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"content": "\u003cp>Two city contractors have pleaded guilty in an ongoing San Francisco government corruption scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balmore Hernandez pleaded guilty to one count of conspiring to commit fraud, and Florence Kong pleaded guilty to one count of bribery and one count of making false statements for lying to the FBI, according to plea agreements filed in federal court Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both contractors committed those acts in connection with former San Francisco Public Works Director Mohammed Nuru, who was arrested by the FBI in January on corruption charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two additional contractors, Alan Varela and William Gilmartin III have also been indicted by the FBI, alleging they also conspired with Hernandez to bribe Nuru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez, CEO of contracting company AzulWorks, Inc., allegedly also performed more than $250,000 worth of work, labor and materials to build a vacation home on the then-Public Works director’s ranch in Colusa County. The gifts allegedly helped secure a multimillion-dollar contract for Hernandez to operate an asphalt plant, according to the federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/san-francisco-public-official-and-contractors-charged-crimes-related-public-corruption\">charging documents released in June\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Attorney’s Office filed the specifics of the crimes Hernandez admitted under seal. Hernandez faces a maximum sentence of 20 years and a $250,000 fine. However, should he cooperate “fully and truthfully” with the ongoing corruption investigation, U.S. attorneys may seek a lesser sentence for Hernandez, they wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kong bribed Nuru with a Rolex watch worth roughly $36,000 that she bought in Hong Kong, and also helped install a gate on his vacation home, according to charging documents, which also detail intercepted phone calls demonstrating Nuru helped her obtain construction contracts for city facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[documentcloud url=\"http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/7212861-USA-v-Florence-Kong-Plea-Agreement-9-17-2020.html\" responsive=true sidebar=false]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kong gave Nuru the watch “as a reward for Nuru’s influence” directing contracts from Public Works to dispose of construction debris at her recycling business, SFR Recovery, Inc., according to the plea agreement filed Thursday. Unlike Hernandez, Kong’s plea agreement includes details of the crimes she admitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bribery charge against Kong carries a maximum 10-year sentence and a $250,000 fine. A separate charge for lying to the FBI — she told them she had no communications with Nuru about her city contract — carries a maximum sentence of five years and a $250,000 fine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kong will face a sentence of “no more than” 18 months if she takes full responsibility for her crimes, cooperates with the investigation, pays full restitution for her ill-gotten gains, and agrees to not contact or intimidate victims or witnesses in the case, according to the plea agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The filing also raises the possibility of deportation from the United States for Kong’s crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J1EJRrM0k3g&feature=youtu.be\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Above, U.S. Attorney David Anderson discusses the new charges and Thursday’s guilty pleas.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In pleading guilty, Kong signed the following statement: “I believed Nuru to be one of the most powerful public officials in the city, and I believed that he wielded tremendous power and influence over city business, permitting and other city government approvals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kong initially lied to the FBI, according to court filings, telling them he did not help her with contracts, did not extend any contract application deadlines on her behalf, that she never gave him money or goods, and that she and Nuru did not talk about the debris contracts.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Florence Kong, city contractor charged with bribery\"]‘I believed Nuru to be one of the most powerful public officials in the city, and I believed that he wielded tremendous power and influence over city business, permitting and other city government approvals.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Nuru was first arrested, the unfolding San Francisco corruption scandal has expanded, touching on multiple departments throughout city government, including the Department of Building Inspection and the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal investigation into City Hall corruption has not been sidetracked by Covid-19 or other recent traumatic events,” U.S. Attorney David Anderson said in a June statement announcing charges against Hernandez and Kong. “Today’s criminal complaints will not be the last. To everyone with a piece of this corruption, again I urge you to help make things right for San Francisco. Run, don’t walk to the FBI, before it is too late for you to cooperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nuru was arrested by the FBI in January on public fraud charges. Lefty O’Doul’s restaurant owner Nick Bovis was also arrested in January on related charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New indictments also revealed Thursday accuse Varela, founder of construction firm ProVen Management, and Gilmartin, the firm’s vice president, of working with Hernandez to obtain a contract through Public Works to operate an asphalt plant on land owned by the Port of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contractors allegedly bribed Nuru with a tractor worth $40,000 for preferential treatment in obtaining city contracts, according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office. Mission Local \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2020/09/tractor-mohammed-nuru-fbi-doj/\">first reported the alleged bribery\u003c/a>. Hernandez also participated in the delivery of the tractor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"corruption\" label=\"More corruption coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilmartin allegedly paid for “extravagant dinners” in excess of $20,000 for Nuru and Hernandez, according to court filings. Hernandez was the “primary contact” between Valera, Gilmartin and Nuru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilmartin even expressed appreciation to Hernandez for his efforts to make a deal with Nuru — in writing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have used you to help negotiate this deal because of your ability to understand and present our proposal without making the other side nervous. For this you are entitled to ownership,” Gilmartin wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez told the FBI agent he’s known Nuru for 20 years, and that they talk several times a month. The scheme dates back to 2013, according to court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Nuru’s arrest, a cascade of subpoenas have been filed by City Attorney Dennis Herrera and the U.S. Attorney’s Office in a widening investigation of corruption in San Francisco government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Building Inspection’s former director, Tom Hui, stepped down from his position in March after it was revealed he accepted gifts from a housing developer, among other accusations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials have tried to make forward-facing changes to prevent further corruption, including the City Controller’s Office, Supervisor Aaron Peskin and Supervisor Matt Haney, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821145/months-after-sf-public-works-boss-nurus-arrest-staff-push-for-corruption-cleanup\">who are reworking city ethics laws to prevent city officials and contractors from gaming the system\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Two city contractors have pleaded guilty in an ongoing San Francisco government corruption scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balmore Hernandez pleaded guilty to one count of conspiring to commit fraud, and Florence Kong pleaded guilty to one count of bribery and one count of making false statements for lying to the FBI, according to plea agreements filed in federal court Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both contractors committed those acts in connection with former San Francisco Public Works Director Mohammed Nuru, who was arrested by the FBI in January on corruption charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two additional contractors, Alan Varela and William Gilmartin III have also been indicted by the FBI, alleging they also conspired with Hernandez to bribe Nuru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez, CEO of contracting company AzulWorks, Inc., allegedly also performed more than $250,000 worth of work, labor and materials to build a vacation home on the then-Public Works director’s ranch in Colusa County. The gifts allegedly helped secure a multimillion-dollar contract for Hernandez to operate an asphalt plant, according to the federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/san-francisco-public-official-and-contractors-charged-crimes-related-public-corruption\">charging documents released in June\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Attorney’s Office filed the specifics of the crimes Hernandez admitted under seal. Hernandez faces a maximum sentence of 20 years and a $250,000 fine. However, should he cooperate “fully and truthfully” with the ongoing corruption investigation, U.S. attorneys may seek a lesser sentence for Hernandez, they wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kong bribed Nuru with a Rolex watch worth roughly $36,000 that she bought in Hong Kong, and also helped install a gate on his vacation home, according to charging documents, which also detail intercepted phone calls demonstrating Nuru helped her obtain construction contracts for city facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kong gave Nuru the watch “as a reward for Nuru’s influence” directing contracts from Public Works to dispose of construction debris at her recycling business, SFR Recovery, Inc., according to the plea agreement filed Thursday. Unlike Hernandez, Kong’s plea agreement includes details of the crimes she admitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bribery charge against Kong carries a maximum 10-year sentence and a $250,000 fine. A separate charge for lying to the FBI — she told them she had no communications with Nuru about her city contract — carries a maximum sentence of five years and a $250,000 fine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kong will face a sentence of “no more than” 18 months if she takes full responsibility for her crimes, cooperates with the investigation, pays full restitution for her ill-gotten gains, and agrees to not contact or intimidate victims or witnesses in the case, according to the plea agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The filing also raises the possibility of deportation from the United States for Kong’s crimes.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/J1EJRrM0k3g'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/J1EJRrM0k3g'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Above, U.S. Attorney David Anderson discusses the new charges and Thursday’s guilty pleas.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In pleading guilty, Kong signed the following statement: “I believed Nuru to be one of the most powerful public officials in the city, and I believed that he wielded tremendous power and influence over city business, permitting and other city government approvals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kong initially lied to the FBI, according to court filings, telling them he did not help her with contracts, did not extend any contract application deadlines on her behalf, that she never gave him money or goods, and that she and Nuru did not talk about the debris contracts.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Nuru was first arrested, the unfolding San Francisco corruption scandal has expanded, touching on multiple departments throughout city government, including the Department of Building Inspection and the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal investigation into City Hall corruption has not been sidetracked by Covid-19 or other recent traumatic events,” U.S. Attorney David Anderson said in a June statement announcing charges against Hernandez and Kong. “Today’s criminal complaints will not be the last. To everyone with a piece of this corruption, again I urge you to help make things right for San Francisco. Run, don’t walk to the FBI, before it is too late for you to cooperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nuru was arrested by the FBI in January on public fraud charges. Lefty O’Doul’s restaurant owner Nick Bovis was also arrested in January on related charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New indictments also revealed Thursday accuse Varela, founder of construction firm ProVen Management, and Gilmartin, the firm’s vice president, of working with Hernandez to obtain a contract through Public Works to operate an asphalt plant on land owned by the Port of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contractors allegedly bribed Nuru with a tractor worth $40,000 for preferential treatment in obtaining city contracts, according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office. Mission Local \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2020/09/tractor-mohammed-nuru-fbi-doj/\">first reported the alleged bribery\u003c/a>. Hernandez also participated in the delivery of the tractor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilmartin allegedly paid for “extravagant dinners” in excess of $20,000 for Nuru and Hernandez, according to court filings. Hernandez was the “primary contact” between Valera, Gilmartin and Nuru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilmartin even expressed appreciation to Hernandez for his efforts to make a deal with Nuru — in writing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have used you to help negotiate this deal because of your ability to understand and present our proposal without making the other side nervous. For this you are entitled to ownership,” Gilmartin wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez told the FBI agent he’s known Nuru for 20 years, and that they talk several times a month. The scheme dates back to 2013, according to court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Nuru’s arrest, a cascade of subpoenas have been filed by City Attorney Dennis Herrera and the U.S. Attorney’s Office in a widening investigation of corruption in San Francisco government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Building Inspection’s former director, Tom Hui, stepped down from his position in March after it was revealed he accepted gifts from a housing developer, among other accusations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials have tried to make forward-facing changes to prevent further corruption, including the City Controller’s Office, Supervisor Aaron Peskin and Supervisor Matt Haney, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821145/months-after-sf-public-works-boss-nurus-arrest-staff-push-for-corruption-cleanup\">who are reworking city ethics laws to prevent city officials and contractors from gaming the system\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Joaquin County District Attorney Tori Verber Salazar fits the traditional profile of a DA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s a Republican from California’s Central Valley. She comes from a family whose last three generations have served in law enforcement. And, she’s a fiscal conservative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when Salazar became DA in 2015 and started talking to other elected prosecutors around the state, she often found herself on the outside looking in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"San Joaquin County DA Tori Verber Salazar\"]‘The problem that I struggled with was that there wasn’t a space for other voices to be heard. There wasn’t a space for growth and change.’[/pullquote] “The problem that I struggled with was that there wasn’t a space for other voices to be heard. There wasn’t a space for growth and change,” she said. “Every time that there was an opportunity to look at criminal justice differently and to have that really difficult conversation and really look at our role in all of this … instead of saying, ‘This is an opportunity,’ they immediately went to opposition and they opposed all criminal justice or most criminal justice reform.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Salazar joined forces with two other DAs — Diana Becton of Contra Costa County and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11793457/can-s-f-s-chesa-boudin-flip-the-script-for-progressive-das-across-the-country\"> Chesa Boudin\u003c/a> of San Francisco — as well as George Gascón, the former San Francisco DA now \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/projects/la-district-attorney-race-lacey-vs-gascon-analysis/\">running for the top prosecutor job in Los Angeles\u003c/a>, in announcing the formation of a “progressive law enforcement association.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dubbed the \u003ca href=\"https://prosecutorsalliance.org/\">Prosecutors Alliance of California\u003c/a>, the group and its advocacy arm plan to campaign for and against state legislation, ballot initiatives and candidate races, with an eye on “modern and sustainable approaches to achieving safety and community health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cristine Soto DeBerry, executive director of the initiative, says the group will be actively involved in lobbying and educating state lawmakers in Sacramento as well as pushing back against ballot measures\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11824855/report-ballot-measure-would-put-thousands-behind-bars-harm-communities-of-color\"> its members consider harmful\u003c/a>, such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11826314/california-voters-asked-to-weigh-ballot-measures-that-could-reverse-hard-won-justice-reforms\">Proposition 20\u003c/a> on the ballot this November, which would roll back a number of recent statewide criminal justice reforms, making it harder for some state inmates to get parole and easier for others to be sent to prison or jail. The group will also serve as a resource for prosecutors who want to implement new policies and receive training on how to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this moment of widespread protests against systemic racism and distrust in the criminal justice system, members of the group say it’s crucial for diverse voices within the law enforcement community to be heard in an effort to help restore confidence in the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Vern \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pierson, \u003c/span>head of he California District Attorney’s Association, says his group r\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">epresents a wide diversity of viewpoints and \u003c/span>welcomes the new effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“CDAA represent 57 DAs, and 4,000 non-elected prosecutors in California. … you can imagine in San Francisco versus Riverside there are very different perspectives on criminal justice issues,” said Pierson, the DA for El Dorado County. “I don’t have a problem with the new organization — it represents a small segment of that.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pierson notes that Boudin, San Francisco’s liberal district attorney, is also a member of CDAA, and says there will likely be issues the two groups can partner on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Salazar, she freely admits she never expected to be part of an alliance with some of the most liberal DAs in the state. Boudin is a former public defender, while Gascón angered many of his law enforcement colleagues by helping write and push \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_47,_Reduced_Penalties_for_Some_Crimes_Initiative_(2014)\">Proposition 47\u003c/a>, one of the most sweeping statewide criminal justice reforms in years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/CristineDeBerry/status/1305980787838218240\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Salazar said, it actually fits quite well with her philosophy of public safety — she notes that for years, California increased spending on law enforcement and incarceration, but that it never correlated with lower crime or recidivism rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will definitely get backlash for this. I didn’t start my career thinking I’m going to be sitting next to these guys,” she said. “I had to have that very difficult conversation with myself as to what was my ethical and moral responsibility and what was my fiscal responsibility to my community. And how do I start healing it by building trust and transparency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group aims to be a counter voice to existing law enforcement associations in California, which have wielded immense power, supporting and sometimes funding many of the state’s harshest sentencing laws and opposing most reform efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as California has become more progressive and voters have been willing to embrace change, those associations have remained incredibly conservative, DeBerry notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s in part, she says, because most of those groups give equal voice to every county — meaning that Los Angeles County, with a population of 10 million, has the same weight as Alpine County, with its 1,100 residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is clear is that the criminal justice system we have had in this country no longer serves our best interests and arguably never did serve our best interests,” DeBerry said, pointing to the absence within the law enforcement community of any strong collective voice pushing for change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"criminal-justice-reform\"]“And that has made it much harder, I think, for reform to prevail, because we’ve ended up in a conversation, a false conversation, that suggests there’s a dichotomy between reform and safety,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salazar echoes that frustration, saying she’s clashed with other California prosecutors over their position that any change will lead to violence in the streets; and over their insistence that even when voters have approved reforms, they didn’t really know what they were voting for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I find that very insulting. I am a voter and I take my voting responsibility very seriously,” she said, noting that reforms like Proposition 47 passed with nearly 60% of the vote. “So, are you really saying 60% to 65% of our community is uneducated and ignorant and didn’t know what they were voting for?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her book \u003ca href=\"https://emilybazelon.com/\">“Charged\u003c/a>,” journalist Emily Bazelon examines how the overarching power of local prosecutors has helped further mass incarceration in the United States — and how some progressive DAs are seeking to reverse that trend. A group like the Prosecutors Alliance of California, she says, stands to make a real difference in debates around criminal justice reform, particularly in Sacramento, where law enforcement has traditionally spoken with one voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It changes who’s speaking for law enforcement, right? So, if you have district attorneys united in saying that a sentencing reform is a bad idea, or it’s not safe — that sends a really strong message,” Bazelon said. “If you have some DAs on the other side, even if it’s the minority, saying, ‘Wait, wait, wait, we don’t need these heavy sentences to do our jobs. We see a reason to make changes that will make the system more fair. And that is in line with our public safety goals.’ — That really changes the conversation.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Joaquin County District Attorney Tori Verber Salazar fits the traditional profile of a DA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s a Republican from California’s Central Valley. She comes from a family whose last three generations have served in law enforcement. And, she’s a fiscal conservative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when Salazar became DA in 2015 and started talking to other elected prosecutors around the state, she often found herself on the outside looking in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> “The problem that I struggled with was that there wasn’t a space for other voices to be heard. There wasn’t a space for growth and change,” she said. “Every time that there was an opportunity to look at criminal justice differently and to have that really difficult conversation and really look at our role in all of this … instead of saying, ‘This is an opportunity,’ they immediately went to opposition and they opposed all criminal justice or most criminal justice reform.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Salazar joined forces with two other DAs — Diana Becton of Contra Costa County and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11793457/can-s-f-s-chesa-boudin-flip-the-script-for-progressive-das-across-the-country\"> Chesa Boudin\u003c/a> of San Francisco — as well as George Gascón, the former San Francisco DA now \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/projects/la-district-attorney-race-lacey-vs-gascon-analysis/\">running for the top prosecutor job in Los Angeles\u003c/a>, in announcing the formation of a “progressive law enforcement association.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dubbed the \u003ca href=\"https://prosecutorsalliance.org/\">Prosecutors Alliance of California\u003c/a>, the group and its advocacy arm plan to campaign for and against state legislation, ballot initiatives and candidate races, with an eye on “modern and sustainable approaches to achieving safety and community health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cristine Soto DeBerry, executive director of the initiative, says the group will be actively involved in lobbying and educating state lawmakers in Sacramento as well as pushing back against ballot measures\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11824855/report-ballot-measure-would-put-thousands-behind-bars-harm-communities-of-color\"> its members consider harmful\u003c/a>, such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11826314/california-voters-asked-to-weigh-ballot-measures-that-could-reverse-hard-won-justice-reforms\">Proposition 20\u003c/a> on the ballot this November, which would roll back a number of recent statewide criminal justice reforms, making it harder for some state inmates to get parole and easier for others to be sent to prison or jail. The group will also serve as a resource for prosecutors who want to implement new policies and receive training on how to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this moment of widespread protests against systemic racism and distrust in the criminal justice system, members of the group say it’s crucial for diverse voices within the law enforcement community to be heard in an effort to help restore confidence in the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Vern \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pierson, \u003c/span>head of he California District Attorney’s Association, says his group r\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">epresents a wide diversity of viewpoints and \u003c/span>welcomes the new effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“CDAA represent 57 DAs, and 4,000 non-elected prosecutors in California. … you can imagine in San Francisco versus Riverside there are very different perspectives on criminal justice issues,” said Pierson, the DA for El Dorado County. “I don’t have a problem with the new organization — it represents a small segment of that.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pierson notes that Boudin, San Francisco’s liberal district attorney, is also a member of CDAA, and says there will likely be issues the two groups can partner on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Salazar, she freely admits she never expected to be part of an alliance with some of the most liberal DAs in the state. Boudin is a former public defender, while Gascón angered many of his law enforcement colleagues by helping write and push \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_47,_Reduced_Penalties_for_Some_Crimes_Initiative_(2014)\">Proposition 47\u003c/a>, one of the most sweeping statewide criminal justice reforms in years.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>But, Salazar said, it actually fits quite well with her philosophy of public safety — she notes that for years, California increased spending on law enforcement and incarceration, but that it never correlated with lower crime or recidivism rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will definitely get backlash for this. I didn’t start my career thinking I’m going to be sitting next to these guys,” she said. “I had to have that very difficult conversation with myself as to what was my ethical and moral responsibility and what was my fiscal responsibility to my community. And how do I start healing it by building trust and transparency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group aims to be a counter voice to existing law enforcement associations in California, which have wielded immense power, supporting and sometimes funding many of the state’s harshest sentencing laws and opposing most reform efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as California has become more progressive and voters have been willing to embrace change, those associations have remained incredibly conservative, DeBerry notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s in part, she says, because most of those groups give equal voice to every county — meaning that Los Angeles County, with a population of 10 million, has the same weight as Alpine County, with its 1,100 residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is clear is that the criminal justice system we have had in this country no longer serves our best interests and arguably never did serve our best interests,” DeBerry said, pointing to the absence within the law enforcement community of any strong collective voice pushing for change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“And that has made it much harder, I think, for reform to prevail, because we’ve ended up in a conversation, a false conversation, that suggests there’s a dichotomy between reform and safety,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salazar echoes that frustration, saying she’s clashed with other California prosecutors over their position that any change will lead to violence in the streets; and over their insistence that even when voters have approved reforms, they didn’t really know what they were voting for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I find that very insulting. I am a voter and I take my voting responsibility very seriously,” she said, noting that reforms like Proposition 47 passed with nearly 60% of the vote. “So, are you really saying 60% to 65% of our community is uneducated and ignorant and didn’t know what they were voting for?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her book \u003ca href=\"https://emilybazelon.com/\">“Charged\u003c/a>,” journalist Emily Bazelon examines how the overarching power of local prosecutors has helped further mass incarceration in the United States — and how some progressive DAs are seeking to reverse that trend. A group like the Prosecutors Alliance of California, she says, stands to make a real difference in debates around criminal justice reform, particularly in Sacramento, where law enforcement has traditionally spoken with one voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It changes who’s speaking for law enforcement, right? So, if you have district attorneys united in saying that a sentencing reform is a bad idea, or it’s not safe — that sends a really strong message,” Bazelon said. “If you have some DAs on the other side, even if it’s the minority, saying, ‘Wait, wait, wait, we don’t need these heavy sentences to do our jobs. We see a reason to make changes that will make the system more fair. And that is in line with our public safety goals.’ — That really changes the conversation.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" style=\"border: none\" src=\"//html5-player.libsyn.com/embed/episode/id/15909761/height/90/theme/custom/thumbnail/yes/direction/backward/render-playlist/no/custom-color/005eb8/\" height=\"90\" width=\"100%\" scrolling=\"no\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the call came in over the radio, Jinho Ferreira was on patrol in the outskirts of San Leandro, getting ready to end his shift.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a call for shots fired,” he said. “I showed up, and there was a man dead in a parking lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The man was Black, and he had been shot to death by several Alameda County sheriff’s deputies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferreira felt apprehensive. A successful rapper who’d had run-ins with the police himself, Ferreira had joined law enforcement for one reason: to fight a white supremacist system from the inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was thinking about occupying a badge and a gun, and using it in accordance with my values,” he said. “I needed to know if that was impossible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As he started taking statements from bystanders, Ferreira said he thought, “I was blocks away from this when it happened. … What is this going to turn into?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Lesser of Two Evils\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Before he became a cop, Ferreira didn’t trust them very much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He grew up in the 1980s and 1990s in West Oakland, the home of the Black Panthers. Ferreira’s mom was a former Nation of Islam teacher who worked for Pacific Gas & Electric, and she raised her son on a steady diet of Black revolutionary theory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was also the height of the crack epidemic, a public health crisis that fueled crime. Some people turned to the police, but as Ferreira put it, “you’re kind of choosing a lesser of two evils.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the late 1990s, a group of Oakland Police Department officers known as the Riders allegedly kidnapped, beat and falsely arrested countless West Oakland residents. The city eventually settled the case and agreed to pay nearly $11 million to 119 different plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he got to high school, Ferreira tried to keep his head down. He focused on football. That’s where he met Jihad Akbar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was pretty much getting straight A’s all through high school,” said Ferreira. “He was the most politically aware of any of us, and he was a leader.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Akbar attended UC Berkeley and grew into a dedicated activist, devoting his time to AIDS prevention and juvenile justice. But as the years went by, Ferreira said his friend began struggling with mental health issues and started to self-medicate. Akbar tried to get help but had trouble getting into a residential treatment program. Sometimes he’d get high and get paranoid about law enforcement, and Ferreira would spend hours just sitting with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in October 2002, Ferreira got a call from a friend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He told me that Jihad was dead and the police killed him,” Ferreira said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11837446\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11837446\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cotsirilos_Jinhos-Journey_pic-2-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"At Berkeley High School, Jinho Ferreira (wearing a number 25 jersey in the second row) said he focused on football. That's where he met his friend, Jihad Akbar (in a number 40 jersey in the top row).\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cotsirilos_Jinhos-Journey_pic-2-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cotsirilos_Jinhos-Journey_pic-2-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cotsirilos_Jinhos-Journey_pic-2.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At Berkeley High School, Jinho Ferreira (wearing a number 25 jersey in the second row) said he focused on football. That’s where he met his friend, Jihad Akbar (in a number 40 jersey in the top row). \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jinho Ferreira)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>‘It’s My Job to Tell the World About Him’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ferreira found out the details later. Akbar allegedly ran into San Francisco’s Baghdad Cafe and stole several knives, then started dancing with them in the street outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was obviously having some type of mental breakdown,” Ferreira said. “Two cops showed up. He supposedly lunged at one of them, and they shot him, and he died.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Akbar’s death made the news. Ferreira remembered one article describing his friend as a violent homeless man. He said it didn’t mention that Akbar had gone to UC Berkeley or been a straight-A student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t leave it up to the guy that wrote that article about Jihad to tell the world about him,” he remembered thinking. “It’s literally my job to tell the world about him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At this point, Ferreira had been rapping for several years. In 2003, he got together with a singer and a guitarist at an Oakland recording studio and started a group called Flipsyde.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e5QEAI_O2IA\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you go back through all our songs, 90-95% of them deal with how this system victimizes people,” he said. “I’m carrying everything with me — all the people that have passed away with me — and I’m working as hard as I possibly can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group took off. Flipsyde traveled the world with Snoop Dogg, Akon and the Black Eyed Peas. In 2006, NBC made their song “Someday” the theme song for their Winter Olympics coverage. But they were always a bigger deal abroad than they were back home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I needed to do more than just write a song,” Ferreira said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Ferreira, the turning point came on New Year’s Day in 2009. In the early hours of the morning, Oscar Grant was shot by a white police officer on the platform of Oakland’s Fruitvale BART Station. His death was filmed by bystanders. Ferreira watched the video and took to the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I go to the protest,” he said. “And I remember a journalist was interviewing artists. And he said, ‘What can we do as artists to make sure this never happens again?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jinho Ferreira, artist and former Alameda County sheriff's deputy\"]‘I was thinking about occupying a badge and a gun, and using it in accordance with my values.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question left him reeling, then frustrated him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s one person that decided to pull the trigger to kill my partner, Jihad,” he said. “He was a cop. [And] if a miracle happens and we get rid of this cop, who’s going to replace him?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferreira said he struggled with that question for a while. Then, he said, “I thought, ‘I should start thinking about going into law enforcement.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Surviving the Battle\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When Ferreira first told his family he was thinking of becoming a cop, they were terrified for him — and a few relatives were angry. Ferreira wondered whether he would be allowed to join law enforcement at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been all over the world, rapping in front of Snoop’s weed plants,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in 2010, with a friend’s encouragement, Ferreira put down $5,000 and enrolled in the Alameda County Sheriff Academy. On his first day, he walked into a classroom with over 50 other recruits. Only five of them were Black men.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re in there, it’s eye opening,” Ferreira said. “You see all these people being trained, and a lot of them are good dudes. It’s like being on a football team.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officers who trained the recruits were tough and protective, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their whole thing is, ‘My students will survive the battle. They will live,’” said Ferreira. “You watch videos of cops being killed, and they pick those videos apart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferreira doesn’t remember watching or analyzing any videos where the cops were the ones that killed people. According to Alameda County Sheriff’s Office spokesperson Sgt. Ray Kelly, the department now includes videos of officer-involved shootings in their trainings, but they didn’t when Ferreira was in the academy. Ferreira also said they didn’t really go into the history of the communities they’d be policing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He expected to get kicked out of the Academy. Instead, he gave a speech at their graduation. By 2011, Ferreira was on the force, policing some of the same neighborhoods he was born and raised in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Good Cops and Bad Cops\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Some calls bothered him more than others. Like the one that came in about “a Black man with a knife at a bar.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was threatening the bartender and wouldn’t pay,” Ferreira said. “I was the first dude on scene. The woman was screaming. I just ran in, and I saw him. We definitely made eye contact, and he kind of just paused, and he looked at me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferreira said he must have drawn his gun at some point, but he can’t remember doing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He backed away from the bar,” he said. “And I just remember talking to him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other cops arrived at the scene and put the man in handcuffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It wasn’t until after that I thought about Jihad,” said Ferreira. “If I was that cop, would I have pulled the trigger?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"police-violence\" label=\"related stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that Ferreira was in law enforcement, certain details about his friend Akbar’s death stood out to him. The cop who shot Akbar said he lunged forward with a knife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know how we were trained in the Academy,” Ferreira said. “I know what use-of-force laws matter, and I know how the reports are going to be written. [That] pretty much determines whether or not the cop is going to get off.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cops can do a lot, legally,” he added. “Being in law enforcement … you’ll read an article where a cop shot somebody, or you’ll see it happen. And you’ll think to yourself, ‘That was legal, but he should not have done that.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These moments disturbed Ferreira. So during his off hours, he wrote a one-man theatrical performance called “Cops & Robbers.” He performed it at The Marsh Arts Center in Berkeley in 2014 and assumed he’d get fired for writing it. Instead, he was invited to join the Sheriff’s Office’s new Youth and Family Bureau Crime Prevention Unit, which runs after-school activities and works with therapists and neighborhood leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferreira said his team was open-minded and worked hard. But as the years went by, other parts of the Sheriff’s Office were rocked by scandals. In 2015, two deputies were caught on video brutally beating a suspect. In 2018, a sergeant was charged with illegally recording conversations between juvenile suspects and their attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So-called good cops and community policing cops around the country have done a terrible job of protecting the community from bad cops,” said Ferreira.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferreira said a lot of the community leaders he talked to didn’t trust law enforcement to run after-school activities or work with therapists. They just wanted them to go away.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Turning in His Badge\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The night Ferreira responded to the call for shots fired and saw the man dead in the parking lot, he remembered thinking the shooting may have been justified. He also remembered thinking it might not have been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was March 2019 and he’d been a deputy for eight years. After the shooting, he turned in his badge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he looks back on his years in law enforcement, Ferreira feels conflicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Working in law enforcement is hard,” he said. “I’m also proud of the time that I spent there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, he said, “There isn’t an American institution that doesn’t participate in anti-Blackness. Law enforcement is just the most visceral, the most impactful. It kills people. Now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferreira and Flipsyde have gotten back together again, and he’s working on a TV series about his experiences in law enforcement. He’s also protesting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m proud of the people in the streets,” he said. “To see these people out in the streets, demanding a different world? It’s humbling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story originally aired on the radio program and podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.worldaffairs.org/podcast\">WorldAffairs\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" style=\"border: none\" src=\"//html5-player.libsyn.com/embed/episode/id/15909761/height/90/theme/custom/thumbnail/yes/direction/backward/render-playlist/no/custom-color/005eb8/\" height=\"90\" width=\"100%\" scrolling=\"no\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the call came in over the radio, Jinho Ferreira was on patrol in the outskirts of San Leandro, getting ready to end his shift.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a call for shots fired,” he said. “I showed up, and there was a man dead in a parking lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The man was Black, and he had been shot to death by several Alameda County sheriff’s deputies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferreira felt apprehensive. A successful rapper who’d had run-ins with the police himself, Ferreira had joined law enforcement for one reason: to fight a white supremacist system from the inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was thinking about occupying a badge and a gun, and using it in accordance with my values,” he said. “I needed to know if that was impossible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As he started taking statements from bystanders, Ferreira said he thought, “I was blocks away from this when it happened. … What is this going to turn into?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Lesser of Two Evils\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Before he became a cop, Ferreira didn’t trust them very much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He grew up in the 1980s and 1990s in West Oakland, the home of the Black Panthers. Ferreira’s mom was a former Nation of Islam teacher who worked for Pacific Gas & Electric, and she raised her son on a steady diet of Black revolutionary theory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was also the height of the crack epidemic, a public health crisis that fueled crime. Some people turned to the police, but as Ferreira put it, “you’re kind of choosing a lesser of two evils.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the late 1990s, a group of Oakland Police Department officers known as the Riders allegedly kidnapped, beat and falsely arrested countless West Oakland residents. The city eventually settled the case and agreed to pay nearly $11 million to 119 different plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he got to high school, Ferreira tried to keep his head down. He focused on football. That’s where he met Jihad Akbar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was pretty much getting straight A’s all through high school,” said Ferreira. “He was the most politically aware of any of us, and he was a leader.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Akbar attended UC Berkeley and grew into a dedicated activist, devoting his time to AIDS prevention and juvenile justice. But as the years went by, Ferreira said his friend began struggling with mental health issues and started to self-medicate. Akbar tried to get help but had trouble getting into a residential treatment program. Sometimes he’d get high and get paranoid about law enforcement, and Ferreira would spend hours just sitting with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in October 2002, Ferreira got a call from a friend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He told me that Jihad was dead and the police killed him,” Ferreira said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11837446\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11837446\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cotsirilos_Jinhos-Journey_pic-2-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"At Berkeley High School, Jinho Ferreira (wearing a number 25 jersey in the second row) said he focused on football. That's where he met his friend, Jihad Akbar (in a number 40 jersey in the top row).\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cotsirilos_Jinhos-Journey_pic-2-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cotsirilos_Jinhos-Journey_pic-2-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cotsirilos_Jinhos-Journey_pic-2.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At Berkeley High School, Jinho Ferreira (wearing a number 25 jersey in the second row) said he focused on football. That’s where he met his friend, Jihad Akbar (in a number 40 jersey in the top row). \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jinho Ferreira)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>‘It’s My Job to Tell the World About Him’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ferreira found out the details later. Akbar allegedly ran into San Francisco’s Baghdad Cafe and stole several knives, then started dancing with them in the street outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was obviously having some type of mental breakdown,” Ferreira said. “Two cops showed up. He supposedly lunged at one of them, and they shot him, and he died.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Akbar’s death made the news. Ferreira remembered one article describing his friend as a violent homeless man. He said it didn’t mention that Akbar had gone to UC Berkeley or been a straight-A student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t leave it up to the guy that wrote that article about Jihad to tell the world about him,” he remembered thinking. “It’s literally my job to tell the world about him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At this point, Ferreira had been rapping for several years. In 2003, he got together with a singer and a guitarist at an Oakland recording studio and started a group called Flipsyde.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/e5QEAI_O2IA'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/e5QEAI_O2IA'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“If you go back through all our songs, 90-95% of them deal with how this system victimizes people,” he said. “I’m carrying everything with me — all the people that have passed away with me — and I’m working as hard as I possibly can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group took off. Flipsyde traveled the world with Snoop Dogg, Akon and the Black Eyed Peas. In 2006, NBC made their song “Someday” the theme song for their Winter Olympics coverage. But they were always a bigger deal abroad than they were back home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I needed to do more than just write a song,” Ferreira said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Ferreira, the turning point came on New Year’s Day in 2009. In the early hours of the morning, Oscar Grant was shot by a white police officer on the platform of Oakland’s Fruitvale BART Station. His death was filmed by bystanders. Ferreira watched the video and took to the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I go to the protest,” he said. “And I remember a journalist was interviewing artists. And he said, ‘What can we do as artists to make sure this never happens again?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question left him reeling, then frustrated him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s one person that decided to pull the trigger to kill my partner, Jihad,” he said. “He was a cop. [And] if a miracle happens and we get rid of this cop, who’s going to replace him?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferreira said he struggled with that question for a while. Then, he said, “I thought, ‘I should start thinking about going into law enforcement.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Surviving the Battle\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When Ferreira first told his family he was thinking of becoming a cop, they were terrified for him — and a few relatives were angry. Ferreira wondered whether he would be allowed to join law enforcement at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been all over the world, rapping in front of Snoop’s weed plants,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in 2010, with a friend’s encouragement, Ferreira put down $5,000 and enrolled in the Alameda County Sheriff Academy. On his first day, he walked into a classroom with over 50 other recruits. Only five of them were Black men.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re in there, it’s eye opening,” Ferreira said. “You see all these people being trained, and a lot of them are good dudes. It’s like being on a football team.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officers who trained the recruits were tough and protective, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their whole thing is, ‘My students will survive the battle. They will live,’” said Ferreira. “You watch videos of cops being killed, and they pick those videos apart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferreira doesn’t remember watching or analyzing any videos where the cops were the ones that killed people. According to Alameda County Sheriff’s Office spokesperson Sgt. Ray Kelly, the department now includes videos of officer-involved shootings in their trainings, but they didn’t when Ferreira was in the academy. Ferreira also said they didn’t really go into the history of the communities they’d be policing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He expected to get kicked out of the Academy. Instead, he gave a speech at their graduation. By 2011, Ferreira was on the force, policing some of the same neighborhoods he was born and raised in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Good Cops and Bad Cops\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Some calls bothered him more than others. Like the one that came in about “a Black man with a knife at a bar.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was threatening the bartender and wouldn’t pay,” Ferreira said. “I was the first dude on scene. The woman was screaming. I just ran in, and I saw him. We definitely made eye contact, and he kind of just paused, and he looked at me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferreira said he must have drawn his gun at some point, but he can’t remember doing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He backed away from the bar,” he said. “And I just remember talking to him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other cops arrived at the scene and put the man in handcuffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It wasn’t until after that I thought about Jihad,” said Ferreira. “If I was that cop, would I have pulled the trigger?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that Ferreira was in law enforcement, certain details about his friend Akbar’s death stood out to him. The cop who shot Akbar said he lunged forward with a knife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know how we were trained in the Academy,” Ferreira said. “I know what use-of-force laws matter, and I know how the reports are going to be written. [That] pretty much determines whether or not the cop is going to get off.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cops can do a lot, legally,” he added. “Being in law enforcement … you’ll read an article where a cop shot somebody, or you’ll see it happen. And you’ll think to yourself, ‘That was legal, but he should not have done that.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These moments disturbed Ferreira. So during his off hours, he wrote a one-man theatrical performance called “Cops & Robbers.” He performed it at The Marsh Arts Center in Berkeley in 2014 and assumed he’d get fired for writing it. Instead, he was invited to join the Sheriff’s Office’s new Youth and Family Bureau Crime Prevention Unit, which runs after-school activities and works with therapists and neighborhood leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferreira said his team was open-minded and worked hard. But as the years went by, other parts of the Sheriff’s Office were rocked by scandals. In 2015, two deputies were caught on video brutally beating a suspect. In 2018, a sergeant was charged with illegally recording conversations between juvenile suspects and their attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So-called good cops and community policing cops around the country have done a terrible job of protecting the community from bad cops,” said Ferreira.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferreira said a lot of the community leaders he talked to didn’t trust law enforcement to run after-school activities or work with therapists. They just wanted them to go away.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Turning in His Badge\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The night Ferreira responded to the call for shots fired and saw the man dead in the parking lot, he remembered thinking the shooting may have been justified. He also remembered thinking it might not have been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was March 2019 and he’d been a deputy for eight years. After the shooting, he turned in his badge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he looks back on his years in law enforcement, Ferreira feels conflicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Working in law enforcement is hard,” he said. “I’m also proud of the time that I spent there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, he said, “There isn’t an American institution that doesn’t participate in anti-Blackness. Law enforcement is just the most visceral, the most impactful. It kills people. Now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferreira and Flipsyde have gotten back together again, and he’s working on a TV series about his experiences in law enforcement. He’s also protesting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m proud of the people in the streets,” he said. “To see these people out in the streets, demanding a different world? It’s humbling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story originally aired on the radio program and podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.worldaffairs.org/podcast\">WorldAffairs\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Sitting in a cloud of wildfire smoke at the site of the massive North Complex fire in Butte County, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a law Friday that dramatically expands opportunities for members of inmate firefighting crews to be hired as professional firefighters after their release from prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former prisoners who come out of the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation fire training program can now petition a judge to have their records more quickly expunged — setting aside their convictions — a process that would allow them to obtain EMT certification and other licenses required for employment at many municipal fire agencies in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said the new law — \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB2147\">Assembly Bill 2147\u003c/a> — will give the more than 1,000 prisoners who are currently fighting fires “opportunity and hope” of a long-term, sustainable firefighting career after their release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill that I’m about to sign will give those prisoners hope of actually getting a job in the profession that they’ve been trained (in),” he said, moments before signing the bill against the stark backdrop of charred forest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law only applies to those who have completed the prison firefighting program and excludes anyone convicted of a sex offense or violent felony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve been trained and have actively participated in heroic ways,” Newsom said. “Their suppression efforts are demonstrable when you see them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/CAgovernor/status/1304514036306829313\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The use of inmate firefighters in dangerous wildfires has long been criticized by criminal justice advocates, who note that inmates are paid a minuscule wage of just a few dollars a day — plus an additional $1 per hour when they are fighting fires — and then face an uphill battle landing a civilian firefighting job after their release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That debate reached a fever pitch last month, when an overwhelming succession of massive wildfires exploded throughout California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until very recently, a majority of the state’s inmate firefighters were sidelined because of COVID-19 concerns — with many either in isolation or granted early release. The sheer number of concurrent blazes and the absence of inmate crews has left firefighting efforts \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11835134/how-california-relies-on-incarcerated-firefighters\">dangerously shorthanded\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" postID=\"news_11836399,science_1968728,news_11835134\"]California’s response \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1968728/shortage-of-inmate-firefighters-hampers-response-in-bay-area\">has been hampered\u003c/a>, in particular, by a lack of prisoner hand crews, each typically made up of 12 to 16 trained inmates who perform grueling chainsaw work, often in oppressive heat, as they hack through thick coyote brush, manzanita and other vegetation to create containment perimeters around fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is great and it gives us all an opportunity,” Samantha Vetter, a former inmate firefighter, said in response to the new law. “I’m definitely going to try and get my record expunged so I can try and get hired as soon as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vetter was stationed at the Puerta La Cruz Conservation Camp in Southern California until a few months ago, and spent the early part of the fire season with an all-female inmate crew battling fires in Southern California up until her early release in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She returned home to Santa Cruz County with the goal of becoming a firefighter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when the CZU Lightning Complex erupted nearby, all she could do was watch the images online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My hometown is on fire right now,” she said at the time. “It’s hard sitting here knowing that the ash that’s raining down on me now is the redwoods that I grew up around, burning up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some inmate advocates, however, note that while the measure is definitely a step in the right direction, it still falls short of the comprehensive reentry and criminal justice reform they say is urgently needed in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“AB 2147 is an important first step in recognizing the crucial work incarcerated and formerly incarcerated individuals provide to our communities, but there is more work to be done,” Sonja Tonnesen, deputy director at \u003ca href=\"https://www.rootandrebound.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://protect-us.mimecast.com/s/K73XC829m0uj2PGBcna1kU?domain=rootandrebound.org\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Root & Rebound\u003c/a>, a program that advocates for former inmates reentering society, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the bill, she added, “does not lift the blanket bans to EMT licensure in California — a key barrier to firefighting jobs at the county and municipal levels that provide family-supporting wages, benefits and job security. Many formerly incarcerated people will continue to be unable to get their EMT certification.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Sitting in a cloud of wildfire smoke at the site of the massive North Complex fire in Butte County, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a law Friday that dramatically expands opportunities for members of inmate firefighting crews to be hired as professional firefighters after their release from prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former prisoners who come out of the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation fire training program can now petition a judge to have their records more quickly expunged — setting aside their convictions — a process that would allow them to obtain EMT certification and other licenses required for employment at many municipal fire agencies in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said the new law — \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB2147\">Assembly Bill 2147\u003c/a> — will give the more than 1,000 prisoners who are currently fighting fires “opportunity and hope” of a long-term, sustainable firefighting career after their release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill that I’m about to sign will give those prisoners hope of actually getting a job in the profession that they’ve been trained (in),” he said, moments before signing the bill against the stark backdrop of charred forest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law only applies to those who have completed the prison firefighting program and excludes anyone convicted of a sex offense or violent felony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>The use of inmate firefighters in dangerous wildfires has long been criticized by criminal justice advocates, who note that inmates are paid a minuscule wage of just a few dollars a day — plus an additional $1 per hour when they are fighting fires — and then face an uphill battle landing a civilian firefighting job after their release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That debate reached a fever pitch last month, when an overwhelming succession of massive wildfires exploded throughout California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until very recently, a majority of the state’s inmate firefighters were sidelined because of COVID-19 concerns — with many either in isolation or granted early release. The sheer number of concurrent blazes and the absence of inmate crews has left firefighting efforts \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11835134/how-california-relies-on-incarcerated-firefighters\">dangerously shorthanded\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>California’s response \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1968728/shortage-of-inmate-firefighters-hampers-response-in-bay-area\">has been hampered\u003c/a>, in particular, by a lack of prisoner hand crews, each typically made up of 12 to 16 trained inmates who perform grueling chainsaw work, often in oppressive heat, as they hack through thick coyote brush, manzanita and other vegetation to create containment perimeters around fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is great and it gives us all an opportunity,” Samantha Vetter, a former inmate firefighter, said in response to the new law. “I’m definitely going to try and get my record expunged so I can try and get hired as soon as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vetter was stationed at the Puerta La Cruz Conservation Camp in Southern California until a few months ago, and spent the early part of the fire season with an all-female inmate crew battling fires in Southern California up until her early release in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She returned home to Santa Cruz County with the goal of becoming a firefighter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when the CZU Lightning Complex erupted nearby, all she could do was watch the images online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My hometown is on fire right now,” she said at the time. “It’s hard sitting here knowing that the ash that’s raining down on me now is the redwoods that I grew up around, burning up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some inmate advocates, however, note that while the measure is definitely a step in the right direction, it still falls short of the comprehensive reentry and criminal justice reform they say is urgently needed in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“AB 2147 is an important first step in recognizing the crucial work incarcerated and formerly incarcerated individuals provide to our communities, but there is more work to be done,” Sonja Tonnesen, deputy director at \u003ca href=\"https://www.rootandrebound.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://protect-us.mimecast.com/s/K73XC829m0uj2PGBcna1kU?domain=rootandrebound.org\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Root & Rebound\u003c/a>, a program that advocates for former inmates reentering society, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the bill, she added, “does not lift the blanket bans to EMT licensure in California — a key barrier to firefighting jobs at the county and municipal levels that provide family-supporting wages, benefits and job security. Many formerly incarcerated people will continue to be unable to get their EMT certification.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Dentists at San Quentin Say Their Pleas to Reduce Risk of COVID-19 Spread Were Ignored",
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"headTitle": "Dentists at San Quentin Say Their Pleas to Reduce Risk of COVID-19 Spread Were Ignored | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Dentists at the San Quentin State Prison clinic said they’d been pushing for crucial workplace safety improvements for months before state regulators intervened and shut down key operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regulators with the California Division of Occupational Safety and Health (\u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/coronavirus/Health-Care-General-Industry.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Cal/OSHA\u003c/a>) had posted a red tag Wednesday at the clinic, declaring certain parts off limits and certain procedures as “dangerous.” Regulators said the hazardous work conditions “contributed to the spread of SARS-CoV-2 in the workplace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Quentin has seen the largest coronavirus outbreak in the state prison system. More than 2,200 people incarcerated there have \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/population-status-tracking/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tested positive\u003c/a> for COVID-19 and 26 have died from the virus. More than 270 \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/cdcr-cchcs-covid-19-status/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">staff\u003c/a> have been infected and one has died, according to the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dental clinic, which treats people incarcerated at the prison, employs six dentists, three of whom agreed to share their concerns with KQED on the condition that they not to be named, for fear of losing their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dentists, who are members of a public policy committee for the Union of American Physicians and Dentists, said San Quentin officials had repeatedly failed to address their concerns about the risks of spreading COVID-19 through dental exams and procedures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I could not trust my job to keep me safe,” one of the dentists said Friday. “I was terrified of bringing it home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few days after statewide shelter-in-place orders were imposed, the California Dental Association issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.cda.org/Portals/0/pr_0320_CDA_recommends_suspending_nonurgent_care.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">guidance\u003c/a> that dentists should immediately suspend all non-essential, non-emergency procedures for the next 14 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At San Quentin, however, the dentists said their supervisor ordered them to continue routine screenings of inmates transferring in from county jails, a task that entailed putting dozens of men together in holding cages and checking each person for broken jaw bones or signs of infection. Adding to their concerns, the dentists said incoming inmates were not being quarantined upon arrival for 14 days at that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just looking in their mouths is putting us at risk,” one dentist said. “We were just told, ‘Do your job.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On March 23, all but one of the San Quentin dentists refused to do the screenings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One day later, on March 24, the head of dentistry at CDCR adopted a new policy to end non-urgent dental screenings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, a month later, the dentists who had refused to do the screenings said they were “written up” for defying orders, a first step in a progressive disciplinary process that can lead to a cut in pay or termination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the dentists said they were also disciplined for questioning the prison’s COVID-19 safety guidelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a saying down there [in dental],” one of them said. “You want to get a write up? Ask a question, especially one about safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the questions the dentists said they asked included, “We don’t know what the level of filtration is for the air in the dental unit. Can you evaluate these rooms? Do we have proper ventilation? What is our risk?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One dentist said, “They tried to muzzle us!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email last Friday, CDCR spokeswoman Dana Simas called the health and safety of employees the agency’s “top priority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simas said prison officials will work closely with the Department of Industrial Relations, Cal/OSHA’s parent agency, “to fully explain all of the actions San Quentin’s Dental Program has taken during the COVID-19 pandemic and to directly address OSHA’s concerns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"cdcr\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many emergency or urgent dental procedures, such as tooth extraction, involve drilling and spraying water and air inside a patient’s mouth and can produce droplets that can spread and infect others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three dentists who spoke with KQED said their repeated requests for better safety equipment protections were ignored or refused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dentists said they asked for specialized masks called PAPRs that include respirators to purify air for the wearer, but were told to make do with N95s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also asked for an auxiliary air filtering device that suctions and disinfects exhaled air from a patient’s mouth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And they asked for air scrubbers to clean the air inside the dental clinic and prevent potentially infectious particles from being recirculated to the rest of the prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of those requests were honored, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We went through this whole crisis at San Quentin and they didn’t give us one damn additional piece of equipment,” said one dentist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, a Cal/OSHA inspector arrived at the dental clinic and started asking questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a report last week, Cal/OSHA wrote that dental staff were being asked to perform “high-hazard” dental procedures that generated aerosols, or fine airborne particles, without the protection of specialized equipment, in locations that did not adequately limit the spread of airborne infections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA issued an Order Prohibiting Use, directing the clinic to stop all dental work that generates aerosols from a patient’s mouth, including drilling, until the prison can meet a list of safety conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR immediately requested a hearing, but after meeting with Cal/OSHA representatives Friday, said it is now working with the agency on an agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA is expected to issue an updated order this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Requests for specialized masks and air purifiers designed for higher-risk dental procedures at San Quentin were not approved, several dentists said. Then Cal/OSHA shuttered part of the clinic's operations.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Dentists at the San Quentin State Prison clinic said they’d been pushing for crucial workplace safety improvements for months before state regulators intervened and shut down key operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regulators with the California Division of Occupational Safety and Health (\u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/coronavirus/Health-Care-General-Industry.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Cal/OSHA\u003c/a>) had posted a red tag Wednesday at the clinic, declaring certain parts off limits and certain procedures as “dangerous.” Regulators said the hazardous work conditions “contributed to the spread of SARS-CoV-2 in the workplace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Quentin has seen the largest coronavirus outbreak in the state prison system. More than 2,200 people incarcerated there have \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/population-status-tracking/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tested positive\u003c/a> for COVID-19 and 26 have died from the virus. More than 270 \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/cdcr-cchcs-covid-19-status/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">staff\u003c/a> have been infected and one has died, according to the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dental clinic, which treats people incarcerated at the prison, employs six dentists, three of whom agreed to share their concerns with KQED on the condition that they not to be named, for fear of losing their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dentists, who are members of a public policy committee for the Union of American Physicians and Dentists, said San Quentin officials had repeatedly failed to address their concerns about the risks of spreading COVID-19 through dental exams and procedures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I could not trust my job to keep me safe,” one of the dentists said Friday. “I was terrified of bringing it home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few days after statewide shelter-in-place orders were imposed, the California Dental Association issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.cda.org/Portals/0/pr_0320_CDA_recommends_suspending_nonurgent_care.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">guidance\u003c/a> that dentists should immediately suspend all non-essential, non-emergency procedures for the next 14 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At San Quentin, however, the dentists said their supervisor ordered them to continue routine screenings of inmates transferring in from county jails, a task that entailed putting dozens of men together in holding cages and checking each person for broken jaw bones or signs of infection. Adding to their concerns, the dentists said incoming inmates were not being quarantined upon arrival for 14 days at that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just looking in their mouths is putting us at risk,” one dentist said. “We were just told, ‘Do your job.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On March 23, all but one of the San Quentin dentists refused to do the screenings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One day later, on March 24, the head of dentistry at CDCR adopted a new policy to end non-urgent dental screenings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, a month later, the dentists who had refused to do the screenings said they were “written up” for defying orders, a first step in a progressive disciplinary process that can lead to a cut in pay or termination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the dentists said they were also disciplined for questioning the prison’s COVID-19 safety guidelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a saying down there [in dental],” one of them said. “You want to get a write up? Ask a question, especially one about safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the questions the dentists said they asked included, “We don’t know what the level of filtration is for the air in the dental unit. Can you evaluate these rooms? Do we have proper ventilation? What is our risk?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One dentist said, “They tried to muzzle us!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email last Friday, CDCR spokeswoman Dana Simas called the health and safety of employees the agency’s “top priority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simas said prison officials will work closely with the Department of Industrial Relations, Cal/OSHA’s parent agency, “to fully explain all of the actions San Quentin’s Dental Program has taken during the COVID-19 pandemic and to directly address OSHA’s concerns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many emergency or urgent dental procedures, such as tooth extraction, involve drilling and spraying water and air inside a patient’s mouth and can produce droplets that can spread and infect others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three dentists who spoke with KQED said their repeated requests for better safety equipment protections were ignored or refused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dentists said they asked for specialized masks called PAPRs that include respirators to purify air for the wearer, but were told to make do with N95s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also asked for an auxiliary air filtering device that suctions and disinfects exhaled air from a patient’s mouth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And they asked for air scrubbers to clean the air inside the dental clinic and prevent potentially infectious particles from being recirculated to the rest of the prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of those requests were honored, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We went through this whole crisis at San Quentin and they didn’t give us one damn additional piece of equipment,” said one dentist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, a Cal/OSHA inspector arrived at the dental clinic and started asking questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a report last week, Cal/OSHA wrote that dental staff were being asked to perform “high-hazard” dental procedures that generated aerosols, or fine airborne particles, without the protection of specialized equipment, in locations that did not adequately limit the spread of airborne infections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA issued an Order Prohibiting Use, directing the clinic to stop all dental work that generates aerosols from a patient’s mouth, including drilling, until the prison can meet a list of safety conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR immediately requested a hearing, but after meeting with Cal/OSHA representatives Friday, said it is now working with the agency on an agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA is expected to issue an updated order this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Former Gov. Jerry Brown Donates $1M to Defeat Police-Backed Ballot Measure",
"title": "Former Gov. Jerry Brown Donates $1M to Defeat Police-Backed Ballot Measure",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former California Gov. Jerry Brown is donating $1 million to defeat Proposition 20, a November ballot measure backed by police and prosecutors that aims to roll back some of the criminal justice reforms he championed over the past decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown — who still has a nearly $15 million war chest in his 2014 campaign account — said in an exclusive interview with KQED that he is donating the money because he believes the measure will make prisons less safe by making it far more difficult for thousands of inmates to have a chance at parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That, he said, will lead to more prison violence and gangs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Former Gov. Jerry Brown']'Prop. 20 wants to basically eliminate all hope in the prison ... Men who have given decades will have no chance to earn their way back to society. And that's fundamental to any kind of criminal justice system that while you impose punishment, you make room for redemption and rehabilitation in the prison.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 20 wants to basically eliminate all hope in the prison,” Brown said. “Men who have given decades will have no chance to earn their way back to society. And that's fundamental to any kind of criminal justice system that while you impose punishment, you make room for redemption and rehabilitation in the prison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former governor is referring to provisions in Proposition 20 that would undercut another state ballot measure: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11114572/jerry-brown-pushes-earlier-release-of-felons-under-proposition-57\">Proposition 57, which Brown authored in 2016\u003c/a>. Proposition 57 allowed thousands of state prison inmates to appear before the parole board early and win release if they could demonstrate they have been rehabilitated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Brown said it would help reverse laws put into place the first time he was governor 40 years ago that drove up California’s massive incarceration rates and led to overcrowding in prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Richard Temple, a spokesman for the \u003ca href=\"https://keepcalsafe.org/about/\">Yes on Proposition 20\u003c/a> side, said Brown never told voters in 2016 that Proposition 57 would allow violent criminals a chance at parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are violent crimes that under California law are not classified as violence. And therefore, these criminals are allowed early release, which is not what Proposition 57 promised,” he said, citing rape of an unconscious person, sex trafficking of a minor, domestic violence, and assault with a deadly weapon as crimes that would be classified as violent under Proposition 20.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What Prop. 20 does is simply go in and say, no, these are clearly violent crimes. We want to classify them as violent,” Temple said. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s not all Proposition 20 would do — the measure would also roll back key provisions of other reforms, including 2014’s Proposition 47, which is credited with keeping tens of thousands of men and women out of prisons and jails and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11796149/voter-approved-criminal-justice-reform-expected-to-save-state-over-122-million\">saving California taxpayers $122 million this fiscal year alone\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of Proposition 20 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11824855/report-ballot-measure-would-put-thousands-behind-bars-harm-communities-of-color\">have warned\u003c/a> that it could lead to more Black and brown Californians being locked up, drive up prison and jail populations, increase public spending on law enforcement and incarceration by hundreds of millions of dollars a year, and divert resources from programs that rehabilitate former offenders. [aside tag=\"prisons, jails\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown noted that offenders eligible for early parole under Proposition 57 aren’t automatically released — they must petition the parole board, which is largely made up of former law enforcement officials. And, he charged that police and prosecutors, the main sponsors of Proposition 20, either have a vested interest in keeping jail and prison populations high or just don’t think people can be reformed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only reason that some police unions have tried to fight it — and the DAs — is that they are part of an enterprise that depends, for its growth, on more people being locked up,” he said. “Or they have this ideology that there can be no redemption, no improvement, that once a man commits one act, three or four acts, that that is his whole essence forever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on Proposition 20 side has about $1.6 million in the bank, while a spokeswoman for the No side said they will have more than $5 million on hand once Brown’s contribution arrives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Temple said he isn’t worried about the gulf between the campaign funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The beauty of having a really solid idea, a really solid issue that you're promoting is that you don't need to go toe to toe,” Temple said. “When you're right, it makes it less expensive to win an argument ... And in this case, we're right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 20 wants to basically eliminate all hope in the prison,” Brown said. “Men who have given decades will have no chance to earn their way back to society. And that's fundamental to any kind of criminal justice system that while you impose punishment, you make room for redemption and rehabilitation in the prison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former governor is referring to provisions in Proposition 20 that would undercut another state ballot measure: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11114572/jerry-brown-pushes-earlier-release-of-felons-under-proposition-57\">Proposition 57, which Brown authored in 2016\u003c/a>. Proposition 57 allowed thousands of state prison inmates to appear before the parole board early and win release if they could demonstrate they have been rehabilitated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Brown said it would help reverse laws put into place the first time he was governor 40 years ago that drove up California’s massive incarceration rates and led to overcrowding in prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Richard Temple, a spokesman for the \u003ca href=\"https://keepcalsafe.org/about/\">Yes on Proposition 20\u003c/a> side, said Brown never told voters in 2016 that Proposition 57 would allow violent criminals a chance at parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are violent crimes that under California law are not classified as violence. And therefore, these criminals are allowed early release, which is not what Proposition 57 promised,” he said, citing rape of an unconscious person, sex trafficking of a minor, domestic violence, and assault with a deadly weapon as crimes that would be classified as violent under Proposition 20.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What Prop. 20 does is simply go in and say, no, these are clearly violent crimes. We want to classify them as violent,” Temple said. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s not all Proposition 20 would do — the measure would also roll back key provisions of other reforms, including 2014’s Proposition 47, which is credited with keeping tens of thousands of men and women out of prisons and jails and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11796149/voter-approved-criminal-justice-reform-expected-to-save-state-over-122-million\">saving California taxpayers $122 million this fiscal year alone\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of Proposition 20 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11824855/report-ballot-measure-would-put-thousands-behind-bars-harm-communities-of-color\">have warned\u003c/a> that it could lead to more Black and brown Californians being locked up, drive up prison and jail populations, increase public spending on law enforcement and incarceration by hundreds of millions of dollars a year, and divert resources from programs that rehabilitate former offenders. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown noted that offenders eligible for early parole under Proposition 57 aren’t automatically released — they must petition the parole board, which is largely made up of former law enforcement officials. And, he charged that police and prosecutors, the main sponsors of Proposition 20, either have a vested interest in keeping jail and prison populations high or just don’t think people can be reformed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only reason that some police unions have tried to fight it — and the DAs — is that they are part of an enterprise that depends, for its growth, on more people being locked up,” he said. “Or they have this ideology that there can be no redemption, no improvement, that once a man commits one act, three or four acts, that that is his whole essence forever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on Proposition 20 side has about $1.6 million in the bank, while a spokeswoman for the No side said they will have more than $5 million on hand once Brown’s contribution arrives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Temple said he isn’t worried about the gulf between the campaign funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The beauty of having a really solid idea, a really solid issue that you're promoting is that you don't need to go toe to toe,” Temple said. “When you're right, it makes it less expensive to win an argument ... And in this case, we're right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Three months after becoming San Francisco’s district attorney in 2004, Kamala Harris faced a trial by fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her first run for office in 2003, Harris knocked off Terence Hallinan, San Francisco’s progressive district attorney, by running slightly to his right, promising to manage a more professional office that would be tougher on violent crime, domestic violence and sex trafficking, and stand up for those who had felt ignored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had also promised never to charge the death penalty — a pledge that was put to the test just four months into her term when a 29-year-old police officer named Isaac Espinoza was shot and killed by a gang member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris ultimately kept her promise, announcing before Espinoza’s funeral that her office would \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/SAN-FRANCISCO-D-A-won-t-pursue-death-in-cop-2767716.php\">seek life without the possibility of parole\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Jim Stearns, Kamala Harris' first campaign manager\"]‘Kamala has always wanted to have a seat at the table.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Harris said she believed that the majority of San Franciscans wanted to see “the most severe crimes be met with the most severe consequences,” and that in this liberal city, life without parole would likely be the most severe consequence a jury would hand down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But former police officers union President Gary Delagnes says the timing of Harris’ announcement \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/news/article/S-F-police-push-hard-for-death-penalty-D-A-s-2765721.php\">alienated many officers in the San Francisco Police Department.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By having a press conference before the kid was even in the ground to announce that she was not seeking the death penalty, I mean, it was such a cold political move that I mean, it just showed a complete lack of compassion,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the timing of her announcement poisoned the young prosecutor’s relationship with the police union, even Delagnes acknowledged she made the right call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously no San Francisco jury was going to convict a 19-year-old African American man — they’re not going to give the death penalty to somebody in that situation and I said that from the beginning,” Delagnes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris’ office did get the conviction and sent Espinoza’s killer to prison for life, without the chance for parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Breaking Boundaries\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Throughout her time in politics, California Sen. Kamala Harris has found herself caught between two very different groups, both of whom see themselves in her: law enforcement officials and progressive activists pushing for a more racially just legal system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris is\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11834151/senator-kamala-harris-takes-her-place-in-history-as-vp-nominee\"> now the Democratic nominee for vice president\u003c/a>, and in recent years has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.harris.senate.gov/news/press-releases/harris-on-police-reform-this-movement-will-not-be-deterred\">outspoken about the need for systemic change to policing and criminal justice\u003c/a> in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But before that, and before she was the second Black and first South Asian woman to serve in the U.S. Senate, Harris was a prosecutor: district attorney of San Francisco, then attorney general of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Debbie Mesloh, one of Harris’ longtime advisers, said Harris was from the start considered an outsider by many in the world of law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I recall many situations where people who had been in leadership within the DA’s office or within the police department seemed to struggle with her leadership,” Mesloh recalled. “That first meeting with the District Attorney’s Association of California, she was the only woman to walk in that room. She was one of, I think, three people of color.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"kamala-harris\"]Mesloh said Harris has had to absorb throughout her career “subtle and not so subtle messages that were sent to her of, you know, ‘Who do you think you are? You need to know your place. You know, you may have won an election, but there’s only one of you. We outnumber you.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mesloh said Harris never let those messages intimidate her.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Wanting a Seat at the Table\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Suzy Loftus, who worked under Harris as both a deputy district attorney and assistant attorney general, said the conviction was important to Harris — and consistent with her principles. And, she said, Harris learned from the Espinoza case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She made the decision quickly, announced it quickly and recognized later that there were so many people who were so deeply impacted in that moment and in grief and in pain. And that loss was exacerbated by an announcement in the middle of it. So I think she endeavored to learn from her mistakes,” Loftus said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Loftus insists, it didn’t make Harris a different or more cautious politician.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think by function of being a prosecutor, you’re more careful,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Stearns, who ran Harris’ first campaign, added that while the Espinoza decision soured some in law enforcement on Harris at the time, it also won over many voters, making her something of a political star in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think what galvanized the city for her was this was the first time people could remember that a politician made a difficult promise, like, ‘I will never enforce the death penalty,’ and actually did it under the most incredible pressure,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stearns said there’s been a tension throughout Harris’ career: between what’s expected of her as a member of law enforcement and what’s been asked of her by progressive activists who see her as an ally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kamala has always wanted to have a seat at the table,” Stearns said. “So it would be a mistake to see Kamala or to expect from Kamala that she is ever going to stand outside of the system and demand the kind of wholesale changes that people who stand out of the system want.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That tension would play out most dramatically when Harris took on her next job, as attorney general of the state of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘Someone Who’s Been So Vilified’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In 2010, Harris won the narrowest of victories to become California’s first female and first Black attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a tough race. Law enforcement unions had overwhelmingly backed Harris’ opponent, Los Angeles’ Republican district attorney, Steve Cooley, who used those endorsements to paint Harris as anti-police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To build relationships with local prosecutors, sheriffs and police, the first thing Harris did as attorney general was visit all 58 California counties. Loftus, her longtime deputy, planned the tour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was incredibly effective because I think there’s nothing like actually getting to talk to someone — especially who’s been so vilified,” Loftus said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"LaDoris Cordell, former San Jose independent police auditor\"]‘There’s this fine line. You’re the top cop, but you’re also a prosecutor, which is representing the people. And oftentimes those two things are not compatible.’[/pullquote]Four years later, when Harris ran for reelection, police groups largely supported her. But she soon found herself at odds with another key constituency: progressive Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deadly police shootings were in the news, and Democrats in the California state Legislature were pushing a bill to require independent investigations of deadly use of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento Democratic Assemblyman Kevin McCarty authored a 2015 bill to require the attorney general to take police shooting investigations away from local district attorneys, who he said have an inherent conflict of interest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, if you’re at a high school baseball game looking out there and seeing the umpire is the uncle of one of the star players, are you going to trust that umpire to call balls and strikes fairly? The answer is ‘No,’ ” McCarty said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/news/article/Kamala-Harris-sees-safeguards-in-D-A-s-5972586.php\">opposed the bill\u003c/a> and it died. She also declined to support another bill requiring police officers to wear body cameras, even though she was the first to mandate that officers at the state Department of Justice wear them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, her opposition to statewide legislation \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/politics/la-me-pol-ca-harris-police-shootings-20160118-story.html\">didn’t sit well with the Black Caucus in the Legislature\u003c/a>, who saw her as standing on the wrong side of the fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Holly Mitchell, a Los Angeles Democrat and member of the Black Caucus, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/politics/la-me-pol-ca-harris-police-shootings-20160118-story.html\">told the Los Angeles Times\u003c/a> in 2016 that Harris’ “absence is noticeable,” adding that “people are looking to her for guidance and direction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘Now a Lawmaker, Not a Law Enforcer’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It’s not surprising for an attorney general to face such pressure — especially one who is a Black woman — said LaDoris Cordell, who was an independent police auditor in San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s this fine line. You’re the top cop, but you’re also a prosecutor, which is representing the people. And oftentimes those two things are not compatible,” Cordell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigations of police shootings are in some ways a no-win situation, Cordell contends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The feeling is that people are passing around this hot potato. When these shootings happen, they’re very controversial. The public is very aware. There are protests and it’s sort of like, you know, people just don’t really want to handle them,” Cordell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris said her opposition to the bill wasn’t based on fear of catching a hot potato, but rather concern about interfering with local prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She knew firsthand how that felt: In 2004, some San Francisco officials pushed the then-state attorney general to take the Espinoza murder case away from her office, after she declined to seek the death penalty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loftus, Harris’ longtime deputy, said that experience cut deeply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think she fundamentally always believed it’s a local prosecutor’s job to do the right thing and not to punt,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that she’s in the Senate and on the presidential campaign trail, Harris has been outspoken on policing issues, introducing legislation to ban chokeholds, racial profiling and no-knock warrants, as well as to make lynching a federal crime. In her speech accepting the Democratic nomination, she called out systemic racism in America, naming two recent victims of police violence: George Floyd and Breonna Taylor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mesloh, Harris’ longtime adviser, said she’s taking those positions now not because she has changed her mind, but because she’s now a lawmaker, not a law enforcer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Having worked with her for so long, these were conversations we would always have,” Mesloh said. “She may have not been having them externally, but this is the Kamala that I have known and seen for 20 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mesloh says that because of who Harris is — a Black, South Asian woman, and the daughter of civil rights activists — she has often been expected to align herself with liberals pushing for change from the outside. But for most of her career, she’s been a prosecutor, working to change the system from the inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Three months after becoming San Francisco’s district attorney in 2004, Kamala Harris faced a trial by fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her first run for office in 2003, Harris knocked off Terence Hallinan, San Francisco’s progressive district attorney, by running slightly to his right, promising to manage a more professional office that would be tougher on violent crime, domestic violence and sex trafficking, and stand up for those who had felt ignored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had also promised never to charge the death penalty — a pledge that was put to the test just four months into her term when a 29-year-old police officer named Isaac Espinoza was shot and killed by a gang member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris ultimately kept her promise, announcing before Espinoza’s funeral that her office would \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/SAN-FRANCISCO-D-A-won-t-pursue-death-in-cop-2767716.php\">seek life without the possibility of parole\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Harris said she believed that the majority of San Franciscans wanted to see “the most severe crimes be met with the most severe consequences,” and that in this liberal city, life without parole would likely be the most severe consequence a jury would hand down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But former police officers union President Gary Delagnes says the timing of Harris’ announcement \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/news/article/S-F-police-push-hard-for-death-penalty-D-A-s-2765721.php\">alienated many officers in the San Francisco Police Department.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By having a press conference before the kid was even in the ground to announce that she was not seeking the death penalty, I mean, it was such a cold political move that I mean, it just showed a complete lack of compassion,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the timing of her announcement poisoned the young prosecutor’s relationship with the police union, even Delagnes acknowledged she made the right call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously no San Francisco jury was going to convict a 19-year-old African American man — they’re not going to give the death penalty to somebody in that situation and I said that from the beginning,” Delagnes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris’ office did get the conviction and sent Espinoza’s killer to prison for life, without the chance for parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Breaking Boundaries\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Throughout her time in politics, California Sen. Kamala Harris has found herself caught between two very different groups, both of whom see themselves in her: law enforcement officials and progressive activists pushing for a more racially just legal system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris is\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11834151/senator-kamala-harris-takes-her-place-in-history-as-vp-nominee\"> now the Democratic nominee for vice president\u003c/a>, and in recent years has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.harris.senate.gov/news/press-releases/harris-on-police-reform-this-movement-will-not-be-deterred\">outspoken about the need for systemic change to policing and criminal justice\u003c/a> in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But before that, and before she was the second Black and first South Asian woman to serve in the U.S. Senate, Harris was a prosecutor: district attorney of San Francisco, then attorney general of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Debbie Mesloh, one of Harris’ longtime advisers, said Harris was from the start considered an outsider by many in the world of law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I recall many situations where people who had been in leadership within the DA’s office or within the police department seemed to struggle with her leadership,” Mesloh recalled. “That first meeting with the District Attorney’s Association of California, she was the only woman to walk in that room. She was one of, I think, three people of color.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Mesloh said Harris has had to absorb throughout her career “subtle and not so subtle messages that were sent to her of, you know, ‘Who do you think you are? You need to know your place. You know, you may have won an election, but there’s only one of you. We outnumber you.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mesloh said Harris never let those messages intimidate her.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Wanting a Seat at the Table\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Suzy Loftus, who worked under Harris as both a deputy district attorney and assistant attorney general, said the conviction was important to Harris — and consistent with her principles. And, she said, Harris learned from the Espinoza case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She made the decision quickly, announced it quickly and recognized later that there were so many people who were so deeply impacted in that moment and in grief and in pain. And that loss was exacerbated by an announcement in the middle of it. So I think she endeavored to learn from her mistakes,” Loftus said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Loftus insists, it didn’t make Harris a different or more cautious politician.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think by function of being a prosecutor, you’re more careful,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Stearns, who ran Harris’ first campaign, added that while the Espinoza decision soured some in law enforcement on Harris at the time, it also won over many voters, making her something of a political star in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think what galvanized the city for her was this was the first time people could remember that a politician made a difficult promise, like, ‘I will never enforce the death penalty,’ and actually did it under the most incredible pressure,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stearns said there’s been a tension throughout Harris’ career: between what’s expected of her as a member of law enforcement and what’s been asked of her by progressive activists who see her as an ally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kamala has always wanted to have a seat at the table,” Stearns said. “So it would be a mistake to see Kamala or to expect from Kamala that she is ever going to stand outside of the system and demand the kind of wholesale changes that people who stand out of the system want.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That tension would play out most dramatically when Harris took on her next job, as attorney general of the state of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘Someone Who’s Been So Vilified’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In 2010, Harris won the narrowest of victories to become California’s first female and first Black attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a tough race. Law enforcement unions had overwhelmingly backed Harris’ opponent, Los Angeles’ Republican district attorney, Steve Cooley, who used those endorsements to paint Harris as anti-police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To build relationships with local prosecutors, sheriffs and police, the first thing Harris did as attorney general was visit all 58 California counties. Loftus, her longtime deputy, planned the tour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was incredibly effective because I think there’s nothing like actually getting to talk to someone — especially who’s been so vilified,” Loftus said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘There’s this fine line. You’re the top cop, but you’re also a prosecutor, which is representing the people. And oftentimes those two things are not compatible.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Four years later, when Harris ran for reelection, police groups largely supported her. But she soon found herself at odds with another key constituency: progressive Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deadly police shootings were in the news, and Democrats in the California state Legislature were pushing a bill to require independent investigations of deadly use of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento Democratic Assemblyman Kevin McCarty authored a 2015 bill to require the attorney general to take police shooting investigations away from local district attorneys, who he said have an inherent conflict of interest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, if you’re at a high school baseball game looking out there and seeing the umpire is the uncle of one of the star players, are you going to trust that umpire to call balls and strikes fairly? The answer is ‘No,’ ” McCarty said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/news/article/Kamala-Harris-sees-safeguards-in-D-A-s-5972586.php\">opposed the bill\u003c/a> and it died. She also declined to support another bill requiring police officers to wear body cameras, even though she was the first to mandate that officers at the state Department of Justice wear them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, her opposition to statewide legislation \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/politics/la-me-pol-ca-harris-police-shootings-20160118-story.html\">didn’t sit well with the Black Caucus in the Legislature\u003c/a>, who saw her as standing on the wrong side of the fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Holly Mitchell, a Los Angeles Democrat and member of the Black Caucus, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/politics/la-me-pol-ca-harris-police-shootings-20160118-story.html\">told the Los Angeles Times\u003c/a> in 2016 that Harris’ “absence is noticeable,” adding that “people are looking to her for guidance and direction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘Now a Lawmaker, Not a Law Enforcer’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It’s not surprising for an attorney general to face such pressure — especially one who is a Black woman — said LaDoris Cordell, who was an independent police auditor in San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s this fine line. You’re the top cop, but you’re also a prosecutor, which is representing the people. And oftentimes those two things are not compatible,” Cordell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigations of police shootings are in some ways a no-win situation, Cordell contends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The feeling is that people are passing around this hot potato. When these shootings happen, they’re very controversial. The public is very aware. There are protests and it’s sort of like, you know, people just don’t really want to handle them,” Cordell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris said her opposition to the bill wasn’t based on fear of catching a hot potato, but rather concern about interfering with local prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She knew firsthand how that felt: In 2004, some San Francisco officials pushed the then-state attorney general to take the Espinoza murder case away from her office, after she declined to seek the death penalty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loftus, Harris’ longtime deputy, said that experience cut deeply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think she fundamentally always believed it’s a local prosecutor’s job to do the right thing and not to punt,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that she’s in the Senate and on the presidential campaign trail, Harris has been outspoken on policing issues, introducing legislation to ban chokeholds, racial profiling and no-knock warrants, as well as to make lynching a federal crime. In her speech accepting the Democratic nomination, she called out systemic racism in America, naming two recent victims of police violence: George Floyd and Breonna Taylor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mesloh, Harris’ longtime adviser, said she’s taking those positions now not because she has changed her mind, but because she’s now a lawmaker, not a law enforcer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Having worked with her for so long, these were conversations we would always have,” Mesloh said. “She may have not been having them externally, but this is the Kamala that I have known and seen for 20 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mesloh says that because of who Harris is — a Black, South Asian woman, and the daughter of civil rights activists — she has often been expected to align herself with liberals pushing for change from the outside. But for most of her career, she’s been a prosecutor, working to change the system from the inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "released-from-san-quentin-rebuilding-their-lives",
"title": "Released from San Quentin, Rebuilding Their Lives",
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"headTitle": "Released from San Quentin, Rebuilding Their Lives | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>After years inside prison, the transition to life outside isn’t always easy. For many, the task of getting a job after being out of the workforce for several years is challenging. For others, catching up on how to use the latest smartphones or understanding social media is a difficult adjustment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ongoing discussions about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11828460/california-could-release-8000-people-in-state-prisons-by-august\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">releasing incarcerated people early\u003c/a> to help curb the spread of the coronavirus inside prisons — and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11831812/even-in-pandemic-prison-releases-pose-political-risk\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">politics behind those discussions \u003c/a>— have shined a recent spotlight on the question of what happens when people leave prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We talked to four men who paroled from San Quentin State Prison about their experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Philip Melendez has been out a few years and has a steady job. Sumit Lal came home last year and is teaching martial arts. More recently, Jonathan Chiu paroled in May, while Stephen Wilson paroled last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These perspectives are not meant to be comprehensive, but aim to provide a closer look at some of the faces of reentry, mostly in their own words.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832955\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832955\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44333_027_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Philip Melendez in a walk-in closet in his home, which he says is larger than the cell he occupied at San Quentin State Prison. Often those cells house two people. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44333_027_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44333_027_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_07252020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44333_027_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_07252020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44333_027_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_07252020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44333_027_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_07252020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Philip Melendez in a walk-in closet in his home, which he says is larger than the cell he occupied at San Quentin State Prison. Often those cells house two people. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Philip Melendez: Transformative Justice\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For Philip Melendez, 42, who was serving a life sentence, the parole board mandated that he stay in a transitional home for the first six months after getting out. The home was run by \u003ca href=\"https://www.geogroup.com/Reentry-Services\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The Geo Group\u003c/a> and located in a rough neighborhood in San Francisco, where he said syringes often littered the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was “not conducive to the reentry,” Melendez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s now a program manager for \u003ca href=\"https://restorecal.org/ourstory/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Re:Store Justice\u003c/a>, an organization working toward what they call restorative policy change. The group brings together those who have been convicted of homicide to meet with family members of homicide victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When survivors of crime or people who lost loved ones to violence want to talk to the person who did it — we facilitate the actual dialogue,” Melendez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11834793\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11834793\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44218_016_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44218_016_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44218_016_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44218_016_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44218_016_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44218_016_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Artwork made by Philip Melendez at his home on July 25, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The dialogues are difficult, but Melendez says it can help people take steps toward healing — a process that’s often called transformative justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very, very rewarding for folks inside [prison] to see the actual harm,” he said. “For me personally, it broke me down and sent me on a completely different path.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832913\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832913\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44211_009_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Philip Melendez at his home computer, where he hosts Facebook Live shows including the Parole Show and Re:Store Survivors Live, on July 25, 2020. These shows help inform formerly incarcerated people on a variety of topics.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44211_009_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44211_009_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44211_009_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44211_009_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44211_009_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Philip Melendez at his home computer, where he hosts Facebook Live shows including the Parole Show and Re:Store Survivors Live, on July 25, 2020. These shows help inform formerly incarcerated people on a variety of topics. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Re:Store Justice also works with formerly incarcerated people and their family members to have a voice in policy discussions in the state Legislature on issues such as bail and parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the skills he learned inside, like tattoo art and being able to cut his own hair, have allowed Melendez to adapt to life during the pandemic, since he doesn’t need to leave his house to get a haircut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832914\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832914\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44207_003_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44207_003_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44207_003_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44207_003_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44207_003_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44207_003_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Philip Melendez touches up a haircut that he gave to himself at his home on July 25, 2020. He learned to cut his own hair while in prison. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Melendez, his work is a chance to make up for his past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We also have remorse and shame, and we want to show up in a world in a way that is restorative versus the way that we showed up harmfully in the community,” he said. “It becomes motivation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832915\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832915\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/1_RS44188_015_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/1_RS44188_015_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/1_RS44188_015_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/1_RS44188_015_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/1_RS44188_015_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/1_RS44188_015_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sumit Lal at the home he shares with his family in Sacramento on July 25, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Sumit Lal: Education in Prison\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Sumit Lal, 24, paroled from San Quentin in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All they give you is $200 and you’re pretty much on your own,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the fact that he had his freedom back, he said he had to ask permission from the parole board to go back to school and continue his education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had a job in San Francisco and [the parole board was] really hesitant about letting me work there,” Lal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832916\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832916\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44184_011_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44184_011_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44184_011_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44184_011_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44184_011_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44184_011_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sumit Lal practices taekwondo in his backyard on July 25, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Still, he said he feels fortunate he was at San Quentin, where he had access to programs like The Last Mile and could attend college classes through the Prison University Project as part of a program for youth offenders at San Quentin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are prisons all over California and some of them are out in the middle of the desert. These people, they’re coming home and they don’t have the same resources as San Quentin does,” Lal said, emphasizing that reentry is not always the same for everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832918\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832918\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44177_004_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44177_004_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44177_004_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44177_004_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44177_004_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44177_004_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sumit Lal works at his home office in Sacramento on July 25, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lal was released last year, but he said he still talks to people in San Quentin nearly every day, where one major worry has been how to stay safe during the coronavirus pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hardest thing for me was that people were asking me if I could send a package — they weren’t getting the soap that they were issued,” he said. “For me, it was just pretty sad to think about that unsanitary environment that they are living in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lal recently started working for the messaging platform Slack and works from home due to COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832919\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832919\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44269_005_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Jonathan Chiu holds crossword puzzles that he created. While in San Quentin State Prison, he did design work for the San Quentin News and also created crosswords — without the help of the internet to look up answers.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44269_005_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44269_005_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44269_005_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44269_005_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44269_005_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jonathan Chiu holds crossword puzzles that he created. While in San Quentin State Prison, he did design work for the San Quentin News and also created crosswords — without the help of the internet to look up answers. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Jonathan Chiu: Best and Worst Things\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Jonathan Chiu paroled from San Quentin in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really felt guilty when I left, because a lot of guys didn’t get the same luck that I got,” said Chiu, 37, of his release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the reality of his release didn’t kick in until he saw his friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been away for about 15 years now. I was glad I missed the whole social media thing … and the whole financial crisis,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s been volunteering at a food pantry and advocating for others inside, in addition to experimenting with stand-up comedy reflecting on his life — that he is now doing via Zoom open mics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to get everybody out — I left my family back there,” he said, referring to his many friends who are still incarcerated at San Quentin. The COVID-19 case rate there \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/population-status-tracking/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">rose steadily from June to August\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Chiu, who said he is trying to relearn how to do many things like ride a bike and take public transit, the transition hasn’t been too rough. In some ways, he said prison prepared him for sheltering in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Shelter-in-place kind of worked well for me, we’re kind of trained [in prison] to be very vigilant about where we are and who is walking behind us,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832920\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832920\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Sitting_RS44279_016_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Sitting_RS44279_016_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Sitting_RS44279_016_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Sitting_RS44279_016_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Sitting_RS44279_016_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Sitting_RS44279_016_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jonathan Chiu in Oakland on Aug. 4, 2020. He’s happy to be out and spends a lot of time thinking about his friends who are still inside and working on ways to help get them out. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chiu sees the COVID-19 outbreak in San Quentin as both the best and worst thing that could happen there, because people are “shining a light on mass incarceration” and advocating with renewed effort to improve conditions inside prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The age of San Quentin and its design — \u003ca href=\"https://www.fastcompany.com/90539380/bad-design-kills-why-covid-19-spread-like-wildfire-at-one-of-americas-worst-prisons?partner=feedburner\">with poor ventilation and even windows that are welded shut\u003c/a> — make the risk of a COVID-19 outbreak particularly high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically, whatever your neighbor is cooking — you are smelling, because all that air is circulating throughout the prison. Once one person gets [COVID-19] there’s no way you can stop that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832921\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832921\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Lake_RS44281_018_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Lake_RS44281_018_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Lake_RS44281_018_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Lake_RS44281_018_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Lake_RS44281_018_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Lake_RS44281_018_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jonathan Chiu rides his bike near Lake Merritt in Oakland on Aug. 4, 2020. Chiu has family in Los Angeles but chose to stay in the Bay Area to be closer to the friends and community he made in San Quentin. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>These days, most of what Chiu is doing is trying to advocate for others inside. He sees it as a matter of life and death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we look back on this, like 10 years from now, are we going to say, ‘Did we make the right choice by not doing anything and letting people die inside San Quentin?” he asked. “By not acting, the fact is that people in prison right now are basically being sentenced to death.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832924\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832924\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/flip_RS44285_002_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Stephen Wilson said he feels more comfortable using a flip phone than an iPhone. Some technologies have been a hurdle for Wilson since his release from prison.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/flip_RS44285_002_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/flip_RS44285_002_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/flip_RS44285_002_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/flip_RS44285_002_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/flip_RS44285_002_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stephen Wilson said he feels more comfortable using a flip phone than an iPhone. Some technologies have been a hurdle for Wilson since his release from prison. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Stephen Wilson: COVID-19 Inside, Smartphones Outside\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Stephen Wilson, 75, is a veteran and was paroled from San Quentin in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was very difficult to transition. I thought I was going to die in prison and other people thought the same thing,” Wilson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson, who was serving a life sentence, said that when COVID-19 cases began climbing at San Quentin, social distancing was impossible, especially because of the size of the cells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re so small that you can lay in your bunk and put your elbow against the wall — and reach out and touch the other bunk,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He got sick, but “weathered the storm in my cell,” he said of his own battle with COVID-19. “Because when you get sick in prison they punish you. A lot of us that got sick didn’t say anything, we just weathered the storm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson said that when a doctor came to check on his shoulder from a previous surgery, Wilson told the doctor his symptoms — splitting headaches for two days, lost appetite, chills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The doctor told him, “You had the COVID-19.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson estimated he got it around June 20 and had it for roughly the next two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832923\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832923\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/bike_RS44291_008_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Despite several shoulder surgeries, Stephen Wilson rides his bicycle from the Veterans Transition Center to his transitional home located nearby in Marina, California on August 5, 2020. The center offers transportation but Wilson likes to maintain his independence by riding his bicycle. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/bike_RS44291_008_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/bike_RS44291_008_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/bike_RS44291_008_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/bike_RS44291_008_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/bike_RS44291_008_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Despite several shoulder surgeries, Stephen Wilson rides his bicycle from the Veterans Transition Center to his transitional home located nearby in Marina, California on Aug. 5, 2020. The center offers transportation but Wilson likes to maintain his independence by riding his bicycle. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Wilson added that most of the staff at San Quentin was courteous and respectful and “doing time there was way better than some of the other places — but it is just so filthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that he’s out, Wilson attributes a cough he acquired during his time at San Quentin to the mold there. He said his new doctor even asked him if was a smoker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832922\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832922\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/friend_RS44294_011_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Stephen Wilson (L) talks with his friend Dennis Barnes (R), who is also a formerly incarcerated veteran, outside of the transitional home where they're currently staying. The two met 38 years ago and were reunited at the Veterans Transition Center. They often go to one another's house for dinner, ride their bikes or take the bus to nearby towns.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/friend_RS44294_011_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/friend_RS44294_011_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/friend_RS44294_011_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/friend_RS44294_011_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/friend_RS44294_011_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stephen Wilson (L) talks with his friend Dennis Barnes (R), who is also a formerly incarcerated veteran, outside of the transitional home where they’re currently staying. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Wilson has been riding his bicycle, getting acquainted with the bus schedule and adjusting to new methods of communication. The Veterans Transition Center, which helps formerly incarcerated veterans adjust after leaving prison, gave him a smart phone, but, for now, he prefers his flip phone, because it is easier to use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m still a little bit overwhelmed,” he said, but added that VTC case managers have helped him tremendously. “Today I was out most of the day with a friend of mine, who I have known for 38 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two were recently reunited at the VTC and now often go to one another’s houses for dinner, ride their bikes together or take the bus to nearby towns.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Resources\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are a few organizations that offer reentry services and support:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://restorecal.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Re:Store Justice\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/groups/restoreadvocates\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Facebook Group\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://antirecidivism.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Anti-Recidivism Coalition\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/bayareafreedom\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Bay Area Freedom Collective Reentry Group\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.reentryprograms.com/go/berkeley\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Options, Berkeley\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>And check out KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11815458/how-can-you-help-people-in-prison-right-now\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">How Can You Help People in Prison Right Now?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n",
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"title": "Released from San Quentin, Rebuilding Their Lives | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After years inside prison, the transition to life outside isn’t always easy. For many, the task of getting a job after being out of the workforce for several years is challenging. For others, catching up on how to use the latest smartphones or understanding social media is a difficult adjustment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ongoing discussions about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11828460/california-could-release-8000-people-in-state-prisons-by-august\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">releasing incarcerated people early\u003c/a> to help curb the spread of the coronavirus inside prisons — and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11831812/even-in-pandemic-prison-releases-pose-political-risk\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">politics behind those discussions \u003c/a>— have shined a recent spotlight on the question of what happens when people leave prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We talked to four men who paroled from San Quentin State Prison about their experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Philip Melendez has been out a few years and has a steady job. Sumit Lal came home last year and is teaching martial arts. More recently, Jonathan Chiu paroled in May, while Stephen Wilson paroled last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These perspectives are not meant to be comprehensive, but aim to provide a closer look at some of the faces of reentry, mostly in their own words.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832955\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832955\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44333_027_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Philip Melendez in a walk-in closet in his home, which he says is larger than the cell he occupied at San Quentin State Prison. Often those cells house two people. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44333_027_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44333_027_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_07252020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44333_027_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_07252020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44333_027_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_07252020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44333_027_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_07252020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Philip Melendez in a walk-in closet in his home, which he says is larger than the cell he occupied at San Quentin State Prison. Often those cells house two people. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Philip Melendez: Transformative Justice\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For Philip Melendez, 42, who was serving a life sentence, the parole board mandated that he stay in a transitional home for the first six months after getting out. The home was run by \u003ca href=\"https://www.geogroup.com/Reentry-Services\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The Geo Group\u003c/a> and located in a rough neighborhood in San Francisco, where he said syringes often littered the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was “not conducive to the reentry,” Melendez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s now a program manager for \u003ca href=\"https://restorecal.org/ourstory/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Re:Store Justice\u003c/a>, an organization working toward what they call restorative policy change. The group brings together those who have been convicted of homicide to meet with family members of homicide victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When survivors of crime or people who lost loved ones to violence want to talk to the person who did it — we facilitate the actual dialogue,” Melendez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11834793\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11834793\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44218_016_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44218_016_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44218_016_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44218_016_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44218_016_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44218_016_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Artwork made by Philip Melendez at his home on July 25, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The dialogues are difficult, but Melendez says it can help people take steps toward healing — a process that’s often called transformative justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very, very rewarding for folks inside [prison] to see the actual harm,” he said. “For me personally, it broke me down and sent me on a completely different path.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832913\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832913\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44211_009_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Philip Melendez at his home computer, where he hosts Facebook Live shows including the Parole Show and Re:Store Survivors Live, on July 25, 2020. These shows help inform formerly incarcerated people on a variety of topics.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44211_009_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44211_009_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44211_009_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44211_009_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44211_009_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Philip Melendez at his home computer, where he hosts Facebook Live shows including the Parole Show and Re:Store Survivors Live, on July 25, 2020. These shows help inform formerly incarcerated people on a variety of topics. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Re:Store Justice also works with formerly incarcerated people and their family members to have a voice in policy discussions in the state Legislature on issues such as bail and parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the skills he learned inside, like tattoo art and being able to cut his own hair, have allowed Melendez to adapt to life during the pandemic, since he doesn’t need to leave his house to get a haircut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832914\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832914\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44207_003_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44207_003_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44207_003_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44207_003_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44207_003_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44207_003_KQED_Marysville_PhilipMelendez_Reentry_07252020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Philip Melendez touches up a haircut that he gave to himself at his home on July 25, 2020. He learned to cut his own hair while in prison. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Melendez, his work is a chance to make up for his past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We also have remorse and shame, and we want to show up in a world in a way that is restorative versus the way that we showed up harmfully in the community,” he said. “It becomes motivation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832915\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832915\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/1_RS44188_015_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/1_RS44188_015_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/1_RS44188_015_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/1_RS44188_015_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/1_RS44188_015_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/1_RS44188_015_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sumit Lal at the home he shares with his family in Sacramento on July 25, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Sumit Lal: Education in Prison\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Sumit Lal, 24, paroled from San Quentin in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All they give you is $200 and you’re pretty much on your own,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the fact that he had his freedom back, he said he had to ask permission from the parole board to go back to school and continue his education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had a job in San Francisco and [the parole board was] really hesitant about letting me work there,” Lal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832916\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832916\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44184_011_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44184_011_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44184_011_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44184_011_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44184_011_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/2_RS44184_011_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sumit Lal practices taekwondo in his backyard on July 25, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Still, he said he feels fortunate he was at San Quentin, where he had access to programs like The Last Mile and could attend college classes through the Prison University Project as part of a program for youth offenders at San Quentin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are prisons all over California and some of them are out in the middle of the desert. These people, they’re coming home and they don’t have the same resources as San Quentin does,” Lal said, emphasizing that reentry is not always the same for everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832918\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832918\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44177_004_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44177_004_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44177_004_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44177_004_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44177_004_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/3_RS44177_004_KQED_Sacramento_SumitLal_07252020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sumit Lal works at his home office in Sacramento on July 25, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lal was released last year, but he said he still talks to people in San Quentin nearly every day, where one major worry has been how to stay safe during the coronavirus pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hardest thing for me was that people were asking me if I could send a package — they weren’t getting the soap that they were issued,” he said. “For me, it was just pretty sad to think about that unsanitary environment that they are living in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lal recently started working for the messaging platform Slack and works from home due to COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832919\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832919\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44269_005_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Jonathan Chiu holds crossword puzzles that he created. While in San Quentin State Prison, he did design work for the San Quentin News and also created crosswords — without the help of the internet to look up answers.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44269_005_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44269_005_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44269_005_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44269_005_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44269_005_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jonathan Chiu holds crossword puzzles that he created. While in San Quentin State Prison, he did design work for the San Quentin News and also created crosswords — without the help of the internet to look up answers. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Jonathan Chiu: Best and Worst Things\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Jonathan Chiu paroled from San Quentin in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really felt guilty when I left, because a lot of guys didn’t get the same luck that I got,” said Chiu, 37, of his release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the reality of his release didn’t kick in until he saw his friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been away for about 15 years now. I was glad I missed the whole social media thing … and the whole financial crisis,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s been volunteering at a food pantry and advocating for others inside, in addition to experimenting with stand-up comedy reflecting on his life — that he is now doing via Zoom open mics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to get everybody out — I left my family back there,” he said, referring to his many friends who are still incarcerated at San Quentin. The COVID-19 case rate there \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/population-status-tracking/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">rose steadily from June to August\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Chiu, who said he is trying to relearn how to do many things like ride a bike and take public transit, the transition hasn’t been too rough. In some ways, he said prison prepared him for sheltering in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Shelter-in-place kind of worked well for me, we’re kind of trained [in prison] to be very vigilant about where we are and who is walking behind us,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832920\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832920\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Sitting_RS44279_016_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Sitting_RS44279_016_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Sitting_RS44279_016_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Sitting_RS44279_016_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Sitting_RS44279_016_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Sitting_RS44279_016_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jonathan Chiu in Oakland on Aug. 4, 2020. He’s happy to be out and spends a lot of time thinking about his friends who are still inside and working on ways to help get them out. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chiu sees the COVID-19 outbreak in San Quentin as both the best and worst thing that could happen there, because people are “shining a light on mass incarceration” and advocating with renewed effort to improve conditions inside prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The age of San Quentin and its design — \u003ca href=\"https://www.fastcompany.com/90539380/bad-design-kills-why-covid-19-spread-like-wildfire-at-one-of-americas-worst-prisons?partner=feedburner\">with poor ventilation and even windows that are welded shut\u003c/a> — make the risk of a COVID-19 outbreak particularly high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically, whatever your neighbor is cooking — you are smelling, because all that air is circulating throughout the prison. Once one person gets [COVID-19] there’s no way you can stop that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832921\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832921\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Lake_RS44281_018_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Lake_RS44281_018_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Lake_RS44281_018_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Lake_RS44281_018_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Lake_RS44281_018_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Lake_RS44281_018_KQED_Oakland_JonathanChiu_08042020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jonathan Chiu rides his bike near Lake Merritt in Oakland on Aug. 4, 2020. Chiu has family in Los Angeles but chose to stay in the Bay Area to be closer to the friends and community he made in San Quentin. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>These days, most of what Chiu is doing is trying to advocate for others inside. He sees it as a matter of life and death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we look back on this, like 10 years from now, are we going to say, ‘Did we make the right choice by not doing anything and letting people die inside San Quentin?” he asked. “By not acting, the fact is that people in prison right now are basically being sentenced to death.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832924\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832924\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/flip_RS44285_002_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Stephen Wilson said he feels more comfortable using a flip phone than an iPhone. Some technologies have been a hurdle for Wilson since his release from prison.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/flip_RS44285_002_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/flip_RS44285_002_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/flip_RS44285_002_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/flip_RS44285_002_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/flip_RS44285_002_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stephen Wilson said he feels more comfortable using a flip phone than an iPhone. Some technologies have been a hurdle for Wilson since his release from prison. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Stephen Wilson: COVID-19 Inside, Smartphones Outside\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Stephen Wilson, 75, is a veteran and was paroled from San Quentin in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was very difficult to transition. I thought I was going to die in prison and other people thought the same thing,” Wilson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson, who was serving a life sentence, said that when COVID-19 cases began climbing at San Quentin, social distancing was impossible, especially because of the size of the cells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re so small that you can lay in your bunk and put your elbow against the wall — and reach out and touch the other bunk,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He got sick, but “weathered the storm in my cell,” he said of his own battle with COVID-19. “Because when you get sick in prison they punish you. A lot of us that got sick didn’t say anything, we just weathered the storm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson said that when a doctor came to check on his shoulder from a previous surgery, Wilson told the doctor his symptoms — splitting headaches for two days, lost appetite, chills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The doctor told him, “You had the COVID-19.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson estimated he got it around June 20 and had it for roughly the next two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832923\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832923\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/bike_RS44291_008_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Despite several shoulder surgeries, Stephen Wilson rides his bicycle from the Veterans Transition Center to his transitional home located nearby in Marina, California on August 5, 2020. The center offers transportation but Wilson likes to maintain his independence by riding his bicycle. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/bike_RS44291_008_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/bike_RS44291_008_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/bike_RS44291_008_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/bike_RS44291_008_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/bike_RS44291_008_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Despite several shoulder surgeries, Stephen Wilson rides his bicycle from the Veterans Transition Center to his transitional home located nearby in Marina, California on Aug. 5, 2020. The center offers transportation but Wilson likes to maintain his independence by riding his bicycle. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Wilson added that most of the staff at San Quentin was courteous and respectful and “doing time there was way better than some of the other places — but it is just so filthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that he’s out, Wilson attributes a cough he acquired during his time at San Quentin to the mold there. He said his new doctor even asked him if was a smoker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832922\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832922\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/friend_RS44294_011_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Stephen Wilson (L) talks with his friend Dennis Barnes (R), who is also a formerly incarcerated veteran, outside of the transitional home where they're currently staying. The two met 38 years ago and were reunited at the Veterans Transition Center. They often go to one another's house for dinner, ride their bikes or take the bus to nearby towns.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/friend_RS44294_011_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/friend_RS44294_011_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/friend_RS44294_011_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/friend_RS44294_011_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/friend_RS44294_011_KQED_Marina_StephenWilson_08052020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stephen Wilson (L) talks with his friend Dennis Barnes (R), who is also a formerly incarcerated veteran, outside of the transitional home where they’re currently staying. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Wilson has been riding his bicycle, getting acquainted with the bus schedule and adjusting to new methods of communication. The Veterans Transition Center, which helps formerly incarcerated veterans adjust after leaving prison, gave him a smart phone, but, for now, he prefers his flip phone, because it is easier to use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m still a little bit overwhelmed,” he said, but added that VTC case managers have helped him tremendously. “Today I was out most of the day with a friend of mine, who I have known for 38 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two were recently reunited at the VTC and now often go to one another’s houses for dinner, ride their bikes together or take the bus to nearby towns.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Resources\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are a few organizations that offer reentry services and support:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://restorecal.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Re:Store Justice\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/groups/restoreadvocates\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Facebook Group\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://antirecidivism.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Anti-Recidivism Coalition\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/bayareafreedom\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Bay Area Freedom Collective Reentry Group\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.reentryprograms.com/go/berkeley\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Options, Berkeley\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>And check out KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11815458/how-can-you-help-people-in-prison-right-now\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">How Can You Help People in Prison Right Now?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A Foster Farms poultry plant was \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorefosterfarms\">ordered to shut down\u003c/a> by Merced County health officials after the processor repeatedly failed to heed advice on COVID-19 testing and other measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eight people who worked at the facility in Livingston have died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problems with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/companies/foster-farms/#5ea55adc5360\">multi-billion dollar\u003c/a> poultry company are not isolated to its Merced County plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s acting chief health officer, Dr. Erica Pan, \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/7047267/Signed-Letter-From-Dr-Pan-to-Foster-Farms-Merced.pdf\">wrote in a letter\u003c/a> to the company that, “of particular concern, other Foster Farms facilities in multiple counties are also experiencing outbreaks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s infuriating that because corporate headquarters did not implement the recommended health and safety precautions, people are dying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A Foster Farms poultry plant was \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorefosterfarms\">ordered to shut down\u003c/a> by Merced County health officials after the processor repeatedly failed to heed advice on COVID-19 testing and other measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eight people who worked at the facility in Livingston have died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problems with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/companies/foster-farms/#5ea55adc5360\">multi-billion dollar\u003c/a> poultry company are not isolated to its Merced County plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s acting chief health officer, Dr. Erica Pan, \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/7047267/Signed-Letter-From-Dr-Pan-to-Foster-Farms-Merced.pdf\">wrote in a letter\u003c/a> to the company that, “of particular concern, other Foster Farms facilities in multiple counties are also experiencing outbreaks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s infuriating that because corporate headquarters did not implement the recommended health and safety precautions, people are dying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Why a Massive COVID-19 Outbreak at Fresno County Jail Flew Under the Radar",
"title": "Why a Massive COVID-19 Outbreak at Fresno County Jail Flew Under the Radar",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than 1,100 people at the Fresno County Jail have tested positive for COVID-19 since the pandemic began. The running tally of infections at the county-run complex actually surpasses those at all but two state prisons in California. But unlike the state’s careful tracking and reporting of cases at prisons and nursing homes, data on COVID-19 infections in county jails have not been consistently collected or made readily available to the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the hundreds of thousands of people who pass through jails in California each year could be a vector for spreading the virus, each of the state’s 58 counties run their facilities independently, with varying approaches to tracking or reporting COVID-19 infections among inmates and staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say the lack of transparency around the COVID-19 outbreak in Fresno and other county-run jails obscures a serious public health risk not only for inmates and staff but also for the people in their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Fresno County Jail Outbreak\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The outbreak at the Fresno County Jail was discovered in mid-June, not by the sheriff’s office, but by state prison officials who were screening a group of inmates being transferred to Wasco State Prison near Bakersfield and found 13 who tested positive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After that, Fresno County jail officials began widespread testing of inmates in two of the downtown Fresno jail’s three buildings, and the case count there exploded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since June, at least 1,115 inmates and 76 employees have tested positive, according to an Aug. 25 email from Fresno County Sheriff’s Office Public Information Officer Tony Botti. Of those, 21 inmates were at one time hospitalized. The agency has reported no deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Aug. 25, 111 inmates were in quarantine, down from a peak of 901 earlier in the summer. However, the department has been unable to say how many of those were considered active cases at any given time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have a breakdown of how many are still … potentially infectious. We just lump them all together in quarantine and release them … once they clear their 13-day period,” Botti wrote in an earlier email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the number of potentially contagious inmates has dropped precipitously since the outbreak’s peak, cumulative case counts are a consistent measure of the scale of outbreaks among facilities and agencies. They also represent the total number of people associated with a particular outbreak who could become a vector for transmitting the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>How Fresno Compares\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The New York Times now ranks the outbreak in Fresno as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/us/coronavirus-us-cases.html\">12th largest cluster of cases\u003c/a> — including both inmates and staff — at a single facility in the country, but it’s not clear how other jails in California rank when not all counties are consistently reporting this information to public health officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Kathleen Guneratne, senior staff attorney, ACLU of Northern California\"]'We have an extreme vacuum of information in the county jail system. The public needs to know about the risks jails are exposing members of their community to so they can protect themselves and those members.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Public Health (CDPH) collects information on jails from county health officials, but won’t publish it because it is often “incomplete,” according to an Aug. 3 email from a spokesperson, who attributed the problem to the high volume of cases and inadequate resources for counties to report\u003cbr>\nthem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“CDPH shares a wide variety of data about COVID-19 with the public to help general understanding about how the virus is impacting our communities,” the spokesperson wrote. “In considering which data to make available … CDPH considers the reliability and completeness of available data.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Apparently, jail data has not made the cut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One agency that does make COVID-19 data readily available is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/population-status-tracking/\">California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation\u003c/a>, which oversees the state’s prison system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently the largest outbreak is at San Quentin State Prison, where more than 2,200 inmates have tested positive for the virus since the pandemic began, according to the agency's website. The next largest outbreak is rapidly expanding at Avenal State Prison, where more than 1,700 inmates were found to have COVID-19 —175 of whom were diagnosed in just the last two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the Fresno County Jail were a prison, its cumulative number of cases during the pandemic among inmates would rank it the third largest outbreak — larger than 33 of California’s prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"cdcr\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘Substantial Vectors’ of COVID-19\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Unlike prisons, where inmates can be housed for decades as they serve out their sentences, jails typically hold people convicted of lesser crimes for a few months on average. Many people in jails are still awaiting trial and have yet to be convicted. The frequent turnover, combined with close quarters, can make jails hotbeds for the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lucia Tian, Chief Analytics Officer of the American Civil Liberties Union, was part of a data team that put together a report in April warning that outbreaks in jails could lead to \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/sites/default/files/field_document/aclu_covid19-jail-report_2020-8_1.pdf\">tens to hundreds of thousands more deaths\u003c/a> than forecasters had predicted early on in the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jails are a really substantial vector for the spread of COVID-19,” Tian said, referring to jails as the “revolving doors of incarceration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, nearly 800,000 people were booked into California jails, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-incarcerated-population-plunges-to-new-low-during-covid-19/\">analysis\u003c/a> by the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say the lack of information on COVID-19 at county jails could compromise safety both inside and outside of the facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a public health issue all the way around,” said Elizabeth Diaz, Fresno County’s Public Defender. “Whether someone is incarcerated or is not, it affects the community as a whole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz said she is concerned not only about the safety of inmates, but also of her staff — the public defenders who meet their clients in the jail and in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kathleen Guneratne, a senior staff attorney with the ACLU of Northern California, said data on COVID-19 in jails is critical to ensuring an adequate public health response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have an extreme vacuum of information in the county jail system,” Guneratne said. “The public needs to know about the risks jails are exposing members of their community to so they can protect themselves and those members.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Some Jails Providing Data\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Despite the lack of centralized data, some jail systems have reported large outbreaks on their websites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Aug. 25, the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department \u003ca href=\"https://lasd.org/covid19updates/\">reported\u003c/a> 3,133 COVID-19 infections among inmates and 826 among staff; the Orange County Sheriff’s Department \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocsd.org/about_ocsd/covid_19\">confirmed\u003c/a> in excess of 529 cases among the incarcerated and 166 positive tests among employees; and the Alameda County Sheriff’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://www.alamedacountysheriff.org/admin_covid19.php\">reported\u003c/a> that 240 inmates and 53 employees tested positive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corresponding by email on Aug. 25, Santa Clara County officials stated that 173 people incarcerated in the jails and 39 employees had tested positive for the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Fresno County Sheriff’s Office, which does not make COVID-19 data available on its website, initially sent out press releases about the quarantine and outbreak but later stopped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It stirs up hysteria when things become so data driven,” spokesman Botti wrote in a July 21 email to media outlets. \"Once we reach the point of where our mass quarantine has ended, we will make an announcement.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public Defender Diaz said the Sheriff’s Office provides her office with information about COVID-19 cases at Fresno's Jail when prompted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We ask the question and we get the answers. It’s not necessarily forthcoming,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to questions about transparency, Botti said, “I don’t agree that we have not been transparent with our COVID situation in the jail. We have regularly released numbers upon request to media members. We also proactively announced when we went into a large quarantine at the North Annex Jail due to a dozen inmates testing positive after a transfer to Wasco State Prison. We continued to provide regular updates of quarantine numbers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Botti said his office does not intend to publish COVID-19 numbers on its website, but that it will provide new jail-related numbers, on a weekly basis, upon request by media members.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Advocates Call for State Oversight\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>After months of pressure from advocacy groups, California’s Board of State and Community Corrections (BSCC) launched \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/profile/kstevens#!/vizhome/BSCCCOVID-19inDetentionFacilitiesDashboard/Instructions\">a dashboard\u003c/a> on July 31 of COVID-19 data in local detention facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We understand that the community has a great interest in this information,” said Linda Penner, who chairs the oversight board. “You'll be able to look at a county and, you know, with the click of a mouse, you'll be able to look at what happened last week and the week before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates say it does not illustrate the full scope of jail outbreaks in the state. The data does not include infections that occurred during the first four months of the pandemic, making it impossible to see the full size of each facility’s outbreak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asking officials to provide virus data stretching back months “was a big lift for the counties when they are dealing with so many challenges related to the COVID-19 response,” wrote BSCC Director of Communications Tracie Cone in an Aug. 3 email. “Getting the cumulative numbers to date raised some concerns, specifically about accuracy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But without the total counts, advocates say, the dashboard is inadequate. Brian Goldstein, Director of Policy with the Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice says it’s the wrong decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Californians should be outraged,” Goldstein said. “The Board of State and Community Corrections remains willfully ignorant of conditions within jails and juvenile facilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU’s Guneratne agreed. “It does not give us a very full picture of what is happening at the county levels to address the risk of contagion,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A month after the dashboard’s launch, three counties — Amador, Sacramento, and Tehama — have yet to contribute to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Fresno County Ramps Up Testing\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fresno County Sheriff Margaret Mims said her department’s response to the outbreak has been limited by space and the number of individual cells available for isolating inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some jails have the ability to isolate inmates and quarantine them before they’re put into the general population. We don’t have that ability,” Mims said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno County’s jail has employed a system that quarantines groups of inmates together by color code — yellow for those with symptoms, orange for those known to have been exposed and red for those who tested positive — and then allows people to join the general population after 10 days of quarantine and three days of no symptoms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Fresno County Sheriff Margaret Mims\"]'Some jails have the ability to isolate inmates and quarantine them before they’re put into the general population. We don’t have that ability.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates argue that containing the virus should also involve strategies for reducing jail populations like releasing pretrial offenders who pose no significant risk of harm to others or of fleeing and eliminating outstanding warrants for offenses like failing to appear in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the ACLU report on jails and COVID-19, Fresno County’s jail system at the beginning of the pandemic was the country’s 20th largest. Since March, however, Mims said the jail population had dropped from roughly 3,000 to 2,100 inmates, thanks largely to an emergency order from the state’s Judicial Council setting \u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.courts.ca.gov/news/judicial-council-adopts-new-rules-to-lower-jail-population-suspend-evictions-and-foreclosures\">bail at $0\u003c/a> for misdemeanors and lower-level felonies that was issued statewide in April and renewed locally in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reduction in the incarcerated population made the jail’s color-coded quarantine system easier to carry out, Mims said, but she warned that the policy could backfire when it comes to public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had plenty of those offenders re-offend, and they came back to the jail after being arrested again,” she said. “So it’s a two-sided coin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sheriff’s office has committed to testing all inmates for the disease weekly, as well as testing all new arrivals upon intake, according to Botti. All employees, 20 of whom were isolating at home as of last week, can also be tested weekly on a voluntary basis.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "More than 1,100 people in Fresno County Jail have tested positive for COVID-19 since the pandemic began — a tally that surpasses those at all but two California state prisons.",
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"subhead": "Lack of data on COVID-19 in California jails obscures severity and size of outbreaks ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than 1,100 people at the Fresno County Jail have tested positive for COVID-19 since the pandemic began. The running tally of infections at the county-run complex actually surpasses those at all but two state prisons in California. But unlike the state’s careful tracking and reporting of cases at prisons and nursing homes, data on COVID-19 infections in county jails have not been consistently collected or made readily available to the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the hundreds of thousands of people who pass through jails in California each year could be a vector for spreading the virus, each of the state’s 58 counties run their facilities independently, with varying approaches to tracking or reporting COVID-19 infections among inmates and staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say the lack of transparency around the COVID-19 outbreak in Fresno and other county-run jails obscures a serious public health risk not only for inmates and staff but also for the people in their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Fresno County Jail Outbreak\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The outbreak at the Fresno County Jail was discovered in mid-June, not by the sheriff’s office, but by state prison officials who were screening a group of inmates being transferred to Wasco State Prison near Bakersfield and found 13 who tested positive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After that, Fresno County jail officials began widespread testing of inmates in two of the downtown Fresno jail’s three buildings, and the case count there exploded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since June, at least 1,115 inmates and 76 employees have tested positive, according to an Aug. 25 email from Fresno County Sheriff’s Office Public Information Officer Tony Botti. Of those, 21 inmates were at one time hospitalized. The agency has reported no deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Aug. 25, 111 inmates were in quarantine, down from a peak of 901 earlier in the summer. However, the department has been unable to say how many of those were considered active cases at any given time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have a breakdown of how many are still … potentially infectious. We just lump them all together in quarantine and release them … once they clear their 13-day period,” Botti wrote in an earlier email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the number of potentially contagious inmates has dropped precipitously since the outbreak’s peak, cumulative case counts are a consistent measure of the scale of outbreaks among facilities and agencies. They also represent the total number of people associated with a particular outbreak who could become a vector for transmitting the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>How Fresno Compares\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The New York Times now ranks the outbreak in Fresno as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/us/coronavirus-us-cases.html\">12th largest cluster of cases\u003c/a> — including both inmates and staff — at a single facility in the country, but it’s not clear how other jails in California rank when not all counties are consistently reporting this information to public health officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'We have an extreme vacuum of information in the county jail system. The public needs to know about the risks jails are exposing members of their community to so they can protect themselves and those members.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Public Health (CDPH) collects information on jails from county health officials, but won’t publish it because it is often “incomplete,” according to an Aug. 3 email from a spokesperson, who attributed the problem to the high volume of cases and inadequate resources for counties to report\u003cbr>\nthem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“CDPH shares a wide variety of data about COVID-19 with the public to help general understanding about how the virus is impacting our communities,” the spokesperson wrote. “In considering which data to make available … CDPH considers the reliability and completeness of available data.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Apparently, jail data has not made the cut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One agency that does make COVID-19 data readily available is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/population-status-tracking/\">California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation\u003c/a>, which oversees the state’s prison system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently the largest outbreak is at San Quentin State Prison, where more than 2,200 inmates have tested positive for the virus since the pandemic began, according to the agency's website. The next largest outbreak is rapidly expanding at Avenal State Prison, where more than 1,700 inmates were found to have COVID-19 —175 of whom were diagnosed in just the last two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the Fresno County Jail were a prison, its cumulative number of cases during the pandemic among inmates would rank it the third largest outbreak — larger than 33 of California’s prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘Substantial Vectors’ of COVID-19\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Unlike prisons, where inmates can be housed for decades as they serve out their sentences, jails typically hold people convicted of lesser crimes for a few months on average. Many people in jails are still awaiting trial and have yet to be convicted. The frequent turnover, combined with close quarters, can make jails hotbeds for the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lucia Tian, Chief Analytics Officer of the American Civil Liberties Union, was part of a data team that put together a report in April warning that outbreaks in jails could lead to \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/sites/default/files/field_document/aclu_covid19-jail-report_2020-8_1.pdf\">tens to hundreds of thousands more deaths\u003c/a> than forecasters had predicted early on in the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jails are a really substantial vector for the spread of COVID-19,” Tian said, referring to jails as the “revolving doors of incarceration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, nearly 800,000 people were booked into California jails, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-incarcerated-population-plunges-to-new-low-during-covid-19/\">analysis\u003c/a> by the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say the lack of information on COVID-19 at county jails could compromise safety both inside and outside of the facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a public health issue all the way around,” said Elizabeth Diaz, Fresno County’s Public Defender. “Whether someone is incarcerated or is not, it affects the community as a whole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz said she is concerned not only about the safety of inmates, but also of her staff — the public defenders who meet their clients in the jail and in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kathleen Guneratne, a senior staff attorney with the ACLU of Northern California, said data on COVID-19 in jails is critical to ensuring an adequate public health response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have an extreme vacuum of information in the county jail system,” Guneratne said. “The public needs to know about the risks jails are exposing members of their community to so they can protect themselves and those members.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Some Jails Providing Data\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Despite the lack of centralized data, some jail systems have reported large outbreaks on their websites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Aug. 25, the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department \u003ca href=\"https://lasd.org/covid19updates/\">reported\u003c/a> 3,133 COVID-19 infections among inmates and 826 among staff; the Orange County Sheriff’s Department \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocsd.org/about_ocsd/covid_19\">confirmed\u003c/a> in excess of 529 cases among the incarcerated and 166 positive tests among employees; and the Alameda County Sheriff’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://www.alamedacountysheriff.org/admin_covid19.php\">reported\u003c/a> that 240 inmates and 53 employees tested positive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corresponding by email on Aug. 25, Santa Clara County officials stated that 173 people incarcerated in the jails and 39 employees had tested positive for the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Fresno County Sheriff’s Office, which does not make COVID-19 data available on its website, initially sent out press releases about the quarantine and outbreak but later stopped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It stirs up hysteria when things become so data driven,” spokesman Botti wrote in a July 21 email to media outlets. \"Once we reach the point of where our mass quarantine has ended, we will make an announcement.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public Defender Diaz said the Sheriff’s Office provides her office with information about COVID-19 cases at Fresno's Jail when prompted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We ask the question and we get the answers. It’s not necessarily forthcoming,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to questions about transparency, Botti said, “I don’t agree that we have not been transparent with our COVID situation in the jail. We have regularly released numbers upon request to media members. We also proactively announced when we went into a large quarantine at the North Annex Jail due to a dozen inmates testing positive after a transfer to Wasco State Prison. We continued to provide regular updates of quarantine numbers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Botti said his office does not intend to publish COVID-19 numbers on its website, but that it will provide new jail-related numbers, on a weekly basis, upon request by media members.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Advocates Call for State Oversight\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>After months of pressure from advocacy groups, California’s Board of State and Community Corrections (BSCC) launched \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/profile/kstevens#!/vizhome/BSCCCOVID-19inDetentionFacilitiesDashboard/Instructions\">a dashboard\u003c/a> on July 31 of COVID-19 data in local detention facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We understand that the community has a great interest in this information,” said Linda Penner, who chairs the oversight board. “You'll be able to look at a county and, you know, with the click of a mouse, you'll be able to look at what happened last week and the week before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates say it does not illustrate the full scope of jail outbreaks in the state. The data does not include infections that occurred during the first four months of the pandemic, making it impossible to see the full size of each facility’s outbreak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asking officials to provide virus data stretching back months “was a big lift for the counties when they are dealing with so many challenges related to the COVID-19 response,” wrote BSCC Director of Communications Tracie Cone in an Aug. 3 email. “Getting the cumulative numbers to date raised some concerns, specifically about accuracy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But without the total counts, advocates say, the dashboard is inadequate. Brian Goldstein, Director of Policy with the Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice says it’s the wrong decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Californians should be outraged,” Goldstein said. “The Board of State and Community Corrections remains willfully ignorant of conditions within jails and juvenile facilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU’s Guneratne agreed. “It does not give us a very full picture of what is happening at the county levels to address the risk of contagion,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A month after the dashboard’s launch, three counties — Amador, Sacramento, and Tehama — have yet to contribute to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Fresno County Ramps Up Testing\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fresno County Sheriff Margaret Mims said her department’s response to the outbreak has been limited by space and the number of individual cells available for isolating inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some jails have the ability to isolate inmates and quarantine them before they’re put into the general population. We don’t have that ability,” Mims said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno County’s jail has employed a system that quarantines groups of inmates together by color code — yellow for those with symptoms, orange for those known to have been exposed and red for those who tested positive — and then allows people to join the general population after 10 days of quarantine and three days of no symptoms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates argue that containing the virus should also involve strategies for reducing jail populations like releasing pretrial offenders who pose no significant risk of harm to others or of fleeing and eliminating outstanding warrants for offenses like failing to appear in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the ACLU report on jails and COVID-19, Fresno County’s jail system at the beginning of the pandemic was the country’s 20th largest. Since March, however, Mims said the jail population had dropped from roughly 3,000 to 2,100 inmates, thanks largely to an emergency order from the state’s Judicial Council setting \u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.courts.ca.gov/news/judicial-council-adopts-new-rules-to-lower-jail-population-suspend-evictions-and-foreclosures\">bail at $0\u003c/a> for misdemeanors and lower-level felonies that was issued statewide in April and renewed locally in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reduction in the incarcerated population made the jail’s color-coded quarantine system easier to carry out, Mims said, but she warned that the policy could backfire when it comes to public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had plenty of those offenders re-offend, and they came back to the jail after being arrested again,” she said. “So it’s a two-sided coin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sheriff’s office has committed to testing all inmates for the disease weekly, as well as testing all new arrivals upon intake, according to Botti. All employees, 20 of whom were isolating at home as of last week, can also be tested weekly on a voluntary basis.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "protesters-gather-in-oakland-to-condemn-the-shooting-of-jacob-blake",
"title": "Protesters Gather in Oakland to Condemn the Shooting of Jacob Blake",
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"headTitle": "Protesters Gather in Oakland to Condemn the Shooting of Jacob Blake | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Hundreds of demonstrators in Oakland gathered at Oscar Grant / Frank Ogawa Plaza Wednesday evening to protest another shooting of a Black man by police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacob Blake, 29, was \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/97a0700564fb52d7f664d8de22066f88\">shot seven times in the back\u003c/a> by police in Kenosha, Wis. on Sunday, leaving him paralyzed from the waist down. Lawyers for Blake have said he was returning to his car after deescalating a fight when officers began shooting. The incident was captured by \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/videos/us/2020/08/24/wisconsin-police-shooting-dnt-lead-vpx.cnn\">cellphone video\u003c/a> which shows officers pursuing Blake, grabbing his shirt and shooting him from behind just outside the vehicle. His three children were in the car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protests in Oakland began with about a dozen speakers at the plaza, then attendees began marching while chanting “No racist cops, no KKK, justice for Jacob Blake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the protests were largely peaceful, by 10:15 p.m. Oakland police had declared the protest an “unlawful assembly.” On the \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/oaklandpoliceca/status/1298848306735411202?s=20\">department’s Twitter page\u003c/a>, police officials said some people within the crowd “are determined to cause damage, Breaking windows, throwing objects and setting fires.” At about 11:15 p.m., Oakland police \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/oaklandpoliceca/status/1298867726576783360?s=20\">tweeted video\u003c/a> of a smashed entry door and small fire burning just inside the René C. Davidson Courthouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835456\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1418px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11835456 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-7.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1418\" height=\"945\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-7.jpg 1418w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-7-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-7-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-7-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1418px) 100vw, 1418px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators stop at a police barricade outside of the Oakland Police Dept. on Broadway in Oakland on Aug. 26. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Police officials also reported that demonstrators \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/oaklandpoliceca/status/1298859707772235781?s=20\">“temporarily” shut down traffic\u003c/a> on I-580. Tweets from East Bay Times reporter George Kelly appear to show traffic exiting westbound 580 at Grand being turned around back towards the freeway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/allaboutgeorge/status/1298859486250061824?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many were out to protest police violence, one Oakland resident at the plaza was critical of the protesters, saying the demonstrations were not representative of the Black community in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the end of the day: preach, protest, do what’s right, but don’t come down here and destroy stuff,” said Renee Broughton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because when we need to come down here and do our business and do certain things, we can’t do shit. Why? Cause all this shit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/LinshannonLin/status/1298826153788968963\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wisconsin state officials on Wednesday identified the officer who shot Jacob Blake as Rusten Sheskey, a seven-year veteran of the Kenosha Police Dept.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shooting sparked several nights of protests against racial injustice and police violence in Kenosha. Two people were killed Tuesday night at one of those protests and a third was wounded in an attack apparently carried out by a young white man who was caught on \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5V-wS-4adh8\">cellphone video\u003c/a> opening fire in the middle of the street with a semi-automatic rifle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835457\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1620px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11835457 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-6.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1620\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-6.jpg 1620w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-6-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-6-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-6-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-6-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1620px) 100vw, 1620px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march through Downtown Oakland on Aug. 26 to protest the police shooting of Jacob Blake in Kenosha, Wisc. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The alleged gunman, identified as 17-year-old Kyle Rittenhouse, considered himself a militia member trying to protect property. Much of Rittenhouse’s Facebook page is devoted to praising law enforcement, with references to Blue Lives Matter. He also can be seen holding an assault rifle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rittenhouse was arrested on suspicion of first-degree intentional homicide on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just killed somebody,” he could be heard saying at one point during the rampage that erupted just before midnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to witness accounts and video footage, police \u003ca href=\"https://chicago.cbslocal.com/2020/08/26/kenosha-shooting-video-shows-suspected-gunman-kyle-rittenhouse-being-allowed-to-leave-scene/\">apparently let Rittenhouse walk past them\u003c/a> and leave the scene with a rifle over his shoulder and his hands in the air as members of the crowd yelled for him to be arrested because he had just shot people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the wake of the killings, Wisconsin Gov. Tony Evers authorized sending 500 members of the National Guard to Kenosha, doubling the number of troops. The governor’s office said he is working with other states to bring in additional National Guard members and law officers. Authorities also announced a 7 p.m. curfew, an hour earlier than the night before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835429\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1416px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11835429 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-4.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1416\" height=\"944\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-4.jpg 1416w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-4-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-4-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-4-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1416px) 100vw, 1416px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Actor and activist Jamal Trulove speaks at Oscar Grant/Frank Ogawa Plaza on Aug. 26 during a protest over the police shooting of Jacob Blake. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Washington, the Justice Department said it is sending in the FBI and federal marshals in response to the unrest. The White House said up to 2,000 National Guard troops would be made available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blake’s legal team plans to file a civil lawsuit against the police department over the shooting. Police have said little about what happened, other than that they were responding to a domestic dispute. The Wisconsin Department of Justice is investigating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835459\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1618px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11835459 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-11.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1618\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-11.jpg 1618w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-11-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-11-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-11-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-11-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1618px) 100vw, 1618px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alencia Costello holds a sign that says ‘Jail Killer Cops,’ in Downtown Oakland on Aug. 26 to protest the police shooting of Jacob Blake in Kenosha, Wisc. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, in Orlando, six NBA basketball teams — including the Milwaukee Bucks, Los Angeles Lakers, Houston Rockets and Portland Trail Blazers — are holding a strike, refusing to participate in Wednesday’s scheduled playoffs games in protest of the events in Kenosha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Associated Press contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Hundreds of demonstrators in Oakland gathered at Oscar Grant / Frank Ogawa Plaza Wednesday evening to protest another shooting of a Black man by police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacob Blake, 29, was \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/97a0700564fb52d7f664d8de22066f88\">shot seven times in the back\u003c/a> by police in Kenosha, Wis. on Sunday, leaving him paralyzed from the waist down. Lawyers for Blake have said he was returning to his car after deescalating a fight when officers began shooting. The incident was captured by \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/videos/us/2020/08/24/wisconsin-police-shooting-dnt-lead-vpx.cnn\">cellphone video\u003c/a> which shows officers pursuing Blake, grabbing his shirt and shooting him from behind just outside the vehicle. His three children were in the car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protests in Oakland began with about a dozen speakers at the plaza, then attendees began marching while chanting “No racist cops, no KKK, justice for Jacob Blake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the protests were largely peaceful, by 10:15 p.m. Oakland police had declared the protest an “unlawful assembly.” On the \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/oaklandpoliceca/status/1298848306735411202?s=20\">department’s Twitter page\u003c/a>, police officials said some people within the crowd “are determined to cause damage, Breaking windows, throwing objects and setting fires.” At about 11:15 p.m., Oakland police \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/oaklandpoliceca/status/1298867726576783360?s=20\">tweeted video\u003c/a> of a smashed entry door and small fire burning just inside the René C. Davidson Courthouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835456\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1418px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11835456 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-7.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1418\" height=\"945\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-7.jpg 1418w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-7-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-7-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-7-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1418px) 100vw, 1418px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators stop at a police barricade outside of the Oakland Police Dept. on Broadway in Oakland on Aug. 26. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Police officials also reported that demonstrators \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/oaklandpoliceca/status/1298859707772235781?s=20\">“temporarily” shut down traffic\u003c/a> on I-580. Tweets from East Bay Times reporter George Kelly appear to show traffic exiting westbound 580 at Grand being turned around back towards the freeway.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>While many were out to protest police violence, one Oakland resident at the plaza was critical of the protesters, saying the demonstrations were not representative of the Black community in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the end of the day: preach, protest, do what’s right, but don’t come down here and destroy stuff,” said Renee Broughton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because when we need to come down here and do our business and do certain things, we can’t do shit. Why? Cause all this shit.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Wisconsin state officials on Wednesday identified the officer who shot Jacob Blake as Rusten Sheskey, a seven-year veteran of the Kenosha Police Dept.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shooting sparked several nights of protests against racial injustice and police violence in Kenosha. Two people were killed Tuesday night at one of those protests and a third was wounded in an attack apparently carried out by a young white man who was caught on \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5V-wS-4adh8\">cellphone video\u003c/a> opening fire in the middle of the street with a semi-automatic rifle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835457\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1620px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11835457 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-6.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1620\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-6.jpg 1620w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-6-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-6-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-6-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-6-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1620px) 100vw, 1620px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march through Downtown Oakland on Aug. 26 to protest the police shooting of Jacob Blake in Kenosha, Wisc. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The alleged gunman, identified as 17-year-old Kyle Rittenhouse, considered himself a militia member trying to protect property. Much of Rittenhouse’s Facebook page is devoted to praising law enforcement, with references to Blue Lives Matter. He also can be seen holding an assault rifle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rittenhouse was arrested on suspicion of first-degree intentional homicide on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just killed somebody,” he could be heard saying at one point during the rampage that erupted just before midnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to witness accounts and video footage, police \u003ca href=\"https://chicago.cbslocal.com/2020/08/26/kenosha-shooting-video-shows-suspected-gunman-kyle-rittenhouse-being-allowed-to-leave-scene/\">apparently let Rittenhouse walk past them\u003c/a> and leave the scene with a rifle over his shoulder and his hands in the air as members of the crowd yelled for him to be arrested because he had just shot people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the wake of the killings, Wisconsin Gov. Tony Evers authorized sending 500 members of the National Guard to Kenosha, doubling the number of troops. The governor’s office said he is working with other states to bring in additional National Guard members and law officers. Authorities also announced a 7 p.m. curfew, an hour earlier than the night before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835429\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1416px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11835429 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-4.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1416\" height=\"944\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-4.jpg 1416w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-4-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-4-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-4-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1416px) 100vw, 1416px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Actor and activist Jamal Trulove speaks at Oscar Grant/Frank Ogawa Plaza on Aug. 26 during a protest over the police shooting of Jacob Blake. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Washington, the Justice Department said it is sending in the FBI and federal marshals in response to the unrest. The White House said up to 2,000 National Guard troops would be made available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blake’s legal team plans to file a civil lawsuit against the police department over the shooting. Police have said little about what happened, other than that they were responding to a domestic dispute. The Wisconsin Department of Justice is investigating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835459\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1618px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11835459 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-11.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1618\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-11.jpg 1618w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-11-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-11-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-11-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-11-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1618px) 100vw, 1618px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alencia Costello holds a sign that says ‘Jail Killer Cops,’ in Downtown Oakland on Aug. 26 to protest the police shooting of Jacob Blake in Kenosha, Wisc. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, in Orlando, six NBA basketball teams — including the Milwaukee Bucks, Los Angeles Lakers, Houston Rockets and Portland Trail Blazers — are holding a strike, refusing to participate in Wednesday’s scheduled playoffs games in protest of the events in Kenosha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Associated Press contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>During \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorernc\">this week’s Republican National Convention\u003c/a>, California appears to have become the go-to punching bag.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Kimberly Guilfoyle’s scream-a-thon to Florida Rep. Matt Gaetz’s “woke-topians,” the Golden State is being depicted as a dystopia filled with Hollywood (and/or Silicon Valley) elites who will take your guns, empty prisons and “\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/story/2020-08-24/republican-convention-california-trump\">invite MS-13 to live next door\u003c/a>,” among many other things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You would be forgiven if you were too busy dealing with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1968913/how-climate-change-is-contributing-to-californias-bad-fire-seasons\">effects of climate change\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/coronavirus\">COVID-19 pandemic\u003c/a> to notice what is going on at the Republican convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>During \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorernc\">this week’s Republican National Convention\u003c/a>, California appears to have become the go-to punching bag.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Kimberly Guilfoyle’s scream-a-thon to Florida Rep. Matt Gaetz’s “woke-topians,” the Golden State is being depicted as a dystopia filled with Hollywood (and/or Silicon Valley) elites who will take your guns, empty prisons and “\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/story/2020-08-24/republican-convention-california-trump\">invite MS-13 to live next door\u003c/a>,” among many other things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You would be forgiven if you were too busy dealing with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1968913/how-climate-change-is-contributing-to-californias-bad-fire-seasons\">effects of climate change\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/coronavirus\">COVID-19 pandemic\u003c/a> to notice what is going on at the Republican convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"soldout": {
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