, we’re coming together, and we’ve had enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "As California State University workers juggle negotiations over multiple contracts statewide, unionized employees at San Francisco State disrupted bargaining, demanding fair pay and job security.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than 100 members of the CSU Employees Union rallied at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-state-university\">San Francisco State University\u003c/a> on Tuesday, during an active bargaining session — demanding higher wages and job security on the heels of a newly delivered state budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers face a rare convergence: a sweeping set of labor negotiations playing out across the nation’s largest public university system, including a long-standing staff contract about to expire and a first-ever contract for student workers still unwritten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During Tuesday’s rally, that fight spilled directly into the room where it’s being decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers marched upstairs at the J. Paul Leonard Library to chant outside the bargaining session, briefly disrupting the talks. They left behind whiteboards listing their demands for administrators to read on the way out, before marching around the library.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The standoff comes after years of financial whiplash across the CSU system, which has spent recent years closing budget deficits and bracing for steep cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024, it grappled with a $218 million operating deficit and warned of a projected $\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11998761/california-state-university-stares-down-a-1-billion-budget-gap-as-campuses-cut-costs\">1 billion shortfall\u003c/a>, and in 2025, Gov. Gavin Newsom moved to cut \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2025/02/cal-state-budget-3/\">hundreds of millions\u003c/a> from its ongoing funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087830\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087830\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_016-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_016-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_016-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_016-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A California State University Employees Union organizer speaks through a megaphone near the entrance to San Francisco State University during a rally on June 16, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Campuses responded by freezing hiring, leaving vacancies unfilled, consolidating classes and laying off workers. This year, the union said, the state budget finally delivered a record $264.8 million in new ongoing funding to the CSU, and workers argue that they have yet to see it reflected in their paychecks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union represents 36,000 staff and student workers across the CSU’s 22 campuses, and juggles several contracts at once. The central one covers staff in bargaining units that include healthcare, facilities, custodial, technical and administrative workers — and it expires June 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, student assistants who unionized in 2024 are bargaining for their first-ever contract, and roughly 1,000 workers employed by private service contractors on campus are also in first-contract talks.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I’m out here today because, like a lot of Americans, going to the grocery store feels like a luxury extravagance,” said Katie Murphy, chief steward for the union’s San Francisco State chapter and an academic office coordinator in the School of Social Work. “The pay structure we have currently does not support us having a living wage within this city and within the state of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murphy, a Daly City commuter, said some of her colleagues drive in from as far as Sacramento because they can’t afford to live near campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She framed Tuesday’s action as part of a deliberate strategy that the union called “getting strike ready” — escalating demonstrations meant to show management that the workers are serious, in hopes of preventing an actual walkout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that the union has already forced CSU to change its bargaining plans on several occasions. “It’s great to know that we are having an effect and that the CSU knows our power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This strike would be the first for CSUEU, the CSU’s largest labor group. Murphy said that if no fair contract is reached, the union is prepared to walk out — and to stay out. “We are in it for the long haul,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The State of California puts a premium on educating our next college graduates,” CSUEU President Catherine Hutchinson said in a statement. “Supporting the essential frontline staff who help students succeed must be a priority for CSU leadership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087831\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087831\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_018-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_018-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_018-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_018-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A union button reading “One Union, One Voice” is displayed on a California State University Employees Union shirt during a rally at San Francisco State University on June 16, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Murphy said the workers’ frustration stems from the CSU walking back a promise on a salary step structure — a system designed to reward years of service and make pay market-competitive — that the union had fought decades to win. She also pointed to raises for campus presidents and executives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They somehow have money to put into the pockets of people who are at the very top, but not put money in the pockets of people at the bottom for whom it would have the most impact,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For student assistants, the stakes are different, as they’re starting from scratch. Chloe Murray, a peer mentor at the library who earns minimum wage, said she had to take a second job just to afford living in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have a contract right now, so it means that we don’t have any benefits,” Murray said, noting that while other units were given paid time off to attend the rally, she had to call out of work to be there. The students are pushing for $21 an hour, holiday pay and reduced parking fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We help make this campus run, and we have to juggle our class work and working on the campus,” Murray said. “It makes it really difficult when we’re not getting paid very much, and they’re not giving us very many hours.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murray also pointed to rising tuition — a 6% increase each year under a plan adopted two years ago — despite department cuts and faculty layoffs. “We’re just getting a worse education for a higher cost,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, the CSU said it is bargaining in good faith “toward achieving an agreement that recognizes and supports the work of our staff in fulfilling CSU’s mission.” The university said that it respects the right to peaceful protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087828\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087828\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_002-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_002-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_002-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_002-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of the California State University Employees Union march through the J. Paul Leonard Library during a rally at San Francisco State University on June 16, 2026. \u003ccite>(https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_003-KQED.jpg)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s rally at San Francisco State at San Francisco State was the second action of its kind in the past month, and it follows a wave of labor unrest across California’s public education sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11969109/hundreds-of-sf-state-faculty-ditch-class-in-1-day-strike-for-better-wages-working-conditions\">SF State faculty\u003c/a> staged a one-day strike, and earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.calstate.edu/csu-system/news/Pages/CSU-February-17-Statement-on-Teamsters-Local-2010-Strike.aspx\">Teamsters struck\u003c/a> within the CSU. This past spring, both \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066588/west-contra-costa-teachers-agree-to-end-strike-and-return-to-class-after-a-week\">West Contra Costa Unified School Distric\u003c/a>t and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12073306/sfusd-teachers-strike-no-end-in-sight-health-care-battle\">San Francisco Unified School District\u003c/a> reached tentative agreements with unions after strikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murphy said those fights are a source of motivation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re always inspired and rallied by our union siblings, our union cousins across various sectors,” she said. “We are united, we’re coming together, and we’ve had enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Lawmakers Push Back Against Trump Coal Terminal Plans in West Oakland",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/east-bay\">East Bay\u003c/a> lawmakers are proposing new legislation this week in an effort to halt the Trump administration’s push to open a long-opposed export terminal in West Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Lateefah Simon of Oakland filed an amendment on Tuesday that would block the use of energy and water funds for coal projects. This followed new legislation that East Bay Assemblymember Mia Bonta announced on Monday that would require a full environmental review before granting new or expanded approval of such operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislative opposition comes after President Donald Trump announced last month that he would direct $75 million toward the construction of the Oakland Bulk and Oversized Terminal — as part of a nearly $700 million investment in the country’s lagging coal industry. The funds reinvigorate efforts to open a terminal in the West Coast city, which has been opposed and delayed by Oakland residents and officials for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The beautiful people of West Oakland, Alameda, and Emeryville have fought for clean air, for their children’s health, and for their right to breathe for generations,” Bonta said in a statement on Monday. “Donald Trump used a Cold War emergency law to try to override all of that. He will not succeed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On June 4, Trump announced that he would direct the hundreds of millions of dollars toward keeping ailing coal facilities open, creating two new coal plants in Alaska and West Virginia, and constructing the Oakland export terminal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the Oakland Army Base closed in 1999, East Bay developer Phil Tagami planned to open a bulk export facility on a portion of the site. Though initially, he said the terminal would not handle coal, in 2015, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10585739/oakland-mayor-port-developer-in-dispute-over-plan-to-ship-coal\">plans to partner with Utah \u003c/a>and allow up to 10 million tons of the state’s coal to be sent through the facility became public, prompting widespread outrage from Oaklanders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076630\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076630\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2231342596.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2231342596.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2231342596-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2231342596-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic Assemblymember Mia Bonta speaks during a meeting of the California State Assembly at the California State Capitol on Aug. 21, 2025, in Sacramento, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Residents and environmental justice advocates say the terminal would worsen air quality in West Oakland, which already suffers from some of the highest asthma-related emergency room visit and hospitalization \u003ca href=\"https://www.baaqmd.gov/~/media/files/ab617-community-health/air-pollution-and-health-risks_oakland-060418-pdf.pdf?la=en\">rates\u003c/a> in the country due to pollution from highways and industrial operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They worry that coal dust from uncovered trains traveling through the city could add to that burden. According to Bonta, the terminal would have the capacity to export up to 10 million short tons of coal annually — which equates to multiple trains-worth a day arriving in West Oakland through the East Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Shipping coal through Oakland would exacerbate the real emergencies of global warming and public health in vulnerable communities along the Union Pacific tracks that would bring the coal to Oakland,” No Coal in Oakland, a coalition that’s been organizing in opposition to the project for more than a decade, said in a statement following Trump’s announcement. “If the terminal is built, coal dust and diesel exhaust will spew from multiple mile-long coal trains passing through our communities each day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, the city council passed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11641853/oakland-heads-to-trial-over-coal-ban\">ban on handling or exporting coal\u003c/a> in Oakland. Though Tagami sued, city officials and local environmental justice groups have stalled the project for a decade, as multiple legal challenges played out in court.[aside postID=forum_2010101914067 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2026/06/TrumpCoalAP.jpg']Last year, the state supreme court declined to take up the case. That leaves funding as one of the last major hurdles to building the terminal. Coal-producing states now hope the Trump administration’s funding infusion could be the key to finally bringing the Oakland facility to fruition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wyoming Gov. Mark Gordon, who joined the president during his June 4 announcement, said Taiwan and Japan have recently decided to reinvest in coal as a “reliable, dispatchable, secure source of energy,” which can be extracted from the coal mines in the Powder River Basin, a 20,000 square mile stretch of coal-rich land in southeast Montana and northeast Wyoming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be able to open that Oakland port is absolutely essential for the lifeblood of our state and for our coal mines,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, the U.S.’s coal industry has been largely locked out of the West Coast — as liberal states have rejected projects that could be used to transfer fuel from coal producers to Asia. The American coal industry had also waned, eclipsed by less expensive natural gas and renewable energy, before the Trump administration announced it would focus on “\u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/04/reinvigorating-americas-beautiful-clean-coal-industry-and-amending-executive-order-14241/\">reinvigorating America’s beautiful, clean coal industry\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The funds Trump has proposed for the Oakland terminal and other coal industry investments were originally to be used for reducing carbon dioxide emissions from polluting industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s invoked the Defense Production Act, a wartime law that gives the president broad emergency powers to support domestic industries needed to maintain domestic security, saying that the U.S. faces a \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/declaring-a-national-energy-emergency/\">national energy emergency\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta’s \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB40\">AB 40\u003c/a>, the “Community First Coal Review Act,” would require local agencies to conduct an environmental impact report before granting discretionary approval for new or expanded coal handling, storage, or export terminal that would exceed a capacity of 5 million short tons per year. It would also require updated environmental reviews when there are changes to the type or quantity of coal, or after 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087686\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087686\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1356445057.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1356445057.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1356445057-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1356445057-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The maze and part of the old Oakland Army Base are seen from this drone view in West Oakland, California, on Tuesday, Nov. 23, 2021. \u003ccite>(Jane Tyska/Digital First Media/East Bay Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Simon’s amendment, which will be considered alongside the Energy and Water Development and Related Agencies Appropriations Act (H.R. 9022) in Congress next week, would block funding for coal projects at the federal level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal would ensure that none of the funds made available through the appropriations bill could be used to implement or enforce Trump’s pro-coal push — including his emergency declaration in April that demanded expanding coal supply chain capacity or various Department of Energy funding notices issued since. It specifically prevents dispersing money for the Oakland project, called the “West Gateway Terminal Project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was sent to Congress to work for and represent the people of the East Bay. They have been clear in the last week and for years prior — no coal in Oakland,” Simon said in a statement. “I will leave no stone unturned in Congress possible to stop this terminal … Our families and our bodies should not have to bear the burden of the Trump Administration’s cruel and backwards decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“West Oaklanders should not be blindly subjected to more air pollution and a multitude of health harms so the Trump administration can prop up the failing coal industry,” said Colin O’Brien, the deputy managing attorney of Earthjustice’s California regional office. “We stand with West Oakland residents who demand to know exactly how this project may harm their community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/east-bay\">East Bay\u003c/a> lawmakers are proposing new legislation this week in an effort to halt the Trump administration’s push to open a long-opposed export terminal in West Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Lateefah Simon of Oakland filed an amendment on Tuesday that would block the use of energy and water funds for coal projects. This followed new legislation that East Bay Assemblymember Mia Bonta announced on Monday that would require a full environmental review before granting new or expanded approval of such operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislative opposition comes after President Donald Trump announced last month that he would direct $75 million toward the construction of the Oakland Bulk and Oversized Terminal — as part of a nearly $700 million investment in the country’s lagging coal industry. The funds reinvigorate efforts to open a terminal in the West Coast city, which has been opposed and delayed by Oakland residents and officials for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The beautiful people of West Oakland, Alameda, and Emeryville have fought for clean air, for their children’s health, and for their right to breathe for generations,” Bonta said in a statement on Monday. “Donald Trump used a Cold War emergency law to try to override all of that. He will not succeed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On June 4, Trump announced that he would direct the hundreds of millions of dollars toward keeping ailing coal facilities open, creating two new coal plants in Alaska and West Virginia, and constructing the Oakland export terminal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the Oakland Army Base closed in 1999, East Bay developer Phil Tagami planned to open a bulk export facility on a portion of the site. Though initially, he said the terminal would not handle coal, in 2015, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10585739/oakland-mayor-port-developer-in-dispute-over-plan-to-ship-coal\">plans to partner with Utah \u003c/a>and allow up to 10 million tons of the state’s coal to be sent through the facility became public, prompting widespread outrage from Oaklanders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076630\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076630\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2231342596.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2231342596.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2231342596-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2231342596-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic Assemblymember Mia Bonta speaks during a meeting of the California State Assembly at the California State Capitol on Aug. 21, 2025, in Sacramento, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Residents and environmental justice advocates say the terminal would worsen air quality in West Oakland, which already suffers from some of the highest asthma-related emergency room visit and hospitalization \u003ca href=\"https://www.baaqmd.gov/~/media/files/ab617-community-health/air-pollution-and-health-risks_oakland-060418-pdf.pdf?la=en\">rates\u003c/a> in the country due to pollution from highways and industrial operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They worry that coal dust from uncovered trains traveling through the city could add to that burden. According to Bonta, the terminal would have the capacity to export up to 10 million short tons of coal annually — which equates to multiple trains-worth a day arriving in West Oakland through the East Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Shipping coal through Oakland would exacerbate the real emergencies of global warming and public health in vulnerable communities along the Union Pacific tracks that would bring the coal to Oakland,” No Coal in Oakland, a coalition that’s been organizing in opposition to the project for more than a decade, said in a statement following Trump’s announcement. “If the terminal is built, coal dust and diesel exhaust will spew from multiple mile-long coal trains passing through our communities each day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, the city council passed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11641853/oakland-heads-to-trial-over-coal-ban\">ban on handling or exporting coal\u003c/a> in Oakland. Though Tagami sued, city officials and local environmental justice groups have stalled the project for a decade, as multiple legal challenges played out in court.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last year, the state supreme court declined to take up the case. That leaves funding as one of the last major hurdles to building the terminal. Coal-producing states now hope the Trump administration’s funding infusion could be the key to finally bringing the Oakland facility to fruition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wyoming Gov. Mark Gordon, who joined the president during his June 4 announcement, said Taiwan and Japan have recently decided to reinvest in coal as a “reliable, dispatchable, secure source of energy,” which can be extracted from the coal mines in the Powder River Basin, a 20,000 square mile stretch of coal-rich land in southeast Montana and northeast Wyoming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be able to open that Oakland port is absolutely essential for the lifeblood of our state and for our coal mines,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, the U.S.’s coal industry has been largely locked out of the West Coast — as liberal states have rejected projects that could be used to transfer fuel from coal producers to Asia. The American coal industry had also waned, eclipsed by less expensive natural gas and renewable energy, before the Trump administration announced it would focus on “\u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/04/reinvigorating-americas-beautiful-clean-coal-industry-and-amending-executive-order-14241/\">reinvigorating America’s beautiful, clean coal industry\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The funds Trump has proposed for the Oakland terminal and other coal industry investments were originally to be used for reducing carbon dioxide emissions from polluting industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s invoked the Defense Production Act, a wartime law that gives the president broad emergency powers to support domestic industries needed to maintain domestic security, saying that the U.S. faces a \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/declaring-a-national-energy-emergency/\">national energy emergency\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta’s \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB40\">AB 40\u003c/a>, the “Community First Coal Review Act,” would require local agencies to conduct an environmental impact report before granting discretionary approval for new or expanded coal handling, storage, or export terminal that would exceed a capacity of 5 million short tons per year. It would also require updated environmental reviews when there are changes to the type or quantity of coal, or after 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087686\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087686\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1356445057.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1356445057.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1356445057-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1356445057-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The maze and part of the old Oakland Army Base are seen from this drone view in West Oakland, California, on Tuesday, Nov. 23, 2021. \u003ccite>(Jane Tyska/Digital First Media/East Bay Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Simon’s amendment, which will be considered alongside the Energy and Water Development and Related Agencies Appropriations Act (H.R. 9022) in Congress next week, would block funding for coal projects at the federal level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal would ensure that none of the funds made available through the appropriations bill could be used to implement or enforce Trump’s pro-coal push — including his emergency declaration in April that demanded expanding coal supply chain capacity or various Department of Energy funding notices issued since. It specifically prevents dispersing money for the Oakland project, called the “West Gateway Terminal Project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was sent to Congress to work for and represent the people of the East Bay. They have been clear in the last week and for years prior — no coal in Oakland,” Simon said in a statement. “I will leave no stone unturned in Congress possible to stop this terminal … Our families and our bodies should not have to bear the burden of the Trump Administration’s cruel and backwards decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“West Oaklanders should not be blindly subjected to more air pollution and a multitude of health harms so the Trump administration can prop up the failing coal industry,” said Colin O’Brien, the deputy managing attorney of Earthjustice’s California regional office. “We stand with West Oakland residents who demand to know exactly how this project may harm their community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Ahmed Ahmed arrived at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sfo\">San Francisco International Airport\u003c/a> last September, after a four-monthlong global tour, he was eager to take a hot shower and go to sleep.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The actor and comedian’s 16-hour flight had been delayed, and his connecting flight to Los Angeles had already departed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>United Airlines issued free hotel vouchers to passengers who had missed their connections, including Ahmed. But when he tried to check in at the hotel with his voucher, he was unable to get a room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that point, Ahmed returned to the airport and sought assistance from a United employee, who he said was unhelpful and dismissive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ The comedian in me said, ‘You know, you work in customer service, not customer attitude,’ and she didn’t like that,” Ahmed told KQED. The employee threatened to call the police. “I replied with, ‘For what? Being awesome?’ And then she snapped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said San Francisco Police arrested him minutes later and took him to Maguire Correctional Facility in Redwood City. Upon his arrival, Ahmed continued, several San Mateo County deputies were there waiting for him, and proceeded to physically beat and “torture” him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Ahmed is \u003ca href=\"https://odyportal-ext.sanmateocourt.org/Portal-External/DocumentViewer/DownloadDocumentFile/Download?d=5FCA895C15A411F5DC89AE0A093E2E76&c=7C5E7DE302ECD5EE0F85AEACDF8E1BCC&l=FBD47E265B0469242043312D479CDD22&cn=3BCA5C3F9F0BD275F3FCBD95092474E0&fileName=26-CIV-04766%20-%20Complaint%20AHMEDpdf&docTypeId=3&isVersionId=False\">suing\u003c/a> San Mateo County and the former county sheriff, claiming that he sustained physical and psychological damage during his 21 hours in custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12067064\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12067064\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-91-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-91-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-91-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-91-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The International Terminal at San Francisco International Airport on Dec. 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ahmed told KQED he was “completely compliant” — but was left with disabling injuries, including broken bones and nerve damage. He said that during the assault, deputies attempted to strip him from the waist down, then strapped him to a chair and pulled a hood over his head. He said he was denied food, water and the opportunity to use a bathroom during this time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later into the night, Ahmed recounted, he began yelling aloud, talking about who he was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I said, ‘Hey, my name’s Ahmed Ahmed. I’m an international professional stand-up comedian. I’ve been in blockbuster movies, TV shows, multiple comedy specials. … If you don’t let me out of this chair right now, I’m going to blow the whistle on everybody in this building.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only then, he said, was he unstrapped, but he remained in custody for several hours.[aside postID=news_12087535 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2242752228-scaled-e1769196948121.jpg']He said that at around 9:30 p.m. on the following day, he was released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, the San Mateo County Sheriff’s Office wrote that it is “aware of the complaint and takes allegations of this magnitude extremely seriously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office said that it conducted an internal investigation in 2025, and that “the evidence disputes Mr. Ahmed’s version of events,” but it did not provide additional details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement added that the office was not involved with the arrest at SFO, and that Ahmed was held for public intoxication. But Ahmed said he was never informed of his charges, even after his release, and alleged that he was not allowed to speak with a lawyer while detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahmed said that the complaint, filed June 15, was the first time he publicly addressed the attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also added that one of the first people he discussed it with afterward was longtime friend Tom Morello, the lead singer and guitarist of Rage Against the Machine. Morello connected him to attorney Nicholas Rowley, a founding partner of the law firm Trial Lawyers for Justice, who is now representing Ahmed in his lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After speaking with Rowley, Ahmed said, “I felt saved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rowley told KQED that he decided to take on Ahmed as a client to prevent a similar incident from happening to anyone else. He added that Ahmed’s status as a public figure “might have saved his life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They picked a fight with the wrong guy,” Rowley told KQED. “He’s somebody who is well-known and well-connected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12067757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12067757\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251210-SFOEating-24-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251210-SFOEating-24-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251210-SFOEating-24-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251210-SFOEating-24-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Passengers walk past a flight board in Harvey Milk Terminal 1 at San Francisco International Airport on Dec. 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to find out who the members of this law enforcement gang are,” Rowley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rowley and Ahmed both believe Ahmed was targeted for his ethnicity. Although he was born in Egypt, Ahmed was raised in Riverside, California, and is an American citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wasn’t committing a crime. I didn’t threaten anybody. I didn’t hit anybody. I wasn’t yelling and screaming. I wasn’t resisting,” Ahmed said. ”I hate to throw out the race card, but being an Arab Muslim in America these days, fricking sucks, man.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 9/11, he said he’s been “arrested, detained, and profiled probably over 100 times — always at the airport.“ But Ahmed said he had never been physically beaten like this before while traveling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the arrest, he’s felt physically and spiritually “broken.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I lost friends, I lost work, I lost my girlfriend,” Ahmed said. “Psychologically, it just messed me up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But performing, he added, has been his “saving grace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The happiest I’ve ever been in the past eight months is when I’m on stage making people laugh,” Ahmed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Ahmed Ahmed arrived at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sfo\">San Francisco International Airport\u003c/a> last September, after a four-monthlong global tour, he was eager to take a hot shower and go to sleep.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The actor and comedian’s 16-hour flight had been delayed, and his connecting flight to Los Angeles had already departed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>United Airlines issued free hotel vouchers to passengers who had missed their connections, including Ahmed. But when he tried to check in at the hotel with his voucher, he was unable to get a room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that point, Ahmed returned to the airport and sought assistance from a United employee, who he said was unhelpful and dismissive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ The comedian in me said, ‘You know, you work in customer service, not customer attitude,’ and she didn’t like that,” Ahmed told KQED. The employee threatened to call the police. “I replied with, ‘For what? Being awesome?’ And then she snapped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said San Francisco Police arrested him minutes later and took him to Maguire Correctional Facility in Redwood City. Upon his arrival, Ahmed continued, several San Mateo County deputies were there waiting for him, and proceeded to physically beat and “torture” him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Ahmed is \u003ca href=\"https://odyportal-ext.sanmateocourt.org/Portal-External/DocumentViewer/DownloadDocumentFile/Download?d=5FCA895C15A411F5DC89AE0A093E2E76&c=7C5E7DE302ECD5EE0F85AEACDF8E1BCC&l=FBD47E265B0469242043312D479CDD22&cn=3BCA5C3F9F0BD275F3FCBD95092474E0&fileName=26-CIV-04766%20-%20Complaint%20AHMEDpdf&docTypeId=3&isVersionId=False\">suing\u003c/a> San Mateo County and the former county sheriff, claiming that he sustained physical and psychological damage during his 21 hours in custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12067064\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12067064\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-91-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-91-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-91-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-91-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The International Terminal at San Francisco International Airport on Dec. 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ahmed told KQED he was “completely compliant” — but was left with disabling injuries, including broken bones and nerve damage. He said that during the assault, deputies attempted to strip him from the waist down, then strapped him to a chair and pulled a hood over his head. He said he was denied food, water and the opportunity to use a bathroom during this time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later into the night, Ahmed recounted, he began yelling aloud, talking about who he was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I said, ‘Hey, my name’s Ahmed Ahmed. I’m an international professional stand-up comedian. I’ve been in blockbuster movies, TV shows, multiple comedy specials. … If you don’t let me out of this chair right now, I’m going to blow the whistle on everybody in this building.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only then, he said, was he unstrapped, but he remained in custody for several hours.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>He said that at around 9:30 p.m. on the following day, he was released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, the San Mateo County Sheriff’s Office wrote that it is “aware of the complaint and takes allegations of this magnitude extremely seriously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office said that it conducted an internal investigation in 2025, and that “the evidence disputes Mr. Ahmed’s version of events,” but it did not provide additional details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement added that the office was not involved with the arrest at SFO, and that Ahmed was held for public intoxication. But Ahmed said he was never informed of his charges, even after his release, and alleged that he was not allowed to speak with a lawyer while detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahmed said that the complaint, filed June 15, was the first time he publicly addressed the attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also added that one of the first people he discussed it with afterward was longtime friend Tom Morello, the lead singer and guitarist of Rage Against the Machine. Morello connected him to attorney Nicholas Rowley, a founding partner of the law firm Trial Lawyers for Justice, who is now representing Ahmed in his lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After speaking with Rowley, Ahmed said, “I felt saved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rowley told KQED that he decided to take on Ahmed as a client to prevent a similar incident from happening to anyone else. He added that Ahmed’s status as a public figure “might have saved his life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They picked a fight with the wrong guy,” Rowley told KQED. “He’s somebody who is well-known and well-connected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12067757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12067757\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251210-SFOEating-24-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251210-SFOEating-24-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251210-SFOEating-24-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251210-SFOEating-24-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Passengers walk past a flight board in Harvey Milk Terminal 1 at San Francisco International Airport on Dec. 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to find out who the members of this law enforcement gang are,” Rowley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rowley and Ahmed both believe Ahmed was targeted for his ethnicity. Although he was born in Egypt, Ahmed was raised in Riverside, California, and is an American citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wasn’t committing a crime. I didn’t threaten anybody. I didn’t hit anybody. I wasn’t yelling and screaming. I wasn’t resisting,” Ahmed said. ”I hate to throw out the race card, but being an Arab Muslim in America these days, fricking sucks, man.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 9/11, he said he’s been “arrested, detained, and profiled probably over 100 times — always at the airport.“ But Ahmed said he had never been physically beaten like this before while traveling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the arrest, he’s felt physically and spiritually “broken.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I lost friends, I lost work, I lost my girlfriend,” Ahmed said. “Psychologically, it just messed me up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But performing, he added, has been his “saving grace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The happiest I’ve ever been in the past eight months is when I’m on stage making people laugh,” Ahmed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Aisha Wahab Far Ahead in Special Election for Swalwell’s Former Seat",
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"content": "\u003cp>State Sen. Aisha Wahab is far ahead in early returns Tuesday night in the East Bay’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083627/eric-swalwell-special-election-california-governor-two-ballots-14th-district\">special primary\u003c/a> election for the congressional seat vacated by Eric Swalwell in mid-April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab was holding a little more than 42% of the votes in the first batch of results from the Alameda County Registrar of Voters, while former Dublin Mayor Melissa Hernandez was in a distant second place with just under 17%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Educator Rakhi Israni Singh was in third with about 13% of the votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just grateful to the voters,” Wahab said Tuesday night in an interview. “I genuinely try to work hard and work with all types of folks and stakeholders to really pass good policy. And I genuinely think that our constituents, the voters, clearly see the work that we do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A total of 11 candidates threw their hats in the ring for the race, but only the top two finishers, regardless of party, will move on to a special general election to determine who earns the seat scheduled for Aug. 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If one candidate secures more than 50% of the votes in the primary, however, they will win the seat outright.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab said given the number of candidates in the race, she feels it’s unlikely she’ll be able to earn more than 50% of the votes to win the race outright, but was encouraged by the large share of voters who supported her in a crowded field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087588\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087588\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Aisha-Wahab-Getty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Aisha-Wahab-Getty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Aisha-Wahab-Getty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Aisha-Wahab-Getty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Aisha Wahab speaks during the Bay Area Abortion Rights Coalition (BAARC) and commemoration of the 50th Anniversary of Roe v. Wade event at the City Hall in San Francisco, California, on Jan. 25, 2023. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I try really hard to pass policies that really help them. From capping HOA fees, to increasing the renter’s tax credit, to putting money for down payment assistance for first-time home buyers, capping insulin, you name it, we try to do it. And these are common-sense policies,” Wahab said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even in the wealthy Bay Area, people are struggling. I’ve lived that struggle, I know that struggle and I think that that is largely what really motivates me to do the work I do every single day, and it translates to the voters,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom called the special election after Swalwell resigned from Congress after multiple women leveled\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079746/rep-eric-swalwell-says-he-is-resigning-from-congress-amid-sexual-assault-allegations\"> sexual assault and misconduct allegations\u003c/a> against him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unexpected race has thrown an extra wrinkle into an already hotly contested congressional election.[aside postID=news_12083627 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260309-DEAF-DEPORTEE-MD-05_qed.jpg']Swalwell had previously declared he would not seek reelection to Congress so he could run for governor, which prompted nine candidates to run for the seat in the standard June 2 primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In that race, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085551/aisha-wahab-leading-race-for-swalwells-former-congressional-seat\">Wahab was the frontrunner\u003c/a>, earning more than 38% of the votes counted thus far, which is more than double the second-place finisher, Hernandez, who holds a little more than 17% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab and Hernandez, both Democrats, will face off in the November general election to determine who wins the seat for the next four-year term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The special primary and general election process will determine who will hold the seat for the remainder of Swalwell’s term, which ends in January. Democrats are hoping to fill the seat quickly, as Republicans control the House of Representatives by just a handful of votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also on the ballot with Wahab, Hernandez and Singh are three other Democrats: Alisha Cordes, a business administrator; administrative law judge Sheriene Ridenour; and businessman Jot Thiara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four Republicans were running in the race: Wendy Huang, a real estate investor; florist Dena Maldonado; Tom Wong, a businessman; and Jack Wu, an educator. Victor Zevallos, a financial business strategist, was running as an independent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The seat represents about 740,000 people across Castro Valley, Hayward, Livermore, Pleasanton and Union City, and parts of Dublin, Fremont and San Leandro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 429,000 registered voters live in the district, with about half of them registered Democrats. Nearly 18% are Republicans, and about 26% do not have a party preference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polls were open until 8 p.m. Tuesday, as in a standard election, though early voting had been available since ballots were mailed to voters in mid-May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>State Sen. Aisha Wahab is far ahead in early returns Tuesday night in the East Bay’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083627/eric-swalwell-special-election-california-governor-two-ballots-14th-district\">special primary\u003c/a> election for the congressional seat vacated by Eric Swalwell in mid-April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab was holding a little more than 42% of the votes in the first batch of results from the Alameda County Registrar of Voters, while former Dublin Mayor Melissa Hernandez was in a distant second place with just under 17%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Educator Rakhi Israni Singh was in third with about 13% of the votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just grateful to the voters,” Wahab said Tuesday night in an interview. “I genuinely try to work hard and work with all types of folks and stakeholders to really pass good policy. And I genuinely think that our constituents, the voters, clearly see the work that we do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A total of 11 candidates threw their hats in the ring for the race, but only the top two finishers, regardless of party, will move on to a special general election to determine who earns the seat scheduled for Aug. 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If one candidate secures more than 50% of the votes in the primary, however, they will win the seat outright.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab said given the number of candidates in the race, she feels it’s unlikely she’ll be able to earn more than 50% of the votes to win the race outright, but was encouraged by the large share of voters who supported her in a crowded field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087588\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087588\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Aisha-Wahab-Getty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Aisha-Wahab-Getty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Aisha-Wahab-Getty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Aisha-Wahab-Getty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Aisha Wahab speaks during the Bay Area Abortion Rights Coalition (BAARC) and commemoration of the 50th Anniversary of Roe v. Wade event at the City Hall in San Francisco, California, on Jan. 25, 2023. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I try really hard to pass policies that really help them. From capping HOA fees, to increasing the renter’s tax credit, to putting money for down payment assistance for first-time home buyers, capping insulin, you name it, we try to do it. And these are common-sense policies,” Wahab said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even in the wealthy Bay Area, people are struggling. I’ve lived that struggle, I know that struggle and I think that that is largely what really motivates me to do the work I do every single day, and it translates to the voters,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom called the special election after Swalwell resigned from Congress after multiple women leveled\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079746/rep-eric-swalwell-says-he-is-resigning-from-congress-amid-sexual-assault-allegations\"> sexual assault and misconduct allegations\u003c/a> against him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unexpected race has thrown an extra wrinkle into an already hotly contested congressional election.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Swalwell had previously declared he would not seek reelection to Congress so he could run for governor, which prompted nine candidates to run for the seat in the standard June 2 primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In that race, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085551/aisha-wahab-leading-race-for-swalwells-former-congressional-seat\">Wahab was the frontrunner\u003c/a>, earning more than 38% of the votes counted thus far, which is more than double the second-place finisher, Hernandez, who holds a little more than 17% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab and Hernandez, both Democrats, will face off in the November general election to determine who wins the seat for the next four-year term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The special primary and general election process will determine who will hold the seat for the remainder of Swalwell’s term, which ends in January. Democrats are hoping to fill the seat quickly, as Republicans control the House of Representatives by just a handful of votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also on the ballot with Wahab, Hernandez and Singh are three other Democrats: Alisha Cordes, a business administrator; administrative law judge Sheriene Ridenour; and businessman Jot Thiara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four Republicans were running in the race: Wendy Huang, a real estate investor; florist Dena Maldonado; Tom Wong, a businessman; and Jack Wu, an educator. Victor Zevallos, a financial business strategist, was running as an independent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The seat represents about 740,000 people across Castro Valley, Hayward, Livermore, Pleasanton and Union City, and parts of Dublin, Fremont and San Leandro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 429,000 registered voters live in the district, with about half of them registered Democrats. Nearly 18% are Republicans, and about 26% do not have a party preference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polls were open until 8 p.m. Tuesday, as in a standard election, though early voting had been available since ballots were mailed to voters in mid-May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"order": 8
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},
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
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"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"order": 9
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
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"source": "NPR"
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"jerrybrown": {
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
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"title": "Latino USA",
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"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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