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"content": "\u003cp>California lawmakers rejected a bill that would have blocked state prisons and jails from transferring noncitizens to federal immigration custody after the completion of their sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The so-called \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB937\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">VISION Act\u003c/a>, which overwhelmingly passed the state Assembly last year, fell three votes short of the 21 needed for approval in the Senate late Wednesday, as lawmakers rushed to wrap up the legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed similar legislation in 2019, saying then that it could “negatively impact prison operations.” The measure also faced stiff opposition from Republican lawmakers and law enforcement organizations, citing public safety concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Peace Officers Research Association of California said the bill would put “local law enforcement in a no-win situation, having to choose between state and federal laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law prohibits local police and sheriffs from cooperating with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement for some crimes, but those rules don’t apply to the prison system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state transferred more than 1,400 incarcerated people to immigration authorities in 2020, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.asianprisonersupport.com/\">Asian Prisoner Support Committee\u003c/a>, an advocacy group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State corrections officials estimated that the bill, had it become law, could have cost the state an additional $22 million a year to supervise more than 2,500 parolees who otherwise would have been deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Illinois, Oregon and Washington, D.C., have already ended such transfers, as have at least eight California counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Susan Eggman, of Stockton, was among the few Democrats who also opposed the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our immigration system is broken. It needs to be fixed. I can’t do that at my level,” Eggman said, noting her background as a trained social worker and someone who firmly believes in redemption. “But on this bill, I cannot support it … because at the end of the day, the job I do have is to ensure my community is safe and to do everything I can to ensure the safety of my constituents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transfer issue \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11923465/immigrant-advocates-make-final-push-to-pass-bill-ending-prison-to-ice-transfers-in-california\">had drawn increased attention\u003c/a> in recent years after a number of noncitizen \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/bills-california-immigration-united-states-prisons-a9e4543eb6c5dbb662f09cfc4fe618f3\">incarcerated firefighters\u003c/a>, who risked their lives battling California blazes, were subsequently turned over to ICE when their sentences ended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"vision-act\"]“Whether you are an American citizen or … a refugee, if you have served your time, you have a right to be treated equally in the state of California,” Assemblymember Wendy Carrillo, D-Los Angeles, argued in support of her bill, AB 937, in advance of the Senate’s consideration. She said the state’s current policy “has created a dual justice system” that allows for deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters in the Senate said it’s unfair that people who have served their time are subjected to more punishment because they are not citizens, a process they argue effectively inflicts “double punishment.” Many are U.S. residents who fled Southeast Asia as children with their families after the Vietnam War and landed in impoverished and violent neighborhoods, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Activists rallied unsuccessfully last month to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/eastbay/article/He-barely-remembers-Cambodia-He-may-be-deported-17378205.php\">stop immigration officials from deporting Phoeun You\u003c/a>, a man who had been granted parole earlier this year after spending a quarter century behind bars at San Quentin State Prison for a 1995 homicide. You, 48, was sent to Cambodia, a country he hadn’t set foot in since he was 4 years old, when his family fled the Khmer Rouge genocide in the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, they made mistakes as young people and they were incarcerated and punished, but have transformed decades later,” said state Sen. Richard Pan, D-Sacramento. “It’s time to end this violence against the AAPI community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, said the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation is being “incredibly arrogant” and basically “flipping us the bird” when lawmakers and voters have the power to set sentences for crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They paid their debt to the state of California, they did their time,” Wiener said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 300 faith leaders signed a letter supporting the bill, which also had the backing of United Farm Workers co-founder Dolores Huerta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is happening right now is totally inhumane,” Huerta said during an online news conference before the Senate’s consideration. “This is double jeopardy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters held it out as another litmus test for Newsom, a Democrat frequently mentioned as a possible presidential contender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salvador Sarmiento, legislative director for the National Day Laborer Organizing Network, said the measure “is a test whether Gavin Newsom is the type of leadership the country needs right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Matthew Green and Tyche Hendricks contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California lawmakers rejected a bill that would have blocked state prisons and jails from transferring noncitizens to federal immigration custody after the completion of their sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The so-called \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB937\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">VISION Act\u003c/a>, which overwhelmingly passed the state Assembly last year, fell three votes short of the 21 needed for approval in the Senate late Wednesday, as lawmakers rushed to wrap up the legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed similar legislation in 2019, saying then that it could “negatively impact prison operations.” The measure also faced stiff opposition from Republican lawmakers and law enforcement organizations, citing public safety concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Peace Officers Research Association of California said the bill would put “local law enforcement in a no-win situation, having to choose between state and federal laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law prohibits local police and sheriffs from cooperating with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement for some crimes, but those rules don’t apply to the prison system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state transferred more than 1,400 incarcerated people to immigration authorities in 2020, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.asianprisonersupport.com/\">Asian Prisoner Support Committee\u003c/a>, an advocacy group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State corrections officials estimated that the bill, had it become law, could have cost the state an additional $22 million a year to supervise more than 2,500 parolees who otherwise would have been deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Illinois, Oregon and Washington, D.C., have already ended such transfers, as have at least eight California counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Susan Eggman, of Stockton, was among the few Democrats who also opposed the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our immigration system is broken. It needs to be fixed. I can’t do that at my level,” Eggman said, noting her background as a trained social worker and someone who firmly believes in redemption. “But on this bill, I cannot support it … because at the end of the day, the job I do have is to ensure my community is safe and to do everything I can to ensure the safety of my constituents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transfer issue \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11923465/immigrant-advocates-make-final-push-to-pass-bill-ending-prison-to-ice-transfers-in-california\">had drawn increased attention\u003c/a> in recent years after a number of noncitizen \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/bills-california-immigration-united-states-prisons-a9e4543eb6c5dbb662f09cfc4fe618f3\">incarcerated firefighters\u003c/a>, who risked their lives battling California blazes, were subsequently turned over to ICE when their sentences ended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Whether you are an American citizen or … a refugee, if you have served your time, you have a right to be treated equally in the state of California,” Assemblymember Wendy Carrillo, D-Los Angeles, argued in support of her bill, AB 937, in advance of the Senate’s consideration. She said the state’s current policy “has created a dual justice system” that allows for deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters in the Senate said it’s unfair that people who have served their time are subjected to more punishment because they are not citizens, a process they argue effectively inflicts “double punishment.” Many are U.S. residents who fled Southeast Asia as children with their families after the Vietnam War and landed in impoverished and violent neighborhoods, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Activists rallied unsuccessfully last month to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/eastbay/article/He-barely-remembers-Cambodia-He-may-be-deported-17378205.php\">stop immigration officials from deporting Phoeun You\u003c/a>, a man who had been granted parole earlier this year after spending a quarter century behind bars at San Quentin State Prison for a 1995 homicide. You, 48, was sent to Cambodia, a country he hadn’t set foot in since he was 4 years old, when his family fled the Khmer Rouge genocide in the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, they made mistakes as young people and they were incarcerated and punished, but have transformed decades later,” said state Sen. Richard Pan, D-Sacramento. “It’s time to end this violence against the AAPI community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, said the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation is being “incredibly arrogant” and basically “flipping us the bird” when lawmakers and voters have the power to set sentences for crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They paid their debt to the state of California, they did their time,” Wiener said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 300 faith leaders signed a letter supporting the bill, which also had the backing of United Farm Workers co-founder Dolores Huerta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is happening right now is totally inhumane,” Huerta said during an online news conference before the Senate’s consideration. “This is double jeopardy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters held it out as another litmus test for Newsom, a Democrat frequently mentioned as a possible presidential contender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salvador Sarmiento, legislative director for the National Day Laborer Organizing Network, said the measure “is a test whether Gavin Newsom is the type of leadership the country needs right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Matthew Green and Tyche Hendricks contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-incarceration-rates-highest-in-rural-communities-of-color-report-finds",
"title": "California Incarceration Rates Highest in Rural Communities of Color, Report Finds",
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"content": "\u003cp>Shasta County in rural Northern California has one of the state’s highest incarceration rates. Ask Robert Bowman what’s going on, and he takes a long, deep sigh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a perfect storm of bad,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bowman, director of the county’s program that helps formerly incarcerated people transition back to life outside, identifies three main drivers of crime in Shasta County: high housing costs, untreated mental illness and drug trafficking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those are some of the same factors blamed for crime in other California counties that rank among the highest for incarcerated people, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/origin/ca/2020/report.html\">a report released this morning\u003c/a> by the Prison Policy Initiative, a nonprofit that seeks to end mass incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report takes newly available data from California prisons to show where incarcerated people come from — not just their home counties, but their neighborhoods. The group’s stated intent is to show lawmakers where they can better direct public dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The neighborhoods where incarcerated people come from often have a higher percentage of Black and Latino residents than the state average, according to the report, while the counties that host the prisons are predominantly white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effect has been “the siphoning of political power from disproportionately Black and Latino communities to pad out the mostly rural and often predominantly white regions where prisons are located,” the study found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unsurprisingly, the most populous counties send the most people to state prison. Los Angeles County had the most people incarcerated, followed by Riverside and San Diego counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in some counties, though they have fewer total people in state prisons, the rate of incarceration is much higher than the statewide average of 310 per 100,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tiny Kings County in the San Joaquin Valley has the state’s highest incarceration rate at 666 per 100,000, the study found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shasta County ranked second among counties that send people to prison, with 663 county residents incarcerated per 100,000 people. The county of fewer than 200,000 is framed by mountains to its north, west and east. People move there for cheap land and open spaces, or burrow further into its hills to escape creeping modernity, Bowman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then we have those who have moved up here for political reasons and I’ll just leave it at that,” Bowman said with a laugh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one Shasta County census tract that encompasses most of the city of Redding, more than one in every 100 people is in a state prison.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Robert Bowman, director, STEP-UP\"]‘If you have billions of dollars to spend, but yet your community is overwhelmingly ‘not in my backyard,’ then you can get nothing done.’[/pullquote] Disparities also persist in cities like Los Angeles, where the neighborhoods of Watts and Crenshaw have \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/origin/ca/2020/la_neighborhood.html\">more than five times\u003c/a> the incarceration rate of Bel-Air and Brentwood, according to the study’s calculations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s fewer Beverly Hills in our community,” Bowman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many of the same issues that crop up in Los Angeles and San Francisco are true in far Northern California: homelessness, untreated mental illness and a resistance among locals to new construction or lower-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bowman points to a proposed micro-shelter at a Lutheran church in Redding that would serve as transitional housing for up to five people. Neighbors hung a sign on a chain link fence: “Tiny Houses = Big Problems.” The shelter is \u003ca href=\"https://www.redding.com/story/news/2022/05/20/homeless-housing-units-could-open-fall-after-getting-reddings-ok/9843183002/\">expected to open this fall\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have billions of dollars to spend, but yet your community is overwhelmingly ‘not in my backyard,’ then you can get nothing done,” Bowman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Prison Policy Initiative report is based on numbers provided by the state of California, which, for the first time in its 2020 census, counted incarcerated people in their home districts instead of the cities and counties where they’re incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea was to end what opponents called “prison gerrymandering,” which counted incarcerated people as residents of their prison’s county. California ended that practice in 2011 with \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/11-12/bill/asm/ab_0401-0450/ab_420_bill_20110822_amended_sen_v93.pdf\">AB 420\u003c/a>, signed by former Gov. Jerry Brown, but the law did not take effect until 2020. Ten other states have taken similar steps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s redistricting maps were the first to count incarcerated people in their home districts. The process toward final approval by a state independent commission was\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/12/california-redistricting-final-maps/\"> fraught and messy\u003c/a>, but has so far survived without a legal challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our hope is really that policymakers and service providers will use this data to kind of direct some of their thinking on how they make choices about the people that they serve,” said Prison Policy Initiative spokesperson Mike Wessler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For lawmakers, we hope that they’ll take a look at how many people in their own communities are lost to incarceration every single day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Prison Policy Initiative study was taken from a snapshot of the 122,000 people in state prisons on April 1, 2020. It doesn’t count people in federal prison or immigration detention, nor does it count those who were identified in court proceedings as unhoused. [pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Mike Wessler, spokesperson, Prison Policy Initiative\"]‘A lot of these rural areas are also facing significant economic challenges.’[/pullquote]Among cities with at least 20,000 people, Compton in Los Angeles County had the highest rate of incarceration, with 979 people incarcerated per 100,000 residents. It also has a higher Black and Latino population than the state average, which the report’s authors say mirrors a national trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This suggests that policing, arrests and incarceration are disproportionately concentrated in a handful of Black communities across the county, such as Compton with its large Black population,” wrote the report’s authors, Emily Widra and Felicia Gomez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://censusreporter.org/profiles/14000US06029001500-census-tract-15-kern-ca/\">One census tract\u003c/a> in Kern County stands out. Just east of downtown Bakersfield, the 1-square-mile tract had 2,944 residents and 74 people in state prisons, or more than two out of every 100 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kern County also leads the state in homicide rate, a statistic the county’s residents and law enforcement struggle to explain. For the sixth consecutive year, the county led the state with a homicide rate of 13.7 homicides per 100,000 people. The statewide average is six homicides per 100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the smaller rural counties often are overlooked but actually have some of the highest incarceration rates in the entire state,” Wessler said. “A lot of these rural areas are also facing significant economic challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You don’t have to remind Bowman, of the Shasta County STEP-UP program for those recently released from incarceration. First, in 2018, the Carr Fire \u003ca href=\"https://opr.ca.gov/docs/20220817-Shasta_County_Case_Study.pdf\">displaced thousands of people\u003c/a> in an area that was already struggling to control housing costs. Then, during the pandemic, wealthier residents of the Bay Area and Sacramento Valley started moving north, pushing up rents and home values. People already on the economic fringe were pushed to its edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because now, landlords could charge whatever they want and there’s no reason for them to open up their homes” to affordable housing programs, Bowman said. “They can get someone who is displaced while their home’s being rebuilt (and) they can get a higher rent from that individual or family. So that’s a huge issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is, however, ultimately optimistic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there are a lot of good people that are trying to do the very best they can,” Bowman said. “It just takes time for the numbers to come down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/08/california-incarceration-rates-rural/\">This story was originally published in CalMatters.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "California Incarceration Rates Highest in Rural Communities of Color, Report Finds | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Shasta County in rural Northern California has one of the state’s highest incarceration rates. Ask Robert Bowman what’s going on, and he takes a long, deep sigh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a perfect storm of bad,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bowman, director of the county’s program that helps formerly incarcerated people transition back to life outside, identifies three main drivers of crime in Shasta County: high housing costs, untreated mental illness and drug trafficking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those are some of the same factors blamed for crime in other California counties that rank among the highest for incarcerated people, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/origin/ca/2020/report.html\">a report released this morning\u003c/a> by the Prison Policy Initiative, a nonprofit that seeks to end mass incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report takes newly available data from California prisons to show where incarcerated people come from — not just their home counties, but their neighborhoods. The group’s stated intent is to show lawmakers where they can better direct public dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The neighborhoods where incarcerated people come from often have a higher percentage of Black and Latino residents than the state average, according to the report, while the counties that host the prisons are predominantly white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effect has been “the siphoning of political power from disproportionately Black and Latino communities to pad out the mostly rural and often predominantly white regions where prisons are located,” the study found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unsurprisingly, the most populous counties send the most people to state prison. Los Angeles County had the most people incarcerated, followed by Riverside and San Diego counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in some counties, though they have fewer total people in state prisons, the rate of incarceration is much higher than the statewide average of 310 per 100,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tiny Kings County in the San Joaquin Valley has the state’s highest incarceration rate at 666 per 100,000, the study found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shasta County ranked second among counties that send people to prison, with 663 county residents incarcerated per 100,000 people. The county of fewer than 200,000 is framed by mountains to its north, west and east. People move there for cheap land and open spaces, or burrow further into its hills to escape creeping modernity, Bowman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then we have those who have moved up here for political reasons and I’ll just leave it at that,” Bowman said with a laugh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one Shasta County census tract that encompasses most of the city of Redding, more than one in every 100 people is in a state prison.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘If you have billions of dollars to spend, but yet your community is overwhelmingly ‘not in my backyard,’ then you can get nothing done.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Disparities also persist in cities like Los Angeles, where the neighborhoods of Watts and Crenshaw have \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/origin/ca/2020/la_neighborhood.html\">more than five times\u003c/a> the incarceration rate of Bel-Air and Brentwood, according to the study’s calculations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s fewer Beverly Hills in our community,” Bowman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many of the same issues that crop up in Los Angeles and San Francisco are true in far Northern California: homelessness, untreated mental illness and a resistance among locals to new construction or lower-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bowman points to a proposed micro-shelter at a Lutheran church in Redding that would serve as transitional housing for up to five people. Neighbors hung a sign on a chain link fence: “Tiny Houses = Big Problems.” The shelter is \u003ca href=\"https://www.redding.com/story/news/2022/05/20/homeless-housing-units-could-open-fall-after-getting-reddings-ok/9843183002/\">expected to open this fall\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have billions of dollars to spend, but yet your community is overwhelmingly ‘not in my backyard,’ then you can get nothing done,” Bowman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Prison Policy Initiative report is based on numbers provided by the state of California, which, for the first time in its 2020 census, counted incarcerated people in their home districts instead of the cities and counties where they’re incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea was to end what opponents called “prison gerrymandering,” which counted incarcerated people as residents of their prison’s county. California ended that practice in 2011 with \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/11-12/bill/asm/ab_0401-0450/ab_420_bill_20110822_amended_sen_v93.pdf\">AB 420\u003c/a>, signed by former Gov. Jerry Brown, but the law did not take effect until 2020. Ten other states have taken similar steps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s redistricting maps were the first to count incarcerated people in their home districts. The process toward final approval by a state independent commission was\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/12/california-redistricting-final-maps/\"> fraught and messy\u003c/a>, but has so far survived without a legal challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our hope is really that policymakers and service providers will use this data to kind of direct some of their thinking on how they make choices about the people that they serve,” said Prison Policy Initiative spokesperson Mike Wessler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For lawmakers, we hope that they’ll take a look at how many people in their own communities are lost to incarceration every single day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Prison Policy Initiative study was taken from a snapshot of the 122,000 people in state prisons on April 1, 2020. It doesn’t count people in federal prison or immigration detention, nor does it count those who were identified in court proceedings as unhoused. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Among cities with at least 20,000 people, Compton in Los Angeles County had the highest rate of incarceration, with 979 people incarcerated per 100,000 residents. It also has a higher Black and Latino population than the state average, which the report’s authors say mirrors a national trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This suggests that policing, arrests and incarceration are disproportionately concentrated in a handful of Black communities across the county, such as Compton with its large Black population,” wrote the report’s authors, Emily Widra and Felicia Gomez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://censusreporter.org/profiles/14000US06029001500-census-tract-15-kern-ca/\">One census tract\u003c/a> in Kern County stands out. Just east of downtown Bakersfield, the 1-square-mile tract had 2,944 residents and 74 people in state prisons, or more than two out of every 100 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kern County also leads the state in homicide rate, a statistic the county’s residents and law enforcement struggle to explain. For the sixth consecutive year, the county led the state with a homicide rate of 13.7 homicides per 100,000 people. The statewide average is six homicides per 100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the smaller rural counties often are overlooked but actually have some of the highest incarceration rates in the entire state,” Wessler said. “A lot of these rural areas are also facing significant economic challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You don’t have to remind Bowman, of the Shasta County STEP-UP program for those recently released from incarceration. First, in 2018, the Carr Fire \u003ca href=\"https://opr.ca.gov/docs/20220817-Shasta_County_Case_Study.pdf\">displaced thousands of people\u003c/a> in an area that was already struggling to control housing costs. Then, during the pandemic, wealthier residents of the Bay Area and Sacramento Valley started moving north, pushing up rents and home values. People already on the economic fringe were pushed to its edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because now, landlords could charge whatever they want and there’s no reason for them to open up their homes” to affordable housing programs, Bowman said. “They can get someone who is displaced while their home’s being rebuilt (and) they can get a higher rent from that individual or family. So that’s a huge issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is, however, ultimately optimistic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there are a lot of good people that are trying to do the very best they can,” Bowman said. “It just takes time for the numbers to come down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/08/california-incarceration-rates-rural/\">This story was originally published in CalMatters.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "As California Remakes Its Juvenile Justice System, Counties Take the Lead on Rehabilitation",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]T[/dropcap]wenty-one-year-old Reid Butler spent about a year in one of California’s state youth prisons before officials in his home county convinced a court to let him serve his sentence in a county juvenile hall. Known as the Division of Juvenile Justice (DJJ), the state lockups were plagued by violence among youth and abuse by staff, and often meant young people were incarcerated hundreds of miles away from their families for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a weekday this June, Butler was chatting and working in a large room with the other 10 youths serving time in El Dorado County’s juvenile hall. Most of those young people look up to Butler — he’s the oldest young person incarcerated here, and he’s been here the longest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to DJJ, Butler said this South Lake Tahoe facility “definitely feels very different.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Historically speaking, the Division of Juvenile Justice is very … You could call it a cattle house, because it prunes and picks these kids to be in the system for the rest of their lives,” he said. “I think DJJ has tried to do a good job, but it’s very difficult when you’re sending all of your broken parts to the same place. That factory doesn’t have the tools necessary to fix those parts. Those things need to be dealt with on, like, an individual basis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, Butler said, he’s made significant progress here, getting his high school diploma, then earning his associate’s degree through a community college. And, he’s become a model for other young people here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very interesting how the kids look up to me … How much respect people have for my advice, of my opinion,” he said. “I’ve learned through my experience that teaching somebody else helps you to learn better … when they succeed, you succeed. When you see people are happy, you’re happy because you’re putting your time and your investments into them. It’s a very nurturing environment to be a leader.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s exactly the culture Brian Richart, chief probation officer for El Dorado County, is looking to create as he — along with the state’s 57 other counties — prepare for the end of state juvenile prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California had some 19,000 youth in custody 20 years ago. But over the past two decades, the state has completely reimagined its approach to dealing with youths who commit crimes, embracing a model of rehabilitation over punishment. There are now fewer than 3,000 young people in state and local custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This remaking of juvenile justice \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11879759/california-moves-to-phase-out-state-run-youth-prisons\">will culminate next summer in the closure of DJJ\u003c/a> — a change that will require probation chiefs like Richart to house and treat all justice system-affected young people in their home counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Reid Butler, 21, currently serving a sentence in El Dorado County juvenile hall\"]‘You could call [DJJ] a cattle house, because it prunes and picks these kids to be in the system for the rest of their lives. I think DJJ has tried to do a good job, but it’s very difficult when you’re sending all of your broken parts to the same place.’[/pullquote]It’s a change prompted by not only a sharp drop in youth crime over the past few decades, but also state laws that limited jail time for young people and new research about what actually helps turn kids’ lives around. But it’s also posing big challenges for counties that haven’t historically been in the business of incarcerating youths for years at a time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richart said the biggest challenge now is making his outdated, decades-old juvenile hall feel less like a prison and more like a school, home and therapeutic space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This facility was opened approximately 19-ish years ago, but in my opinion, it was designed in the older style and the older modality. So when you walk around the facility, you hear the steel doors close, you see the concrete aspects of the facility, the cinder block walls,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El Dorado County isn’t alone in this — most counties are working with similarly dated facilities. Some are being rebuilt; El Dorado County is making plans to build a new facility in Placerville. But that will take years, so in the meantime, probation departments are making small shifts to make the current buildings more livable and less prison-like. And they’re focusing on what Richart sees as the most important element: staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, facilities matter, but what matters tenfold are the staff. If you see somebody in a certain way, you’ll tend to treat them that way. And if you tend to treat them that way, they will tend to behave that way,” he said, adding that while the facility is a “limiting factor … it is certainly not something that prevents my staff from actually doing the type of family-based work that we’ve been doing for the last decade.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means staff here act more like social workers than cops; they build trust with the youth. The facility has been painted and decorated to resemble a school more than a prison. And young people here spend little time in their rooms; instead they are together going to school, or participating in therapy, family visits or other programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But 21-year-old Reid Butler’s sentence also represents one of the challenges for counties: State law now allows youth to stay in the juvenile system up to age 26. That means you could have 12- and 13-year-olds serving alongside young adults with incredibly different needs and experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Times have changed’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Down in San Mateo County, probation leaders are grappling with many of the same issues, and are working to create better vocational and educational spaces so that when a 26-year-old is released, they’re ready to get a job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jehan Clark is superintendent for the county’s probation agency. As she walks around San Mateo’s facility, she points to a large courtyard anchored by a lawn and a track. Along the side are chickens that youth take care of, as well as garden boxes where they grow food that they’ll later help cook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clark said all this makes the common spaces here feel more like a campus than a prison — and that the kids are kept productive and busy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These kids are barely in their rooms,” she said. “They’re in school all day. If they graduate or are not in school, they’re doing some type of work. After school they have exercise, which we call our large muscle activity, and then they have dinner, shower, and then they’re in programming.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But inside the housing unit, like in El Dorado County, things look more like a traditional prison. That is, until you enter a large room painted a soothing blue and covered in bright renditions of sea creatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is what we call the reef … [it’s] our multisensory deescalation room. So for youth who have more, you know, mental health issues, maybe they’re getting some bad news, they just need to kind of calm themselves, kind of stabilize,” Clark said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924055\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924055\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClarkAquarium.jpg\" alt=\"woman stands inside room painted to look like the inside of an aquarium\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1362\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClarkAquarium.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClarkAquarium-800x568.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClarkAquarium-1020x724.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClarkAquarium-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClarkAquarium-1536x1090.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jehan Clark, institutions superintendent for San Mateo County Probation, stands in the ‘multisensory deescalation room’ at juvenile hall. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Clark, who’s been working in this field for decades, says this room illustrates the shift in philosophy from one that emphasized the institutionalization of young people. Now, juvenile probation officials are trying to create environments that mimic home life so kids don’t have to learn how to act when they’re released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Times have changed. Things are a lot different. And so, there is no room for confinement. You know, if a youth has an issue, they kind of can take a time-out, but then they come right back out,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That also means probation agencies are bringing families into youths’ treatment, since often the problems that lead young people to commit crimes start at home. And in Fresno County in the Central Valley, it will also mean more community-based programs so young people aren’t necessarily locked up in juvenile hall for their entire sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='incarceration']Still, there are worries. This shift has happened quickly. Most of these facilities weren’t meant to house young people for years at a time. And for all its problems, DJJ did have expertise treating the small number of incredibly high-needs young people, such as those who committed sex offenses and arson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So in Fresno, Probation Chief Kirk Haynes is partnering with other counties to create those specialized programs. He’s retrofitting parts of the facility so they can be used for treatment. But he’s frustrated that state leaders are forcing counties to move so quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve not had a lot of time and frankly have not had a lot of resources to be able to build up, you know, to have our facilities ready to have all these things done,” he said. The next big challenge, Haynes said, will be bringing Fresno’s youths home from DJJ when it closes next summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But given all of the challenges that have come along with it, I think at the end of the day and in the long run, we’re ready now and we’re going to be even better as the years go by,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under state law, Haynes and others have no choice but to try. They’re getting some help from Sacramento — the state budget includes $100 million this year to help make changes to county facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And under the law mandating DJJ’s closure, each county had to come up with a detailed proposal outlining how they plan to handle the changes, including a requirement that they do have “secure” or locked facility options. The legislation also created a new state-level ombudsman for youth in the juvenile justice system and a new Office of Youth and Community Restoration that is responsible for reviewing, evaluating and overseeing county implementation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In El Dorado County, Mario Guerrero was one of the community members on the local committee. He’s a program manager at the nonprofit Child Advocates of El Dorado County and has worked in youth services here in his hometown county for 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero said he’s generally supportive of how the probation department is running juvenile justice here. But he worries about whether communities around the state will step up to help, or stand in the way. He noted that in El Dorado County, Chief Richart’s proposal to build a regional facility to house and treat sex offenders from several counties was killed by the local board of supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero said in order for young people to actually be rehabilitated, it’s going to take a village.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For those who might be a little bit skeptical or unaware, we understand those fears,” he said. “But the reality is these kids are really amazing kids. They have a lot of potential in life and they just need a lot more guidance and support to be steered in the right direction. But most of them are really, really gifted and amazing kids that just need a little bit of love to find their way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The remaking of California's juvenile justice system will culminate next summer in the closure of the Division of Juvenile Justice — a big change that will require county probation chiefs to house and treat all justice system-affected youth.",
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"title": "As California Remakes Its Juvenile Justice System, Counties Take the Lead on Rehabilitation | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">T\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>wenty-one-year-old Reid Butler spent about a year in one of California’s state youth prisons before officials in his home county convinced a court to let him serve his sentence in a county juvenile hall. Known as the Division of Juvenile Justice (DJJ), the state lockups were plagued by violence among youth and abuse by staff, and often meant young people were incarcerated hundreds of miles away from their families for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a weekday this June, Butler was chatting and working in a large room with the other 10 youths serving time in El Dorado County’s juvenile hall. Most of those young people look up to Butler — he’s the oldest young person incarcerated here, and he’s been here the longest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to DJJ, Butler said this South Lake Tahoe facility “definitely feels very different.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Historically speaking, the Division of Juvenile Justice is very … You could call it a cattle house, because it prunes and picks these kids to be in the system for the rest of their lives,” he said. “I think DJJ has tried to do a good job, but it’s very difficult when you’re sending all of your broken parts to the same place. That factory doesn’t have the tools necessary to fix those parts. Those things need to be dealt with on, like, an individual basis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, Butler said, he’s made significant progress here, getting his high school diploma, then earning his associate’s degree through a community college. And, he’s become a model for other young people here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very interesting how the kids look up to me … How much respect people have for my advice, of my opinion,” he said. “I’ve learned through my experience that teaching somebody else helps you to learn better … when they succeed, you succeed. When you see people are happy, you’re happy because you’re putting your time and your investments into them. It’s a very nurturing environment to be a leader.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s exactly the culture Brian Richart, chief probation officer for El Dorado County, is looking to create as he — along with the state’s 57 other counties — prepare for the end of state juvenile prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California had some 19,000 youth in custody 20 years ago. But over the past two decades, the state has completely reimagined its approach to dealing with youths who commit crimes, embracing a model of rehabilitation over punishment. There are now fewer than 3,000 young people in state and local custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This remaking of juvenile justice \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11879759/california-moves-to-phase-out-state-run-youth-prisons\">will culminate next summer in the closure of DJJ\u003c/a> — a change that will require probation chiefs like Richart to house and treat all justice system-affected young people in their home counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘You could call [DJJ] a cattle house, because it prunes and picks these kids to be in the system for the rest of their lives. I think DJJ has tried to do a good job, but it’s very difficult when you’re sending all of your broken parts to the same place.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>It’s a change prompted by not only a sharp drop in youth crime over the past few decades, but also state laws that limited jail time for young people and new research about what actually helps turn kids’ lives around. But it’s also posing big challenges for counties that haven’t historically been in the business of incarcerating youths for years at a time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richart said the biggest challenge now is making his outdated, decades-old juvenile hall feel less like a prison and more like a school, home and therapeutic space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This facility was opened approximately 19-ish years ago, but in my opinion, it was designed in the older style and the older modality. So when you walk around the facility, you hear the steel doors close, you see the concrete aspects of the facility, the cinder block walls,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El Dorado County isn’t alone in this — most counties are working with similarly dated facilities. Some are being rebuilt; El Dorado County is making plans to build a new facility in Placerville. But that will take years, so in the meantime, probation departments are making small shifts to make the current buildings more livable and less prison-like. And they’re focusing on what Richart sees as the most important element: staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, facilities matter, but what matters tenfold are the staff. If you see somebody in a certain way, you’ll tend to treat them that way. And if you tend to treat them that way, they will tend to behave that way,” he said, adding that while the facility is a “limiting factor … it is certainly not something that prevents my staff from actually doing the type of family-based work that we’ve been doing for the last decade.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means staff here act more like social workers than cops; they build trust with the youth. The facility has been painted and decorated to resemble a school more than a prison. And young people here spend little time in their rooms; instead they are together going to school, or participating in therapy, family visits or other programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But 21-year-old Reid Butler’s sentence also represents one of the challenges for counties: State law now allows youth to stay in the juvenile system up to age 26. That means you could have 12- and 13-year-olds serving alongside young adults with incredibly different needs and experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Times have changed’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Down in San Mateo County, probation leaders are grappling with many of the same issues, and are working to create better vocational and educational spaces so that when a 26-year-old is released, they’re ready to get a job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jehan Clark is superintendent for the county’s probation agency. As she walks around San Mateo’s facility, she points to a large courtyard anchored by a lawn and a track. Along the side are chickens that youth take care of, as well as garden boxes where they grow food that they’ll later help cook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clark said all this makes the common spaces here feel more like a campus than a prison — and that the kids are kept productive and busy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These kids are barely in their rooms,” she said. “They’re in school all day. If they graduate or are not in school, they’re doing some type of work. After school they have exercise, which we call our large muscle activity, and then they have dinner, shower, and then they’re in programming.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But inside the housing unit, like in El Dorado County, things look more like a traditional prison. That is, until you enter a large room painted a soothing blue and covered in bright renditions of sea creatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is what we call the reef … [it’s] our multisensory deescalation room. So for youth who have more, you know, mental health issues, maybe they’re getting some bad news, they just need to kind of calm themselves, kind of stabilize,” Clark said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924055\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924055\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClarkAquarium.jpg\" alt=\"woman stands inside room painted to look like the inside of an aquarium\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1362\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClarkAquarium.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClarkAquarium-800x568.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClarkAquarium-1020x724.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClarkAquarium-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/ClarkAquarium-1536x1090.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jehan Clark, institutions superintendent for San Mateo County Probation, stands in the ‘multisensory deescalation room’ at juvenile hall. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Clark, who’s been working in this field for decades, says this room illustrates the shift in philosophy from one that emphasized the institutionalization of young people. Now, juvenile probation officials are trying to create environments that mimic home life so kids don’t have to learn how to act when they’re released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Times have changed. Things are a lot different. And so, there is no room for confinement. You know, if a youth has an issue, they kind of can take a time-out, but then they come right back out,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That also means probation agencies are bringing families into youths’ treatment, since often the problems that lead young people to commit crimes start at home. And in Fresno County in the Central Valley, it will also mean more community-based programs so young people aren’t necessarily locked up in juvenile hall for their entire sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Still, there are worries. This shift has happened quickly. Most of these facilities weren’t meant to house young people for years at a time. And for all its problems, DJJ did have expertise treating the small number of incredibly high-needs young people, such as those who committed sex offenses and arson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So in Fresno, Probation Chief Kirk Haynes is partnering with other counties to create those specialized programs. He’s retrofitting parts of the facility so they can be used for treatment. But he’s frustrated that state leaders are forcing counties to move so quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve not had a lot of time and frankly have not had a lot of resources to be able to build up, you know, to have our facilities ready to have all these things done,” he said. The next big challenge, Haynes said, will be bringing Fresno’s youths home from DJJ when it closes next summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But given all of the challenges that have come along with it, I think at the end of the day and in the long run, we’re ready now and we’re going to be even better as the years go by,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under state law, Haynes and others have no choice but to try. They’re getting some help from Sacramento — the state budget includes $100 million this year to help make changes to county facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And under the law mandating DJJ’s closure, each county had to come up with a detailed proposal outlining how they plan to handle the changes, including a requirement that they do have “secure” or locked facility options. The legislation also created a new state-level ombudsman for youth in the juvenile justice system and a new Office of Youth and Community Restoration that is responsible for reviewing, evaluating and overseeing county implementation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In El Dorado County, Mario Guerrero was one of the community members on the local committee. He’s a program manager at the nonprofit Child Advocates of El Dorado County and has worked in youth services here in his hometown county for 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero said he’s generally supportive of how the probation department is running juvenile justice here. But he worries about whether communities around the state will step up to help, or stand in the way. He noted that in El Dorado County, Chief Richart’s proposal to build a regional facility to house and treat sex offenders from several counties was killed by the local board of supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero said in order for young people to actually be rehabilitated, it’s going to take a village.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For those who might be a little bit skeptical or unaware, we understand those fears,” he said. “But the reality is these kids are really amazing kids. They have a lot of potential in life and they just need a lot more guidance and support to be steered in the right direction. But most of them are really, really gifted and amazing kids that just need a little bit of love to find their way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"headTitle": "Plan for People’s Park Pits Housing Against History | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Berkeley is experiencing a 1960s flashback triggered by People’s Park, a landmark that has served as a counterculture touchstone, political stepping stone and refuge for the unhoused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 3-acre site’s colorful history, forged from the University of California, Berkeley’s seizure of the land in 1968, has been thrust back into the spotlight as the school renews efforts to pave over People’s Park, this time for a $312 million project that includes sorely needed housing for about 1,000 students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11922900,news_11921415,arts_13917145\"]After a judge sided with the university in a legal scrum over the project, construction finally began August 3 — only to abruptly stop a few hours later after a swarm of protesters, who had been sparring with police, toppled fences surrounding the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delay was only supposed to last a few days, but the coalition fighting the university’s plans won an appeals court stay that will prevent construction until at least October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lull hasn’t muted the contentious debate around a historic spot once hailed as “a trace of anarchist heaven on Earth” by former UC Berkeley professor Todd Gitlin and derided by former city Councilmember John DeBonis as a “hippie Disneyland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The park turned into a symbol of both resistance and mayhem during a deadly 1969 confrontation known as “Bloody Thursday,” emboldening then-California Gov. Ronald Reagan to send in 3,000 National Guard troops for a two-week occupation that evoked images of war in a city that was clamoring for peace in Vietnam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Don Mitchell, whose father was a UC Berkeley professor during the 1969 uprising, views People’s Park as a social experiment worth saving, as more cookie-cutter communities get built in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923879\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11923879\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A person speaks into a mic in front of a university building and a sign for people's park\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People’s Park supporters rally at Sproul Hall to protest the construction of UC Berkeley student housing at the park in Berkeley on Aug. 3, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People’s Park has always been a place that was made and regulated by the people who use it,” said Mitchell, a professor of human geography at Uppsala University in Sweden. “It’s a free and open space, a place where the rules of exclusion are very different. So people who were poor, people who didn’t have housing, people who didn’t fit into dominant society in all sorts of different ways could find a space there. And many did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That ethos has long made the park a way station for unhoused people, with scattered tent clusters and makeshift kitchens. Drug use and violence have helped spur support for the university’s development plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Atmaa Das, 28, began spending time in People’s Park not long after leaving Alabama in 2014 and found his way there again a couple weeks after workers left behind construction equipment, now splattered with obscene graffiti — part of $1.5 million in recent protest damage, the university estimated. “I came here looking for the promised land and reckon I found it,” he said on a recent morning, strumming his guitar while singing parts of Woody Guthrie’s “This Land Is Your Land.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Don Mitchell, professor, Uppsala University in Sweden\"]‘People’s Park has always been a place that was made and regulated by the people who use it … so people who were poor, people who didn’t have housing, people who didn’t fit into dominant society in all sorts of different ways could find a space there. And many did.’[/pullquote]University officials say they are sympathetic to both the park’s heritage and the needs of unhoused people who have lived there since another set of fences surrounding the property were removed in 1972.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school and city \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/rodewayinn\">moved dozens of unhoused people into a motel\u003c/a> as part of an $8 million relocation initiative, and officials promised to \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/new-park\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">keep most of the site as open space\u003c/a>. The school also hired award-winning architect \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/history-commemoration\">Walter Hood to design a memorial\u003c/a> celebrating its history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our plan will meet multiple interests to preserve the park, create urgently needed student housing, and provide permanent housing for unhoused and low-income individuals,” UC Berkeley Chancellor Carol Christ wrote in an email sent to university alumni and other supporters earlier this week. University spokesperson Dan Mogulof declined a request to interview Christ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not even People’s Park supporters dispute more affordable housing is needed — the median sales price for \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/real-estate/bay-area-home-priceshttps://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/real-estate/bay-area-home-prices.\">a home near the university is $1.5 million\u003c/a>. But critics blame mismanagement for the crisis and contend the university could build on its other property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922966\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922966\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg\" alt='A sign outside that reads \"Peoples Park\" with tents outside.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign says ‘Save Peoples Park, No More Buildings’ at People’s Park in Berkeley on Feb. 19, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under a 2005 long-range plan, UC Berkeley estimated enrollment at 33,000 students by 2020. Instead, it had about 43,000 students that year and expects roughly 45,000 this academic year — with only 10,000 campus beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The glaring shortage is mainly why city officials back the university’s plan, including city Councilmember Rigel Robinson, who represents the People’s Park area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People’s Park has been a powerful symbol of resistance against government oppression, but it has since become a symbol of something else entirely: our failure as a region to respond to the housing crisis,” Robinson said. “The time has come to turn the page.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this month’s protests showed that a significant part of Berkeley isn’t ready to let go, mainly because of what the park has come to symbolize since UC Berkeley seized it for $1.3 million in 1968 under eminent domain and demolished homes there. After citing a need for an intramural soccer field, the school instead let the site deteriorate into a muddy mess mostly used for parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After boilermaker Michael Delacour led a grassroots group to plant vegetation, turning the eyesore into a community magnet, UC Berkeley decided to fence it off on May 15, 1969.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That set the stage for rebellion. At a rally outside UC Berkeley’s administration building, incoming student body President Dan Siegel urged the crowd to “take the park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the issues now are like 1969,” said Siegel, now a lawyer in nearby Oakland. “People’s Park is both a park and a symbol of activism that is worthy of protection.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The infamous 1969 clash between hundreds of police, some of them dubbed “Blue Meanies,” and protesters became a flashpoint in the civil rights and anti-Vietnam War movements. During the hours-long melee, police fatally shot a man standing on a rooftop and blinded another who was struck in the face with bird shot. Dozens of protesters were wounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922963\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922963\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg\" alt=\"A black and white photo of several people standing outside behind barbed wire.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"695\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-800x543.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-1020x692.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-160x109.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators place flowers on a barbed wire fence in People’s Park on the UC Berkeley campus, May 30, 1969. The demonstrators were part of a group of 30,000 Berkeley residents, of a total population of 100,000, who gathered and marched to protest the May 15 killing by police of an unarmed spectator at an earlier demonstration and the subsequent occupation of their city by the National Guard. \u003ccite>(David Fenton/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Then Reagan, who had vowed “to clean up the mess in Berkeley” during his victorious 1966 gubernatorial campaign, called in military troops. Before an uneasy truce was reached May 30, 1969, hundreds more were arrested, and, in another infamous moment, an Army helicopter sprayed a crowd with what authorities called tear gas but others insisted was an even more dangerous substance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of Reagan’s detractors still believe he deliberately deployed strong-arm tactics to establish himself as a law-and-order leader while pursuing a political agenda that led to his 1980 election as president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvey Smith, president of the People’s Park Historic District Advocacy Group that is spearheading the legal fight for preservation, likens UC Berkeley’s plan to Reagan’s 1969 crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reagan “wanted to wipe out the social and political history of Berkeley and now the university is carrying it forward,” Smith said on August 3 while construction crews used bulldozers and buzz saws to topple most of the park’s trees, including some that predated the school’s purchase 54 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The clear-cutting depressed Bertha Jones, who lived in People’s Park for several years before accepting the university’s offer to move into a nearby Rodeway Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandparents got married at one of those trees. My mom got married at one of those trees,” Jones, 43, said. “I wanted to keep the tradition going, but obviously that isn’t going to work out now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other former People’s Park inhabitants said they moved into the motel reluctantly, though they like having their own bed and bathroom. What they don’t like is not being given room keys, or being banned from leaving the premises from midnight to 6 a.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After spending most of his time in People’s Park for seven years, Eric Morales moved in early June to the Rodeway Inn with his dog, Bonita. But he will always consider People’s Park home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not like any other park,” Morales, 54, said. “You can go to other parks and you say hi and bye, then you won’t ever see them again. But People’s Park is a community, you know? We are a family.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Following clashes with protestors, UC Berkeley put a hold on its planned $312 million housing project — at least until October — at the 1960s landmark that's been derided as 'hippie Disneyland' and hailed as 'a trace of anarchist heaven on earth.'",
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"title": "Plan for People's Park Pits Housing Against History | KQED",
"description": "Following clashes with protestors, UC Berkeley put a hold on its planned $312 million housing project — at least until October — at the 1960s landmark that's been derided as 'hippie Disneyland' and hailed as 'a trace of anarchist heaven on earth.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Berkeley is experiencing a 1960s flashback triggered by People’s Park, a landmark that has served as a counterculture touchstone, political stepping stone and refuge for the unhoused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 3-acre site’s colorful history, forged from the University of California, Berkeley’s seizure of the land in 1968, has been thrust back into the spotlight as the school renews efforts to pave over People’s Park, this time for a $312 million project that includes sorely needed housing for about 1,000 students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>After a judge sided with the university in a legal scrum over the project, construction finally began August 3 — only to abruptly stop a few hours later after a swarm of protesters, who had been sparring with police, toppled fences surrounding the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delay was only supposed to last a few days, but the coalition fighting the university’s plans won an appeals court stay that will prevent construction until at least October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lull hasn’t muted the contentious debate around a historic spot once hailed as “a trace of anarchist heaven on Earth” by former UC Berkeley professor Todd Gitlin and derided by former city Councilmember John DeBonis as a “hippie Disneyland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The park turned into a symbol of both resistance and mayhem during a deadly 1969 confrontation known as “Bloody Thursday,” emboldening then-California Gov. Ronald Reagan to send in 3,000 National Guard troops for a two-week occupation that evoked images of war in a city that was clamoring for peace in Vietnam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Don Mitchell, whose father was a UC Berkeley professor during the 1969 uprising, views People’s Park as a social experiment worth saving, as more cookie-cutter communities get built in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923879\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11923879\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A person speaks into a mic in front of a university building and a sign for people's park\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People’s Park supporters rally at Sproul Hall to protest the construction of UC Berkeley student housing at the park in Berkeley on Aug. 3, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People’s Park has always been a place that was made and regulated by the people who use it,” said Mitchell, a professor of human geography at Uppsala University in Sweden. “It’s a free and open space, a place where the rules of exclusion are very different. So people who were poor, people who didn’t have housing, people who didn’t fit into dominant society in all sorts of different ways could find a space there. And many did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That ethos has long made the park a way station for unhoused people, with scattered tent clusters and makeshift kitchens. Drug use and violence have helped spur support for the university’s development plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Atmaa Das, 28, began spending time in People’s Park not long after leaving Alabama in 2014 and found his way there again a couple weeks after workers left behind construction equipment, now splattered with obscene graffiti — part of $1.5 million in recent protest damage, the university estimated. “I came here looking for the promised land and reckon I found it,” he said on a recent morning, strumming his guitar while singing parts of Woody Guthrie’s “This Land Is Your Land.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘People’s Park has always been a place that was made and regulated by the people who use it … so people who were poor, people who didn’t have housing, people who didn’t fit into dominant society in all sorts of different ways could find a space there. And many did.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>University officials say they are sympathetic to both the park’s heritage and the needs of unhoused people who have lived there since another set of fences surrounding the property were removed in 1972.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school and city \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/rodewayinn\">moved dozens of unhoused people into a motel\u003c/a> as part of an $8 million relocation initiative, and officials promised to \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/new-park\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">keep most of the site as open space\u003c/a>. The school also hired award-winning architect \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/history-commemoration\">Walter Hood to design a memorial\u003c/a> celebrating its history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our plan will meet multiple interests to preserve the park, create urgently needed student housing, and provide permanent housing for unhoused and low-income individuals,” UC Berkeley Chancellor Carol Christ wrote in an email sent to university alumni and other supporters earlier this week. University spokesperson Dan Mogulof declined a request to interview Christ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not even People’s Park supporters dispute more affordable housing is needed — the median sales price for \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/real-estate/bay-area-home-priceshttps://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/real-estate/bay-area-home-prices.\">a home near the university is $1.5 million\u003c/a>. But critics blame mismanagement for the crisis and contend the university could build on its other property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922966\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922966\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg\" alt='A sign outside that reads \"Peoples Park\" with tents outside.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign says ‘Save Peoples Park, No More Buildings’ at People’s Park in Berkeley on Feb. 19, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under a 2005 long-range plan, UC Berkeley estimated enrollment at 33,000 students by 2020. Instead, it had about 43,000 students that year and expects roughly 45,000 this academic year — with only 10,000 campus beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The glaring shortage is mainly why city officials back the university’s plan, including city Councilmember Rigel Robinson, who represents the People’s Park area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People’s Park has been a powerful symbol of resistance against government oppression, but it has since become a symbol of something else entirely: our failure as a region to respond to the housing crisis,” Robinson said. “The time has come to turn the page.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this month’s protests showed that a significant part of Berkeley isn’t ready to let go, mainly because of what the park has come to symbolize since UC Berkeley seized it for $1.3 million in 1968 under eminent domain and demolished homes there. After citing a need for an intramural soccer field, the school instead let the site deteriorate into a muddy mess mostly used for parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After boilermaker Michael Delacour led a grassroots group to plant vegetation, turning the eyesore into a community magnet, UC Berkeley decided to fence it off on May 15, 1969.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That set the stage for rebellion. At a rally outside UC Berkeley’s administration building, incoming student body President Dan Siegel urged the crowd to “take the park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the issues now are like 1969,” said Siegel, now a lawyer in nearby Oakland. “People’s Park is both a park and a symbol of activism that is worthy of protection.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The infamous 1969 clash between hundreds of police, some of them dubbed “Blue Meanies,” and protesters became a flashpoint in the civil rights and anti-Vietnam War movements. During the hours-long melee, police fatally shot a man standing on a rooftop and blinded another who was struck in the face with bird shot. Dozens of protesters were wounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922963\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922963\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg\" alt=\"A black and white photo of several people standing outside behind barbed wire.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"695\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-800x543.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-1020x692.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-160x109.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators place flowers on a barbed wire fence in People’s Park on the UC Berkeley campus, May 30, 1969. The demonstrators were part of a group of 30,000 Berkeley residents, of a total population of 100,000, who gathered and marched to protest the May 15 killing by police of an unarmed spectator at an earlier demonstration and the subsequent occupation of their city by the National Guard. \u003ccite>(David Fenton/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Then Reagan, who had vowed “to clean up the mess in Berkeley” during his victorious 1966 gubernatorial campaign, called in military troops. Before an uneasy truce was reached May 30, 1969, hundreds more were arrested, and, in another infamous moment, an Army helicopter sprayed a crowd with what authorities called tear gas but others insisted was an even more dangerous substance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of Reagan’s detractors still believe he deliberately deployed strong-arm tactics to establish himself as a law-and-order leader while pursuing a political agenda that led to his 1980 election as president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvey Smith, president of the People’s Park Historic District Advocacy Group that is spearheading the legal fight for preservation, likens UC Berkeley’s plan to Reagan’s 1969 crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reagan “wanted to wipe out the social and political history of Berkeley and now the university is carrying it forward,” Smith said on August 3 while construction crews used bulldozers and buzz saws to topple most of the park’s trees, including some that predated the school’s purchase 54 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The clear-cutting depressed Bertha Jones, who lived in People’s Park for several years before accepting the university’s offer to move into a nearby Rodeway Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandparents got married at one of those trees. My mom got married at one of those trees,” Jones, 43, said. “I wanted to keep the tradition going, but obviously that isn’t going to work out now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other former People’s Park inhabitants said they moved into the motel reluctantly, though they like having their own bed and bathroom. What they don’t like is not being given room keys, or being banned from leaving the premises from midnight to 6 a.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After spending most of his time in People’s Park for seven years, Eric Morales moved in early June to the Rodeway Inn with his dog, Bonita. But he will always consider People’s Park home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not like any other park,” Morales, 54, said. “You can go to other parks and you say hi and bye, then you won’t ever see them again. But People’s Park is a community, you know? We are a family.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Establishing supervised drug injection sites has been a long-standing goal for some progressive California leaders looking to address the burgeoning overdose crisis. Efforts to launch such programs have come close, but never to the finish line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, as the latest legislation seeking to sanction these sites heads to the governor’s desk, proponents are gearing up to make these injection sites a reality — and, they hope, a success — in the Golden State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 57 would authorize these overdose prevention pilot programs in Oakland, San Francisco and Los Angeles, which would operate through Jan. 1, 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11695653/brown-rejects-supervised-injection-site-for-san-francisco\">Gov. Jerry Brown rejected similar legislation in 2018\u003c/a>, supporters are hopeful Gov. Gavin Newsom will sign this one after he said he was open to the idea during his campaign for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have been engaging with the governor’s office for the past four years on this measure. We haven’t heard that he’s not going to sign it, so we’re hopeful that he’ll stick to his word from 2018,” said Jeannette Zanipatin, California state director of the Drug Policy Alliance, an advocacy group that works to decriminalize drugs and a co-sponsor of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Stack, a spokesperson for the governor’s office, said they don’t comment on pending legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if Newsom does sign it, what exactly would these sites look like? Who would be responsible for staffing them and how will they be funded? The details and logistics will be left to local officials.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"State Senator Scott Wiener\"]‘They are asking us to help them address the escalations and crisis of overdose deaths that we’re experiencing in California’[/pullquote]Because San Francisco has been considering this idea for almost a decade, it would likely be the first city ready to launch a program in early 2023, Zanipatin said. Supervised injection sites could cost a couple of million dollars per year to run, and cities and counties that choose to establish these programs will have to find their own source of funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, New York City became the first to establish supervised injection sites in the U.S. Cities in other countries have operated such centers for years, including \u003ca href=\"http://www.vch.ca/public-health/harm-reduction/supervised-consumption-sites\">Vancouver\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.eluniversal.com.mx/english/mexicali-offers-safe-spot-for-heroin-addicts\">Mexicali\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://ssir.org/articles/entry/Wary_of_an_Opioid_Epidemic_Europe_Pushes_Safe_Sites_for_Drug_Use#\">Barcelona\u003c/a>. The Vancouver site is often \u003ca href=\"https://www.rti.org/impact/cost-benefit-analysis-opening-safe-consumption-site-san-francisco\">referenced as a model\u003c/a> — with about 1,700 individuals using it each month, the center is credited with \u003ca href=\"https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(10)62353-7/fulltext\">reducing overdose deaths\u003c/a> in its neighborhood and city. Switzerland was the first country to open a supervised injection site in 1986.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal of these programs, supporters say, is to provide drug users a safe, hygienic space where they can get clean needles and administer their own drugs under the supervision of trained staff. Staff members would monitor users and be ready to administer overdose reversal medications if needed, which could ultimately save lives. Medical groups in support of these programs have pointed out injection sites could also \u003ca href=\"https://www.aafp.org/pubs/afp/issues/2022/0500/p454.html\">help reduce the risk of Hepatitis C and HIV infections\u003c/a> associated with intravenous drug use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Scott Wiener, author of the bill, said the jurisdictions that would pilot the programs asked to be included in the bill. “They are asking us to help them address the escalations and crisis of overdose deaths that we’re experiencing in California,” Wiener, a San Francisco Democrat, said during an Aug. 1 legislative hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those in opposition to Wiener’s bill, including Republican legislators and law enforcement groups, argue these programs are a type of addiction maintenance that normalize illegal behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before setting up their overdose prevention programs, the cities and counties must provide local health and law enforcement officials the opportunity to weigh in. Once set up, these centers must make referrals to substance-use-disorder treatment programs and other social services if the user wishes to access them. The bill would also protect people from criminal charges for using the sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The overdose crisis has become one of the most pressing public health issues, with deaths and emergency room visits spiking in recent years, in large part due to the infiltration of the synthetic opioid fentanyl. Overdose deaths from fentanyl jumped from 1,603 in 2019 to 3,946 in 2020, and then to 5,722 in 2021, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://skylab.cdph.ca.gov/ODdash/?tab=Home\">California Opioid Overdose Surveillance Dashboard\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/d37b51d7-b97d-4947-b813-0653e3bf0ff7?src=embed\" title=\"overdose deaths - all drugs\" width=\"550\" height=\"820\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s second swing at this policy comes as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/ondcp/briefing-room/2022/03/28/president-biden-calls-for-increased-funding-to-address-addiction-and-the-overdose-epidemic/\">Biden administration is also embracing “harm reduction” strategies\u003c/a> — which focus on keeping drug users alive and safe rather than punishing them. Needle exchange programs and programs that distribute the overdose reversal drug naloxone are some examples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those urging the governor to veto the bill is the Senate Republican Caucus. “Fueling the drug epidemic with drug dens and needle supplies is like pouring gasoline on a forest fire. It merely worsens the problem,” the caucus wrote in an \u003ca href=\"https://cssrc.us/sites/default/files/SB%2057%20%28Wiener%29%20Senate%20Republican%20Caucus%20Veto%20Letter%20FINAL.pdf\">Aug. 1 letter to Newsom\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement organizations have stated their opposition to the bill, saying it sends the wrong message to the public and fails to address addiction at its root.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and supporters of the bill say supervised injection sites will not solve the overdose crisis. Rather, the goal is to prevent deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents have also raised concerns about the bill not providing a “cognizable strategy for figuring out how to get the addict to the injection site,” John Lovell, a lobbyist with the California Narcotic Officers’ Association, said during last week’s hearing. “What injection sites do is there is a magnet effect so that people come into the area,” but that doesn’t mean they will actually go inside the facility, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Thomas, director of HIV and harm reduction policy at the San Francisco AIDS Foundation, another co-sponsor of the bill, said she doesn’t think getting people into these centers will be a challenge. “Overwhelmingly, people would prefer to use in a clean space. No one wants to be using drugs on the sidewalk. If we give people a better option they will use it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An often-referenced \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2885552/\">survey of 602 injection drug users in San Francisco\u003c/a> showed that 85% would use a supervised injection site. About 75% of them said they would use it at least three days per week.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11909484,news_11910405,news_11922249\" align=\"left\"]\u003c/span>The idea, according to supporters, is to build trust with people who come in, prompting them to spread the word and eventually link people to treatment when they are ready. These centers often look like a clinic, and people usually go through a brief interview when they first walk in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas said that while it would be ideal for such centers to be open 24/7, realistically, hours of operation would be dependent on funding. That same San Francisco study showed that 62% of the drug users surveyed preferred a supervised injection site to be open from 8 a.m. to 4 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funding could prove to be a challenge in the long term. In New York City, where two safe injection sites opened last fall, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/04/1103114131/supervised-injection-sites-in-nyc-have-saved-lives-but-officials-wont-provide-fu\">the city and state do not pay for them\u003c/a>. The nonprofits running the programs seek private donations, making it difficult for the centers to extend their hours or expand into other neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A supervised injection site in San Francisco is \u003ca href=\"https://www.rti.org/impact/cost-benefit-analysis-opening-safe-consumption-site-san-francisco\">estimated to cost about $2.6 million a year\u003c/a>, according to RTI International, a nonprofit research institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas said California community organizations that already work in the field of substance use disorders would be best-equipped to run the programs, but funding should come from public health departments because they are a public benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the cities and counties included in the bill have potential public funding streams. For example, Los Angeles County \u003ca href=\"https://ceo.lacounty.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Updated_MeasureJ_Report-Revised-06.14.21.pdf\">voters in 2020 passed Measure J\u003c/a>, which allows the county to use at least 10% of its locally generated, unrestricted funding for community investment programs, which could include overdose prevention programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re also hoping that these pilot projects serve as a catalyst and identify some private-public partnerships,” Zanipatin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/addiction/2022/08/supervised-injection-sites/\">This story first appeared in CalMatters.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Establishing supervised drug injection sites has been a long-standing goal for some progressive California leaders looking to address the burgeoning overdose crisis. Efforts to launch such programs have come close, but never to the finish line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, as the latest legislation seeking to sanction these sites heads to the governor’s desk, proponents are gearing up to make these injection sites a reality — and, they hope, a success — in the Golden State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 57 would authorize these overdose prevention pilot programs in Oakland, San Francisco and Los Angeles, which would operate through Jan. 1, 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11695653/brown-rejects-supervised-injection-site-for-san-francisco\">Gov. Jerry Brown rejected similar legislation in 2018\u003c/a>, supporters are hopeful Gov. Gavin Newsom will sign this one after he said he was open to the idea during his campaign for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have been engaging with the governor’s office for the past four years on this measure. We haven’t heard that he’s not going to sign it, so we’re hopeful that he’ll stick to his word from 2018,” said Jeannette Zanipatin, California state director of the Drug Policy Alliance, an advocacy group that works to decriminalize drugs and a co-sponsor of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Stack, a spokesperson for the governor’s office, said they don’t comment on pending legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if Newsom does sign it, what exactly would these sites look like? Who would be responsible for staffing them and how will they be funded? The details and logistics will be left to local officials.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Because San Francisco has been considering this idea for almost a decade, it would likely be the first city ready to launch a program in early 2023, Zanipatin said. Supervised injection sites could cost a couple of million dollars per year to run, and cities and counties that choose to establish these programs will have to find their own source of funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, New York City became the first to establish supervised injection sites in the U.S. Cities in other countries have operated such centers for years, including \u003ca href=\"http://www.vch.ca/public-health/harm-reduction/supervised-consumption-sites\">Vancouver\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.eluniversal.com.mx/english/mexicali-offers-safe-spot-for-heroin-addicts\">Mexicali\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://ssir.org/articles/entry/Wary_of_an_Opioid_Epidemic_Europe_Pushes_Safe_Sites_for_Drug_Use#\">Barcelona\u003c/a>. The Vancouver site is often \u003ca href=\"https://www.rti.org/impact/cost-benefit-analysis-opening-safe-consumption-site-san-francisco\">referenced as a model\u003c/a> — with about 1,700 individuals using it each month, the center is credited with \u003ca href=\"https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(10)62353-7/fulltext\">reducing overdose deaths\u003c/a> in its neighborhood and city. Switzerland was the first country to open a supervised injection site in 1986.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal of these programs, supporters say, is to provide drug users a safe, hygienic space where they can get clean needles and administer their own drugs under the supervision of trained staff. Staff members would monitor users and be ready to administer overdose reversal medications if needed, which could ultimately save lives. Medical groups in support of these programs have pointed out injection sites could also \u003ca href=\"https://www.aafp.org/pubs/afp/issues/2022/0500/p454.html\">help reduce the risk of Hepatitis C and HIV infections\u003c/a> associated with intravenous drug use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Scott Wiener, author of the bill, said the jurisdictions that would pilot the programs asked to be included in the bill. “They are asking us to help them address the escalations and crisis of overdose deaths that we’re experiencing in California,” Wiener, a San Francisco Democrat, said during an Aug. 1 legislative hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those in opposition to Wiener’s bill, including Republican legislators and law enforcement groups, argue these programs are a type of addiction maintenance that normalize illegal behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before setting up their overdose prevention programs, the cities and counties must provide local health and law enforcement officials the opportunity to weigh in. Once set up, these centers must make referrals to substance-use-disorder treatment programs and other social services if the user wishes to access them. The bill would also protect people from criminal charges for using the sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The overdose crisis has become one of the most pressing public health issues, with deaths and emergency room visits spiking in recent years, in large part due to the infiltration of the synthetic opioid fentanyl. Overdose deaths from fentanyl jumped from 1,603 in 2019 to 3,946 in 2020, and then to 5,722 in 2021, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://skylab.cdph.ca.gov/ODdash/?tab=Home\">California Opioid Overdose Surveillance Dashboard\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/d37b51d7-b97d-4947-b813-0653e3bf0ff7?src=embed\" title=\"overdose deaths - all drugs\" width=\"550\" height=\"820\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s second swing at this policy comes as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/ondcp/briefing-room/2022/03/28/president-biden-calls-for-increased-funding-to-address-addiction-and-the-overdose-epidemic/\">Biden administration is also embracing “harm reduction” strategies\u003c/a> — which focus on keeping drug users alive and safe rather than punishing them. Needle exchange programs and programs that distribute the overdose reversal drug naloxone are some examples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those urging the governor to veto the bill is the Senate Republican Caucus. “Fueling the drug epidemic with drug dens and needle supplies is like pouring gasoline on a forest fire. It merely worsens the problem,” the caucus wrote in an \u003ca href=\"https://cssrc.us/sites/default/files/SB%2057%20%28Wiener%29%20Senate%20Republican%20Caucus%20Veto%20Letter%20FINAL.pdf\">Aug. 1 letter to Newsom\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement organizations have stated their opposition to the bill, saying it sends the wrong message to the public and fails to address addiction at its root.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and supporters of the bill say supervised injection sites will not solve the overdose crisis. Rather, the goal is to prevent deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents have also raised concerns about the bill not providing a “cognizable strategy for figuring out how to get the addict to the injection site,” John Lovell, a lobbyist with the California Narcotic Officers’ Association, said during last week’s hearing. “What injection sites do is there is a magnet effect so that people come into the area,” but that doesn’t mean they will actually go inside the facility, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Thomas, director of HIV and harm reduction policy at the San Francisco AIDS Foundation, another co-sponsor of the bill, said she doesn’t think getting people into these centers will be a challenge. “Overwhelmingly, people would prefer to use in a clean space. No one wants to be using drugs on the sidewalk. If we give people a better option they will use it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An often-referenced \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2885552/\">survey of 602 injection drug users in San Francisco\u003c/a> showed that 85% would use a supervised injection site. About 75% of them said they would use it at least three days per week.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>The idea, according to supporters, is to build trust with people who come in, prompting them to spread the word and eventually link people to treatment when they are ready. These centers often look like a clinic, and people usually go through a brief interview when they first walk in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas said that while it would be ideal for such centers to be open 24/7, realistically, hours of operation would be dependent on funding. That same San Francisco study showed that 62% of the drug users surveyed preferred a supervised injection site to be open from 8 a.m. to 4 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funding could prove to be a challenge in the long term. In New York City, where two safe injection sites opened last fall, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/04/1103114131/supervised-injection-sites-in-nyc-have-saved-lives-but-officials-wont-provide-fu\">the city and state do not pay for them\u003c/a>. The nonprofits running the programs seek private donations, making it difficult for the centers to extend their hours or expand into other neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A supervised injection site in San Francisco is \u003ca href=\"https://www.rti.org/impact/cost-benefit-analysis-opening-safe-consumption-site-san-francisco\">estimated to cost about $2.6 million a year\u003c/a>, according to RTI International, a nonprofit research institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas said California community organizations that already work in the field of substance use disorders would be best-equipped to run the programs, but funding should come from public health departments because they are a public benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the cities and counties included in the bill have potential public funding streams. For example, Los Angeles County \u003ca href=\"https://ceo.lacounty.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Updated_MeasureJ_Report-Revised-06.14.21.pdf\">voters in 2020 passed Measure J\u003c/a>, which allows the county to use at least 10% of its locally generated, unrestricted funding for community investment programs, which could include overdose prevention programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re also hoping that these pilot projects serve as a catalyst and identify some private-public partnerships,” Zanipatin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/addiction/2022/08/supervised-injection-sites/\">This story first appeared in CalMatters.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "pharmacists-were-pressured-to-fill-fill-fill-judge-rules-walgreens-culpable-in-san-francisco-opioid-crisis",
"title": "'Pharmacists Were Pressured to Fill Fill Fill': Judge Rules Walgreens Culpable in San Francisco Opioid Crisis",
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"headTitle": "‘Pharmacists Were Pressured to Fill Fill Fill’: Judge Rules Walgreens Culpable in San Francisco Opioid Crisis | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A federal judge ruled Wednesday that Walgreens can be held responsible for contributing to San Francisco’s opioid crisis for over-dispensing highly addictive drugs for years without proper oversight and failing to identify and report suspicious orders as required by law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu said the pharmacy chain “continually violated what they were required to do under the federal Controlled Substances Act,” failing to track opioid prescriptions, preventing pharmacists from vetting prescriptions and not seeing “the many red flags of physicians and others who were dramatically over-prescribing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pharmacists were pressured to fill, fill, fill,” he said, “and as a result, Walgreens filled our streets with opioids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer wrote in his decision that from 2006 to 2020, “Walgreens pharmacies in San Francisco dispensed hundreds of thousands of red flag opioid prescriptions without performing adequate due diligence. Tens of thousands of these prescriptions were written by doctors with suspect prescribing patterns. The evidence showed that Walgreens did not provide its pharmacists with sufficient time, staffing, or resources to perform due diligence on these prescriptions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the large volume of illegitimate opioid prescriptions contributed to the city’s hospitals being overwhelmed with opioid patients, libraries being forced to close because of syringe-clogged toilets, and syringes littering children’s playgrounds in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Walgreens spokesman said the chain is disappointed in the outcome, which he said is not supported by the facts and the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we have said throughout this process, we never manufactured or marketed opioids, nor did we distribute them to the ‘pill mills’ and internet pharmacies that fueled this crisis,” spokesman Fraser Engerman said in a statement. “The plaintiff’s attempt to resolve the opioid crisis with an unprecedented expansion of public nuisance law is misguided and unsustainable. We look forward to the opportunity to address these issues on appeal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco in 2018 sued Walgreens, drug manufacturers and distributors over the city’s worsening opioid epidemic, saying they created a “public nuisance” by flooding the city with prescription opioids. All the other defendants previously settled with the city for a total of $114 million, including $54 million that opioid makers Allergan and Teva agreed to pay on the eve of closing arguments in the trial, leaving Walgreens as the sole defendant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wednesday’s ruling did not include a ruling on monetary damages, which will be determined in a future trial.[pullquote align=\"left\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer\"]‘The evidence showed that Walgreens did not provide its pharmacists with sufficient time, staffing, or resources to perform due diligence on these prescriptions.’[/pullquote]The opioid epidemic has been linked to more than 500,000 deaths in the U.S. over the past two decades, counting those from prescription painkillers such as OxyContin and generic oxycodone as well as illicit drugs such as heroin and illegally produced fentanyl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The surge in deaths has led to more than 3,000 lawsuits filed by state and local governments, Native American tribes, unions, hospitals and other entities in state and federal courts over the toll of opioids. In San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899726/sf-mayor-breed-declares-state-of-emergency-in-tenderloin\">Mayor London Breed declared a state of emergency\u003c/a> last year in the Tenderloin neighborhood, saying something had to be done about the high concentration of drug dealers and people consuming drugs in public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city attorney’s office says San Francisco saw a nearly 500% increase in opioid-related overdose deaths between 2015 and 2020 and that on a typical day, roughly a quarter of visits at the Zuckerberg San Francisco General Hospital Emergency Department are opioid-related.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, 712 people died of drug overdoses, compared with 257 people who died of COVID-19, according to the city health department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A high percentage of an estimated 7,800 homeless people in San Francisco — many of whom pitch tents in the Tenderloin — are struggling with chronic addiction or severe mental illness, often both. Some people rant in the streets, nude and in need of medical help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pharmacy chains have been sued less often than opioid makers or wholesalers that distribute pharmaceuticals more broadly. In one groundbreaking case, a federal jury in Ohio last year found CVS, Walgreens and Walmart recklessly distributed massive amounts of pain pills in two Ohio counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-health-lawsuits-florida-opioids-471c5559a4d9c4c9fc4b6d99ff6a792c\">Walgreens reached a $683 million settlement with the state of Florida\u003c/a> in a lawsuit accusing the company of improperly dispensing millions of painkillers that contributed to the opioid crisis. Walgreens did not admit wrongdoing in its agreement with Florida and will make payments to the state over 18 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company also faces litigation in Alabama, Michigan and New Mexico, among other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deerfield, Illinois-based Walgreens Boots Alliance Inc. runs a network of around 9,000 drugstores in the United States. Walgreens and other prescription drug distributors have faced a slew of lawsuits over the opioid crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/health-san-francisco-opioids-government-and-politics-cd45b148820f18df5ced3d2f7381d494\">This article was first published in the Associated Press, with contributions from Associated Press writer Tom Murphy in Indianapolis.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A federal judge ruled Wednesday that Walgreens can be held responsible for contributing to San Francisco’s opioid crisis for over-dispensing highly addictive drugs for years without proper oversight and failing to identify and report suspicious orders as required by law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu said the pharmacy chain “continually violated what they were required to do under the federal Controlled Substances Act,” failing to track opioid prescriptions, preventing pharmacists from vetting prescriptions and not seeing “the many red flags of physicians and others who were dramatically over-prescribing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pharmacists were pressured to fill, fill, fill,” he said, “and as a result, Walgreens filled our streets with opioids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer wrote in his decision that from 2006 to 2020, “Walgreens pharmacies in San Francisco dispensed hundreds of thousands of red flag opioid prescriptions without performing adequate due diligence. Tens of thousands of these prescriptions were written by doctors with suspect prescribing patterns. The evidence showed that Walgreens did not provide its pharmacists with sufficient time, staffing, or resources to perform due diligence on these prescriptions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the large volume of illegitimate opioid prescriptions contributed to the city’s hospitals being overwhelmed with opioid patients, libraries being forced to close because of syringe-clogged toilets, and syringes littering children’s playgrounds in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Walgreens spokesman said the chain is disappointed in the outcome, which he said is not supported by the facts and the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we have said throughout this process, we never manufactured or marketed opioids, nor did we distribute them to the ‘pill mills’ and internet pharmacies that fueled this crisis,” spokesman Fraser Engerman said in a statement. “The plaintiff’s attempt to resolve the opioid crisis with an unprecedented expansion of public nuisance law is misguided and unsustainable. We look forward to the opportunity to address these issues on appeal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco in 2018 sued Walgreens, drug manufacturers and distributors over the city’s worsening opioid epidemic, saying they created a “public nuisance” by flooding the city with prescription opioids. All the other defendants previously settled with the city for a total of $114 million, including $54 million that opioid makers Allergan and Teva agreed to pay on the eve of closing arguments in the trial, leaving Walgreens as the sole defendant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wednesday’s ruling did not include a ruling on monetary damages, which will be determined in a future trial.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The opioid epidemic has been linked to more than 500,000 deaths in the U.S. over the past two decades, counting those from prescription painkillers such as OxyContin and generic oxycodone as well as illicit drugs such as heroin and illegally produced fentanyl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The surge in deaths has led to more than 3,000 lawsuits filed by state and local governments, Native American tribes, unions, hospitals and other entities in state and federal courts over the toll of opioids. In San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899726/sf-mayor-breed-declares-state-of-emergency-in-tenderloin\">Mayor London Breed declared a state of emergency\u003c/a> last year in the Tenderloin neighborhood, saying something had to be done about the high concentration of drug dealers and people consuming drugs in public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city attorney’s office says San Francisco saw a nearly 500% increase in opioid-related overdose deaths between 2015 and 2020 and that on a typical day, roughly a quarter of visits at the Zuckerberg San Francisco General Hospital Emergency Department are opioid-related.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, 712 people died of drug overdoses, compared with 257 people who died of COVID-19, according to the city health department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A high percentage of an estimated 7,800 homeless people in San Francisco — many of whom pitch tents in the Tenderloin — are struggling with chronic addiction or severe mental illness, often both. Some people rant in the streets, nude and in need of medical help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pharmacy chains have been sued less often than opioid makers or wholesalers that distribute pharmaceuticals more broadly. In one groundbreaking case, a federal jury in Ohio last year found CVS, Walgreens and Walmart recklessly distributed massive amounts of pain pills in two Ohio counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-health-lawsuits-florida-opioids-471c5559a4d9c4c9fc4b6d99ff6a792c\">Walgreens reached a $683 million settlement with the state of Florida\u003c/a> in a lawsuit accusing the company of improperly dispensing millions of painkillers that contributed to the opioid crisis. Walgreens did not admit wrongdoing in its agreement with Florida and will make payments to the state over 18 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company also faces litigation in Alabama, Michigan and New Mexico, among other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deerfield, Illinois-based Walgreens Boots Alliance Inc. runs a network of around 9,000 drugstores in the United States. Walgreens and other prescription drug distributors have faced a slew of lawsuits over the opioid crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/health-san-francisco-opioids-government-and-politics-cd45b148820f18df5ced3d2f7381d494\">This article was first published in the Associated Press, with contributions from Associated Press writer Tom Murphy in Indianapolis.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "taking-an-eviction-case-to-court-is-risky-but-this-mom-decided-to-try-it",
"title": "Taking an Eviction Case to Court Is Risky. But This Mom Decided to Try It",
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"headTitle": "Taking an Eviction Case to Court Is Risky. But This Mom Decided to Try It | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The defendant, a dark-haired woman named Dahbia Benakli, watched nervously as the prosecutor took the stand one final time.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The prosecutor, Steven Pinza, was defiant as he gave his closing statement. “If you don’t believe me,” he said to the jury, “one last thing. If you guys don’t believe me, let’s extend this trial.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The judge interrupted: “Mr. Pinza, your time is up. And no, we’re not extending the trial. The trial is going to be over.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was a scene straight out of any courtroom, except for one thing: This case was about an eviction lawsuit, a kind of proceeding that almost never goes before a jury in California. Benakli was a tenant, waiting to find out whether the court was going to evict her. Pinza was Benakli’s landlord, a local real estate investor and president of the Pinza Group, representing himself in an eviction lawsuit against her.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli’s case, unique as it was, also reveals what many tenants may be facing outside the public eye. More than two years after the beginning of the pandemic, evictions are on the rise. Many of the far-reaching emergency housing protections passed in 2020 have since expired, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101889929/as-pandemic-renter-protections-expire-wave-of-evictions-could-follow\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">leaving millions of renters facing eviction\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As new rules for California tenants and landlords vanish and the old rules return, Benakli’s case — and its aftermath — show the challenges renters face in charting their way through this moment of uncertainty and change.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920845\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920845\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl in a lavender cotton shift with short sleeves stands at the end of a bed, leaning over and resting her torso on top of a folded pink blanket. Her brown hair is pulled back into a bun, with a fuzzy white band around it, and a pink clip on the side of her head. Light filters through a wide window covered with translucent white curtains that are patterned with rows of pink and grey roses and swirls. The quilt on her bed is white with pale flowers in pink and lavender. Two throw pillows in the same fabric are tossed against two white bed pillows at the head of the bed. The walls of the room are white. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leah rests in the bedroom she shared with her mother and sister at their Walnut Creek apartment in November 2021. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 1: The notice\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was May 2021 when Steven Pinza bought the wide, gray apartment building where Dahbia Benakli had lived for 11 years.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli, a single mother and preschool teacher in Walnut Creek, didn’t think anything of the change in ownership at first. She said she had always had a good relationship with the previous management and wasn’t expecting anything different. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At the time, she also had other priorities. Benakli was a single mom taking care of her two young daughters — Leah, 7, and Elina, 2 — by herself, juggling \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11898058/is-he-going-to-kick-us-to-the-street-a-walnut-creek-mom-fights-to-keep-her-apartment-amid-alleged-landlord-harassment\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a frantic job search and gig work during the pandemic, in a year-long scramble to pay her bills\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, later that month, the eviction notices began to arrive. Pinza told 11 of the building’s 18 tenants they needed to move out. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“If I was someone that’s not paying rent or just pay part, and he gets tired of that situation, I would understand,” Benakli told me. “But I’m someone that pays the full rent. I do nothing illegal.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli is one of a growing number of California residents facing eviction as millions of people across the state wrestle with the return of pre-pandemic housing laws.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[pullquote size='small' citation='Dahbia Banakli']‘I want to move. I want to have two bedrooms. I want to have a backyard for my kids. I do want to have all that — but I cannot afford it right now.’[/pullquote]Between July 1, 2020, and June 30, 2021, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/documents/2022-Court-Statistics-Report.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">landlords filed nearly 4,000 eviction lawsuits across the Bay Area\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> — more than 700 of them in Contra Costa County, where Benakli lives.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And the number of eviction lockouts in the Bay Area — that’s when sheriff’s deputies physically remove people who were evicted in court from their homes — rose from 184 in March-December 2020, to 349 during the same months of 2021, according to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/COVID-eviction-battles-have-moved-to-the-Bay-Area-16845195.php\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">an analysis by The San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the case of Benakli and her neighbors, Pinza was ordering them to move out because he claimed the building needed major renovations.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“While we wish these repairs were not necessary or could be done without you moving out, it is not possible,” he wrote in a letter to the tenants.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He gave tenants the option to relocate for two months at their own expense “while renovations are made,” then pay an additional $600 per month when they returned — a proposition Benakli could not afford.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920822\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920822\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-800x515.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"515\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-800x515.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-1020x657.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-160x103.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-1536x989.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-2048x1318.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-1920x1236.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Benakli hands her daughter Leah a cup of juice at their Walnut Creek apartment in November 2021. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She had lived in her one-bedroom apartment for 11 years, and her monthly rent was still only $1,000 — \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/rental-manager/market-trends/walnut-creek-ca/?propertyTypes=apartment-condo&bedrooms=1\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">less than half the market rate in Walnut Creek\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I want to move,” Benakli said. “I want to have two bedrooms. I want to have a backyard for my kids. I do want to have all that — but I cannot afford it right now.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Upon receiving the letters, most of the tenants moved out. But Benakli, DeCher Young and John Taylor decided to stay and wait for the landlord to file an eviction lawsuit.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I do understand he got this building and he wants to raise up the price,” Benakli said. “I do understand that he’s the new owner. I do understand he doesn’t know us. But he does not have the right to treat us less than a regular person.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Steven Pinza declined to speak on the record for this story.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 2: The lawsuit\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and her neighbors thought they stood a chance of fighting Steven Pinza’s lawsuit in court, and in an unusual request, they wanted a jury to decide the case.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Experts say eviction cases almost never go to a jury trial. In roughly the first year of the pandemic, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/documents/2022-Court-Statistics-Report.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">3,000 eviction cases went to trial and only 16 of them were decided by a jury\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920832\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-800x497.jpg\" alt=\"A man with rosy skin and silve-and-grey hair stands in a window looking out at the green leaves of a tree. Sunlight dapples his blue shirt. He wears slate green khaki pants and holds a grey zipped computer case under one arm. The window frames are dark wood.\" width=\"800\" height=\"497\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-800x497.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-1020x634.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-160x99.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-1536x955.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-2048x1273.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-1920x1194.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Housing attorney David Levin poses for a portrait in Berkeley on April 1, 2022. ‘We’re just seeing, now, some of the first cases that define the contours of law,’ he said. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But representing Benakli and her neighbors was David Levin, a Bay Area-based housing attorney, who saw cracks in the foundation of Pinza’s legal reasoning — specifically, two of them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to court filings, Pinza had initially sent eviction notices to tenants who were mostly Black, Algerian or other people of color. Of the eight tenants who had decided to move out voluntarily, seven had been replaced by white renters. Levin planned to make the case that the evictions were racially motivated.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">His second argument was that the repairs Pinza planned would not “substantially remodel” the building.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billCompareClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tenant Protection Act of 2019\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> gives landlords the right to remove their renters for a major remodel if the repairs are extensive enough that the renter has to move out for their own safety — for at least 30 days.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But what “substantially remodel” means is murky, according to multiple attorneys who specialize in housing cases, because the Tenant Protection Act has not been tested in court.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And to Levin, its vague language presented a potential foothold to challenge Pinza’s eviction lawsuit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s hard to overstate how much was at stake for Benakli, Young and Taylor. If they lost, their eviction would be public in a court record, visible to any future landlord. Some tenants’ advocates call this the “scarlet E.” Families who are evicted also tend to lose their jobs or have to switch their children’s schools, and they report \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0277953617300102?via%3Dihub\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">higher rates of anxiety and depression\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920899\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920899\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-800x821.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with brown skin and dark brown hair leans down to clasp her daughter, age 7, to her chest with a smile. Her left arm encircles the child's head and her right arm encircles the child's back. The woman wears a white dress with an elaborate, brightly colored collar about the neck, coming down to end in a ruffle over her shoulders. The colors are red, orange, green, and yellow. The child is wearing a white shirt, and has her brown hair pulled into a bun. Her eyes closed, she wraps her arms around her mother.\" width=\"800\" height=\"821\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-800x821.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-1020x1047.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-160x164.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-1497x1536.jpg 1497w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698.jpg 1708w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Benakli and Leah embrace at their former apartment in Walnut Creek in November 2021. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Somehow, though, Benakli wasn’t nervous. She had faith that the courts would hear their concerns and would find in their favor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“He wants to take it to the court?” she said. “That’s my dream. I want to go to the court with him. Because I know the truth will always win in the end.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 3: The trial\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The trial began at the end of February in the Superior Court for Contra Costa County, a tall, gray, downtown building in the sleepy Bay Area suburb of Martinez.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before he could use a particular argument in front of the jury, Levin had to convince Judge Danielle Douglas of it: that Pinza had shown a pattern of discrimination by evicting mostly tenants of color and bringing in white renters to replace them. But Douglas tossed it out, saying Levin couldn’t prove Pinza \u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">intended \u003c/i>to discriminate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As the jurors arrived the next day, Benakli, in a black shirt with pink flowers, sat with her neighbors in the front row of the courtroom. Levin, in a dark suit, sat between them and the judge like a shield, with a rolling bin full of legal papers on the floor next to him. To his left, at the prosecutor’s table, sat Pinza in a crisp suit of light gray. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pinza, who had elected to represent himself, argued that his plans to renovate the apartments \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">—\u003c/span> which included adjustments to the plumbing and electrical systems and installing new stoves, dishwashers and ceiling fans \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">—\u003c/span> were extensive. He said his expert witnesses would demonstrate that the scale of these renovations did justify evicting Benakli and her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='small' citation='Judge Danielle Douglas, Contra Costa County Superior Court']‘Mr. Pinza. Mr. Pinza. Let the witness answer the question.’[/pullquote]Levin said his expert witnesses would show that Pinza’s plans for the apartments were minor and would not have required the tenants to move out. There was an ulterior motive at work, he argued: Kicking out Benakli and her neighbors would allow Pinza to raise the rent for their units substantially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pinza interrupted the witnesses frequently, prompting Judge Douglas to step in and reprimand him for breaking courtroom rules.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s just the bathroom,” Benakli said, in answer to a question from Pinza. “The floor is popping out a little bit.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pinza interrupted: “Oh, so there is damage to the bathroom. OK, so maybe your floors do need to be repaired. Good enough.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Mr. Pinza,” Judge Douglas said sharply. “Mr. Pinza. Let the witness answer the question.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On the way back to my car at the end of the third day, I ran into Benakli and one of the other tenants, DeCher Young. They were leaning over the railing on the top floor of the parking lot. Dahbia was smoking a cigarette — she said she’d just started smoking again. They didn’t seem worried. Not that they were confident, simply resigned to whatever was going to happen.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The next afternoon, Pinza gave a defiant closing statement, reiterating that his expert witness had done “thousands of remodels.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“So who do you believe?” Pinza asked the jury. “[Levin’s] guy? Who’s never been a contractor? He’s done as much construction work as I have, and that’s not a lot.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Levin spoke next, using his time to focus on the key question. “This whole case comes down to the time that a substantial remodel will take,” he said. “So now it’s your job to figure out where this line is in this case, based on the law and the facts.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After two hours of jury deliberation, Judge Douglas called everyone back into the courtroom. The clerk read the verdict: 11 to 1, in Pinza’s favor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and her neighbors had lost. They were going to be evicted.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920855\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920855\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"The image is from the back seat of the car, looking through the windshield at a blurred foreground of an apartment building on the right and the brake lights of the car in front of them, the red reflection casting pink light inside the car and on the auburn hair of the driver. The driver wears a white shirt with small dark polka dots and a ruffle at the shoulder over the long sleeves. The woman in the passenger seat has short dark hair and her arm, in a black sweater, rests on the back of the driver. A scented pine tree hangs from the rear view mirror. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">DeCher Young rests her hand on Benakli’s shoulder as they drive home from the trial through Walnut Creek on March 3, 2022. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 4: The way home\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That evening, Benakli and Young drove back to Walnut Creek together to pick up Benakli’s daughter from school. They let me ride with them in the back seat.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and Young were shaken. As they drove, they talked about how the trial had gone and what losing meant — court fees and having the eviction on their record.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I don’t think I’m going to go to sleep tonight, looking for an apartment,” Benakli said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“When, when I get home, I’m going to start looking for places,” Young said. “After I finish looking, then I’m gonna start dashing for a little bit to get my extra money on the side,” she added, referring to her side job driving for DoorDash.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I can’t dash tonight,” Benakli said. “There’s just no way.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As Benakli drove through downtown Walnut Creek, they stopped at a red light and Young looked out the window.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I’mma miss living over here, I really am,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“That’s so true, girl,” Benakli said. “So true.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920904\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920904\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A view from high in the forested hills over the Bay Area. In the foreground are rolling hills covered with oak and pine, with a few mansions visible in nooks and crannies of the canyons. In the middle of the photo is a wide urban spread o, with the bay in the distance on the right of the image, and the Bay Bridge a faint line across. Above the urban landscape are bluish hills in the distance and a line of orange and yellow light on the horizon as the sun rises into a pale blue sky.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The East Bay, from an overlook along Grizzly Peak Boulevard in Berkeley. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>What happened in this case, housing experts say, is part of a pattern of gentrification and displacement in the Bay Area that stretches back to long before the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and Young both used to live in cities like Berkeley and Oakland and San Francisco, which have stronger protections for renters. Eventually, though, like many of those in lower- and middle-income households — disproportionately Black and brown — they saw their rent and other costs rise too high and left for Walnut Creek, where rent was lower, but there were also fewer protections.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s a general story about inequality in America,” said Tim Thomas, research director at the \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/team/tim-thomas-ph-d/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/team/tim-thomas-ph-d/\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">Urban Displacement Project\u003c/a>.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Some parts of California are working to clarify how substantial remodel evictions work, by requiring landlords to help pay relocation costs, for example. State lawmakers are considering a bill requiring landlords to get local government permits before they can issue substantial remodel eviction notices. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Back in Walnut Creek, Benakli and Young arrived at the school of Benakli’s daughter, Leah. Young waited in the car while Benakli went inside. Minutes later, Leah clambered into the back seat.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I lost a tooth today in school, and I got this from the office,” she said to me, holding up a small, plastic, tooth-shaped container.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920884\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920884\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-800x482.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl's hands in the center of the photo hold a white plastic box shaped like a molar. Only her hands and the tooth box are in focus. Her purple jacket and pink and purple pants are blurred, and the car door on the other side of her is dark with white reflections\" width=\"800\" height=\"482\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-800x482.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-1020x614.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-160x96.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-1536x925.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-2048x1234.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-1920x1157.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leah shows me her tooth box as Benakli and Young drive home from the trial on March 3, 2022. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Benakli and Young drove home, talking about going up to Concord to look at apartments later that week. As they spoke, Leah told me about the money she was going to get from the tooth fairy and her plans to buy her sister, Elina, a present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think I will get her a puppy,” she said. “A toy puppy set.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was a moment of extreme contrast: a kid being a kid in the back seat, while adult conversations went on in the background. It was also a reminder of who this could fall on the most — and who, years from now, might look back on this as a moment that changed everything.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Epilogue\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the months since their case ended in mid-March, Benakli, Young and their third neighbor, John Taylor, have all moved out.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It was maybe one of the darkest moments in my life,” Benakli said of the days after the case ended, in a recent interview.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A few days after the case ended, she received an email from her attorney, who said Pinza was asking for back rent and court fees — several thousand dollars.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli panicked. She packed what she could, grabbed her two daughters, and left for a motel in Walnut Creek. She tried to disguise the move for the kids, offering them Starbucks for breakfast as a special treat, but she knew they could tell something was wrong.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I was asking myself questions,” she said. “Am I a good mom? Am I a good person? What did I do wrong?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They were at the motel for three days. Benakli spent the entire time trying to figure out what to do next.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Eventually she got in touch with a friend of a friend who had already applied for a lease and needed a roommate, meaning Benakli didn’t have to worry about the eviction on her record.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She was nervous about the thought of moving her family in with some strange man she didn’t know. But she didn’t have much of a choice.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Two weeks after Benakli had left her apartment in the dead of night, she and her daughters moved into their new unit, and slowly, a bit of their stress faded.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s just like we’re right back home,” Benakli said. And on top of that, their new roommate was kind and caring.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She knows the repercussions of the case — the “scarlet E” on her record and the money Pinza was asking for — are going to follow her for a long time, although her attorney says the real amount she will have to pay is still uncertain.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli has lost a lot of faith in the court and other government institutions. As all of this was happening, she says, she would receive calls from canvassers trying to get her to register to vote.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I don’t want to vote,” Benakli said. “There’s no laws protecting me. Nothing is protecting me.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In Benakli’s eyes, the only people who were really able to help her were her friends and her family. At the end of the day, she said, that’s all some of us really have.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">\u003ca href=\"https://mobile.twitter.com/koritsuzuki\">Kori Suzuki \u003c/a>produced this story for a class at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "If tenants lose an eviction trial, the court record is public, visible to any future landlord. Some tenants' advocates call this the 'scarlet E.'",
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"title": "Taking an Eviction Case to Court Is Risky. But This Mom Decided to Try It | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The defendant, a dark-haired woman named Dahbia Benakli, watched nervously as the prosecutor took the stand one final time.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The prosecutor, Steven Pinza, was defiant as he gave his closing statement. “If you don’t believe me,” he said to the jury, “one last thing. If you guys don’t believe me, let’s extend this trial.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The judge interrupted: “Mr. Pinza, your time is up. And no, we’re not extending the trial. The trial is going to be over.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was a scene straight out of any courtroom, except for one thing: This case was about an eviction lawsuit, a kind of proceeding that almost never goes before a jury in California. Benakli was a tenant, waiting to find out whether the court was going to evict her. Pinza was Benakli’s landlord, a local real estate investor and president of the Pinza Group, representing himself in an eviction lawsuit against her.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli’s case, unique as it was, also reveals what many tenants may be facing outside the public eye. More than two years after the beginning of the pandemic, evictions are on the rise. Many of the far-reaching emergency housing protections passed in 2020 have since expired, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101889929/as-pandemic-renter-protections-expire-wave-of-evictions-could-follow\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">leaving millions of renters facing eviction\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As new rules for California tenants and landlords vanish and the old rules return, Benakli’s case — and its aftermath — show the challenges renters face in charting their way through this moment of uncertainty and change.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920845\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920845\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl in a lavender cotton shift with short sleeves stands at the end of a bed, leaning over and resting her torso on top of a folded pink blanket. Her brown hair is pulled back into a bun, with a fuzzy white band around it, and a pink clip on the side of her head. Light filters through a wide window covered with translucent white curtains that are patterned with rows of pink and grey roses and swirls. The quilt on her bed is white with pale flowers in pink and lavender. Two throw pillows in the same fabric are tossed against two white bed pillows at the head of the bed. The walls of the room are white. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leah rests in the bedroom she shared with her mother and sister at their Walnut Creek apartment in November 2021. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 1: The notice\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was May 2021 when Steven Pinza bought the wide, gray apartment building where Dahbia Benakli had lived for 11 years.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli, a single mother and preschool teacher in Walnut Creek, didn’t think anything of the change in ownership at first. She said she had always had a good relationship with the previous management and wasn’t expecting anything different. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At the time, she also had other priorities. Benakli was a single mom taking care of her two young daughters — Leah, 7, and Elina, 2 — by herself, juggling \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11898058/is-he-going-to-kick-us-to-the-street-a-walnut-creek-mom-fights-to-keep-her-apartment-amid-alleged-landlord-harassment\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a frantic job search and gig work during the pandemic, in a year-long scramble to pay her bills\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, later that month, the eviction notices began to arrive. Pinza told 11 of the building’s 18 tenants they needed to move out. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“If I was someone that’s not paying rent or just pay part, and he gets tired of that situation, I would understand,” Benakli told me. “But I’m someone that pays the full rent. I do nothing illegal.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli is one of a growing number of California residents facing eviction as millions of people across the state wrestle with the return of pre-pandemic housing laws.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I want to move. I want to have two bedrooms. I want to have a backyard for my kids. I do want to have all that — but I cannot afford it right now.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Between July 1, 2020, and June 30, 2021, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/documents/2022-Court-Statistics-Report.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">landlords filed nearly 4,000 eviction lawsuits across the Bay Area\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> — more than 700 of them in Contra Costa County, where Benakli lives.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And the number of eviction lockouts in the Bay Area — that’s when sheriff’s deputies physically remove people who were evicted in court from their homes — rose from 184 in March-December 2020, to 349 during the same months of 2021, according to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/COVID-eviction-battles-have-moved-to-the-Bay-Area-16845195.php\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">an analysis by The San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the case of Benakli and her neighbors, Pinza was ordering them to move out because he claimed the building needed major renovations.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“While we wish these repairs were not necessary or could be done without you moving out, it is not possible,” he wrote in a letter to the tenants.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He gave tenants the option to relocate for two months at their own expense “while renovations are made,” then pay an additional $600 per month when they returned — a proposition Benakli could not afford.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920822\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920822\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-800x515.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"515\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-800x515.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-1020x657.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-160x103.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-1536x989.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-2048x1318.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-1920x1236.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Benakli hands her daughter Leah a cup of juice at their Walnut Creek apartment in November 2021. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She had lived in her one-bedroom apartment for 11 years, and her monthly rent was still only $1,000 — \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/rental-manager/market-trends/walnut-creek-ca/?propertyTypes=apartment-condo&bedrooms=1\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">less than half the market rate in Walnut Creek\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I want to move,” Benakli said. “I want to have two bedrooms. I want to have a backyard for my kids. I do want to have all that — but I cannot afford it right now.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Upon receiving the letters, most of the tenants moved out. But Benakli, DeCher Young and John Taylor decided to stay and wait for the landlord to file an eviction lawsuit.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I do understand he got this building and he wants to raise up the price,” Benakli said. “I do understand that he’s the new owner. I do understand he doesn’t know us. But he does not have the right to treat us less than a regular person.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Steven Pinza declined to speak on the record for this story.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 2: The lawsuit\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and her neighbors thought they stood a chance of fighting Steven Pinza’s lawsuit in court, and in an unusual request, they wanted a jury to decide the case.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Experts say eviction cases almost never go to a jury trial. In roughly the first year of the pandemic, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/documents/2022-Court-Statistics-Report.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">3,000 eviction cases went to trial and only 16 of them were decided by a jury\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920832\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-800x497.jpg\" alt=\"A man with rosy skin and silve-and-grey hair stands in a window looking out at the green leaves of a tree. Sunlight dapples his blue shirt. He wears slate green khaki pants and holds a grey zipped computer case under one arm. The window frames are dark wood.\" width=\"800\" height=\"497\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-800x497.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-1020x634.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-160x99.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-1536x955.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-2048x1273.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-1920x1194.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Housing attorney David Levin poses for a portrait in Berkeley on April 1, 2022. ‘We’re just seeing, now, some of the first cases that define the contours of law,’ he said. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But representing Benakli and her neighbors was David Levin, a Bay Area-based housing attorney, who saw cracks in the foundation of Pinza’s legal reasoning — specifically, two of them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to court filings, Pinza had initially sent eviction notices to tenants who were mostly Black, Algerian or other people of color. Of the eight tenants who had decided to move out voluntarily, seven had been replaced by white renters. Levin planned to make the case that the evictions were racially motivated.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">His second argument was that the repairs Pinza planned would not “substantially remodel” the building.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billCompareClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tenant Protection Act of 2019\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> gives landlords the right to remove their renters for a major remodel if the repairs are extensive enough that the renter has to move out for their own safety — for at least 30 days.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But what “substantially remodel” means is murky, according to multiple attorneys who specialize in housing cases, because the Tenant Protection Act has not been tested in court.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And to Levin, its vague language presented a potential foothold to challenge Pinza’s eviction lawsuit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s hard to overstate how much was at stake for Benakli, Young and Taylor. If they lost, their eviction would be public in a court record, visible to any future landlord. Some tenants’ advocates call this the “scarlet E.” Families who are evicted also tend to lose their jobs or have to switch their children’s schools, and they report \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0277953617300102?via%3Dihub\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">higher rates of anxiety and depression\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920899\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920899\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-800x821.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with brown skin and dark brown hair leans down to clasp her daughter, age 7, to her chest with a smile. Her left arm encircles the child's head and her right arm encircles the child's back. The woman wears a white dress with an elaborate, brightly colored collar about the neck, coming down to end in a ruffle over her shoulders. The colors are red, orange, green, and yellow. The child is wearing a white shirt, and has her brown hair pulled into a bun. Her eyes closed, she wraps her arms around her mother.\" width=\"800\" height=\"821\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-800x821.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-1020x1047.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-160x164.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-1497x1536.jpg 1497w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698.jpg 1708w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Benakli and Leah embrace at their former apartment in Walnut Creek in November 2021. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Somehow, though, Benakli wasn’t nervous. She had faith that the courts would hear their concerns and would find in their favor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“He wants to take it to the court?” she said. “That’s my dream. I want to go to the court with him. Because I know the truth will always win in the end.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 3: The trial\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The trial began at the end of February in the Superior Court for Contra Costa County, a tall, gray, downtown building in the sleepy Bay Area suburb of Martinez.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before he could use a particular argument in front of the jury, Levin had to convince Judge Danielle Douglas of it: that Pinza had shown a pattern of discrimination by evicting mostly tenants of color and bringing in white renters to replace them. But Douglas tossed it out, saying Levin couldn’t prove Pinza \u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">intended \u003c/i>to discriminate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As the jurors arrived the next day, Benakli, in a black shirt with pink flowers, sat with her neighbors in the front row of the courtroom. Levin, in a dark suit, sat between them and the judge like a shield, with a rolling bin full of legal papers on the floor next to him. To his left, at the prosecutor’s table, sat Pinza in a crisp suit of light gray. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pinza, who had elected to represent himself, argued that his plans to renovate the apartments \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">—\u003c/span> which included adjustments to the plumbing and electrical systems and installing new stoves, dishwashers and ceiling fans \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">—\u003c/span> were extensive. He said his expert witnesses would demonstrate that the scale of these renovations did justify evicting Benakli and her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Mr. Pinza. Mr. Pinza. Let the witness answer the question.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Levin said his expert witnesses would show that Pinza’s plans for the apartments were minor and would not have required the tenants to move out. There was an ulterior motive at work, he argued: Kicking out Benakli and her neighbors would allow Pinza to raise the rent for their units substantially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pinza interrupted the witnesses frequently, prompting Judge Douglas to step in and reprimand him for breaking courtroom rules.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s just the bathroom,” Benakli said, in answer to a question from Pinza. “The floor is popping out a little bit.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pinza interrupted: “Oh, so there is damage to the bathroom. OK, so maybe your floors do need to be repaired. Good enough.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Mr. Pinza,” Judge Douglas said sharply. “Mr. Pinza. Let the witness answer the question.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On the way back to my car at the end of the third day, I ran into Benakli and one of the other tenants, DeCher Young. They were leaning over the railing on the top floor of the parking lot. Dahbia was smoking a cigarette — she said she’d just started smoking again. They didn’t seem worried. Not that they were confident, simply resigned to whatever was going to happen.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The next afternoon, Pinza gave a defiant closing statement, reiterating that his expert witness had done “thousands of remodels.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“So who do you believe?” Pinza asked the jury. “[Levin’s] guy? Who’s never been a contractor? He’s done as much construction work as I have, and that’s not a lot.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Levin spoke next, using his time to focus on the key question. “This whole case comes down to the time that a substantial remodel will take,” he said. “So now it’s your job to figure out where this line is in this case, based on the law and the facts.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After two hours of jury deliberation, Judge Douglas called everyone back into the courtroom. The clerk read the verdict: 11 to 1, in Pinza’s favor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and her neighbors had lost. They were going to be evicted.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920855\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920855\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"The image is from the back seat of the car, looking through the windshield at a blurred foreground of an apartment building on the right and the brake lights of the car in front of them, the red reflection casting pink light inside the car and on the auburn hair of the driver. The driver wears a white shirt with small dark polka dots and a ruffle at the shoulder over the long sleeves. The woman in the passenger seat has short dark hair and her arm, in a black sweater, rests on the back of the driver. A scented pine tree hangs from the rear view mirror. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">DeCher Young rests her hand on Benakli’s shoulder as they drive home from the trial through Walnut Creek on March 3, 2022. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 4: The way home\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That evening, Benakli and Young drove back to Walnut Creek together to pick up Benakli’s daughter from school. They let me ride with them in the back seat.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and Young were shaken. As they drove, they talked about how the trial had gone and what losing meant — court fees and having the eviction on their record.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I don’t think I’m going to go to sleep tonight, looking for an apartment,” Benakli said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“When, when I get home, I’m going to start looking for places,” Young said. “After I finish looking, then I’m gonna start dashing for a little bit to get my extra money on the side,” she added, referring to her side job driving for DoorDash.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I can’t dash tonight,” Benakli said. “There’s just no way.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As Benakli drove through downtown Walnut Creek, they stopped at a red light and Young looked out the window.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I’mma miss living over here, I really am,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“That’s so true, girl,” Benakli said. “So true.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920904\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920904\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A view from high in the forested hills over the Bay Area. In the foreground are rolling hills covered with oak and pine, with a few mansions visible in nooks and crannies of the canyons. In the middle of the photo is a wide urban spread o, with the bay in the distance on the right of the image, and the Bay Bridge a faint line across. Above the urban landscape are bluish hills in the distance and a line of orange and yellow light on the horizon as the sun rises into a pale blue sky.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The East Bay, from an overlook along Grizzly Peak Boulevard in Berkeley. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>What happened in this case, housing experts say, is part of a pattern of gentrification and displacement in the Bay Area that stretches back to long before the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and Young both used to live in cities like Berkeley and Oakland and San Francisco, which have stronger protections for renters. Eventually, though, like many of those in lower- and middle-income households — disproportionately Black and brown — they saw their rent and other costs rise too high and left for Walnut Creek, where rent was lower, but there were also fewer protections.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s a general story about inequality in America,” said Tim Thomas, research director at the \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/team/tim-thomas-ph-d/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/team/tim-thomas-ph-d/\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">Urban Displacement Project\u003c/a>.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Some parts of California are working to clarify how substantial remodel evictions work, by requiring landlords to help pay relocation costs, for example. State lawmakers are considering a bill requiring landlords to get local government permits before they can issue substantial remodel eviction notices. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Back in Walnut Creek, Benakli and Young arrived at the school of Benakli’s daughter, Leah. Young waited in the car while Benakli went inside. Minutes later, Leah clambered into the back seat.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I lost a tooth today in school, and I got this from the office,” she said to me, holding up a small, plastic, tooth-shaped container.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920884\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920884\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-800x482.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl's hands in the center of the photo hold a white plastic box shaped like a molar. Only her hands and the tooth box are in focus. Her purple jacket and pink and purple pants are blurred, and the car door on the other side of her is dark with white reflections\" width=\"800\" height=\"482\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-800x482.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-1020x614.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-160x96.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-1536x925.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-2048x1234.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-1920x1157.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leah shows me her tooth box as Benakli and Young drive home from the trial on March 3, 2022. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Benakli and Young drove home, talking about going up to Concord to look at apartments later that week. As they spoke, Leah told me about the money she was going to get from the tooth fairy and her plans to buy her sister, Elina, a present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think I will get her a puppy,” she said. “A toy puppy set.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was a moment of extreme contrast: a kid being a kid in the back seat, while adult conversations went on in the background. It was also a reminder of who this could fall on the most — and who, years from now, might look back on this as a moment that changed everything.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Epilogue\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the months since their case ended in mid-March, Benakli, Young and their third neighbor, John Taylor, have all moved out.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It was maybe one of the darkest moments in my life,” Benakli said of the days after the case ended, in a recent interview.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A few days after the case ended, she received an email from her attorney, who said Pinza was asking for back rent and court fees — several thousand dollars.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli panicked. She packed what she could, grabbed her two daughters, and left for a motel in Walnut Creek. She tried to disguise the move for the kids, offering them Starbucks for breakfast as a special treat, but she knew they could tell something was wrong.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I was asking myself questions,” she said. “Am I a good mom? Am I a good person? What did I do wrong?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They were at the motel for three days. Benakli spent the entire time trying to figure out what to do next.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Eventually she got in touch with a friend of a friend who had already applied for a lease and needed a roommate, meaning Benakli didn’t have to worry about the eviction on her record.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She was nervous about the thought of moving her family in with some strange man she didn’t know. But she didn’t have much of a choice.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Two weeks after Benakli had left her apartment in the dead of night, she and her daughters moved into their new unit, and slowly, a bit of their stress faded.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s just like we’re right back home,” Benakli said. And on top of that, their new roommate was kind and caring.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She knows the repercussions of the case — the “scarlet E” on her record and the money Pinza was asking for — are going to follow her for a long time, although her attorney says the real amount she will have to pay is still uncertain.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli has lost a lot of faith in the court and other government institutions. As all of this was happening, she says, she would receive calls from canvassers trying to get her to register to vote.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I don’t want to vote,” Benakli said. “There’s no laws protecting me. Nothing is protecting me.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In Benakli’s eyes, the only people who were really able to help her were her friends and her family. At the end of the day, she said, that’s all some of us really have.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">\u003ca href=\"https://mobile.twitter.com/koritsuzuki\">Kori Suzuki \u003c/a>produced this story for a class at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "taking-a-cue-from-texas-abortion-ban-newsom-signs-law-allowing-citizens-to-sue-gun-industry",
"title": "Newsom Signs New Gun Law Modeled After Texas Abortion Ban, Empowering Citizens to Sue Gun Industry",
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"headTitle": "Newsom Signs New Gun Law Modeled After Texas Abortion Ban, Empowering Citizens to Sue Gun Industry | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed legislation Friday making California the first state to allow individual citizens to sue gun makers and sellers who violate state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1327\">SB 1327\u003c/a>, authored by state Sen. Bob Hertzberg, D-San Fernando Valley, allows individuals to file civil lawsuits against anyone who imports, distributes, manufactures or sells illegal firearms in California, including assault weapons and hard-to-trace ghost guns — both of which are prohibited under the state’s restrictive gun laws.[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"gun-control\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The controversial, high-profile move fulfills a promise Newsom made after the U.S. Supreme Court in December \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/12/10/1053628779/supreme-court-refuse-to-block-texas-abortion-law-as-legal-fights-move-forward\">allowed a Texas anti-abortion-rights law to take effect\u003c/a>. It comes a day after the governor signed a package of eight other bills aimed at further restricting access to guns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flanked by state Attorney General Rob Bonta, lawmakers and gun violence survivors, Newsom signed the bill at Santa Monica College, where six people were killed in 2013 when a gunman opened fire with an AR-15-type semi-automatic assault weapon that the shooter assembled using component parts without serial numbers. Under the new law, victims of so-called ghost guns will be allowed to sue the companies that manufacture and sell them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom called the legislation “perhaps the most impactful thing we have done in California in decades … allowing 40 million Californians to enforce the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Referring to gun rights’ supporters and the firearm industry lobby, Newsom said, \u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>We are sick and tired of being on the defense in this movement. It’s time to put \u003cem>them\u003c/em> on the defense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom implored other states to act more boldly if the federal government fails to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope other Democratic governors in other states take notice. We need to take these guns off the streets,” he said. “Let’s meet this moment and let’s not have any more moments saying, ‘We could have, would have and should have.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law, set to go into effect in January, allows citizens to sue violators for $10,000 per weapon involved in a crime. Gun dealers who illegally sell firearms to anyone younger than 21 are also liable for the same damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom was introduced on Friday by Mia Tretta, who in 2019 was hit in the stomach by a bullet fired from a ghost gun during a mass shooting at her Santa Clarita high school. “You, Gov. Newsom, are saving lives,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the signing, Hertzberg also pledged that the Legislature would continue sending Newsom bills intended to further prevent gun violence. “If it takes another 100 laws, so be it to protect our citizens,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920274\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 351px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11920274\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas.jpeg\" alt=\"a poster that repurposes an anti-abortion statement to address about gun violence.\" width=\"351\" height=\"739\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas.jpeg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas-800x1685.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas-1020x2148.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas-160x337.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas-729x1536.jpeg 729w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas-973x2048.jpeg 973w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 351px) 100vw, 351px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The ad Gov. Gavin Newsom ran in several Texas newspapers on Friday, repurposing an anti-abortion-rights quote from Texas Gov. Greg Abbott. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Office of the Governor of California)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill signing comes a month after the U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/24/1102305878/supreme-court-abortion-roe-v-wade-decision-overturn\">overturned Roe v. Wade\u003c/a> and the constitutional right to have an abortion, and also \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/06/23/us/supreme-court-ny-open-carry-gun-law.html\">struck down a New York law \u003c/a>that placed strict limits on carrying concealed firearms in public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, Newsom also signed a package of bills with more restrained impacts than SB 1327. They include measures that bar anyone from making more than three guns a year or making any guns with a 3D printer without obtaining a state-issued license. Other measures require schools to periodically inform parents about the safe storage of firearms, prohibit gun sales on state property, boost inspections of gun dealers, and add child and elder abuse to the list of crimes that block gun ownership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two weeks ago Newsom signed another bill introduced by San Francisco Democratic Assemblymember Phil Ting that allows individuals, as well as state and local governments, to sue gun manufacturers for negligence that results in injury or death. The bill creates a code of conduct for firearms makers and allows civil lawsuits for violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new laws come amid a rise in gun violence in recent years — both in California and nationwide — and a spate of mass shootings in just the last few months, including one at a school in Uvalde, Texas, in late May that left 19 children and two teachers dead, and a July 4 massacre in Highland Park, Illinois, that killed seven people and injured dozens more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of California’s new gun control laws are more than likely to face legal challenges, some possibly making their way to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To elevate his ongoing political jousting match with Texas Gov. Greg Abbott — an anti-abortion-rights, pro-gun-rights Republican — Newsom also ran an ad Friday \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/homenews/state-watch/3570623-newsom-runs-ads-in-texas-newspapers-hitting-abbott-on-guns-abortion/\">in several Texas newspapers\u003c/a> repurposing a statement Abbott made \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2021/05/18/texas-heartbeat-bill-abortions-law/\">when he signed his state’s anti-abortion-rights law\u003c/a> last year. In the ad, the word “abortion” is crossed out and replaced with “gun violence” as the cause of children’s deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Texas can ban abortion and endanger lives, California can ban deadly weapons of war and save lives,” Newsom said in a statement announcing the ad. “If Governor Abbott truly wants to protect the right to life, I urge him to follow California’s lead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ad follows a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6anO63fQyVc\">video message Newsom aired in Florida\u003c/a> last month attacking Gov. Ron DeSantis over his support for laws restricting LGBTQ+ rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has flatly denied that these out-of-state ad campaigns are intended to promote his rumored run for president, but they have successfully garnered the attention of national media outlets and Democrats hungry for outspoken leaders willing to forcefully take on the Supreme Court, the gun industry and the Republican establishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, Newsom has declared himself to be “pro-life,” borrowing the phrase used by anti-abortion-rights activists and turning it against them, the gun lobby and others who oppose restrictions on firearms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked Friday if he was considering a run for president, Newsom reiterated his previous position that he has “subzero” interest.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "SB 1327 allows individuals to file civil lawsuits against firearms companies for illegally manufacturing, selling, transporting or distributing guns in California, including assault weapons and hard-to-trace ghost guns.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed legislation Friday making California the first state to allow individual citizens to sue gun makers and sellers who violate state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1327\">SB 1327\u003c/a>, authored by state Sen. Bob Hertzberg, D-San Fernando Valley, allows individuals to file civil lawsuits against anyone who imports, distributes, manufactures or sells illegal firearms in California, including assault weapons and hard-to-trace ghost guns — both of which are prohibited under the state’s restrictive gun laws.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The controversial, high-profile move fulfills a promise Newsom made after the U.S. Supreme Court in December \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/12/10/1053628779/supreme-court-refuse-to-block-texas-abortion-law-as-legal-fights-move-forward\">allowed a Texas anti-abortion-rights law to take effect\u003c/a>. It comes a day after the governor signed a package of eight other bills aimed at further restricting access to guns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flanked by state Attorney General Rob Bonta, lawmakers and gun violence survivors, Newsom signed the bill at Santa Monica College, where six people were killed in 2013 when a gunman opened fire with an AR-15-type semi-automatic assault weapon that the shooter assembled using component parts without serial numbers. Under the new law, victims of so-called ghost guns will be allowed to sue the companies that manufacture and sell them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom called the legislation “perhaps the most impactful thing we have done in California in decades … allowing 40 million Californians to enforce the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Referring to gun rights’ supporters and the firearm industry lobby, Newsom said, \u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>We are sick and tired of being on the defense in this movement. It’s time to put \u003cem>them\u003c/em> on the defense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom implored other states to act more boldly if the federal government fails to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope other Democratic governors in other states take notice. We need to take these guns off the streets,” he said. “Let’s meet this moment and let’s not have any more moments saying, ‘We could have, would have and should have.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law, set to go into effect in January, allows citizens to sue violators for $10,000 per weapon involved in a crime. Gun dealers who illegally sell firearms to anyone younger than 21 are also liable for the same damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom was introduced on Friday by Mia Tretta, who in 2019 was hit in the stomach by a bullet fired from a ghost gun during a mass shooting at her Santa Clarita high school. “You, Gov. Newsom, are saving lives,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the signing, Hertzberg also pledged that the Legislature would continue sending Newsom bills intended to further prevent gun violence. “If it takes another 100 laws, so be it to protect our citizens,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920274\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 351px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11920274\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas.jpeg\" alt=\"a poster that repurposes an anti-abortion statement to address about gun violence.\" width=\"351\" height=\"739\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas.jpeg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas-800x1685.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas-1020x2148.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas-160x337.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas-729x1536.jpeg 729w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas-973x2048.jpeg 973w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 351px) 100vw, 351px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The ad Gov. Gavin Newsom ran in several Texas newspapers on Friday, repurposing an anti-abortion-rights quote from Texas Gov. Greg Abbott. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Office of the Governor of California)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill signing comes a month after the U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/24/1102305878/supreme-court-abortion-roe-v-wade-decision-overturn\">overturned Roe v. Wade\u003c/a> and the constitutional right to have an abortion, and also \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/06/23/us/supreme-court-ny-open-carry-gun-law.html\">struck down a New York law \u003c/a>that placed strict limits on carrying concealed firearms in public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, Newsom also signed a package of bills with more restrained impacts than SB 1327. They include measures that bar anyone from making more than three guns a year or making any guns with a 3D printer without obtaining a state-issued license. Other measures require schools to periodically inform parents about the safe storage of firearms, prohibit gun sales on state property, boost inspections of gun dealers, and add child and elder abuse to the list of crimes that block gun ownership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two weeks ago Newsom signed another bill introduced by San Francisco Democratic Assemblymember Phil Ting that allows individuals, as well as state and local governments, to sue gun manufacturers for negligence that results in injury or death. The bill creates a code of conduct for firearms makers and allows civil lawsuits for violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new laws come amid a rise in gun violence in recent years — both in California and nationwide — and a spate of mass shootings in just the last few months, including one at a school in Uvalde, Texas, in late May that left 19 children and two teachers dead, and a July 4 massacre in Highland Park, Illinois, that killed seven people and injured dozens more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of California’s new gun control laws are more than likely to face legal challenges, some possibly making their way to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To elevate his ongoing political jousting match with Texas Gov. Greg Abbott — an anti-abortion-rights, pro-gun-rights Republican — Newsom also ran an ad Friday \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/homenews/state-watch/3570623-newsom-runs-ads-in-texas-newspapers-hitting-abbott-on-guns-abortion/\">in several Texas newspapers\u003c/a> repurposing a statement Abbott made \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2021/05/18/texas-heartbeat-bill-abortions-law/\">when he signed his state’s anti-abortion-rights law\u003c/a> last year. In the ad, the word “abortion” is crossed out and replaced with “gun violence” as the cause of children’s deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Texas can ban abortion and endanger lives, California can ban deadly weapons of war and save lives,” Newsom said in a statement announcing the ad. “If Governor Abbott truly wants to protect the right to life, I urge him to follow California’s lead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ad follows a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6anO63fQyVc\">video message Newsom aired in Florida\u003c/a> last month attacking Gov. Ron DeSantis over his support for laws restricting LGBTQ+ rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has flatly denied that these out-of-state ad campaigns are intended to promote his rumored run for president, but they have successfully garnered the attention of national media outlets and Democrats hungry for outspoken leaders willing to forcefully take on the Supreme Court, the gun industry and the Republican establishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, Newsom has declared himself to be “pro-life,” borrowing the phrase used by anti-abortion-rights activists and turning it against them, the gun lobby and others who oppose restrictions on firearms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked Friday if he was considering a run for president, Newsom reiterated his previous position that he has “subzero” interest.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins\u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last week, San Francisco Mayor London Breed appointed Brooke Jenkins as the city’s new district attorney, after former DA Chesa Boudin was ousted in a contentious recall election. Jenkins worked for Boudin as a prosecutor, but quit in protest over some of his decisions, and joined the effort to recall Boudin as lead spokesperson. Now that she’s got her former boss’s job, Jenkins has said she wants to review dozens of former drug cases and may overturn decisions made by her predecessor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Assemblymember Phil Ting’s New Gun Control Law\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There have been more than 300 mass shootings in the United States so far this year, according to the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.gunviolencearchive.org/reports/mass-shooting\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gun Violence Archive\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California lawmakers have acted swiftly to respond to these recent events and pushed through a new package of gun control laws. We talk to state Assemblymember Phil Ting, D-San Francisco, about the new law he authored, which carves a pathway to sue gun makers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The first six months of the year have been the driest in California’s recorded history, setting us up for a serious wildfire season. Crews have been battling wildfire in Yosemite National Park, where a big blaze has threatened ancient sequoias. We tackle this and more of the week’s big stories with our panel of reporters.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guy Marzorati, KQED politics and government reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kevin Stark, KQED climate editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Grace Toohey, Los Angeles Times breaking news reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>James Webb Telescope\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nearly a million miles away, an array of 18 hexagonal mirrors made from rare metals is capturing stunning images of our universe. There’s a special California connection to the James Webb Telescope: It was partly assembled in Southern California, and many Californian engineers worked on the project for years. This week’s Something Beautiful showcases the story of this remarkable piece of technology that taps into our collective human spirit of invention, exploration and wonder.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins\u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last week, San Francisco Mayor London Breed appointed Brooke Jenkins as the city’s new district attorney, after former DA Chesa Boudin was ousted in a contentious recall election. Jenkins worked for Boudin as a prosecutor, but quit in protest over some of his decisions, and joined the effort to recall Boudin as lead spokesperson. Now that she’s got her former boss’s job, Jenkins has said she wants to review dozens of former drug cases and may overturn decisions made by her predecessor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Assemblymember Phil Ting’s New Gun Control Law\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There have been more than 300 mass shootings in the United States so far this year, according to the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.gunviolencearchive.org/reports/mass-shooting\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gun Violence Archive\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California lawmakers have acted swiftly to respond to these recent events and pushed through a new package of gun control laws. We talk to state Assemblymember Phil Ting, D-San Francisco, about the new law he authored, which carves a pathway to sue gun makers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The first six months of the year have been the driest in California’s recorded history, setting us up for a serious wildfire season. Crews have been battling wildfire in Yosemite National Park, where a big blaze has threatened ancient sequoias. We tackle this and more of the week’s big stories with our panel of reporters.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guy Marzorati, KQED politics and government reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kevin Stark, KQED climate editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Grace Toohey, Los Angeles Times breaking news reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>James Webb Telescope\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nearly a million miles away, an array of 18 hexagonal mirrors made from rare metals is capturing stunning images of our universe. There’s a special California connection to the James Webb Telescope: It was partly assembled in Southern California, and many Californian engineers worked on the project for years. This week’s Something Beautiful showcases the story of this remarkable piece of technology that taps into our collective human spirit of invention, exploration and wonder.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Trabajar con una visa H-2A en EE.UU.: Las represalias que pueden enfrentar los trabajadores agrícolas que alzan la voz",
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"headTitle": "Trabajar con una visa H-2A en EE.UU.: Las represalias que pueden enfrentar los trabajadores agrícolas que alzan la voz | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]U[/dropcap]n par de botas, unas camisas y unos pantalones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eso fue lo que Samuel dejó el pasado octubre en el cuarto que compartía con otros trabajadores del campo en Mauritson Farms, un viñedo en el Condado de Sonoma, el cual está ubicado en el corazón de la región vitivinícola de California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Él iba de regreso a su pueblo natal en el estado mexicano de Oaxaca. La cosecha de la uva había terminado y el plazo de su visa H-2A pronto terminaría. Había trabajado para Mauritson Farms desde el 2019 con una visa H-2A, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/es/trabajar-en-estados-unidos/trabajadores-temporales-no-inmigrantes/trabajadores-agricolas-temporales-h-2a\">la cual otorga a trabajadores agrícolas de todo el mundo una estancia temporal en Estados Unidos\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El programa H-2A, lanzado en 1986, es el sucesor al programa Bracero, el cual operó desde 1942 hasta 1964, y permitió que decenas de miles de mexicanos trabajaran en granjas estadounidenses. Sin embargo, grupos laborales han criticado al programa Bracero \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2018/07/31/634442195/when-the-u-s-government-tried-to-replace-migrant-farmworkers-with-high-schoolers\">por no proteger a los trabajadores que sufrieron robo de salarios, maltrato físico y pésimas condiciones laborales y de vida\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con la visa H-2A, Samuel y otros muchachos provenientes de pueblos y comunidades rurales cerca del municipio de Sola de Vega en Oaxaca venían a California para trabajar de febrero a octubre en los campos de Mauritson Farms, los cuales producen la marca de vino Mauritson Wines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samuel dejó sus pertenencias en Healdsburg con planes para regresar en 2022. Pero Mauritson Farms nunca lo volvió a contratar.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nA finales de la temporada de cosecha del 2021, Samuel y otros cinco trabajadores de Oaxaca manifestaron su oposición a lo que para ellos habían sido condiciones laborales injustas e inseguras durante los últimos tres años. Según ellos, tuvieron que trabajar en temperaturas extremadamente altas sin las protecciones adecuadas contra el calor, parte de su salario fue descontado sin ninguna razón y además experimentaron abuso verbal del encargado que los supervisaba.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con el apoyo de North Bay Jobs With Justice, un grupo de derechos laborales en el Condado de Sonoma, los seis trabajadores se reunieron con el gerente del viñedo, Cameron Mauritson, el pasado mes de octubre para hablar sobre lo que estaba sucediendo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Se disculpó con nosotros, que él se sentía mal con lo que estaba pasando en su compañía”, dijo Kevin, uno de los trabajadores del campo que estaban presentes ese día. Kevin trabajó junto a Samuel durante esos tres años. “Él se comprometía a llevarnos otra vez para allá a trabajar”, agregó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para Samuel y Kevin (cuyos nombres verdaderos KQED no ha divulgado para protegerlos de posibles futuras represalias), esta promesa representaba mucho más que una oferta de trabajo para el siguiente año. Lo tomaron como una señal que podían expresarse libremente acerca de las condiciones laborales y que Mauritson no haría lo que más temían: tomar represalias contra ellos y nunca más contratarlos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dejamos nuestras cosas [en Mauritson Farms] creyendo que íbamos a regresar”, dijo Samuel, pero de esas promesas, dice, “no hay nada”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919456\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919456\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Unas viñas en un viñedo con uvas que ya han madurado y están listas para ser cosechadas.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Samuel y Kevin vinieron a California por primera vez en 2019 con visas H-2A y regresaban cada año hasta el 2021. Llegaban en febrero y se iban al final de la cosecha de uvas en octubre. Ahora esperan en Oaxaca por el fallo del ALRB. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>De los seis trabajadores que se reunieron con Mauritson en octubre, ninguno fue contratado de nuevo en 2022, pese a que presentaron sus solicitudes de trabajo con Cierto Global, la compañía externa de selección de personal. Tanto Samuel como Kevin creen que no fueron contratados otra vez porque se quejaron acerca de las condiciones laborales en los viñedos de Mauritson Farms. Sin embargo, lo que hicieron está dentro los derechos laborales y protección a los trabajadores en California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representantes de North Bay Jobs With Justice afirman que han intentado comunicarse con Mauritson varias veces desde febrero, sin recibir una respuesta. Además, Mauritson no aceptó la invitación de una entrevista con KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El 7 de febrero, North Bay Jobs With Justice presentó un cargo contra Mauritson Farms por parte de los seis trabajadores con el Consejo de Relaciones del Trabajo Agrícola de California (ALRB por sus siglas en inglés). El ALRB es la agencia estatal que investiga posibles abusos laborales en el sector agrícola. La denuncia \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/3.3.22-ULP-Against-Employer-Mauritson-Farms-Inc..pdf\">sostiene que Mauritson Farms discriminó contra los trabajadores\u003c/a> cuando esta compañía se negó a darles empleo luego de que estos formaron parte de una “actividad concertada”, o sea organizarse para pedir mejoras laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A medida que avanza la investigación del ALRB, Samuel y Kevin siguen buscando empleo en Oaxaca y en EE.UU., pero hay pocas oportunidades. Ya terminó la temporada para recibir una visa H-2A este año, entonces por ahora la única opción es buscar trabajo en México. Con pocos ahorros restantes y familias que mantener, se les está acabando el tiempo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además de ser el estado con el sector agrícola más grande del país, California tiene la tercera parte de trabajadores extranjeros con una visa H-2A. El año pasado, \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/22082364/h2a-statistics.pdf\">más de 32 mil obreros provenientes de todo el mundo llegaron a California con una visa H-2A\u003c/a> para trabajar en la industria agrícola. Y pese a que el estado ha desarrollado un sistema complejo de reglamentos y dependencias para proteger a estos trabajadores, los inmigrantes con visas H-2A siguen siendo extremadamente vulnerables a represalias ilegales por parte de sus empleadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para contratar a trabajadores extranjeros, muchos empleadores usan una red de reclutadores externos que operan dentro y fuera del país. Trabajadores como Samuel y Kevin dependen de estos reclutadores para encontrar empleo en EE.UU. y navegar el proceso para recibir una visa H-2A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, es común que estos reclutadores pongan en lista negra a empleados que denuncien un procedimiento laboral injusto, no sólo para un empleador, sino también para muchas empresas más en la industria agrícola. Para los trabajadores afectados, esto perjudica su futuro laboral en los EE.UU. y para funcionarios laborales estadounidenses, complica su tarea para hacer cumplir las leyes laborales que prohíben represalias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919454\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919454\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">El año pasado, más de 32 mil obreros provenientes de todo el mundo llegaron a California con una visa H-2A para trabajar en la industria agrícola. Pese a que estos trabajadores están protegidos por las mismas leyes laborales que cualquier otra persona, defensores laborales afirman que estos siguen siendo vulnerables a las represalias si denuncian prácticas laborales injustas o inseguras. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Es ilegal que los empleadores tomen represalias pero ‘aún así lo hacen’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cynthia Rice ha trabajado como abogada de derechos laborales por más de 20 años. Ahora es la directora de litigio, abogacía y entrenamiento en California Rural Legal Assistance (CRLA, o en español, Asistencia Jurídica Rural de California) un despacho de abogados que ofrece ayuda legal. Rice ha representado a decenas de trabajadores del campo en casos que implican condiciones laborales peligrosas, robo de sueldos y represalias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando habla con un cliente por primera vez, recalca lo siguiente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es ilegal que un empleador tome represalias”, dijo, pero agregó que, “nunca decimos que un empleador no puede tomar represalias porque claro que pueden hacerlo. Sólo que es ilegal y aún así lo hacen”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gracias a décadas de activismo liderado por campesinos e inmigrantes, California cuenta con varias dependencias que hacen cumplir las leyes laborales, entre ellas los reglamentos que prohíben represalias. El ALRB fue creado luego de que el entonces gobernador Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/ALRA_Spanish_051805.pdf\">aprobara la Ley de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas en 1975\u003c/a>, la cual garantiza el derecho de los trabajadores del campo a la negociación colectiva. A parte de eso, la \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/\">Oficina del Comisionado Laboral\u003c/a> investiga sueldos mal pagados o robados, y la Administración de Seguridad y Salud Ocupacional de California (Cal/OSHA por sus siglas en inglés) hace cumplir reglamentos estatales, \u003ca href=\"http://www.99calor.org/_downloads/complaint.sheet_spanish.pdf\">como las protecciones contra el calor para quienes trabajan al aire libre\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Cynthia Rice, Abogada de CRLA\"]‘Nunca decimos que un empleador no puede tomar represalias porque claro que pueden hacerlo. Sólo que es ilegal y aún así lo hacen.’[/pullquote]A nivel nacional, el Departamento de Trabajo procesa las órdenes de trabajo del programa H-2A y regula los contratos de trabajadores extranjeros. Dentro de esta dependencia, la \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd\">División de Salarios y Horas de Trabajo\u003c/a> investiga casos en donde compañías no están pagando a sus empleados adecuadamente o se niegan a ofrecer vivienda, transporte o comida, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">lo cual es requerido por el gobierno federal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muchos trabajadores agrícolas contactan a Rice después de que perdieron sus empleos o al final de la temporada de cosecha. “Ahí es cuando hablan sobre posible robo de sueldos, si no les dieron de comer o si su lugar de trabajo no tenía baños”, ella explicó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero ese momento ya es muy tarde, dice ella, particularmente para los trabajadores con visa H-2A que tienen una estancia limitada en EE.UU. Esto limita el tiempo que abogados como Rice tienen para recaudar pruebas y testimonios antes de que el trabajador se vaya del país, lo cual complica el proceso aún más ya que muchos obreros vienen de comunidades rurales y aisladas en México, Centroamérica y el Caribe con muy poca conexión celular o internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entonces, ¿por qué esperar hasta el último momento para alzar la voz?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hay varias maneras en que los trabajadores con visa H-2A pueden experimentar una represalia. Una es perder su trabajo (y al mismo tiempo sus visas), pero también pueden sufrir amenazas o castigos. Samuel recuerda que a su cuadrilla le tocó trabajar en los viñedos cuando las temperaturas superaban los 95 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 35 centígrados). “A veces nos sentíamos bien deshidratados que se desmayaba uno”. dijo. “Sentíamos que queríamos vomitar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11881727\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/35/2021/07/HOUSE-BURNING-IMAGE-1020x574.jpg\"]Cuando le avisaron al encargado cómo se sentían, Samuel afirma que este se rió y les dijo que siguieran trabajando. Kevin agregó que había varios días calurosos en que los trabajadores no recibieron ninguna protección, lo cual va en contra de leyes estatales. “Estaba el calor a 90, 95 grados y no había ninguna sombra para tomar un vaso de agua o sentarte a descansar un ratito. Nada de eso”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando el mercurio sube a los 80 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 26.7 centígrados), Cal/OSHA \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">exige a los empleadores que proporcionen suficiente agua, sombra y descanso a sus trabajadores\u003c/a>. En términos prácticos, cada empleado debe recibir al menos un cuarto de galón de agua (equivalente a 950 mililitros) por hora y puede descansar en la sombra a cualquier momento que lo necesite. Sin embargo, una investigación de NPR en 2021 reveló que \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">más de 40 trabajadores agrícolas murieron en California por golpe de calor\u003c/a> y otras enfermedades relacionadas al calor dentro de un periodo de 10 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA afirma que las muertes relacionadas al calor se pueden prevenir, pero esta dependencia ha lidiado con falta de personal suficiente por varios años, lo cual \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">limita su capacidad para regular las miles de granjas, campos y viñedos que operan a lo largo de California\u003c/a>. Por ende, la responsabilidad de proteger a los trabajadores del calor termina siendo la del empleador únicamente.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Una red de represalias en EE.UU. y el extranjero\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Según un reporte del Centro de los Derechos del Migrante publicado en 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/Tiempo-De-Reforma.pdf\">es bastante común que los empleadores en el programa H-2A usen amenazas para ejercer mayor control sobre sus trabajadores y prevenir que alcen la voz\u003c/a>. La organización entrevistó a 100 trabajadores que previamente formaron parte del programa H-2A y 100 por ciento de ellos experimentaron al menos una seria violacion legal de sus derechos y 94 por ciento de ellos, al menos tres violaciones a sus derechos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice de CRLA señala que los empleadores en el programa H-2A tienen muchísimo control sobre sus trabajadores. Un empleador debe proveer \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">vivienda, comida, además de transporte de ida y vuelta del sitio de trabajo\u003c/a>. Además, muchos trabajadores no tienen su propio vehículo, ni una licencia para conducir y por ende dependen de sus jefes para hacer viajes esenciales como comprar comida o recibir atención médica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Un trabajador que experimenta malas condiciones de trabajo siempre puede irse de manera voluntaria, ¿verdad?” dijo Rice. “Bueno, eso no es cierto para los trabajadores con visa H-2A”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11906800\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Paloma-Reyes-1020x765-1.jpg\"]“Este programa funciona de manera similar al trabajo no abonado que se vio por varias décadas después de la Guerra Civil de EE.UU, a través de la aparcería”, agregó la abogada. “El trabajador depende tanto del empleador que sería imposible decir que son libres para buscar otras oportunidades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La influencia de un empleador abusivo puede perjudicar a un trabajador incluso cuando este último ya haya regresado a su país natal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para contratar a nuevos trabajadores, muchos empleadores utilizan a reclutadores externos que operan por todo el mundo. El proceso para reclutar trabajadores está repleto de abusos. Los reclutadores a veces \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/Tiempo-De-Reforma.pdf\">cobran a trabajadores cantidades exorbitantes para conectarlos con compañías estadounidenses y otros mienten por completo acerca de las oportunidades laborales que pueden ofrecer\u003c/a>. Aún más, un reporte publicado en el 2015 por la Oficina de Contabilidad del Gobierno (GAO por sus siglas en inglés) señaló que estos reclutadores \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">ponen en la lista negra a cualquier empleado que denuncia un abuso por parte de su jefe\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estos reclutadores, que van desde individuos operando de manera informal hasta multinacionales, generalmente trabajan para múltiples compañías agrícolas en EE.UU. Cuando un reclutador pone a un trabajador en la lista negra, esto va más allá de un solo empleador, sino que tiene repercusiones en sectores enteros de la industria agrícola.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice ha visto cómo esto sucede con varios de sus clientes. Luego de reportar a un empleador abusivo en un estado, estos trabajadores no pueden encontrar empleo en otros estados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La primera cosa que un empleador hace después de que un trabajador se queja de su salario o condiciones laborales es llamar al reclutador para decirle, ‘No quiero contratar a esta persona el siguiente año porque se quejaron de mí’, y con eso, el trabajador ya no será contratado por esa compañía ni tampoco por todas las otras empresas que mantengan una conexión con ese reclutador”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y cuando los trabajadores regresan a sus países de origen, todavía pueden ser perjudicados. El reporte de la GAO relata que cuando funcionarios estadounidenses viajaron a México para hablar con obreros que formaron parte del programa H-2A en el pasado, muchos de estos trabajadores tenían miedo de hablar. Según ellos, su preocupación era que alguien en su pueblo los viera y los reportara al reclutador que opera en esa zona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Elizabeth Strater, Unión de Campesinos\"]‘Los reclutadores tienen una enorme cantidad de control sobre quién puede acceder a las visas dentro de estas comunidades.’[/pullquote]La Unión de Campesinos (UFW por sus siglas en inglés), sindicato que opera a nivel nacional, también ha notado este fenómeno. Elizabeth Strater, directora de campañas estratégicas de la UFW, explica cómo varios trabajadores con visa H-2A de origen jamaicano harán todo lo posible para aguantar a un empleador abusivo con el objetivo de permanecer en el grupo de solicitantes del siguiente año. “Los reclutadores tienen una enorme cantidad de control sobre quién puede acceder a las visas dentro de estas comunidades”, dijo Strater.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando Mauritson Farms contrató por primera vez a su cuadrilla en 2019, Samuel y Kevin afirman que la compañía manejó el proceso para contratarlos a través de la aplicación WhatsApp y sin intermediarios. Pero en 2022, la empresa contrató a Cierto Global, una multinacional que se especializa en reclutar trabajadores agrícolas y hasta fue nombrada una “reclutadora ética” por el gobierno del presidente Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero aún así, Samuel y Kevin se preocupan que ya no podrán encontrar trabajo en la industria agrícola de EE.UU. “Lo que yo pienso es que [Mauritson] ya no quieren tener más problemas y mejor metieron [el reclutador] para que escojan ahí mejor el que venga”, dijo Kevin.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Controlando a las redes de reclutadores\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>¿Cómo pueden los funcionarios laborales impedir que las empresas estadounidenses tomen represalias en contra los trabajadores con visa H-2A si esto sucede fuera del país?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El reporte de la GAO indica que actualmente existe muy poca regulación federal sobre el proceso de reclutamiento para el programa H-2A. Pese a que el Departamento de Seguridad Nacional mantiene una extensa lista de todos los inmigrantes con visa H-2A, no existe una base de datos a nivel federal con la información de los individuos o empresas que llevan a cabo estas actividades por parte de empresas estadounidenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Rubén Lugo, Departamento del Trabajo de EE.UU.\"]‘Nuestra autoridad para hacer cumplir la ley sólo existe en los Estados Unidos. No podemos regular lo que estos reclutadores externos están haciendo en México.’[/pullquote]Agencias estatales como el ALRB de California, que actualmente investiga el caso Mauritson, también se les dificulta hacer cumplir sus propias reglas laborales en estas situaciones. Jessica Arciniega, directora regional para esta dependencia, dice que estos casos son bastantes complicados para su agencia ya que enfrentan limitaciones jurídicas, pero en ciertos casos, este tipo de represalia puede formar parte de una investigación en curso sobre un procedimiento laboral injusto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si existe evidencia que un reclutador actuó como un agente del empleador, entonces eso puede ser algo que investiguemos”, dijo Arciniega.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A nivel federal, los funcionarios del Departamento del Trabajo también están limitados por su jurisdicción. “Nuestra autoridad para hacer cumplir la ley sólo existe en los Estados Unidos. No podemos regular lo que estos reclutadores externos están haciendo en México, por ejemplo”, dijo Rubén Lugo, coordinador regional de la agencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, si un grupo de trabajadores reporta un incumplimiento de contrato al Departamento de Trabajo por parte del empleador y el siguiente año ninguno de esos trabajadores es contratado nuevamente, “podemos ver claramente que estos trabajadores sufrieron una represalia”, dijo el funcionario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En este caso, el gobierno federal puede ordenar al empleador que recontrate a los trabajadores afectados. Y si también hubo robo de sueldos, los funcionarios pueden exigir a la empresa que le pague a los obreros todo lo que les debe. Compañías reincidentes hasta pueden ser removidos del programa H-2A de manera permanente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero estas consecuencias sólo aplican a las empresas en Estados Unidos y no impactan a los reclutadores en el extranjero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']En el 2018, más del 90 por ciento de los trabajadores con visa H-2A provenían de México y según el \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">reporte de la GAO\u003c/a>, existe una red bastante desarrollada de reclutadores dentro de ese país. Grupos defensores de migrantes insisten que el gobierno mexicano, al igual que los gobiernos de otros países que abastecen trabajadores para este programa, debe ser más proactivo en regular las actividades de estos reclutadores y también educar a sus connacionales acerca de sus derechos laborales antes de viajar a EE.UU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero los funcionarios mexicanos que hablaron con KQED rechazaron esta idea y argumentan que esto no es la responsabilidad del gobierno mexicano, a pesar de que los mexicanos que trabajan en los campos de EE.UU. mandan millones de dólares cada año a México, lo cual sostiene gran parte de la economía de ese país.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Las visas H-2A no son un programa binacional”, dijo Remedios Gómez Arnau, cónsul general de México en San Francisco, y agregó que funcionarios mexicanos no tienen ningún papel en el proceso para contratar a los trabajadores del programa H-2A. El gobierno de México sólo se involucra cuando sus connacionales llegan a territorio estadounidense y se comunican con un consulado mexicano, explicó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si la persona sale de territorio nacional y entra a otro territorio a donde tiene una visa, entonces donde nos podemos enterar es aquí si el connacional o la connacional se acerca al consulado y nos dice que tienen un problema”, dijo la cónsul. “Pero antes de eso, las autoridades mexicanas desconocen quién está viniendo aquí siendo contratado”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919520\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919520\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg\" alt='Un grupo de manifestantes protesta fuera de una oficina y lleva muchos carteles. Uno de ellos lee. \"Pago extra por peligros\".' width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los trabajadores agrícolas y los organizadores del grupo North Bay Jobs With Justice protestan en las afueras del Departamento de Gestión de Emergencias del Condado de Sonoma el 9 de junio de 2022. Una coalición de trabajadores y organizadores está presionando al condado para que se establezcan cinco normas de seguridad, con el próposito de proteger a los trabajadores del campo a medida que los incendios forestales se intensifican debido al cambio climático. \u003ccite>(Cortesía de Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘La manera en que protegemos a los trabajadores debe de también cambiar’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Samuel y Kevin no se arrepienten de haber alzado la voz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nosotros nos sentimos en nuestro derecho”, dijo Samuel y agregó, “No sólo es uno [que se quejó], pero somos varios”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para el equipo de North Bay Jobs With Justice, el cual ha apoyado a Samuel y a sus compañeros desde el año pasado, este caso podría ser un parteaguas en la lucha para proteger a los trabajadores del campo en la industria vitivinícola y el resto de California de represalias y procedimientos laborales injustos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11884929\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/hand-with-cell-phone.jpg\"]Si la agencia estatal ALRB falla en contra de Mauritson, esto podría alentar a otros trabajadores en la región a denunciar más abusos, dice Ana Salgado, una de las líderes de North Bay Jobs With Justice. Algo así podría ampliar el movimiento a favor de protecciones laborales en el campo antes de que se intensifique la temporada de incendios en California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Varios grupos que defienden los derechos de trabajadores agrícolas han formado una coalición para exigir al Condado de Sonoma que establezca \u003ca href=\"https://actionnetwork.org/petitions/farmworkers-deserve-safety-and-respect-in-sonoma-county?source=ig\">cinco protocolos de seguridad a medida que los incendios forestales aumentan a causa del cambio climático\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las cinco demandas incluyen que la industria del vino capacite a sus empleados, en su idioma materno, sobre cómo evacuar y mantenerse seguros durante un incendio forestal. También exigen que se permita la entrada en los viñedos a observadores comunitarios para que estos observen si se están acatando los reglamentos de seguridad laboral. De esta forma, los activistas esperan que ningún trabajador se sienta solo cuando denuncie a un empleador abusivo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La Tierra está cambiando y la manera en que protegemos a los trabajadores debe de también cambiar”, dijo Salgado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919524\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919524\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"Un grupo de manifestantes toca los tambores afuera de una oficina.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un grupo de manifestantes protesta a las afueras del Departamento de Gestión de Emergencias del Condado de Sonoma el 9 de junio de 2022 para exigir mayores protecciones para los trabajadores agrícolas antes del inicio de la temporada de incendios forestales. Los organizadores señalan que el cambio climático seguirá empeorarando las condiciones laborales en el campo. \u003ccite>(Cortesía de Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Más allá del Condado de Sonoma, activistas laborales proponen reformas estructurales al programa H-2A para hacer responsables tanto a empleadores como a reclutadores por las represalias que tomen. El Centro de los Derechos del Migrante \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/Tiempo-De-Reforma.pdf\">ha recomendado al Congreso que apruebe legislación que reforme el proceso de reclutamiento y garantice asistencia legal a trabajadores que hayan sufrido un abuso laboral\u003c/a>, incluso cuando estos se hayan ido del país. También aconseja a dependencias federales como el Departamento de Trabajo que formen una base de datos accesible a cualquier trabajador extranjero y que incluya información de todos los reclutadores y empleadores que participan en el programa H-2A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Ana Salgado, North Bay Jobs With Justice\"]‘La Tierra está cambiando y la manera en que protegemos a los trabajadores debe de también cambiar.’[/pullquote]Por su parte, Cynthia Rice, la abogada de CRLA, señaló un vacío legal en las regulaciones del programa H-2A que castigan a empleadores abusivos: cuando un trabajador demanda a su empresa por un procedimiento laboral injusto, esta compañía puede llegar a un acuerdo legal con este trabajador y por ende evita admitir que violó una ley laboral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Al no aceptar cualquier responsabilidad por un delito, ese empleador puede entrar al programa H-2A otra vez el siguiente año”, dijo Rice. Si funcionarios federales tomarán en cuenta cuáles compañías llegan a acuerdos legales año tras año cuando están decidiendo qué empresas pueden formar parte del programa, eso podría prevenir que empleadores con una historia de abusos sigan contratando a más trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reformar el programa H-2A no sólo beneficiaría a obreros extranjeros, sino también protegería a trabajadores estadounidenses, dice Rice. Si es más fácil explotar a trabajadores con visa H-2A, esto los hace más atractivos para contratar ya que los empleadores saben que pueden explotar a estos sin tener que pagar las mismas consecuencias que cuando hacen lo mismo con estadounidenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Kevin, Formó parte del programa H-2A\"]‘Nos sentíamos mal con el maltrato que nos estaban dando y entonces empezamos a investigar sobre las cosas que [los empleadores] deben de hacer por ti.’[/pullquote]Mientras espera por el fallo del ALRB, Kevin comparte todo lo que aprendió el año pasado con sus compañeros que están considerando migrar a EE.UU. para trabajar. No quiere que otros pasen por lo mismo que le tocó a él.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estábamos felices con el trabajo que nosotros teníamos allá porque teníamos de donde tomar un poco económicamente para mandarle a la familia y para que pudiéramos hacer algo, una casita o invertir en un negocio”, dijo, pero agregó que esto no justifica la manera en que él y sus compañeros fueron tratados. “Nos sentíamos mal con el maltrato que nos estaban dando y entonces empezamos a investigar sobre las cosas que [los empleadores] deben de hacer por ti”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">U\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n par de botas, unas camisas y unos pantalones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eso fue lo que Samuel dejó el pasado octubre en el cuarto que compartía con otros trabajadores del campo en Mauritson Farms, un viñedo en el Condado de Sonoma, el cual está ubicado en el corazón de la región vitivinícola de California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Él iba de regreso a su pueblo natal en el estado mexicano de Oaxaca. La cosecha de la uva había terminado y el plazo de su visa H-2A pronto terminaría. Había trabajado para Mauritson Farms desde el 2019 con una visa H-2A, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/es/trabajar-en-estados-unidos/trabajadores-temporales-no-inmigrantes/trabajadores-agricolas-temporales-h-2a\">la cual otorga a trabajadores agrícolas de todo el mundo una estancia temporal en Estados Unidos\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El programa H-2A, lanzado en 1986, es el sucesor al programa Bracero, el cual operó desde 1942 hasta 1964, y permitió que decenas de miles de mexicanos trabajaran en granjas estadounidenses. Sin embargo, grupos laborales han criticado al programa Bracero \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2018/07/31/634442195/when-the-u-s-government-tried-to-replace-migrant-farmworkers-with-high-schoolers\">por no proteger a los trabajadores que sufrieron robo de salarios, maltrato físico y pésimas condiciones laborales y de vida\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con la visa H-2A, Samuel y otros muchachos provenientes de pueblos y comunidades rurales cerca del municipio de Sola de Vega en Oaxaca venían a California para trabajar de febrero a octubre en los campos de Mauritson Farms, los cuales producen la marca de vino Mauritson Wines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samuel dejó sus pertenencias en Healdsburg con planes para regresar en 2022. Pero Mauritson Farms nunca lo volvió a contratar.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nA finales de la temporada de cosecha del 2021, Samuel y otros cinco trabajadores de Oaxaca manifestaron su oposición a lo que para ellos habían sido condiciones laborales injustas e inseguras durante los últimos tres años. Según ellos, tuvieron que trabajar en temperaturas extremadamente altas sin las protecciones adecuadas contra el calor, parte de su salario fue descontado sin ninguna razón y además experimentaron abuso verbal del encargado que los supervisaba.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con el apoyo de North Bay Jobs With Justice, un grupo de derechos laborales en el Condado de Sonoma, los seis trabajadores se reunieron con el gerente del viñedo, Cameron Mauritson, el pasado mes de octubre para hablar sobre lo que estaba sucediendo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Se disculpó con nosotros, que él se sentía mal con lo que estaba pasando en su compañía”, dijo Kevin, uno de los trabajadores del campo que estaban presentes ese día. Kevin trabajó junto a Samuel durante esos tres años. “Él se comprometía a llevarnos otra vez para allá a trabajar”, agregó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para Samuel y Kevin (cuyos nombres verdaderos KQED no ha divulgado para protegerlos de posibles futuras represalias), esta promesa representaba mucho más que una oferta de trabajo para el siguiente año. Lo tomaron como una señal que podían expresarse libremente acerca de las condiciones laborales y que Mauritson no haría lo que más temían: tomar represalias contra ellos y nunca más contratarlos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dejamos nuestras cosas [en Mauritson Farms] creyendo que íbamos a regresar”, dijo Samuel, pero de esas promesas, dice, “no hay nada”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919456\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919456\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Unas viñas en un viñedo con uvas que ya han madurado y están listas para ser cosechadas.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Samuel y Kevin vinieron a California por primera vez en 2019 con visas H-2A y regresaban cada año hasta el 2021. Llegaban en febrero y se iban al final de la cosecha de uvas en octubre. Ahora esperan en Oaxaca por el fallo del ALRB. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>De los seis trabajadores que se reunieron con Mauritson en octubre, ninguno fue contratado de nuevo en 2022, pese a que presentaron sus solicitudes de trabajo con Cierto Global, la compañía externa de selección de personal. Tanto Samuel como Kevin creen que no fueron contratados otra vez porque se quejaron acerca de las condiciones laborales en los viñedos de Mauritson Farms. Sin embargo, lo que hicieron está dentro los derechos laborales y protección a los trabajadores en California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representantes de North Bay Jobs With Justice afirman que han intentado comunicarse con Mauritson varias veces desde febrero, sin recibir una respuesta. Además, Mauritson no aceptó la invitación de una entrevista con KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El 7 de febrero, North Bay Jobs With Justice presentó un cargo contra Mauritson Farms por parte de los seis trabajadores con el Consejo de Relaciones del Trabajo Agrícola de California (ALRB por sus siglas en inglés). El ALRB es la agencia estatal que investiga posibles abusos laborales en el sector agrícola. La denuncia \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/3.3.22-ULP-Against-Employer-Mauritson-Farms-Inc..pdf\">sostiene que Mauritson Farms discriminó contra los trabajadores\u003c/a> cuando esta compañía se negó a darles empleo luego de que estos formaron parte de una “actividad concertada”, o sea organizarse para pedir mejoras laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A medida que avanza la investigación del ALRB, Samuel y Kevin siguen buscando empleo en Oaxaca y en EE.UU., pero hay pocas oportunidades. Ya terminó la temporada para recibir una visa H-2A este año, entonces por ahora la única opción es buscar trabajo en México. Con pocos ahorros restantes y familias que mantener, se les está acabando el tiempo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además de ser el estado con el sector agrícola más grande del país, California tiene la tercera parte de trabajadores extranjeros con una visa H-2A. El año pasado, \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/22082364/h2a-statistics.pdf\">más de 32 mil obreros provenientes de todo el mundo llegaron a California con una visa H-2A\u003c/a> para trabajar en la industria agrícola. Y pese a que el estado ha desarrollado un sistema complejo de reglamentos y dependencias para proteger a estos trabajadores, los inmigrantes con visas H-2A siguen siendo extremadamente vulnerables a represalias ilegales por parte de sus empleadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para contratar a trabajadores extranjeros, muchos empleadores usan una red de reclutadores externos que operan dentro y fuera del país. Trabajadores como Samuel y Kevin dependen de estos reclutadores para encontrar empleo en EE.UU. y navegar el proceso para recibir una visa H-2A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, es común que estos reclutadores pongan en lista negra a empleados que denuncien un procedimiento laboral injusto, no sólo para un empleador, sino también para muchas empresas más en la industria agrícola. Para los trabajadores afectados, esto perjudica su futuro laboral en los EE.UU. y para funcionarios laborales estadounidenses, complica su tarea para hacer cumplir las leyes laborales que prohíben represalias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919454\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919454\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">El año pasado, más de 32 mil obreros provenientes de todo el mundo llegaron a California con una visa H-2A para trabajar en la industria agrícola. Pese a que estos trabajadores están protegidos por las mismas leyes laborales que cualquier otra persona, defensores laborales afirman que estos siguen siendo vulnerables a las represalias si denuncian prácticas laborales injustas o inseguras. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Es ilegal que los empleadores tomen represalias pero ‘aún así lo hacen’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cynthia Rice ha trabajado como abogada de derechos laborales por más de 20 años. Ahora es la directora de litigio, abogacía y entrenamiento en California Rural Legal Assistance (CRLA, o en español, Asistencia Jurídica Rural de California) un despacho de abogados que ofrece ayuda legal. Rice ha representado a decenas de trabajadores del campo en casos que implican condiciones laborales peligrosas, robo de sueldos y represalias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando habla con un cliente por primera vez, recalca lo siguiente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es ilegal que un empleador tome represalias”, dijo, pero agregó que, “nunca decimos que un empleador no puede tomar represalias porque claro que pueden hacerlo. Sólo que es ilegal y aún así lo hacen”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gracias a décadas de activismo liderado por campesinos e inmigrantes, California cuenta con varias dependencias que hacen cumplir las leyes laborales, entre ellas los reglamentos que prohíben represalias. El ALRB fue creado luego de que el entonces gobernador Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/ALRA_Spanish_051805.pdf\">aprobara la Ley de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas en 1975\u003c/a>, la cual garantiza el derecho de los trabajadores del campo a la negociación colectiva. A parte de eso, la \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/\">Oficina del Comisionado Laboral\u003c/a> investiga sueldos mal pagados o robados, y la Administración de Seguridad y Salud Ocupacional de California (Cal/OSHA por sus siglas en inglés) hace cumplir reglamentos estatales, \u003ca href=\"http://www.99calor.org/_downloads/complaint.sheet_spanish.pdf\">como las protecciones contra el calor para quienes trabajan al aire libre\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Nunca decimos que un empleador no puede tomar represalias porque claro que pueden hacerlo. Sólo que es ilegal y aún así lo hacen.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A nivel nacional, el Departamento de Trabajo procesa las órdenes de trabajo del programa H-2A y regula los contratos de trabajadores extranjeros. Dentro de esta dependencia, la \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd\">División de Salarios y Horas de Trabajo\u003c/a> investiga casos en donde compañías no están pagando a sus empleados adecuadamente o se niegan a ofrecer vivienda, transporte o comida, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">lo cual es requerido por el gobierno federal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muchos trabajadores agrícolas contactan a Rice después de que perdieron sus empleos o al final de la temporada de cosecha. “Ahí es cuando hablan sobre posible robo de sueldos, si no les dieron de comer o si su lugar de trabajo no tenía baños”, ella explicó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero ese momento ya es muy tarde, dice ella, particularmente para los trabajadores con visa H-2A que tienen una estancia limitada en EE.UU. Esto limita el tiempo que abogados como Rice tienen para recaudar pruebas y testimonios antes de que el trabajador se vaya del país, lo cual complica el proceso aún más ya que muchos obreros vienen de comunidades rurales y aisladas en México, Centroamérica y el Caribe con muy poca conexión celular o internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entonces, ¿por qué esperar hasta el último momento para alzar la voz?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hay varias maneras en que los trabajadores con visa H-2A pueden experimentar una represalia. Una es perder su trabajo (y al mismo tiempo sus visas), pero también pueden sufrir amenazas o castigos. Samuel recuerda que a su cuadrilla le tocó trabajar en los viñedos cuando las temperaturas superaban los 95 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 35 centígrados). “A veces nos sentíamos bien deshidratados que se desmayaba uno”. dijo. “Sentíamos que queríamos vomitar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Cuando le avisaron al encargado cómo se sentían, Samuel afirma que este se rió y les dijo que siguieran trabajando. Kevin agregó que había varios días calurosos en que los trabajadores no recibieron ninguna protección, lo cual va en contra de leyes estatales. “Estaba el calor a 90, 95 grados y no había ninguna sombra para tomar un vaso de agua o sentarte a descansar un ratito. Nada de eso”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando el mercurio sube a los 80 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 26.7 centígrados), Cal/OSHA \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">exige a los empleadores que proporcionen suficiente agua, sombra y descanso a sus trabajadores\u003c/a>. En términos prácticos, cada empleado debe recibir al menos un cuarto de galón de agua (equivalente a 950 mililitros) por hora y puede descansar en la sombra a cualquier momento que lo necesite. Sin embargo, una investigación de NPR en 2021 reveló que \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">más de 40 trabajadores agrícolas murieron en California por golpe de calor\u003c/a> y otras enfermedades relacionadas al calor dentro de un periodo de 10 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA afirma que las muertes relacionadas al calor se pueden prevenir, pero esta dependencia ha lidiado con falta de personal suficiente por varios años, lo cual \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">limita su capacidad para regular las miles de granjas, campos y viñedos que operan a lo largo de California\u003c/a>. Por ende, la responsabilidad de proteger a los trabajadores del calor termina siendo la del empleador únicamente.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Una red de represalias en EE.UU. y el extranjero\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Según un reporte del Centro de los Derechos del Migrante publicado en 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/Tiempo-De-Reforma.pdf\">es bastante común que los empleadores en el programa H-2A usen amenazas para ejercer mayor control sobre sus trabajadores y prevenir que alcen la voz\u003c/a>. La organización entrevistó a 100 trabajadores que previamente formaron parte del programa H-2A y 100 por ciento de ellos experimentaron al menos una seria violacion legal de sus derechos y 94 por ciento de ellos, al menos tres violaciones a sus derechos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice de CRLA señala que los empleadores en el programa H-2A tienen muchísimo control sobre sus trabajadores. Un empleador debe proveer \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">vivienda, comida, además de transporte de ida y vuelta del sitio de trabajo\u003c/a>. Además, muchos trabajadores no tienen su propio vehículo, ni una licencia para conducir y por ende dependen de sus jefes para hacer viajes esenciales como comprar comida o recibir atención médica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Un trabajador que experimenta malas condiciones de trabajo siempre puede irse de manera voluntaria, ¿verdad?” dijo Rice. “Bueno, eso no es cierto para los trabajadores con visa H-2A”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Este programa funciona de manera similar al trabajo no abonado que se vio por varias décadas después de la Guerra Civil de EE.UU, a través de la aparcería”, agregó la abogada. “El trabajador depende tanto del empleador que sería imposible decir que son libres para buscar otras oportunidades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La influencia de un empleador abusivo puede perjudicar a un trabajador incluso cuando este último ya haya regresado a su país natal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para contratar a nuevos trabajadores, muchos empleadores utilizan a reclutadores externos que operan por todo el mundo. El proceso para reclutar trabajadores está repleto de abusos. Los reclutadores a veces \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/Tiempo-De-Reforma.pdf\">cobran a trabajadores cantidades exorbitantes para conectarlos con compañías estadounidenses y otros mienten por completo acerca de las oportunidades laborales que pueden ofrecer\u003c/a>. Aún más, un reporte publicado en el 2015 por la Oficina de Contabilidad del Gobierno (GAO por sus siglas en inglés) señaló que estos reclutadores \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">ponen en la lista negra a cualquier empleado que denuncia un abuso por parte de su jefe\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estos reclutadores, que van desde individuos operando de manera informal hasta multinacionales, generalmente trabajan para múltiples compañías agrícolas en EE.UU. Cuando un reclutador pone a un trabajador en la lista negra, esto va más allá de un solo empleador, sino que tiene repercusiones en sectores enteros de la industria agrícola.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice ha visto cómo esto sucede con varios de sus clientes. Luego de reportar a un empleador abusivo en un estado, estos trabajadores no pueden encontrar empleo en otros estados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La primera cosa que un empleador hace después de que un trabajador se queja de su salario o condiciones laborales es llamar al reclutador para decirle, ‘No quiero contratar a esta persona el siguiente año porque se quejaron de mí’, y con eso, el trabajador ya no será contratado por esa compañía ni tampoco por todas las otras empresas que mantengan una conexión con ese reclutador”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y cuando los trabajadores regresan a sus países de origen, todavía pueden ser perjudicados. El reporte de la GAO relata que cuando funcionarios estadounidenses viajaron a México para hablar con obreros que formaron parte del programa H-2A en el pasado, muchos de estos trabajadores tenían miedo de hablar. Según ellos, su preocupación era que alguien en su pueblo los viera y los reportara al reclutador que opera en esa zona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Los reclutadores tienen una enorme cantidad de control sobre quién puede acceder a las visas dentro de estas comunidades.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>La Unión de Campesinos (UFW por sus siglas en inglés), sindicato que opera a nivel nacional, también ha notado este fenómeno. Elizabeth Strater, directora de campañas estratégicas de la UFW, explica cómo varios trabajadores con visa H-2A de origen jamaicano harán todo lo posible para aguantar a un empleador abusivo con el objetivo de permanecer en el grupo de solicitantes del siguiente año. “Los reclutadores tienen una enorme cantidad de control sobre quién puede acceder a las visas dentro de estas comunidades”, dijo Strater.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando Mauritson Farms contrató por primera vez a su cuadrilla en 2019, Samuel y Kevin afirman que la compañía manejó el proceso para contratarlos a través de la aplicación WhatsApp y sin intermediarios. Pero en 2022, la empresa contrató a Cierto Global, una multinacional que se especializa en reclutar trabajadores agrícolas y hasta fue nombrada una “reclutadora ética” por el gobierno del presidente Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero aún así, Samuel y Kevin se preocupan que ya no podrán encontrar trabajo en la industria agrícola de EE.UU. “Lo que yo pienso es que [Mauritson] ya no quieren tener más problemas y mejor metieron [el reclutador] para que escojan ahí mejor el que venga”, dijo Kevin.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Controlando a las redes de reclutadores\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>¿Cómo pueden los funcionarios laborales impedir que las empresas estadounidenses tomen represalias en contra los trabajadores con visa H-2A si esto sucede fuera del país?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El reporte de la GAO indica que actualmente existe muy poca regulación federal sobre el proceso de reclutamiento para el programa H-2A. Pese a que el Departamento de Seguridad Nacional mantiene una extensa lista de todos los inmigrantes con visa H-2A, no existe una base de datos a nivel federal con la información de los individuos o empresas que llevan a cabo estas actividades por parte de empresas estadounidenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Nuestra autoridad para hacer cumplir la ley sólo existe en los Estados Unidos. No podemos regular lo que estos reclutadores externos están haciendo en México.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Agencias estatales como el ALRB de California, que actualmente investiga el caso Mauritson, también se les dificulta hacer cumplir sus propias reglas laborales en estas situaciones. Jessica Arciniega, directora regional para esta dependencia, dice que estos casos son bastantes complicados para su agencia ya que enfrentan limitaciones jurídicas, pero en ciertos casos, este tipo de represalia puede formar parte de una investigación en curso sobre un procedimiento laboral injusto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si existe evidencia que un reclutador actuó como un agente del empleador, entonces eso puede ser algo que investiguemos”, dijo Arciniega.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A nivel federal, los funcionarios del Departamento del Trabajo también están limitados por su jurisdicción. “Nuestra autoridad para hacer cumplir la ley sólo existe en los Estados Unidos. No podemos regular lo que estos reclutadores externos están haciendo en México, por ejemplo”, dijo Rubén Lugo, coordinador regional de la agencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, si un grupo de trabajadores reporta un incumplimiento de contrato al Departamento de Trabajo por parte del empleador y el siguiente año ninguno de esos trabajadores es contratado nuevamente, “podemos ver claramente que estos trabajadores sufrieron una represalia”, dijo el funcionario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En este caso, el gobierno federal puede ordenar al empleador que recontrate a los trabajadores afectados. Y si también hubo robo de sueldos, los funcionarios pueden exigir a la empresa que le pague a los obreros todo lo que les debe. Compañías reincidentes hasta pueden ser removidos del programa H-2A de manera permanente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero estas consecuencias sólo aplican a las empresas en Estados Unidos y no impactan a los reclutadores en el extranjero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>En el 2018, más del 90 por ciento de los trabajadores con visa H-2A provenían de México y según el \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">reporte de la GAO\u003c/a>, existe una red bastante desarrollada de reclutadores dentro de ese país. Grupos defensores de migrantes insisten que el gobierno mexicano, al igual que los gobiernos de otros países que abastecen trabajadores para este programa, debe ser más proactivo en regular las actividades de estos reclutadores y también educar a sus connacionales acerca de sus derechos laborales antes de viajar a EE.UU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero los funcionarios mexicanos que hablaron con KQED rechazaron esta idea y argumentan que esto no es la responsabilidad del gobierno mexicano, a pesar de que los mexicanos que trabajan en los campos de EE.UU. mandan millones de dólares cada año a México, lo cual sostiene gran parte de la economía de ese país.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Las visas H-2A no son un programa binacional”, dijo Remedios Gómez Arnau, cónsul general de México en San Francisco, y agregó que funcionarios mexicanos no tienen ningún papel en el proceso para contratar a los trabajadores del programa H-2A. El gobierno de México sólo se involucra cuando sus connacionales llegan a territorio estadounidense y se comunican con un consulado mexicano, explicó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si la persona sale de territorio nacional y entra a otro territorio a donde tiene una visa, entonces donde nos podemos enterar es aquí si el connacional o la connacional se acerca al consulado y nos dice que tienen un problema”, dijo la cónsul. “Pero antes de eso, las autoridades mexicanas desconocen quién está viniendo aquí siendo contratado”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919520\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919520\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg\" alt='Un grupo de manifestantes protesta fuera de una oficina y lleva muchos carteles. Uno de ellos lee. \"Pago extra por peligros\".' width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los trabajadores agrícolas y los organizadores del grupo North Bay Jobs With Justice protestan en las afueras del Departamento de Gestión de Emergencias del Condado de Sonoma el 9 de junio de 2022. Una coalición de trabajadores y organizadores está presionando al condado para que se establezcan cinco normas de seguridad, con el próposito de proteger a los trabajadores del campo a medida que los incendios forestales se intensifican debido al cambio climático. \u003ccite>(Cortesía de Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘La manera en que protegemos a los trabajadores debe de también cambiar’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Samuel y Kevin no se arrepienten de haber alzado la voz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nosotros nos sentimos en nuestro derecho”, dijo Samuel y agregó, “No sólo es uno [que se quejó], pero somos varios”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para el equipo de North Bay Jobs With Justice, el cual ha apoyado a Samuel y a sus compañeros desde el año pasado, este caso podría ser un parteaguas en la lucha para proteger a los trabajadores del campo en la industria vitivinícola y el resto de California de represalias y procedimientos laborales injustos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Si la agencia estatal ALRB falla en contra de Mauritson, esto podría alentar a otros trabajadores en la región a denunciar más abusos, dice Ana Salgado, una de las líderes de North Bay Jobs With Justice. Algo así podría ampliar el movimiento a favor de protecciones laborales en el campo antes de que se intensifique la temporada de incendios en California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Varios grupos que defienden los derechos de trabajadores agrícolas han formado una coalición para exigir al Condado de Sonoma que establezca \u003ca href=\"https://actionnetwork.org/petitions/farmworkers-deserve-safety-and-respect-in-sonoma-county?source=ig\">cinco protocolos de seguridad a medida que los incendios forestales aumentan a causa del cambio climático\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las cinco demandas incluyen que la industria del vino capacite a sus empleados, en su idioma materno, sobre cómo evacuar y mantenerse seguros durante un incendio forestal. También exigen que se permita la entrada en los viñedos a observadores comunitarios para que estos observen si se están acatando los reglamentos de seguridad laboral. De esta forma, los activistas esperan que ningún trabajador se sienta solo cuando denuncie a un empleador abusivo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La Tierra está cambiando y la manera en que protegemos a los trabajadores debe de también cambiar”, dijo Salgado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919524\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919524\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"Un grupo de manifestantes toca los tambores afuera de una oficina.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un grupo de manifestantes protesta a las afueras del Departamento de Gestión de Emergencias del Condado de Sonoma el 9 de junio de 2022 para exigir mayores protecciones para los trabajadores agrícolas antes del inicio de la temporada de incendios forestales. Los organizadores señalan que el cambio climático seguirá empeorarando las condiciones laborales en el campo. \u003ccite>(Cortesía de Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Más allá del Condado de Sonoma, activistas laborales proponen reformas estructurales al programa H-2A para hacer responsables tanto a empleadores como a reclutadores por las represalias que tomen. El Centro de los Derechos del Migrante \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/Tiempo-De-Reforma.pdf\">ha recomendado al Congreso que apruebe legislación que reforme el proceso de reclutamiento y garantice asistencia legal a trabajadores que hayan sufrido un abuso laboral\u003c/a>, incluso cuando estos se hayan ido del país. También aconseja a dependencias federales como el Departamento de Trabajo que formen una base de datos accesible a cualquier trabajador extranjero y que incluya información de todos los reclutadores y empleadores que participan en el programa H-2A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Por su parte, Cynthia Rice, la abogada de CRLA, señaló un vacío legal en las regulaciones del programa H-2A que castigan a empleadores abusivos: cuando un trabajador demanda a su empresa por un procedimiento laboral injusto, esta compañía puede llegar a un acuerdo legal con este trabajador y por ende evita admitir que violó una ley laboral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Al no aceptar cualquier responsabilidad por un delito, ese empleador puede entrar al programa H-2A otra vez el siguiente año”, dijo Rice. Si funcionarios federales tomarán en cuenta cuáles compañías llegan a acuerdos legales año tras año cuando están decidiendo qué empresas pueden formar parte del programa, eso podría prevenir que empleadores con una historia de abusos sigan contratando a más trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reformar el programa H-2A no sólo beneficiaría a obreros extranjeros, sino también protegería a trabajadores estadounidenses, dice Rice. Si es más fácil explotar a trabajadores con visa H-2A, esto los hace más atractivos para contratar ya que los empleadores saben que pueden explotar a estos sin tener que pagar las mismas consecuencias que cuando hacen lo mismo con estadounidenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Nos sentíamos mal con el maltrato que nos estaban dando y entonces empezamos a investigar sobre las cosas que [los empleadores] deben de hacer por ti.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Mientras espera por el fallo del ALRB, Kevin comparte todo lo que aprendió el año pasado con sus compañeros que están considerando migrar a EE.UU. para trabajar. No quiere que otros pasen por lo mismo que le tocó a él.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estábamos felices con el trabajo que nosotros teníamos allá porque teníamos de donde tomar un poco económicamente para mandarle a la familia y para que pudiéramos hacer algo, una casita o invertir en un negocio”, dijo, pero agregó que esto no justifica la manera en que él y sus compañeros fueron tratados. “Nos sentíamos mal con el maltrato que nos estaban dando y entonces empezamos a investigar sobre las cosas que [los empleadores] deben de hacer por ti”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "in-vallejo-investigations-of-police-take-so-long-officers-kill-again-before-reviews-are-done",
"title": "In Vallejo, Investigations of Police Take So Long, Officers Kill Again Before Reviews Are Done",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with \u003ca href=\"https://openvallejo.org/\">Open Vallejo\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around dinner time on Feb. 13, 2018, Ronell Foster was riding his bike on a wide road that runs through the historic downtown of Vallejo, California. The 33-year-old did not own a car, and cycled nearly everywhere he went around his hometown, often flanked by his teenage son and 5-year-old daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that night, Foster was riding alone, swerving in and out of traffic lanes without a bike light, and caught the attention of officer Ryan McMahon, who pursued Foster in his car. Foster hit the brakes, and McMahon ordered him to “come over and sit in front of my car,” according to the officer’s deposition in a civil rights lawsuit filed by Foster’s family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Stop messing with me,” Foster responded before taking off on his bike in the opposite direction, McMahon recalled in his deposition testimony. The officer got back in his car and chased him down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Foster soon fell from his bike and ran away. When McMahon continued the chase on foot, Vallejo policy required him to notify the department by radio. But that’s not what he did. Instead, he left his patrol car and followed Foster toward a dark walkway between two houses.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Louis Dekmar, police chief, LaGrange, Georgia, and former civil rights police monitor, US Department of Justice\"]‘This isn’t accepted practice. This isn’t even basement standard practice. Any agency that takes that long is saying that this isn’t a priority.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As they ran, McMahon tased the African American man in the back without a warning, although officers are required to give one unless it puts them in danger. The officer later said he did so in part because he saw Foster grabbing his pants, causing him to think Foster had a firearm. Foster, who was unarmed, kept running but fell. As he tried to get up, McMahon pushed him, causing Foster to fall down a small flight of cement stairs, the officer testified in the lawsuit. McMahon then straddled his back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Body camera footage shows Foster lying on the pavement without fighting back when McMahon, standing next to him, fired his Taser once more. Then the officer struck Foster in the head and body with a 13-inch metal flashlight, Foster’s family alleged in court records. As McMahon swung to hit again, Foster caught the flashlight and tried to get up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some facts of the case are disputed, what happened next is not: McMahon shot Foster seven times. Autopsy records show he hit Foster once in the head, four times in the back and twice on the left side of his body, killing him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s all good,” McMahon said as backup arrived minutes later. “He’s down. He’s down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919407\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 678px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.10-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919407 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.10-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a Black man smiling and wearing a beanie and hoodie.\" width=\"678\" height=\"970\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.10-PM.png 678w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.10-PM-160x229.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 678px) 100vw, 678px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ronell Foster \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A diverse waterfront city of 125,000 located in the San Francisco Bay Area, Vallejo has garnered \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/02/21/us/willie-mccoy-police-shooting.html\">national attention\u003c/a> in recent years for its \u003ca href=\"https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/11/23/how-a-deadly-police-force-ruled-a-city\">rate of police killings\u003c/a>, which far outpaces those of all but two California cities, San Bernardino and South Gate, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcbayarea.com/news/local/vallejo-police-highest-rate-of-residents-shot-per-capita-in-northern-california-nbc-bay-area-probes-causes/190344/\">a 2019 NBC Bay Area report\u003c/a>. Eight families of people killed by police over the last decade have filed civil suits against Vallejo, which has paid out more than $8.3 million in settlements so far, with three cases ongoing. (The single largest settlement, $5.7 million, went to the Foster family.) In July 2020, Open Vallejo exposed a tradition in which \u003ca href=\"https://openvallejo.org/2020/07/28/vallejo-police-bend-badge-tips-to-mark-fatal-shootings/\">officers bent their badges to mark their fatal shootings\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Open Vallejo and ProPublica have looked at what happens inside the department after those killings occur, examining more than 15,000 pages of police, forensic and court files related to the city’s 17 fatal police shootings since 2011. Based on records that emerged after dozens of public records requests and two lawsuits filed by Open Vallejo, the news organizations found a pattern of delayed and incomplete investigations, with dire consequences.[aside label=\"Related Posts\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/vallejopolicing, The Fight Against Policing in Vallejo\"]In the Foster case, when top department leadership ultimately reviewed reports and evidence more than a year and a half after Foster was killed, it found McMahon had violated department policies — both by pursuing Foster on foot without notifying the department and without backup and by failing to turn on his body camera before using deadly force. (While McMahon only turned on his body camera after he fired, the camera is designed to automatically capture 30 seconds of preactivation footage.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Officer McMahon failed to recognize his safety and the safety of the suspect Ronnell Foster outweighed apprehension for a minor traffic/pedestrian violation,” then-police chief Joseph Allio wrote in a memorandum. Allio ordered that McMahon “attend a 1 to 3-day course on officer safety and tactics focusing on critical incidents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But by the time that training was ordered, the officer had been involved in the killing of another African American man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to our first-of-its-kind review of Vallejo’s investigations of police killings, six of the department’s 17 fatal shootings between 2011 and 2020 involved an officer using deadly force while still under investigation for a prior killing. In three of those cases, including McMahon’s, department officials noted officers’ initial mistakes in their reports, but not until after their second killing. In all three, the investigation into the second killing also revealed significant tactical errors, like not considering the use of nonlethal weapons. In one case, officials identified the same mistake in two killings involving the same officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Investigations into police killings were ongoing when the same officers used deadly force again\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Vallejo’s reviews of police killings have dragged on for years. Six times since 2011, the incident was still under review when the same officer was involved in another fatal encounter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919408\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11919408\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-800x598.png\" alt=\"A graph.\" width=\"800\" height=\"598\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-800x598.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-1020x762.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-160x120.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-1536x1148.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-1920x1435.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop.png 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Note: The Vallejo Police Department was unable to produce a final administrative report for the killings of Sherman Peacock and Peter Mestler. The end date for the investigations into those two killings reflects the district attorney’s final review of each case. All officers either declined to comment or did not respond to requests for comment for this story. \u003ccite>(Lucas Waldron/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The news organizations also found that the department consistently failed to properly complete essential investigative tasks and took more than a year on average to close its administrative investigations of fatal shootings — methods that experts say are at odds with best practices promoted by the U.S. Department of Justice and used by police agencies around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This isn’t accepted practice. This isn’t even basement standard practice,” said Louis Dekmar, the police chief in LaGrange, Georgia, since 1995, and a former civil rights police monitor for the U.S. Department of Justice. “Any agency that takes that long is saying that this isn’t a priority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials in the Foster case mishandled a crucial piece of evidence, police records show, then took months to request that the crime lab analyze it for fingerprints. Nineteen months passed between the killing and the submission of investigative findings to the police chief. Only then was the chief able to fully assess the case and consider discipline for that shooting. McMahon later testified that he feared for his life and that Foster, holding the flashlight, faced him “in a boxer type stance.” But body camera footage does not support the officer’s claim that Foster was facing him, and an expert for Foster’s family who reviewed enhanced footage and other forensic evidence concluded that Foster had immediately turned away. McMahon remained on the job, and was later fired over his involvement in the killing of another man, during which, a department investigation found, he endangered a fellow officer by shooting from behind him. He did not respond to requests for comment for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a March phone call, Shawny Williams, Vallejo’s police chief since November 2019, agreed to an interview but declined to schedule it; after we shared our findings with the department in writing, he provided a statement that pointed to recent administrative changes, like implementing a yearly crisis intervention training and requiring officers to use deescalation tactics when possible before engaging with a suspect. Williams also noted proposed reforms to how the department investigates its fatal shootings — some of which mirror recommendations first made to the department by a law enforcement consultant two years ago. Among them: a deadline for officials to produce their findings once all the evidence has been gathered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams declined to answer questions about any specific cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While I cannot comment on critical incidents which occurred prior to my arrival, or on ongoing matters, I can confirm that overall, the VPD continues the process of implementing police reforms,” the chief wrote. “All the above changes are designed to create enhanced internal accountability and will provide a more transparent process for our department and the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A remarkable amount of incompetence’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While there is no universal timeline for internal investigations, guidelines developed for the Department of Justice by a group of local police officials say departments should, at minimum, complete their probes before any statute of limitations on officer discipline expires (one year, in California, with some exceptions). \u003ca href=\"https://cops.usdoj.gov/ric/Publications/cops-p164-pub.pdf\">“It is preferable,” the group wrote, “to conclude investigations within 180 days.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in some of the DOJ’s own reviews of police departments across the country, it has pushed for even shorter deadlines when it comes to investigating an officer’s use of force, including fatal shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2012, for example, the Justice Department mandated that the East Haven Police Department in Connecticut complete deadly force investigations within 60 days and forward a report to the chief, who has 45 days to complete the review. And in 2014, the DOJ required a similar deadline in Albuquerque for reviews of serious uses of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Vallejo, Open Vallejo and ProPublica found that the police department has taken an average of 20 months to review fatal shootings, from the time of a police killing to the date a chief signed off on the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of mistakes drove delays in Vallejo and undermined the integrity of investigations. One core problem: Some witnesses to killings reported long delays before officers took their statements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what happened in 2012, after Jaime Alvarado and his wife, Rocio Alvarado, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.buzzfeed.com/albertsamaha/three-shootings-in-vallejo\">they witnessed Vallejo police shoot their neighbor Jeremiah Moore\u003c/a>, a young man whose mother said he was on the autism spectrum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police had responded to 911 calls about loud noises coming from Moore’s home, including the sound of glass breaking. Although officers and an intoxicated witness later claimed Moore had been armed with a .22-caliber rifle, Jaime Alvarado said Moore was naked and unarmed, with his hands up and shaking from fright, when he was shot and killed by Vallejo officer Sean Kenney. (A forensic analysis could not find Moore’s fingerprints on the rifle, which was recovered in his home, while a later one found small traces of his blood on it.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919410\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 666px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.37-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919410 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.37-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a white man smiling broadly as if laughing, with a goatee, beard, baseball cap, and baggy T-shirt.\" width=\"666\" height=\"954\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.37-PM.png 666w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.37-PM-160x229.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 666px) 100vw, 666px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeremiah Moore \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Alvarado said he tried to approach a Vallejo officer a few hours after he saw the killing through his second-floor window, but was told that “we don’t have time to talk” and to “get inside the house.” No one from the department tried to contact him after that, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They would not pay attention to me,” Alvarado told Open Vallejo and ProPublica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Alvarado, detectives didn’t take his statement until several months later, after an attorney hired by Moore’s family to sue the city facilitated the interview. Yet there is no record of that interview in Vallejo’s case file, and the department ultimately cleared the officer in the killing. Neither the Moore family attorney nor the police department responded to questions about Alvarado’s account. The Moore family’s lawsuit was settled in 2016 for $250,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was one of three investigations among the 17 killings in which Vallejo detectives interviewed one or more eyewitnesses months later or did not interview them at all, despite a county policy that states department officials are responsible for “immediately” securing crime scenes, including identifying and sequestering witnesses in order to obtain their statements. In each of these cases, the witnesses’ accounts directly contradicted claims by police that the victims had been armed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it was not the only type of delay. In 11 of the 17 cases, investigators did not meet a 30-day goal set by the county to complete their reports. Detectives often took even longer to request analysis on important evidence, such as bullets fired by officers, fingerprinting, DNA samples and weapons allegedly carried by the victims. In six investigations, Vallejo sent requests for evidence testing to a crime lab half a year or more following the killings. In most of those cases, the delayed analyses appear to have hampered the investigations or led to cases being closed by investigators before some forensic reports could be included.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11919415\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile-800x964.png\" alt=\"A graph.\" width=\"800\" height=\"964\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile-800x964.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile-1020x1229.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile-160x193.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile.png 1260w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Foster’s case, detectives didn’t seek fingerprint testing of the flashlight that McMahon claimed Foster used as a weapon until eight months after the killing. When they finally made a request, the lab could not find Foster’s fingerprints. Experts say \u003ca href=\"https://www.researchgate.net/publication/233901042_Determination_of_latent_fingerprint_degradation_patterns_-_A_real_fieldwork_study\">long delays can cause biological evidence to degrade\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The consequences of delayed resolutions of investigations are severe,” the Justice Department wrote in its \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/file/925846/download\">investigation of the Chicago Police Department in 2017\u003c/a>, triggered after a white officer fatally shot Black teenager Laquan McDonald. “Memories fade, evidence is lost, and investigators may not be able to locate those crucial witnesses needed to determine whether misconduct has occurred.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, the Solano County district attorney’s office based their decisions about whether to charge Vallejo police officers primarily on evidence gathered by Vallejo officials. This made some of the detectives’ missteps especially meaningful. For example, in three of the killings from 2012, prosecutors cleared officers before all the evidence in the case had been analyzed by forensic experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Either there is a remarkable amount of incompetence or it’s malicious,” said Seth Stoughton, a professor at the University of South Carolina School of Law and former Florida police officer, about the Vallejo Police Department. “Neither should be acceptable.” Stoughton testified as a national police standards expert for the prosecution in the trial of former Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin, who was convicted of the murder of George Floyd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams, the Vallejo police chief, declined to answer specific questions about the numerous delays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Solano County’s current district attorney, Krishna Abrams, who took office shortly after the officer involved in the Moore shooting was cleared, also declined to comment on the findings of this investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Abrams wrote in a statement that her office has continued to make it a priority to use best practices for investigating officer-involved fatal incidents. She pointed to rule changes from 2020 that require that future investigations of Vallejo killings involve criminal investigators from other departments in the county. She did not comment, however, on another rule change made that year that removed a 30-day target for detectives to complete their reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>While investigations drag, officers kill again\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As Vallejo’s investigations dragged on, sometimes for years, officers who had killed patrolled the city’s streets, their mistakes unaddressed. In three cases, department officials flagged officers’ actions only after they were involved in another killing, police records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officer Sean Kenney killed Anton Barrett in May 2012. Kenney was still under investigation for that shooting when, on the morning of Sept. 2, 2012, he and his partner, Dustin Joseph, pulled up in front of the home of a man named Mario Romero. Romero, who identified as Black, Indigenous and Latino, was sitting in his parked Ford Thunderbird with his brother-in-law, police and court records show. The two white officers claimed that the young men seemed shocked to see them approaching and that Romero’s car was encroaching on the sidewalk, according to the officers’ depositions in a civil rights lawsuit filed by Romero’s family. Kenney also claimed that a similar vehicle had been involved in a shooting the prior month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within seconds and without exchanging a word, Kenney and Joseph exited their vehicle and started firing, according to Joseph’s deposition. Then, Kenney jumped on the hood of the Thunderbird, according to court and police records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officers fired 31 rounds in total, striking Romero, a father of one, 30 times in the face, neck, forearms, chest and left side of his body. His brother-in-law was hit once in the pelvis and survived. Officers pulled both men from the car after the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919411\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 664px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.49-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919411 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.49-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a Black man with longish hair smiling and looking up at the viewer, wearing a Black T-shirt.\" width=\"664\" height=\"948\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.49-PM.png 664w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.49-PM-160x228.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 664px) 100vw, 664px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mario Romero \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Joseph told detectives that Romero had briefly gotten out of the car and grabbed the butt of a gun in his waistband, though officials never found a firearm. Kenney claimed he recovered a pellet gun wedged between the rear portion of the driver’s seat and the center console. Two weeks after the incident, the officers were sent back to patrol. While police experts said many departments don’t prohibit this, they also said that having officers with open deadly force investigations go out on patrol can be dangerous for officers and community members alike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would take detectives another eight weeks to interview Romero’s three sisters, eyewitnesses in the case who contradicted the officers’ accounts. They said they never saw Romero with a firearm and that their brother remained inside the car during the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before those interviews happened, though, Kenney had killed again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 21, 2012, the day after Romero’s funeral, Kenney fatally shot Jeremiah Moore, the young man whose neighbor Jamie Alvarado said was unarmed. It was Kenney’s third deadly incident that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next year, on March 20, 2013, Joseph and two others were involved in the fatal shooting of 42-year-old William Heinze, who had barricaded himself in a house with a firearm during a mental health crisis. It was Joseph’s second deadly incident in just over six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919412\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 664px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.57-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919412 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.57-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a middle-aged white man smiling, with his lips closed so sort of tiredly, with a trim haircut and wearing a black T-shirt.\" width=\"664\" height=\"948\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.57-PM.png 664w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.57-PM-160x228.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 664px) 100vw, 664px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">William Heinze \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2014, with investigations into those two killings pending, Joseph received a departmental Life-Saving Medal for a separate event and was promoted to corporal. Kenney, with three open deadly force investigations, was awarded the Medal of Valor for his role in the Moore shooting, according to Kenney’s deposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly two years after the Romero shooting, the department’s Critical Incident Review Board finally issued findings in the administrative probe. The panel is supposed to evaluate whether officers’ use of force was justified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October 2014, it flagged the officers’ tactics during the incident. The board found that Kenney placed himself in a “tactically disadvantageous position with a potentially armed subject” when he jumped on the hood of Romero’s car, and noted officers could have waited at their car for backup, records show. Nevertheless, officials noted, “The board felt that the officers relied upon their past training to successfully endure this dangerous and rapidly evolving incident.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It still recommended additional training, without specifying whether the training was intended for the two officers or the department as a whole. The board then failed to forward its own completed report to supervisors for nearly a year. During that time, the city settled the lawsuit for $2 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet another year would pass before then-Vallejo Police Chief Andrew Bidou assessed the case for disciplinary, training and policy considerations. Bidou approved the board’s findings, but he did not take further action in the case, the files show. By then, criminal accountability had been ruled out, too. The district attorney had declined to file charges three years earlier. His report noted that Vallejo investigators had interviewed Romero’s sisters long after the incident; the prosecutor suggested that the delay made their statements less credible than the officers’ accounts. He was also missing forensic analyses that would later show that the DNA and fingerprints taken from the pellet gun could not be matched to Romero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If that investigation had been run properly, Kenney would have been off the street and he wouldn’t have killed my son,” asserted Lisa Moore, the mother of Jeremiah Moore, Kenney’s third shooting victim, about Vallejo’s handling of the case. “Four years, that’s a long time to figure out, ‘Oh, we messed up. What did we do wrong so that this doesn’t happen again?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kenney retired from the Vallejo Police Department in 2018, after the board cleared him in the Moore shooting. He declined to comment for this story. As for Joseph, the Vallejo board ultimately flagged officers’ tactics during his second deadly incident, and recommended training. Joseph, who did not respond to requests for comment, left Vallejo in 2019 to join the nearby Fairfield Police Department, where Fairfield officials said he is currently on leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘With this delay, there is no justice’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The review board’s actions in the Romero case were not an anomaly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Made up of two to six ranked officers from within the Vallejo PD, the Critical Incident Review Board reviews an investigation, identifies whether officers violated any policies and makes recommendations to the chief, according to the department’s policy manuals. Our analysis of the 17 cases found that those reviews were consistently delayed. In 11 cases, the panel sent its report up the chain of command more than one year after the incident. And in six of those cases, the board sat on its findings for months before forwarding them, delaying the review of the chief of police, who makes the final decision on discipline, according to the analysis by Open Vallejo and ProPublica. In two cases from 2011 and 2012, the department was unable to show that a final administrative review was completed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news organizations’ analysis found that the board often cleared officers even when it noted problems with how they had handled a shooting. In fact, the CIRB never determined that any officers had violated department policies, according to the department’s records. Often, it recommended training. But in at least a few of those cases, there is no evidence in training and investigative files that the involved officers completed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In two cases in which the chief considered potential discipline, he opened yet another investigation because the board’s probe was insufficient, creating additional delays. All these delays by both the CIRB and the chief matter in part because California law gives departments only one year to impose discipline once officials learn of an incident, though that timeline is paused during a criminal investigation. (That timeframe expired in one of the 17 killings that we reviewed.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts said Vallejo’s approach is fundamentally flawed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the whole purpose of having a disciplinary process in place: to assess quickly whether or not officers have engaged in misconduct and, if they’re a threat to the public, to get them removed from the department and off the streets,” said Judge LaDoris Hazzard Cordell, a former Superior Court judge for the County of Santa Clara. From 2010 to 2015, Cordell served as the independent police auditor for the city of San José, which created the office in 1993 following the beating of Rodney King by the Los Angeles Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is happening in Vallejo is quite the opposite: It’s just delay, delay. And with this delay, there is no justice,” Cordell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over and over, the board seemed to miss opportunities to help the department fix practices that contributed to those killings. Despite delays, the CIRB did, in fact, note plenty of problems: officers who didn’t turn on their body cameras, failed to use less lethal options, mismanaged crime scenes or did not wait for backup. But, time and again, the board reports neither called out individual officers for problematic behavior nor recommended policy changes as a result of the failures they repeatedly identified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most common problem identified by the CIRB in its reviews of killings was that officers acted without sufficient “cover,” meaning they didn’t properly use structures like cars for protection when confronting civilians, amplifying the risk to themselves and others in already-dangerous situations. When officers don’t take cover, “they put themselves in jeopardy — they create jeopardy,” said Dekmar, the former civil rights police monitor for the U.S. Department of Justice. “That results in a use of force that may have been avoided.” Investigators noted cover issues in six of Vallejo’s 17 killings since 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It first surfaced in the 2012 case of Marshall Tobin, a 43-year-old Black man who was sitting in his car sobbing over his phone when two officers, both under deadly force investigations for prior killings, approached him. Police had received a call about an armed man in a parking lot. After Tobin emerged from his car, officers tased him and then fired at least 11 rounds at him, killing him. The officers told investigators that after he was tased, Tobin had reached for a gun in his waistband. They did not respond to requests for comment for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919413\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 670px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.06-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919413 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.06-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a Black man with sort of long hair and facial stubble, wearing a light T-shirt and dark jacket. He is looking straight at the viewer, unsmiling, as if this image is taken from a driver's license photo.\" width=\"670\" height=\"954\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.06-PM.png 670w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.06-PM-160x228.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 670px) 100vw, 670px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marshall Tobin \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A year and a half later, the CIRB found in its review that the officers had approached Tobin on foot, “leaving the cover and concealment of the vehicles.” It recommended additional department training in how to use cover, but it did not officially flag the officers’ behavior or find that they had violated a policy. (Two months after that, one of those two officers, from inside his patrol car, shot at a Latino man fleeing a traffic stop — the officer’s third fatal incident in two years. The board approved of the shooting, and the chief cleared him.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At some point after the Tobin killing, then-police chief Joseph Kreins, who reviewed seven fatal shootings between 2012 and 2014, did add a clause to the policy manual that “encouraged” officers on vehicle pursuits to “remember the importance of cover, concealment, and safe distance.” But in 2015, despite the board’s findings in the Romero and Tobin shootings, the next chief of police, Andrew Bidou, removed it. Neither Kreins nor Bidou responded to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue emerged again in 2017, when officers killed Jeffrey Barboa, a father of one who police said was wanted for an armed robbery. Following a high-speed pursuit that ended in a crash, Barboa had approached officers while holding a knife over his head. The officers, standing within 15 feet, did not step back, police records show. As Barboa slowly walked toward the officers, they fired approximately 50 rounds at him, hitting him at least 30 times in the chest, face, neck, arms and legs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919414\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 664px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.12-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919414 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.12-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a middle-aged Latino man with dark hair, unsmiling, wearing a collared shirt and jacket.\" width=\"664\" height=\"946\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.12-PM.png 664w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.12-PM-160x228.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 664px) 100vw, 664px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeffrey Barboa \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>More than 28 months after that shooting, in December 2019, the CIRB found in its report that had the officers taken cover or put more distance between themselves and Barboa, they would have created time to communicate with him and “deploy less-lethal alternatives.” “It is this positioning that likely caused the situation to speed up,” the board wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, the review board responded as it usually did: It identified no policy violation or specific officer at fault and issued a list of training recommendations with no accompanying plan to implement them. There is no evidence in the department’s reports that Vallejo officials took further action in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Reporting for this project was supported by a grant from the Fund for Investigative Journalism.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/people/mariam-elba\">Mariam Elba\u003c/a> contributed research. Geoffrey King contributed reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Vallejo's flawed handling of fatal police shootings allowed six officers to use deadly force again before their first cases were decided. Experts say the department's system needs oversight.",
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"title": "In Vallejo, Investigations of Police Take So Long, Officers Kill Again Before Reviews Are Done | KQED",
"description": "Vallejo's flawed handling of fatal police shootings allowed six officers to use deadly force again before their first cases were decided. Experts say the department's system needs oversight.",
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"headline": "In Vallejo, Investigations of Police Take So Long, Officers Kill Again Before Reviews Are Done",
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"source": "ProPublica",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://openvallejo.org\">Laurence Du Sault, Open Vallejo\u003c/a>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with \u003ca href=\"https://openvallejo.org/\">Open Vallejo\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around dinner time on Feb. 13, 2018, Ronell Foster was riding his bike on a wide road that runs through the historic downtown of Vallejo, California. The 33-year-old did not own a car, and cycled nearly everywhere he went around his hometown, often flanked by his teenage son and 5-year-old daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that night, Foster was riding alone, swerving in and out of traffic lanes without a bike light, and caught the attention of officer Ryan McMahon, who pursued Foster in his car. Foster hit the brakes, and McMahon ordered him to “come over and sit in front of my car,” according to the officer’s deposition in a civil rights lawsuit filed by Foster’s family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Stop messing with me,” Foster responded before taking off on his bike in the opposite direction, McMahon recalled in his deposition testimony. The officer got back in his car and chased him down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Foster soon fell from his bike and ran away. When McMahon continued the chase on foot, Vallejo policy required him to notify the department by radio. But that’s not what he did. Instead, he left his patrol car and followed Foster toward a dark walkway between two houses.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘This isn’t accepted practice. This isn’t even basement standard practice. Any agency that takes that long is saying that this isn’t a priority.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As they ran, McMahon tased the African American man in the back without a warning, although officers are required to give one unless it puts them in danger. The officer later said he did so in part because he saw Foster grabbing his pants, causing him to think Foster had a firearm. Foster, who was unarmed, kept running but fell. As he tried to get up, McMahon pushed him, causing Foster to fall down a small flight of cement stairs, the officer testified in the lawsuit. McMahon then straddled his back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Body camera footage shows Foster lying on the pavement without fighting back when McMahon, standing next to him, fired his Taser once more. Then the officer struck Foster in the head and body with a 13-inch metal flashlight, Foster’s family alleged in court records. As McMahon swung to hit again, Foster caught the flashlight and tried to get up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some facts of the case are disputed, what happened next is not: McMahon shot Foster seven times. Autopsy records show he hit Foster once in the head, four times in the back and twice on the left side of his body, killing him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s all good,” McMahon said as backup arrived minutes later. “He’s down. He’s down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919407\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 678px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.10-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919407 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.10-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a Black man smiling and wearing a beanie and hoodie.\" width=\"678\" height=\"970\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.10-PM.png 678w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.10-PM-160x229.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 678px) 100vw, 678px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ronell Foster \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A diverse waterfront city of 125,000 located in the San Francisco Bay Area, Vallejo has garnered \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/02/21/us/willie-mccoy-police-shooting.html\">national attention\u003c/a> in recent years for its \u003ca href=\"https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/11/23/how-a-deadly-police-force-ruled-a-city\">rate of police killings\u003c/a>, which far outpaces those of all but two California cities, San Bernardino and South Gate, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcbayarea.com/news/local/vallejo-police-highest-rate-of-residents-shot-per-capita-in-northern-california-nbc-bay-area-probes-causes/190344/\">a 2019 NBC Bay Area report\u003c/a>. Eight families of people killed by police over the last decade have filed civil suits against Vallejo, which has paid out more than $8.3 million in settlements so far, with three cases ongoing. (The single largest settlement, $5.7 million, went to the Foster family.) In July 2020, Open Vallejo exposed a tradition in which \u003ca href=\"https://openvallejo.org/2020/07/28/vallejo-police-bend-badge-tips-to-mark-fatal-shootings/\">officers bent their badges to mark their fatal shootings\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Open Vallejo and ProPublica have looked at what happens inside the department after those killings occur, examining more than 15,000 pages of police, forensic and court files related to the city’s 17 fatal police shootings since 2011. Based on records that emerged after dozens of public records requests and two lawsuits filed by Open Vallejo, the news organizations found a pattern of delayed and incomplete investigations, with dire consequences.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"link1": "https://www.kqed.org/vallejopolicing, The Fight Against Policing in Vallejo"
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In the Foster case, when top department leadership ultimately reviewed reports and evidence more than a year and a half after Foster was killed, it found McMahon had violated department policies — both by pursuing Foster on foot without notifying the department and without backup and by failing to turn on his body camera before using deadly force. (While McMahon only turned on his body camera after he fired, the camera is designed to automatically capture 30 seconds of preactivation footage.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Officer McMahon failed to recognize his safety and the safety of the suspect Ronnell Foster outweighed apprehension for a minor traffic/pedestrian violation,” then-police chief Joseph Allio wrote in a memorandum. Allio ordered that McMahon “attend a 1 to 3-day course on officer safety and tactics focusing on critical incidents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But by the time that training was ordered, the officer had been involved in the killing of another African American man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to our first-of-its-kind review of Vallejo’s investigations of police killings, six of the department’s 17 fatal shootings between 2011 and 2020 involved an officer using deadly force while still under investigation for a prior killing. In three of those cases, including McMahon’s, department officials noted officers’ initial mistakes in their reports, but not until after their second killing. In all three, the investigation into the second killing also revealed significant tactical errors, like not considering the use of nonlethal weapons. In one case, officials identified the same mistake in two killings involving the same officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Investigations into police killings were ongoing when the same officers used deadly force again\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Vallejo’s reviews of police killings have dragged on for years. Six times since 2011, the incident was still under review when the same officer was involved in another fatal encounter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919408\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11919408\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-800x598.png\" alt=\"A graph.\" width=\"800\" height=\"598\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-800x598.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-1020x762.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-160x120.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-1536x1148.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-1920x1435.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop.png 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Note: The Vallejo Police Department was unable to produce a final administrative report for the killings of Sherman Peacock and Peter Mestler. The end date for the investigations into those two killings reflects the district attorney’s final review of each case. All officers either declined to comment or did not respond to requests for comment for this story. \u003ccite>(Lucas Waldron/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The news organizations also found that the department consistently failed to properly complete essential investigative tasks and took more than a year on average to close its administrative investigations of fatal shootings — methods that experts say are at odds with best practices promoted by the U.S. Department of Justice and used by police agencies around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This isn’t accepted practice. This isn’t even basement standard practice,” said Louis Dekmar, the police chief in LaGrange, Georgia, since 1995, and a former civil rights police monitor for the U.S. Department of Justice. “Any agency that takes that long is saying that this isn’t a priority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials in the Foster case mishandled a crucial piece of evidence, police records show, then took months to request that the crime lab analyze it for fingerprints. Nineteen months passed between the killing and the submission of investigative findings to the police chief. Only then was the chief able to fully assess the case and consider discipline for that shooting. McMahon later testified that he feared for his life and that Foster, holding the flashlight, faced him “in a boxer type stance.” But body camera footage does not support the officer’s claim that Foster was facing him, and an expert for Foster’s family who reviewed enhanced footage and other forensic evidence concluded that Foster had immediately turned away. McMahon remained on the job, and was later fired over his involvement in the killing of another man, during which, a department investigation found, he endangered a fellow officer by shooting from behind him. He did not respond to requests for comment for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a March phone call, Shawny Williams, Vallejo’s police chief since November 2019, agreed to an interview but declined to schedule it; after we shared our findings with the department in writing, he provided a statement that pointed to recent administrative changes, like implementing a yearly crisis intervention training and requiring officers to use deescalation tactics when possible before engaging with a suspect. Williams also noted proposed reforms to how the department investigates its fatal shootings — some of which mirror recommendations first made to the department by a law enforcement consultant two years ago. Among them: a deadline for officials to produce their findings once all the evidence has been gathered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams declined to answer questions about any specific cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While I cannot comment on critical incidents which occurred prior to my arrival, or on ongoing matters, I can confirm that overall, the VPD continues the process of implementing police reforms,” the chief wrote. “All the above changes are designed to create enhanced internal accountability and will provide a more transparent process for our department and the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A remarkable amount of incompetence’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While there is no universal timeline for internal investigations, guidelines developed for the Department of Justice by a group of local police officials say departments should, at minimum, complete their probes before any statute of limitations on officer discipline expires (one year, in California, with some exceptions). \u003ca href=\"https://cops.usdoj.gov/ric/Publications/cops-p164-pub.pdf\">“It is preferable,” the group wrote, “to conclude investigations within 180 days.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in some of the DOJ’s own reviews of police departments across the country, it has pushed for even shorter deadlines when it comes to investigating an officer’s use of force, including fatal shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2012, for example, the Justice Department mandated that the East Haven Police Department in Connecticut complete deadly force investigations within 60 days and forward a report to the chief, who has 45 days to complete the review. And in 2014, the DOJ required a similar deadline in Albuquerque for reviews of serious uses of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Vallejo, Open Vallejo and ProPublica found that the police department has taken an average of 20 months to review fatal shootings, from the time of a police killing to the date a chief signed off on the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of mistakes drove delays in Vallejo and undermined the integrity of investigations. One core problem: Some witnesses to killings reported long delays before officers took their statements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what happened in 2012, after Jaime Alvarado and his wife, Rocio Alvarado, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.buzzfeed.com/albertsamaha/three-shootings-in-vallejo\">they witnessed Vallejo police shoot their neighbor Jeremiah Moore\u003c/a>, a young man whose mother said he was on the autism spectrum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police had responded to 911 calls about loud noises coming from Moore’s home, including the sound of glass breaking. Although officers and an intoxicated witness later claimed Moore had been armed with a .22-caliber rifle, Jaime Alvarado said Moore was naked and unarmed, with his hands up and shaking from fright, when he was shot and killed by Vallejo officer Sean Kenney. (A forensic analysis could not find Moore’s fingerprints on the rifle, which was recovered in his home, while a later one found small traces of his blood on it.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919410\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 666px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.37-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919410 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.37-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a white man smiling broadly as if laughing, with a goatee, beard, baseball cap, and baggy T-shirt.\" width=\"666\" height=\"954\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.37-PM.png 666w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.37-PM-160x229.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 666px) 100vw, 666px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeremiah Moore \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Alvarado said he tried to approach a Vallejo officer a few hours after he saw the killing through his second-floor window, but was told that “we don’t have time to talk” and to “get inside the house.” No one from the department tried to contact him after that, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They would not pay attention to me,” Alvarado told Open Vallejo and ProPublica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Alvarado, detectives didn’t take his statement until several months later, after an attorney hired by Moore’s family to sue the city facilitated the interview. Yet there is no record of that interview in Vallejo’s case file, and the department ultimately cleared the officer in the killing. Neither the Moore family attorney nor the police department responded to questions about Alvarado’s account. The Moore family’s lawsuit was settled in 2016 for $250,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was one of three investigations among the 17 killings in which Vallejo detectives interviewed one or more eyewitnesses months later or did not interview them at all, despite a county policy that states department officials are responsible for “immediately” securing crime scenes, including identifying and sequestering witnesses in order to obtain their statements. In each of these cases, the witnesses’ accounts directly contradicted claims by police that the victims had been armed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it was not the only type of delay. In 11 of the 17 cases, investigators did not meet a 30-day goal set by the county to complete their reports. Detectives often took even longer to request analysis on important evidence, such as bullets fired by officers, fingerprinting, DNA samples and weapons allegedly carried by the victims. In six investigations, Vallejo sent requests for evidence testing to a crime lab half a year or more following the killings. In most of those cases, the delayed analyses appear to have hampered the investigations or led to cases being closed by investigators before some forensic reports could be included.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11919415\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile-800x964.png\" alt=\"A graph.\" width=\"800\" height=\"964\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile-800x964.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile-1020x1229.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile-160x193.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile.png 1260w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Foster’s case, detectives didn’t seek fingerprint testing of the flashlight that McMahon claimed Foster used as a weapon until eight months after the killing. When they finally made a request, the lab could not find Foster’s fingerprints. Experts say \u003ca href=\"https://www.researchgate.net/publication/233901042_Determination_of_latent_fingerprint_degradation_patterns_-_A_real_fieldwork_study\">long delays can cause biological evidence to degrade\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The consequences of delayed resolutions of investigations are severe,” the Justice Department wrote in its \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/file/925846/download\">investigation of the Chicago Police Department in 2017\u003c/a>, triggered after a white officer fatally shot Black teenager Laquan McDonald. “Memories fade, evidence is lost, and investigators may not be able to locate those crucial witnesses needed to determine whether misconduct has occurred.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, the Solano County district attorney’s office based their decisions about whether to charge Vallejo police officers primarily on evidence gathered by Vallejo officials. This made some of the detectives’ missteps especially meaningful. For example, in three of the killings from 2012, prosecutors cleared officers before all the evidence in the case had been analyzed by forensic experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Either there is a remarkable amount of incompetence or it’s malicious,” said Seth Stoughton, a professor at the University of South Carolina School of Law and former Florida police officer, about the Vallejo Police Department. “Neither should be acceptable.” Stoughton testified as a national police standards expert for the prosecution in the trial of former Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin, who was convicted of the murder of George Floyd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams, the Vallejo police chief, declined to answer specific questions about the numerous delays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Solano County’s current district attorney, Krishna Abrams, who took office shortly after the officer involved in the Moore shooting was cleared, also declined to comment on the findings of this investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Abrams wrote in a statement that her office has continued to make it a priority to use best practices for investigating officer-involved fatal incidents. She pointed to rule changes from 2020 that require that future investigations of Vallejo killings involve criminal investigators from other departments in the county. She did not comment, however, on another rule change made that year that removed a 30-day target for detectives to complete their reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>While investigations drag, officers kill again\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As Vallejo’s investigations dragged on, sometimes for years, officers who had killed patrolled the city’s streets, their mistakes unaddressed. In three cases, department officials flagged officers’ actions only after they were involved in another killing, police records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officer Sean Kenney killed Anton Barrett in May 2012. Kenney was still under investigation for that shooting when, on the morning of Sept. 2, 2012, he and his partner, Dustin Joseph, pulled up in front of the home of a man named Mario Romero. Romero, who identified as Black, Indigenous and Latino, was sitting in his parked Ford Thunderbird with his brother-in-law, police and court records show. The two white officers claimed that the young men seemed shocked to see them approaching and that Romero’s car was encroaching on the sidewalk, according to the officers’ depositions in a civil rights lawsuit filed by Romero’s family. Kenney also claimed that a similar vehicle had been involved in a shooting the prior month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within seconds and without exchanging a word, Kenney and Joseph exited their vehicle and started firing, according to Joseph’s deposition. Then, Kenney jumped on the hood of the Thunderbird, according to court and police records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officers fired 31 rounds in total, striking Romero, a father of one, 30 times in the face, neck, forearms, chest and left side of his body. His brother-in-law was hit once in the pelvis and survived. Officers pulled both men from the car after the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919411\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 664px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.49-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919411 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.49-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a Black man with longish hair smiling and looking up at the viewer, wearing a Black T-shirt.\" width=\"664\" height=\"948\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.49-PM.png 664w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.49-PM-160x228.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 664px) 100vw, 664px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mario Romero \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Joseph told detectives that Romero had briefly gotten out of the car and grabbed the butt of a gun in his waistband, though officials never found a firearm. Kenney claimed he recovered a pellet gun wedged between the rear portion of the driver’s seat and the center console. Two weeks after the incident, the officers were sent back to patrol. While police experts said many departments don’t prohibit this, they also said that having officers with open deadly force investigations go out on patrol can be dangerous for officers and community members alike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would take detectives another eight weeks to interview Romero’s three sisters, eyewitnesses in the case who contradicted the officers’ accounts. They said they never saw Romero with a firearm and that their brother remained inside the car during the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before those interviews happened, though, Kenney had killed again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 21, 2012, the day after Romero’s funeral, Kenney fatally shot Jeremiah Moore, the young man whose neighbor Jamie Alvarado said was unarmed. It was Kenney’s third deadly incident that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next year, on March 20, 2013, Joseph and two others were involved in the fatal shooting of 42-year-old William Heinze, who had barricaded himself in a house with a firearm during a mental health crisis. It was Joseph’s second deadly incident in just over six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919412\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 664px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.57-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919412 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.57-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a middle-aged white man smiling, with his lips closed so sort of tiredly, with a trim haircut and wearing a black T-shirt.\" width=\"664\" height=\"948\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.57-PM.png 664w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.57-PM-160x228.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 664px) 100vw, 664px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">William Heinze \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2014, with investigations into those two killings pending, Joseph received a departmental Life-Saving Medal for a separate event and was promoted to corporal. Kenney, with three open deadly force investigations, was awarded the Medal of Valor for his role in the Moore shooting, according to Kenney’s deposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly two years after the Romero shooting, the department’s Critical Incident Review Board finally issued findings in the administrative probe. The panel is supposed to evaluate whether officers’ use of force was justified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October 2014, it flagged the officers’ tactics during the incident. The board found that Kenney placed himself in a “tactically disadvantageous position with a potentially armed subject” when he jumped on the hood of Romero’s car, and noted officers could have waited at their car for backup, records show. Nevertheless, officials noted, “The board felt that the officers relied upon their past training to successfully endure this dangerous and rapidly evolving incident.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It still recommended additional training, without specifying whether the training was intended for the two officers or the department as a whole. The board then failed to forward its own completed report to supervisors for nearly a year. During that time, the city settled the lawsuit for $2 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet another year would pass before then-Vallejo Police Chief Andrew Bidou assessed the case for disciplinary, training and policy considerations. Bidou approved the board’s findings, but he did not take further action in the case, the files show. By then, criminal accountability had been ruled out, too. The district attorney had declined to file charges three years earlier. His report noted that Vallejo investigators had interviewed Romero’s sisters long after the incident; the prosecutor suggested that the delay made their statements less credible than the officers’ accounts. He was also missing forensic analyses that would later show that the DNA and fingerprints taken from the pellet gun could not be matched to Romero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If that investigation had been run properly, Kenney would have been off the street and he wouldn’t have killed my son,” asserted Lisa Moore, the mother of Jeremiah Moore, Kenney’s third shooting victim, about Vallejo’s handling of the case. “Four years, that’s a long time to figure out, ‘Oh, we messed up. What did we do wrong so that this doesn’t happen again?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kenney retired from the Vallejo Police Department in 2018, after the board cleared him in the Moore shooting. He declined to comment for this story. As for Joseph, the Vallejo board ultimately flagged officers’ tactics during his second deadly incident, and recommended training. Joseph, who did not respond to requests for comment, left Vallejo in 2019 to join the nearby Fairfield Police Department, where Fairfield officials said he is currently on leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘With this delay, there is no justice’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The review board’s actions in the Romero case were not an anomaly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Made up of two to six ranked officers from within the Vallejo PD, the Critical Incident Review Board reviews an investigation, identifies whether officers violated any policies and makes recommendations to the chief, according to the department’s policy manuals. Our analysis of the 17 cases found that those reviews were consistently delayed. In 11 cases, the panel sent its report up the chain of command more than one year after the incident. And in six of those cases, the board sat on its findings for months before forwarding them, delaying the review of the chief of police, who makes the final decision on discipline, according to the analysis by Open Vallejo and ProPublica. In two cases from 2011 and 2012, the department was unable to show that a final administrative review was completed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news organizations’ analysis found that the board often cleared officers even when it noted problems with how they had handled a shooting. In fact, the CIRB never determined that any officers had violated department policies, according to the department’s records. Often, it recommended training. But in at least a few of those cases, there is no evidence in training and investigative files that the involved officers completed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In two cases in which the chief considered potential discipline, he opened yet another investigation because the board’s probe was insufficient, creating additional delays. All these delays by both the CIRB and the chief matter in part because California law gives departments only one year to impose discipline once officials learn of an incident, though that timeline is paused during a criminal investigation. (That timeframe expired in one of the 17 killings that we reviewed.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts said Vallejo’s approach is fundamentally flawed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the whole purpose of having a disciplinary process in place: to assess quickly whether or not officers have engaged in misconduct and, if they’re a threat to the public, to get them removed from the department and off the streets,” said Judge LaDoris Hazzard Cordell, a former Superior Court judge for the County of Santa Clara. From 2010 to 2015, Cordell served as the independent police auditor for the city of San José, which created the office in 1993 following the beating of Rodney King by the Los Angeles Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is happening in Vallejo is quite the opposite: It’s just delay, delay. And with this delay, there is no justice,” Cordell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over and over, the board seemed to miss opportunities to help the department fix practices that contributed to those killings. Despite delays, the CIRB did, in fact, note plenty of problems: officers who didn’t turn on their body cameras, failed to use less lethal options, mismanaged crime scenes or did not wait for backup. But, time and again, the board reports neither called out individual officers for problematic behavior nor recommended policy changes as a result of the failures they repeatedly identified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most common problem identified by the CIRB in its reviews of killings was that officers acted without sufficient “cover,” meaning they didn’t properly use structures like cars for protection when confronting civilians, amplifying the risk to themselves and others in already-dangerous situations. When officers don’t take cover, “they put themselves in jeopardy — they create jeopardy,” said Dekmar, the former civil rights police monitor for the U.S. Department of Justice. “That results in a use of force that may have been avoided.” Investigators noted cover issues in six of Vallejo’s 17 killings since 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It first surfaced in the 2012 case of Marshall Tobin, a 43-year-old Black man who was sitting in his car sobbing over his phone when two officers, both under deadly force investigations for prior killings, approached him. Police had received a call about an armed man in a parking lot. After Tobin emerged from his car, officers tased him and then fired at least 11 rounds at him, killing him. The officers told investigators that after he was tased, Tobin had reached for a gun in his waistband. They did not respond to requests for comment for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919413\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 670px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.06-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919413 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.06-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a Black man with sort of long hair and facial stubble, wearing a light T-shirt and dark jacket. He is looking straight at the viewer, unsmiling, as if this image is taken from a driver's license photo.\" width=\"670\" height=\"954\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.06-PM.png 670w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.06-PM-160x228.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 670px) 100vw, 670px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marshall Tobin \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A year and a half later, the CIRB found in its review that the officers had approached Tobin on foot, “leaving the cover and concealment of the vehicles.” It recommended additional department training in how to use cover, but it did not officially flag the officers’ behavior or find that they had violated a policy. (Two months after that, one of those two officers, from inside his patrol car, shot at a Latino man fleeing a traffic stop — the officer’s third fatal incident in two years. The board approved of the shooting, and the chief cleared him.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At some point after the Tobin killing, then-police chief Joseph Kreins, who reviewed seven fatal shootings between 2012 and 2014, did add a clause to the policy manual that “encouraged” officers on vehicle pursuits to “remember the importance of cover, concealment, and safe distance.” But in 2015, despite the board’s findings in the Romero and Tobin shootings, the next chief of police, Andrew Bidou, removed it. Neither Kreins nor Bidou responded to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue emerged again in 2017, when officers killed Jeffrey Barboa, a father of one who police said was wanted for an armed robbery. Following a high-speed pursuit that ended in a crash, Barboa had approached officers while holding a knife over his head. The officers, standing within 15 feet, did not step back, police records show. As Barboa slowly walked toward the officers, they fired approximately 50 rounds at him, hitting him at least 30 times in the chest, face, neck, arms and legs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919414\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 664px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.12-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919414 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.12-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a middle-aged Latino man with dark hair, unsmiling, wearing a collared shirt and jacket.\" width=\"664\" height=\"946\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.12-PM.png 664w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.12-PM-160x228.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 664px) 100vw, 664px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeffrey Barboa \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>More than 28 months after that shooting, in December 2019, the CIRB found in its report that had the officers taken cover or put more distance between themselves and Barboa, they would have created time to communicate with him and “deploy less-lethal alternatives.” “It is this positioning that likely caused the situation to speed up,” the board wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, the review board responded as it usually did: It identified no policy violation or specific officer at fault and issued a list of training recommendations with no accompanying plan to implement them. There is no evidence in the department’s reports that Vallejo officials took further action in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Reporting for this project was supported by a grant from the Fund for Investigative Journalism.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/people/mariam-elba\">Mariam Elba\u003c/a> contributed research. Geoffrey King contributed reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Shinzo Abe Assassinated\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Former Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who was assassinated July 8, 2022, worked to build ties with Silicon Valley and to craft a pro-democracy theater in the Pacific. Hoover Institution Distinguished Research Fellow \u003c/span>\u003cb>Michael Auslin\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> joins us to discuss Abe’s work and legacy.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>COVID BA.5 Subvariant a ‘Different Beast’\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">UCSF Chair of Medicine \u003c/span>\u003cb>Dr. Bob Wachter \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">talks about why he’s calling the COVID BA.5 variant “a different beast” and how to defend against ongoing surges of the virus. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gov. Gavin Newsom is running for reelection in California, so why is he running a television ad in Florida? And will Californians vote to make access to abortion a part of the state’s constitution? Our panel of reporters helps us unpack these topics and other major news of the week.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Adhiti Bandlamudi, KQED reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joe Garofoli, San Francisco Chronicle senior political writer\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jeremy C. Owens, MarketWatch bureau chief\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Berkeley Rose Garden\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In this week’s Something Beautiful, we go to a public garden that opened in 1937 in the East Bay. The Berkeley Rose Garden provides remarkable views of the city and the bay and features more than 100 varieties of the floral delight.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"order": 8
},
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},
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
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"meta": {
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"source": "WNYC"
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"hyphenacion": {
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"jerrybrown": {
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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"title": "Latino USA",
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"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
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"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"source": "WaitWhat"
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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